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Sarimanok board game for sungka

Wooden sungka with sarimanok motif. Source: Salcedo Auctions

Notice the two brass sarimanok motif facing each other applied on a wooden baor or chest
Source: indicated

This chest is accentuated with okir motifs and brass sarimanoks facing each other
using a thin brass sheets.
Sarimanok on a textile using dakat (flat-round beads)

Mamandiyang: Photo source: Pamorawag, Marawi City’s Cultural Heritage Mapping,
MSU Cultural Heritage Mappers, MCHC, MSU-Marawi. 2021

102

This textile is used as a mamandiyang which is a traditional Mёranao home
adornment. It is used by hanging them on the wall. It is embellished with beads called dakat
and sequins for aesthetic and glittering effect using colorful and silvery dakat. Mamandiyang
sizes ranges from 2 meters long and 2 feet in height. This mamandiyang has a sarimanok
motif design.
Mёranao arch with sarimanok design

A Mёranao Arch with sarimanok motif. Source: Darleen Sy
Quaipo is one of the numerous Mёranao towns in Metro Manila. Wherever the

Mёranaos are, they bring with them their cultural symbols i.e., sarimanok, for example, in
this Mёranao Arch in Quaipo, on top, it has two sarimanoks facing each other.
Mёranao Practices with Chinese influences i.e., burning of a burok (incense)
Like the Indians, Chinese and other Asians, in the old days, the Mёranaos make a burok
(incense). Under a flaming charcoal, they put various sweet smelling woods, aromatic barks,
fruit peels, raisins, leaves and other natural materials to make a burok. Some Mёranaos make
incense during the healing rituals and kapamangangay (summoning and appeasing the unseen
spirits and jinns).
The Mёranaos’ Offerings to the spirits: Hindu and Chinese Practices
Culturally, when Islam was well introduced to the Mёranao societies, the Mёranaos had
adopted the teachings of Islam; however one could not assume the extent of their adherence
to these teachings, since these are unquantifiable, and even today, some Mёranaos continue to
adhere to their pre-Islamic practices such as kapamangangay.

There are Mёranaos in rural areas which kept a lamin (shrine), it is a box wrapped in a
plain yellow cloth, a miniature house-like, finely decorated, and usually, it is hang from the
roof beam or outside the house. Foods are prepared, then placed inside or nearby the lamin,
the foods are intended for the tonongs, jinns or spirits to appease them so that they could
provide them protection, wealth, longevity, and health, or could provide cure to the ailing
members of the family.

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Animism in the Philippines was practiced in the ancient period until the pre-colonial
period and today. The ancient Filipinos worshiped their ancestors to give them protection,
fortunes, longevity, health and wealth. The Chinese also influenced this animistic practices.
Similarly, the lamin of the Mёranaos as described above are like the small shrine of the
Chinese where they offer fruits, sweets, drinks and incense.

Meanwhile, in the old days, as a form of kapamangangay, the Mёranaos offer cooked
food or raw ones usually a chopped chicken meat, its body parts, organs, head, feet, wings,
blood, and feathers to their ancestors or to the unseen spirits. This offering is place in front of
the lamin, and it is usually served in a tabak (brass tray). A pendarpaan (shaman) with
special powers is requested to summon the unseen spirits to partake the food and the offering.

Long time ago, in Butig, Lanao, supernatural ceremonies were performed to induce a
successful planting, farming and plenty of harvest. The people in this community were often
involved in the communal ceremonies of offering entertainments, foods, and rituals to all sort
of unseen spirits, their ancestors, the common spirits and the jinns whom they believed that
such unseen beings could provide protection to their crops from drought, rodent, and or insect
infestation, or from the direct harm caused by the isaka-adat (spirits).

Somehow, Islam did not totally eradicate the animistic belief, and the pre-Islamic
practices of the Mёranaos. However, the strong influence of Islamic teachings to the
Mёranaos defined well their social, spiritual, cultural, and political affairs. Today, the
kapamangangay is slowly disappearing, and rarely performed as a healing ritual in the remote
areas of Lanao (Hadji Abdul Racman, 2022a).

The Chinese offer foods, incense and fruits to their dead relatives and ancestors while
the Hindu-Indians offer incense, fruits, coconut, milk, flowers or turmeric to their Gods and
idols. In the old days, among the Mёranao old folks believed in the numerous supernatural
spirits like gunting a manardas, bagolong a rumampat, inapiran bulawan among others who
possess certain powers, thus, the Mёranaos are like the Hindus who believed in numerous
gods or supernatural beings (Pecorino, 2022). Hindu gods such as Shiva, Ganesh and Vishnu
appear as Rama, Krishna, Narsimha, Parsuram and Buddha (ibid.).

In Hindu ritual, the wife, who is thought to have more power to intercede with the
gods, makes offerings of fruit or flowers before a small shrine in the house. “She also makes
offerings to local snakes or trees or obscure spirits (benevolent and malevolent) dwelling in
her own garden or at crossroads or other magical places in the village (ibid.).” In a nutshell,
the shamanic offering rituals of the Mёranaos in the old days and today to the benevolent
spirits and to the unseen beings find bases in Hinduism offering rituals to Gods and spirits.

A suspended lamin where food offerings are place inside or below it. Source:
mine and common

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The Mёranao Archaic songs with Hindu elements

In the old days in Lanao, according to the superstitious belief of the Mёranao old folks, the
eclipse occurs when the arimaonga, a mythical dragon or nāga devours the moon. Hence,
this event is associated to the immense power of arimaonga by the Mёranao old folks which
they associated it to the immense powers of a sultan. In the old days when the eclipse occurs,
the Mёranao old folks and young ones sang this short piece of song, “arimaonga! buka ingka
so olan,” which means, arimaonga! release the moon.

The symbolic meaning behind the singing of the said song when the eclipse occurs is
associated to when the sultan is succumbing to corruption, wrongdoings, and becoming
unruly, thus, the society he is ruling is engulfed in darkness. The common people and his
constituents who were under his realm could not directly express their dislike of their unruly
sultan, hence, when the eclipse came they sang the said song hoping that their sultan could
understand the message behind the song. The immensity of powers of the mythical beast, the
nāga or serpent is alluded to Hindu-Buddhist serpent god who possesses massive powers
(Hadji Abdul Racman, 2020).

Mёranao food, pastries and delicacies with Chinese influence
Dudul called tikoy in Chinese

Dudul is a Mёranao staple, sweets and delicacies, a sticky rice cake. It is made of a glutinous
rice flour which is slowly cooked with coconut milk and sugar using a fire wood, these
ingredients are stirred constantly while cooking. The Chinese version of dudul is called tikoy
which is a special sweets prepared for Chinese festivities and Chinese New Year (Gong Hey
Fat Choi). Tikoy is given as a gift, and used in various Chinese occasions. Similarly, any
special Mёranao occasion and gathering would not be complete without serving a dudul,
meanwhile, the Chinese tikoy is an important staple for various Chinese special occasions.
The Mёranao Martial Art called Kun Tao: A Chinese origin

As Jamal Ashley (2000) points out, the Mёranaos among men, in the old days practiced kun
tao which is a physical movement, a type of rhytmic exercises that require a strong body,
physical balance, breathing, mental concentrtaion, mind and body focus. Originally, kun tao
belonged to the Shaolin school of Kung Fu (Ashley, 2000).
Chinese mee hon (noodles) in Mёranao food called bihon
Bihon or pansit (rice noodles) is without a doubt a Chinese staple. Bihon is integrated into
the Mёranao cookery.

The Chinese influence in Mёranao wedding ceremony and betang (dowries)

The Muslim Mёranaos require dowries from the groom for the bride. Although, Islam teaches
that a groom must provide dowries to the bride, the Chinese also practice the giving of
dowries to maintain the financial and social status of the bride. This is where cultural
practices and religion merges.

The Chinese influence in Mёranaos in marrying within and among the close relatives to
preserve the clans’ wealth

The Mёranaos like the Chinese practice endogamy. Both groups prefer to marry among their
close relatives. First degree cousins to distance kindred marry to keep the wealth within the
members of the family or clan.

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Summary

The Indian-Hinduism and Chinese-Buddhism elements in the Mёranao tangible and
intangible archaic cultures is the result of the coming of Hindus and Buddhist Chinese, and
Indianized Malays who came to the Philippines. The Chinese came to the Philippines in the
7th and 16th century bringing with them their indigenous cultures and Buddhist traditions,
whereas the Indians and Indianized Malays came to the Philippines in the 7th century during
the Shri-Vijayan Empire and continued in the 14th century during the Madjapahit Empire. The
Indian or Vedic cultures in Mёranao cultures varies from language, literature, practices,
rituals, and to materials cultures, whereas, the Chinese and Buddhism in Mёranao cultures is
wide-ranging from rituals, practices, material cultures to foods.

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107

ABDUL RAHMAN DEWANI: TOKOH BUDAYAWAN PATANI YANG
PALING ARTIKULATIF MEWACANAKAN SENI BUDAYA MELAYU DI

THAILAND1

ABDUL RAZAK PANAEMALAE

Universiti Walailak, Thailand

[email protected]

ABSTRAK

Kebudayaan Melayu di Thailand tetap tumbuh membesar di bawah dasar kerajaan Thai meskipun
dikepung dan dikelilingi oleh pelbagai asakan dasar. Namun semakin ia ditekan semakin pula benih
budaya Melayu menujah, menohok dan meradak mahu muncul dan membesar. Akan tetapi di bawah
payung sistem demokrasi, ia kembali membuka ruang dan memberi harapan untuk seni budaya
kembali tumbuh semula. Dalam ruang yang sempit dan di bawah sinar harapan yang berbalam-balam
itulah ada segelintir budayawan bangkit mengambil kesempitan untuk memastikan seni budaya
tempatan tetap kekal sebagai warisan pusaka dan bangsa. Dalam konteks ini, Abdul Rahman Dewani
antara tokoh budayawan yang paling menonjol dan artikulatif mewacanakan seni budaya Melayu di
Thailand. Makalah ini akan menyorot keterlibatan Abdul Rahman Dewani sebagai penggiat budaya
dan sastera Melayu yang paling prolifik menghasilkan tulisan-tulisan dalam genre pantun, syair dan
sebagainya. Dan yang paling penting, ialah beliau menulis dengan menggunakan tulisan jawi.

Kata Kunci: Abdul Rahman Dewani, Pantun dan syair Patani kontemporari, jawi, budaya Melayu
Patani, sistem politik Thailand

1. PENDAHULUAN

Meskipun kegiatan sastera dan budaya dalam keadaan mati segan hidup tak mahu di Selatan Thailand
akan tetapi saya tetap optimis bahawa kebdayaan Melayu tetap akan berkembang walau pun di bumi
gersang. Ia tetap akan ada pewaris dan sekali gus penerus untuk memastikan akar kebudayaan.Melayu
akan tetap melata sampai bila-bila.

Lazimnya, sebagai peneliti dan penggemar seni budaya Melayu tentunya saya bukan sahaja
mengharap dari segi kuantiti bahkan kualiti dalam sesebuah karya juga turut diambilkira bersama.
Namun, dalam konteks perbincangan ini kedua aspek itu dikecualikan. Kerana walau pun karya-karya
Abdul Rahman Dewani masih belum mencapai piawaian karya bermutu tinggi namun jika soal kualiti
tidak diambil kira maka sumbangan dan jasanya terhadap perkembangan seni budaya Melayu di
Thailand adalah antara yang paling artikulatif dan menonjol. Komitmen yang dibukti selama ini sudah
cukup membuktikan betapa beliau antara seorang tokoh budaya tempatan yang cinta akan seni dan
budaya Melayu. Penghujahan ini dapat dibuktikan menerusi penglibatan secara dedikasi selama ini,
ditambah pula dengan terbitnya sejumlah timbunan karya-karya dalam genre sajak, pantun, syair dan
seumpamanya.

Berdasarkan itu, maka dikira adalah sangat wajar diketengahkan wira budaya yang tak didendang
(unsung hero) ini untuk diketahui umum dan memberi penghargaan sumbangannya selama ini.
Sementara alasan lain, kenapa saya memilih beliau untuk diwacanakan ialah kerana saya melihat
beliau sangat bersungguh-sungguh mahu menghidupkan seni budaya Melayu walaupun terpaksa

1 Makalah ini dibentang dalam Seminar Internasional Ketiga Literatur Nusantara pada 25-26
Oktober 2022, di UPSI anjuran Budiman

108

mendepani pelbagai hambatan, arus perubahan semasa dan gejala sosial lain. Kecintaan kepada
khazanah bangsa pertiwi melangkaui hambatan-hambatan tersebut sehingga memungkin beliau
sanggup berkorban jiwa raga selama ini.

Sedikit maklumat tambahan di sini, iaitu yang dimaksudkan dengan Daerah Patani ialah wilayah-
wilayah di selatan Thailand seperti Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat, sebahagian Songkla, dan Satun. Kelima-
lima wilayah ini majoritinya adalah masyarakat Islam dan berbangsa Melayu.

2. PERMASALAHAN KAJIAN

Sejak termeterainya penjanjian Inggeris-Siam (The Anglo-Siamese Treaty) pada tahun 1909 maka
sejak dari itulah wilayah-wilayah dalam Kerajaan Patani pun diserap masuk menjadi sebahagian
daripada Negara Siam (Kemudian Thai). Bila kuasa politik telah bertukar tangan maka secara
langsung juga nilai-nilai tradisi dan budaya pun turut mengalami perubahan bersama proses asimilasi
budaya arus perdana. Pihak berkuasa sudah pasti memilih sikap mahu menyelaraskan kesemua tradisi
budaya yang menjadi milik pelbagai etnik bangsa yang ada dalam wilayah kekuasaannya.
Pelanggaran ini adalah lumrah berlaku di hampir setiap pelosok dunia

Atas nama dasar kebudayaan nasional yang dikuasai oleh etnik Siam sudah tentu yang diberi
keutamaan ialah budaya dan tradisi Siam-Buddhisme. Ini kerana para penguasa yang memegang
tampuk kuasa sedia mempunyai sudut pandang budaya dan tradisi original yakni budaya yang
berasaskan Buddhisme.

Pada peringkat awal dalam proses pembinaan jatidiri bangsa Siam/Thai memang berlaku
pertembungan dan penentangan sengit di kalangan penduduk tempatan yang mempunyai latar budaya
berbeza dengan arus budaya kebangsaan. Konflik nilai ini semakin bertambah getir apabila adanya
sikap fanatik golongan pemerintah yang lebih mementingkan budaya perdana di samping berusaha
untuk menghapuskan budaya golongan minoriti. Dalam hal ini, tidak terkecuali budaya Melayu Patani
yang turut menjadi mangsa asimilasi dan Siamisasi. Untuk mempertahankan dan memastikan agar
budaya Melayu Patani dapat terus mekar berkembang ia sangat menuntut kepada inisiatif yang tinggi
di kalangan para cendekiawan dan budayawan tempatan. Mahu tidak mahu mereka bangkit berkarya
mengikut ruang dan kewajaran yang dimiliki.

Sorotan kajian ini tertumpu kepada Abdul Rahman Ismail Dewani, iaitu seorang tokoh
budayawan tempatan yang banyak berjasa dalam usaha menghidupkan budaya Melayu. Dalam
konteks ini, yang dimaksudkan dengan bidang budaya di sini, ialah penghasilan sejumpah karya
sastera seperti syair, pantun, sajak. Karya-karya ini dijadikan bahan ajar di pusat-pusat pengajian
agama, seperti sekolah agama, institusi pondok, dan di kalangan orang awam di Daerah Patani atau
wilayah-wilayah di sempadan Thailand

3. OBJEKTIF KAJIAN

Tujuan utama kajian ini ialah untuk memperkenalkan budayawan Patani yang terlepas daripada
sorotan khalayak agar diberi perhatian semula. Sorotan ini tidak menumpu secara mendalam terhadap
pemikiran tokoh tetapi lebih kepada penglibatan dan sumbangan tokoh dalam kegiatan seni budaya
tempatan. Hasil daripada penglibatannya itulah ia menelurkan sejumlah karya yang mewakili
inspirasi dan citarasa masyarakat tempatan.

4. METODOLOGI KAJIAN

Kajian ini merupakan kajian kualitatif. Untuk itu maka kaedah yang dikira paling sesuai untuk dipakai
dalam kajian ini adalah seperti berikut :

1, Melalui penelitian terhadap deretan karya-karya terkini. Karya-karya yang diteliti menjadi kayu-
ukur akan keterlibatan dan sumbangan Abdul Rahman Dewani dalam dunia seni budaya Melayu di
selatan Thailand.

109

2. Melalui perbualan dan wawancara semasa penulis bersua dengan sosok Abdul Rahman Dewani
dalam pelbagai platform.
3. Melalui perkhabaran berita dan perkembangan semasa yang disampaikan oleh rakan-rakan serta
melalui perkembangan dalam laman sosial Facebook.
4. Dan, kemudian dianalisis dan dihuraikan mengikut format sebuah kertas kerja.

5. DAPATAN KAJIAN

5.1. Biodata Ringkas Abdul Rahman Dewani

Abdul Rahman Dewani atau nama lengkapnya Haji Abdul Rahman bin Ismail. Dilahirkan pada Ogos
1948 di Kampung Tok Dewa, Pattani. Mendapat pendidikan awal di Sekolah Pohon Durian di daerah
kelahirannya sehingga tamat darjah empat, kemudian menyambung ke Sekolah Cherang Pratu-pho di
samping belajar agama di pondok Tuan Guru Haji Muhammad Salleh Abdul Mubin (Pak Chu Leh
Dalam Pagar). Pada tahun 1964 belajar di Madrasah Nahdhatul Syaban, Padang Ru, Yala. Pada tahun
1967, menyambung pelajar di Ma’had Muahammadi Pulau Chondong , Kota Bharu, Kelantan
sehingga lulus Tingkatan 6. Antara tahun 1967-69, sementara menunggu persiapan pergi ke luar
negara, beliau belajar tambahan di Mahad Nahdhatul Syaban, Pedua, Jabat, Narathiwat.

Pada 1969, menyambung pelajaran di IAIN Yogyakarta (sekarang Universitas Islam Hukum
Yogyakarta) sehingga tamat sarjana muda dalam bidang sastera. Kemudian melanjutkan pelajaran
dalam jurusan sejarah kebudayaan Islam. Beliau juga memiliki sarjana muda dari fakulti ilmu
agama dalam bidang dakwah dari Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta. Juga, lulus ujian
sarjana muda dari fakulti sastera seni dari Institut Keguruan dan Ilmu Pendidikan (IKIP)
Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta.

Selain menghasilkan karya beliau juga adalah tenaga pengajar bahasa dan sastera Melayu di
beberapa buah sekolah agama dan pondok sekitar Pattani dan Yala. Di samping menjadi pembimbing,
penyusun dan pengarang kepada siri penerbitan sastera Melayu.

5.2. Karya dan Perbincangannya

Selama melibatkan diri dalam kegiatan seni budaya beliau telah menghasil puluhan karya. Namun
untuk kajian singkat ini, dalam keadaan terbatas saya sempat mengumpul beberapa buah karya sahaja
yang dikira relevan dengan wacana ini.

No. Tahun Judul Genre Aksara Penerbit Fungsi
terbit
Umum Jawi Pustaka penyuting /
1 2004 Thaqafah Pantun Jawi Wilayah penyelenggara
Patani
2 2011 Bunga Rampai Sastera Melayu penyusun /
Lama - penyelenggara
penulis
3 2016 Kumpulan Pantun dan Syair Pantun Jawi -
Melayu Patani Penyelenggara
Pantun Jawi -
4 2017 Cendawan Berkembang di Bumi Penyelenggara
Gersang Pantun Jawi - / penulis
dan Jawi -
5 2018 Bunga Berkembang di Dahan Sajak Penyusun
Berduri
Umum Penyelengga /
6 2020 Panduan Perkahwinan Ke Arah penulis
Membina Keluarga Bahagia Sajak Jawi / -
Rumi
7 2020 Antologi Sajak Gelora Selatan

110

Setelah meneliti hampir keseluruhan karya-karya Abdul Rahman Dewani, terutama penelitian ke atas
karyanya Kumpulan Pantun dan Syair Melayu Fatoni (Jawi), kajian mendapati bahawa mesej besar
dan kandungan yang terserlah dalam karya tersebut seperti berikut :

1. Semangat Patriotisme. Tema ini mendominasi hampir keseluruhan karya-karyanya.
2. Ke arah mempertahankan warisan budaya dan sejarah bangsa Melayu.
3. Hasrat mahu mendidik, memberi nasihat dan teguran kepada masyarakat tempatan

khasnya kepada golongan remaja agar sedar serta mendalami sejarah, budaya, dan agama
sendiri. Di sini terserlah betapa beliau mahu supaya masyarakat Melayu Patani bangkit
dalam acuan alam pandangan Islam. Berperibadi dan berakhlak Islamiah. Tujuan supaya
dapat memastikan orang Melayu Patani menjadi umat yang unggul dan bertamadun
seperti lelulur dan warisan.
4. Tentang umum dan kemasyarakatan.

Memperkasakan tulisan aksara Jawi, dan menolak rumi sama sekali. Justeru, keseluruhan
karya ditulis dan dicetak dengan mengguna aksara Jawi. Meskipun tindakan ini satu tindakan yang
agak menentang arus dalam konteks semasa. Namun kerana tekad beliau mahu mempertahankan Jawi
serta mahu menghidupkannya maka beliau sanggup melawan arus. Beliau akan terus menulis
mengguna aksara Jawi meskipun menanggung beban dan kerugian modal. Dalam salah satu
kenyataannya, beliau menyebut bahawa soal rugi dan untung dalam penjualan buku bukan menjadi
agenda utama keterlibatan beliau dalam dunia penulisan2, kerana yang penting baginya ialah dapat
memperbanyakkan jumlah khazanah bangsa yang akan diwarisi dan dikaji kemudian hari oleh
generasi kemudian. Kalau tidak ia akan terputus dan tak ada penyambung warisan bangsa. Antara lain
sebagai petik beliau berkata :

“Kita selalu mendengar mereka yang ahli dalam bidang penulisan
di tempat kita ini mengatakan kalau kita menulis tidak ada orang membaca!
Perkataan ini sangat salah bagi saya. Seharusnya kita sebagai penulis harus
menulis apa sahaja dengan tujuan untuk mengisi khazanah kita buat masa
depan generasi kita, kalau tidak ada kesan peninggalan yang disajikan
masyarakat, di mana kesan dan data yang akan mereka peroleh dari sejarah.”

(A. R. Dewani,2011, hlm.i)

Oleh itu, sejauh yang saya kenal sosok peribadi beliau ternyata beliau beliau sangat lantang
bersuara agar masyarakat Melayu Patani, terutama golongan cendekiawan, bangkit mempertahankan
seni budaya Melayu Patani. Tekad supaya seni budaya Melayu tidak terpinggir oleh dua arus perdana,
iaitu asakan budaya Siam-Buddhisme dan arus globalisasi. Bahkan tidak keterlaluan jika mengatakan
bahawa beliau adalah antara tokoh budayawan tempatan yang paling berani menyuarakan isu ini bila
mendepani dengan keadaan ketegangan.

6. KESIMPULAN

Demikianlah antara kesan penelitian terhadap sejumlah karya Abdul Rahman Dewani. Jasanya cukup
besar dalam perkembangan kesenian dan kebudayaan Melayu di Thailand. Terutama dari segi
fungsinya sebagai kayu-ukur tentang kronologi perkembangan seni budaya Melayu di Thailand
amnya, dan di Patani khasnya. Dengan tertulisnya kertas kerja ini diharap dapatlah kita lebih

2 Jika diperhatikan pada senarai buku-buku yang pernah dihasilkan oleh Abdul Rahman Dewani,
hampir kesemua tidak tercatat nama penerbit. Ini kerana urusan penerbitan diusahakannya sendiri.
Dalam maksud lebih mudah ialah menerbit sendiri yakni menggunakan modal sendiri. Menurutnya
lagi, penerbitan buku sastera ini boleh dikatakan tidak sangat menguntungkan malah lebih kepada
menambah masalah hutang (kos percetakan).

111

mengenali sosok peribadi ini serta juga namanya tidak tercicir daripada ingatan para penggema seni
budaya Melayu. Dan yang paling penting, selepas ini, nama ‘wira tidak didendang’ ini (unsung hero)
dapat disenaraikan bersama ke dalam senarai nama penggiat seni budaya Melayu dengan sewajarnya.

RUJUKAN

Abdul Rahman Dewani (peny.), (2004). Thaqaqfah. Pattani : Pustaka Wilayah Patani
___________________, (peny.) (2011). Bunga Rampai Sastera Melayu Lama. Tanpa Penerbit.
___________________, (2016). Kumpulan Pantun dan Syair Melayu Patani. Tanpa Penerbit.
___________________, (peny.). (2017). Cendawan Berkembang di Bumi Gersang. Tanpa

Penerbit.
___________________, (peny.). (2018). Bunga Berkembang di Dahan Berduri . Tanpa Penerbit.
___________________, (peny.). (2020). Panduan Perkahwinan Ke Arah Membina Keluarga

Bahagia. Tanpa Penerbit
___________________, (peny.). (2020). Antologi Sajak Gelora Selatan. (Tanpa Penerbit)
A.Aziz Deraman. (2001). Masyarakat dan Kebudayaan Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur : Dewan

Bahasa dan Pustaka
HAMKA. (1974). Pandangan Hidup Muslim. Kota Bharu : Pustaka Aman Press.

112

A CORPUS-BASED COMPARATIVE STUDY ON BAHASA MELAYU, TAGALOG,
ILONGGO (HILIGAYNON) AND MERANAW LEXICONS:
TRACES OF LANGUAGE RELATIONS

Alican Mendez Pandapatan, MA, MAEd
[email protected]

Mindanao State University-Main Campus, Marawi City

Abstract

In the Austronesian Languages, Bahasa Melayu, Tagalog, Ilonggo (Hiligaynon) and Meranaw
are belonged to Western Malayo-Polynesian (WMP) where the foremost language spoken in Malaysia,
Singapore, Brunei, part of Indonesia and Thailand and the other three are spoken in the Philippines.
There were sampled lexicons used to compare the four languages and to investigate at what extent the
relationships have among them. The primary consideration done was a random selection of common
lexicons in an online Bahasa Melayu Dictionary then find its equivalent to the corresponding
languages in this study. The method used was descriptive method. In the analysis procedure, two
strategies employed which are, first, the syllable count of the lexicons, and second, the difference and
similarities of lexicons. The study revealed that there are lexicons similar across the four involved
languages and claimed as cognates. The lexical similarity among them shows a relative percent
especially with the case of Tagalog. In the case of potential morpheme similarity except for phoneme
difference, Bahasa Melayu showed a higher percentage. Thirteen important observations have
extrapolated.

Key words: lexicons, corpus-based, comparative study, language relations, Western Malayo-
Polynesian

Introduction

The Austronesian Language family (AN) is geographically located in the Pacific area from Northern
Taiwan, Western part of Madagascar, Eastern part of Hawai’I and Southern portion of New Zealand.
Inside the landscape of the mentioned areas are the diverse ethnolinguistic countries. Taiwan is
believed as the origin of the AN languages (Gutman at Avanzati, 2013). The “Out-of-Taiwan”
Hypothesis is far the most current and widely accepted of explaining the AN. It is believed that AN
speakers stayed in Taiwan then developed and evolved, and a single group had moved towards the
Philippines and to the larger areas of Southeast Asia, Madagascar, and the Pacific (Smith, 2017).

Previous scholars have thought that AN is a Malayo-Polynesian (MP) and can
interchangeably most of the time. This is a myth. The AN Family has subgroups and generally
divided into Formosan and MP (Smith, 2017). Blust (1977) proposed three divisions of MP which are
Eastern Malayo-Polynesian (EMP), Central Malayo-Polynesian (CMP) and Western Malayo-
Polynesian (WMP) until EMP and CMP merged as CEMP. Though there is no strong supporting
evidence yet of phonological and lexical innovations to consider WMP as subgroup. Ross (1994) had
argued of the non-existence of WMP but Proto Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) instead. Other hypotheses
had been made to compete in breaking the WMP such as Reid (1982), Dyen (1995), Sagart (2013),
and Wolff (1995). It is also admitted that there is no consensus on the classification of WMP since
most researchers do not consider it as a subgroup. Disregarding the anti-WMP statements from
scholars, WMP, geographically, is consisted of Philippine group, Bornean group, Western Indonesian
group, peninsular Malaysia, Sulawesi, Chamic, Malagasy, Chamorro, and Palauan (Lynch et al, 2002;
Smith 2017). There is an implication of the WMP descended from Proto-Western Malayo-Polynesian
(PWMP), however, it does not conform a legitimate subgroup that can be said as a primary branch of
Malayo Polynesian (Smith, 2017). With this issue, further research should be done to establish the
subgroup proposed by Blust. Finding gaps on other scholars’ observations would make a way to

113

discover what is needed to reconcile the arguments on WMP. Blust never insisted his claim as he
encountered problems, he had not able to explain.

Blust (1977) raised questions on WMP as to why a language in this group possesses six
distinct marking in vocatives. He suspected that possible reasons are the complementary distribution
of accent shifts to mark referent like term for older or younger sibling. The affixation (particularly the
suffix) of unaffixed words to recognize the addressee, however, this resorted to vocative redundancy.
The drop of some consonant whilst adding suffix was also seen a problem and probably this vocative-
marking function had been lost earlier before the addition of suffix. This challenged him as well as his
followers.

Smith (2017) gave his observations and proposal to replace WMP model to come up with new
model for proving the extant WMP. To do that, he proposed to note the speakers of MP spread at
great distance which developed to have WMP, there is no close study of linguistic evidence for WMP,
and the eight primary branches of Proto-Malayo Polynesian does not represent the Philippines
languages where it is believed that it can constitute more than one primary branch.

No doubt that the languages under the MP languages have proven relationships with one
another and the fact they shared phonological and morphological components. Subgrouping of the MP
by different linguists through comparisons of lexical data has gone further discussions. Offering
comparative studies of language corpuses would help clear the contesting hypothesis of language
researchers and be able to make more conclusive information to support their claims. Most especially
the controversies of subgrouping the MP into two where WMP is in question. The ever-evolving
world and change among languages encourage language researchers to conduct study. Saunders (2005)
stressed that theorizing deeply the relationships of languages is slowly dependent to the evolving data.
And that data is relevant in tracing the association of one language to another.

In this study, the researcher aimed to find the relationships of the Bahasa Melayu, Tagalog,
Hiligaynon, and Meranaw as languages under the WMP. The Tagalog as preferred language for study
does not reflect the Filipino language (the national and official language of the Philippines). To
introduce these languages, their general profile is given.

Bahasa Melayu. The Malay language (where Indonesian Language derived) is belonged to
Malayic linguistic subgroup and under the WMP (Adelaar, 1992). This is spoken widely in Malaysia,
Brunie, Singapore, Southern Thailand, and Indonesia (they called their language as Bahasa Indonesia
derived soley from Malay) (Wong & Ho, 2006).

Tagalog. A major language in the Philippines. This is the first language of people living in
Rizal, Bataan, Quezon, Laguna, Batangas, Zambales, Cavite, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Aurora,
Camarines Norte, Marinduque, Mindoro, and Manila (Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino, 2021).

Hiligaynon. This is called sometimes as Ilonggo language from non-Ilonggo people. Zorc
(1972) enumerated Hiligaynon belonged to a larger group of language Bisaya or Binisaya along with
Cebuano, Waray, Romlomanon and Kinaray-a. The linguistic area of the people speaking in this
language is situated in Western Visasyas particularly Aklan, Antique, Capiz, Iloilo, and Negros
Occidental. There are recorded speakers of this language in Sultan Kudarat at South Cotabato in
Mindanao (Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino, 2021).

Meranaw. Meranaw is one of the languages under the Danaw group of languages. This is
under the Southern Philippine group (Blust, 1991). This particular language is spoken in Lanao del
Norte and Lanao del Sur (Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino, 2021).The corpus collected is randomly
selected from the online bilingual dictionary of Bahasa Melayu and English. The intention of not
using the Swadesh list both the universal and ethnological terms by the linguists is to test whether the
sample corpus would still expose relationships. This study quotes Zorc (1972) in his statement:

114

“Since the Swadesh list is primarily one of contentives (lexical items) based on language
universal meanings that are noncultural in character, a second list was devised consisting of
100 functors (grammar-based items) found specifically in Central Philippine and Bisayan
languages.”

Moreover, the selection of words is superficial in linguistics and many linguists may not favor in
such random selection since it is not a deep-rooted words or proto-WMP, however as Saunders (2005)
said that language changes and language data evolves and Zorc (1972) pointed the listing is based on
noncultural character and the functors he devised is specifically based on Central Philippine and
Bisayan languages allows the researcher to do such. Saunders (2005) mentioned that borrowing is the
most confound structurally driven phylogeny to investigate relationship of language ancestry; where
the corpus can also be studied if borrowed. This study would not identify which among the studied
languages has the origin of the words.

Problematic Statement

The current issue on the WMP calls for much attention and study. Given the relationships of the
languages in the MP subgroup, it is also interesting to compare selected languages through its corpus
of lexicons to statistically assume the possible percentage of relationship. To find out, this study tried
to answer the problems:

1. What are the lexicons randomly selected to compare the four languages?
2. What are the observations made on the list of lexical items?

Objectives

This study aims to be able to meet the following:
1. List sample lexicons for the comparative study.
2. Enumerate the observations on phonemes, syllabication, and morphemes.
3. Give the possible percentage of similarity.
4. Make a hypothetical stand from the observations.

Methodology

In this section, the methods used is discussed. It is necessary to understand the procedure
carried out in the study to understand the outcome.

Design. The approach used is descriptive. The comparative study used best the descriptive
approach to explain the observations of the involved languages. This is to describe the similarities and
difference in the phonemes and morphemes of the sampled lexical items.

Data. The first thing did by the researcher was search a website for online bilingual dictionary
(Kamus Bahasa Melayu-Inggeres) as reference for the word list. Random selection was carried out to
get the desired number of lexicons. Each beginning letters in the alphabet has samples. The lexicons
can be accessed in this website http://dictionary.bhanot.net/index.html. Getting a 100 sampled lexicon,
the words were translated or lexical equivalent in Philippine languages. The researcher speaks
Tagalog and Meranaw and he did the translation. In Hiligaynon, he asked a speaker of Hiligaynon to
translate the corpus of words. The words also were accompanied with English version of lexicons.

Procedure. Two strategies were employed in the analysis of the data. First is the syllable
count of the lexicons. The basis for syllable count is the Bahasa Melayu. This technique is used by
Benedict (1942). The second is the comparison of the lexicons.

Findings and Discussion

In this section, the hundred lexicons gathered in the study is presented and discussed. Table 1 presents
the syllable counts of the sample lexicons.

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It is obvious in the table that the syllable count of the equivalent lexicons to Philippine
languages have almost the same counts. There are 56 lexicons that never changed across the other
languages and most common syllable count is two. 1 lexicon that has different syllable count from
one another. 43 lexicons have 1-2 difference in syllable count. In this counting, schwa sound also
considered as separate syllable when combined with consonants. This is to avoid confusion to cluster.

Lexicons with entirely similar morphemes except with some phonemes is hypothetically due
to deletion of some phonemes which Blust (1977) mentioned in new problem he made for the WMP
relations. For instance, the word ‘bah’ (flood) is ‘baha’ in Tagalog, Hiligaynon and Meranaw. In
contrast to Blust, the deleted phoneme is not a suffix. This primarily assumes that some similar words
from Bahasa Melayu may lexically shortened due to deletion in Philippine languages. This is similar
with the case of ‘baharu’ (new), ‘laki-laki’ (man) and etc. The phoneme /h/ in the Bahasa Melayu is
sometimes absent in Philippine counterparts like ‘panah’ (arrow) to ‘pana’ in Tagalog, Hiligaynon
and Mernaw.

Table 1: Syllable Counts of Sample Lexicons

No.
mly
tgl
hil
mrw
No.
mly
tgl
hil
mrw
No.
mly
tgl
hil
mrw
No.
mly
tgl
hil
mrw

1 2 2 2 2 26 2 2 2 1 51 3 3 2 2 76 2 2 2 2

2 2 2 2 2 27 2 2 2 2 52 2 2 2 2 77 2 2 2 2

3 2 2 2 2 28 2 2 2 2 53 2 2 3 2 78 2 2 2 2

4 3 4 5 2 29 2 2 2 3 54 2 1 2 2 79 2 2 2 2

5 2 2 2 2 30 4 3 3 4 55 2 2 2 2 80 2 2 2 2

6 2 2 2 2 31 2 2 4 2 56 2 2 2 3 81 2 2 2 2

7 2 2 2 2 32 2 2 3 3 57 2 2 2 3 82 2 2 2 2

8 2 2 3 2 33 3 2 2 2 58 4 3 3 2 83 2 3 2 2

9 1 2 2 2 34 2 2 2 2 59 2 2 3 2 84 2 3 3 2

10 3 3 3 2 35 2 2 2 2 60 2 2 2 2 85 2 2 2 2

11 3 2 2 2 36 2 3 3 2 61 2 2 2 2 86 2 2 2 2

12 3 2 3 2 37 2 3 2 2 62 2 2 2 2 87 2 2 2 2

13 2 2 2 2 38 2 2 2 3 63 2 2 2 5 88 2 2 2 2

14 2 2 2 2 39 2 2 4 2 64 3 3 3 3 89 2 2 2 2

15 2 2 2 2 40 2 2 2 2 65 2 2 2 2 90 2 2 2 2

16 2 3 2 2 41 2 3 2 2 66 2 2 2 3 91 2 2 2 2

17 2 2 3 2 42 3 2 2 3 67 2 2 2 2 92 2 2 2 2

18 2 2 2 2 43 2 2 2 2 68 2 2 2 2 93 2 2 2 3

19 2 2 2 2 44 2 2 2 4 69 2 2 2 2 94 2 2 2 2

20 2 2 2 2 45 3 4 3 3 70 2 2 2 2 95 2 2 3 2

21 2 2 2 2 46 2 2 2 2 71 2 2 2 2 96 2 4 2 5

22 2 2 2 2 47 2 2 2 2 72 1 1 1 1 97 2 2 3 2

23 2 2 2 2 48 2 3 2 2 73 2 2 2 2 98 2 2 2 2

24 2 2 2 2 49 2 3 2 2 74 2 3 3 2 99 2 2 2 2

25 2 2 2 2 50 2 2 2 2 75 3 3 3 3 100 2 2 2 2

Legend: Bahasa Melayu (mly) Tagalog (tgl) Hiligaynon (hil) Meranaw (mrw)

The list in the appendix is colored with specific hues to signify the relationship of lexical
similarity. Grey stands for similarity, orange stands for similar with phonemical difference, and blue
are the same lexicons across the four languages. It can be gleaned that several morphemes are similar,
and one can think the connection of Bahasa Melayu to Tagalog, Hiligaynon, and Meranaw. On the
other hand, the difference is also present. Because of the relationship, it can also be hypothesized that

116

the structure of this language is similar like the vocatives. Table 2 shows the percent of lexical
similarities.

Table 2. Percent of Lexical Similarities

Bahasa Melayu Tagalog Hiligaynon Meranaw
44% 33%
25 % 48%

Using the formula (n/N)*100 where n is the lexicons with grey color and N is the total
number of words. It can be seen that Tagalog has high comparative result followed by Hiligaynon,
Meranaw and Bahasa Melayu respectively. The Philippine languages really show closer connection
with one another. If this is true, this can be assumed in the words of the languages. When associating
which language has more similar terms is impossible to tell since it needs more corpus of lexicons to
examine. The percent shown here is just approximation based on the used corpus however it can be
changed.

Table 3. Shows percent of lexical similarities except for phonemes. This means that there is a
similarity but there is a slight difference due to absence or lost of some phoneme.

Table 3. Percent of Lexical Similarities except for Phonemes

Bahasa Melayu Tagalog Hiligaynon Meranaw
40%
58 % 45% 26%

It good to know the similarities of lexicons that differs in few phonemes. The deletion or
change in the phonemes of one language compared to another is phenomenon observed by Blust and
other scholars. The percentage of similarities is higher. This reveals that because of the changes
particularly on the geographical conditions that the lexicons of language evolved. But a prototype can
be traced to evaluate the lexicons the same way Benedict (1942) in his study. The assumption of
association of words as lexical similarity might be validated in well accepted and prototype lexicons
consensus to the linguists.

In morphological observations, there are lexicons in Bahasa Melayu that closely similar to
counterpart language like ‘abu’ (ash) to ‘abo’, ‘baca’ (read) to basa, ‘fikir’ (think) to ‘pikir’,
‘kambing’ (goat) to ‘kanding’, ‘mangkuk’ (bowl) to ‘mangkok’, ‘otak’ (brain) to ‘utak’, ‘ratus’
(hundred) to ‘ratos’.

It seemed that the phoneme /tʃ/ changes to /s/ or /k/ like ‘baca’ (read) to ‘basa’, ‘catur’ (chess)
to ‘satur’, ‘cinta’ (love) to ‘sinta’, and ‘copet’ (steal) to ‘kopit’. This might be applicable to some
lexicons not listed in this study.

Six lexicons have been observed that did not change across the four languages in this study.
This is shown in Table 4.

Table 4. Lexical Similarity across Bahasa Melayu, Tagalog, Hiligaynon, and Meranaw

Bahasa Melayu Tagalog Hiligaynon Meranaw

1. lampin lampin lampin lampin

2. langit langit langit langit

3. nganga nganga nganga nganga

4. sakit sakit sakit sakit

5. saksi saksi saksi saksi

6. tanda tanda tanda tanda

The spelling of the words is the same and may be differ in the utterance but nevertheless the
relationship is shown. This is only few in the total number, but it can be assumed that there are more
lexicons that is the same to the languages involved. These words are probably cognates or borrowed
as Saunders (2005) stated that all aspects of language can be borrowed when comparisons of language
borrowing are discussed. To some extent, not all language components are ready to be borrowed
(Curnow, 2003). Further studies can be made to ensure of the certainties of the lexicons used for

117

comparative study. Review on cognates and/or borrowing is desired to get accurate interpretation of
the analysis.

Summary

The presentation of the data is analyzed in two ways: evaluating the syllable count and
morphophonemic study. Thirteen observations have been recorded in this study:

1. Most of the selected lexicons have mostly either two or three syllable.
2. There are phonemes in Bahasa Melayu where the beginning, middle or last phoneme is /h/ is

seemed to disappear when looking the equivalent in the three Philippine languages. Example,
‘nanah’ (pus) to ‘nana’.
3. There is a reduction of syllable in lexicon of a language when it is shown in other language.
Example, ‘paderi’ (priest) to ‘pari’.
4. The phoneme /u/ in Malay becomes /o/ in some Philippine languages. Example, ‘udang’
(shrimp) to ‘odang’.
5. Some phonemes / tʃ/ becomes /s/ or /k/. example, ‘cinta’ (love) to ‘sinta’ and ‘copet’ (steal) to
‘kopit’.
6. There is a deletion also of phonemes like ‘gantang’ (cubic measure) to ‘ganta’.
7. It is found that certain words are the same across the four languages.
8. The phoneme /r/ of Bahasa Melayu becomes /g/ in Philippine languages. Example, ‘ratus’
(hundred) to ‘gatos’.
9. Some single entity lexicon is given a phrase equivalent. Example, ‘uban’ (white hair) to
‘puting buhok’.
10. There are phonemes /e/ becomes /i/. Example ‘esa’ (only one) to ‘isa’.
11. Some lexicons do not have connections or shows any trace of relationship morphologically.
Example, ‘cangak’ (look upward) to ‘tingala’, ‘tangram’ and ‘langag’.
12. Some lexicons used here are loan words or borrowed from other language family. Example,
‘fikir’ (think) of Meranaw at Bahasa Melayu.
13. Some lexicons in Tagalog and Ilonggo are borrowed from Spanish. Example, ‘tigre’ (tiger).

Conclusion

Comparative study of the random selected lexicons does not guarantee a high accuracy
compared to the devised list prepared by the authority linguists like what Zorc (1972) in devising list
anchored from grammar-based items. This study does not give enough corpus number to claim the
relationships of the languages involved nor identify the lexicons as pro-lexicons that can stand to
claim a strong generalization. As Blust (1977) and Smith (2017) recognized that there are issues and
problems should study further to say that WMP can stand as a subgroup of MP and should their
similarities be explored.

One absolute concern this study tries to promote, to find the relationship of the languages
using a strategy that can compare the lexicons by randomly selected in a dictionary. Though
superficial as it seems, phonological and morphological analysis on these lexicons is explored. It is
rightful to hold the statement of Saunders (2005) that linking the relationships of language can also be
traced in the evolving data.

It is suggested in this study to find more lexicons and involves more languages so that the
assumptions on the strong relationships of languages as Blust identified in Western Malayo-
Polynesian can be proved. At the same time, the beliefs on further primary branches especially in the
Philippine languages, according to Smith (2017), can be studied.

118

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Appendix

Bahasa Melayu Tagalog Hiligaynon Meranaw
1. Abah Ama Tatay Ama
2. Abu Abo Abo Abog
3. Aduh Aray Aguy Aidow
4. Akibat Kaakibat Alatubangon Liyo
5. Aku Ako Ako Saken
6. Babi Baboy Baboy Baboy
7. Baca Basa Basa Batya
8. Badik Bolo Binangon Badi
9. Bah Baha Baha Baha
10. Bahagi Bahagi Ihatag Bagi
11. Baharu Bago Bag-o Bago
12. Bahasa Wika Lingwahe Basa
13. Balas Ganti Balos Balas
14. Baldi Balde Baldi Baldi
15. Balik Balik Balik Kasoy
16. Cangak Tingala Tangram Langag
17. Catur Dama Ahedres Satur
18. Cinta Sinta Gugma Garing
19. Copet Kopit Kuot Kuwa
20. Dagang Binta Binta Dagang
21. Dakap Yakap Kopkop Gakes
22. Dakwat Tinta Tinta Dawat
23. Dalam Lalim Dalum Dalem
24. Danau Lanao Sapa Ranao
25. Elak Ilag Likay Likay
26. Empat Apat Apat Pat
27. Engkau Ikaw Ikaw Seka
28. Esa Isa Isa Isa
29. Entan Ewan Ilam Ditawan
30. Februari Pebrero pebrero Pebruari
31. Fikir Isip Huna-huna Piker
32. Fasih Tatas Deritso diriso
33. Firasah Kutob Kutob Gedam
34. Gantang Ganta Rayna Gantang
35. Garis Guhit Linya Guris
36. Gaya Istilo Istilo Istayl
37. Gelak Halakhak Kadlaw Singa
38. Genap Ganap Tabla Tarotop
39. Hadap Harap Atubangan Danga
40. Hantuk Katok Toktok Toktok
41. Harga Halaga Balyo Arga
42. Harimau Tigre Tigre Arimaw
43. Hidung Ilong Ilong Ngirong
44. Ia Siya Siya Sekanian
45. Ibarat Halimbawa Pareho Ibarat
46. Itik Pato Pato Pato
47. Jabu Abo Belo Abog
48. Jari Daliri Tudlo Kemer
49. Jarum Karayom Dagom Ragom
50. Jenuh Puno Buta Peno

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51. Jerawat Tigyawat Punggod Pamnos
52. Kahwin Kasal Kasal Kawing
53. Kakak Ate Magurang Kaka
54. Kalau Kung Ukon Amay
55. Kambing Kambing Kanding Kambing
56. Kami Kami Kami Sekami
57. Lain Iba Iban Salakaw
58. Laki-laki Lalaki Lalaki Mama
59. Laku Lako Naninda Suroy
60. Lampin Lampin Lampin Lampin
61. Langit Langit Langit Langit
62. Mabuk Lasing Inom Bereg
63. Mahal Mahal Mahal Mala I arga
64. Makanan Pagkain Pangkaon pKakan
65. Mangga Mangga Paho Mangga
66. Mangkuk Mangkok Yahong Ladiya
67. Nanah Nana Nana Dana
68. Nanas Pinya Pinya Nanas
69. Nangka Langka Mangka Badak
70. Nganga Nganga Nganga Nganga
71. Ngilu Ngilo Ngilo Ngilo
72. Oi Hoy Hoy Ai
73. Otak Utak Utok Otek
74. Ogos Agosto Agosto Ogost
75. Oktober Oktobre Oktobre Oktober
76. Ongkos Gasto Gasto Gasto
77. Paderi Pari Pari Pari
78. Paku Pako Lansang Totok
79. Palu Palo Hampak Praneg
80. Panah Pana Pana Pana
81. Paras Mukha Nawong Paras
82. Qur-an Koran Koran Kor-an
83. Rangkum Kasali Intra Rangkom
84. Rantai Kadena Kadena Rantai
85. Ratus Daan Gatos Gatos
86. Ribu Libo Libo Gibo
87. Sabun Sabon Habon Sabon
88. Sabung Sabong Away Sakob
89. Sakit Sakit Sakit Sakit
90. Saksi Saksi Saksi Saksi
91. Takut Takot Hadlok Kalek
92. Tali Tali Lubid Tali
93. Tanam Tanim Tanom Pamola
94. Tanda Tanda Tanda Tanda
95. Tanggal Tanggal Kuhaon Pokas
96. Uban Puting buhok Uban Maputi a bok
97. Udang Hipon Pasayan Odang
98. Ukir Ukit Okit Okir
99. Untung Swerte Swerte Ontong
100. Warna Kulay Kolor Warna

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VALUES REFLECTED IN MERANAW KAKAWING (WEDDING) SPEECHES

ALYANAH GOLING PANTAO
Mindanao State University, Marawi City, Philippines

Introduction

The Meranaws are known as the people of the lake.They settled around the edge of Lake Lanao,
located at the Islamic City of Marawi, Philippines. The lake is surrounded with myths and legends.
Renowned Meranaw Poet Datu Tingcap G. Pandi said that the word “Meranaw” is a compound word
composed of “mera” which means “peacock” and “naw” which means “awake”. In other words,
“meranaw” means “an awake peacock”. The Meranaws are the largest Moro and cultural minority in
the Philippines.Generally, Meranaws are Muslims. In the Philippines, they are regarded as the most
traditional Muslims resistant to changes and defensive of their culture (cited in Madale and Cheng
1994).

The Meranaws are brave and skillful fighters. The past and recent Meranaws were either
defenders or invaders as often retold through oral traditions, as well as through historical accounts by
foreign writers (Saber, 1979).Their unwavering sense of cultural identity is based largely on the
Meranaws Islamic faith and a centuries-old history of resistance to Spanish, American, and Manila-
based attempts to take control of their homeland (Riwarung, 2009). They are known for their
brasswork, fine mosques, rich raiment, exotic dances, and love for music.

The Meranaw are artistic and known for their lavish elegant ceremonies and extravagant
celebration (Manabilang, 2016). During wedding celebration, orators give speeches which is is also
known as katharo sa lalag. The speakers who delivers speeches are also known as maungangen
(orators) who are usually old and a members of Royal house or leaders of the community. Katharo sa
lalag is a public recital by the orators who traces the lineages of both the bride’s and the groom’s
families. It aims to make public the “noble” lineages of both families, and hence to affirm that both
are of the same class.

At present, katharo sa lalag (delivering a speech is not only limited to salsila (genealogy) as
subject matter. Over the years, the subject matters of the messages delivered changed which are
embedded in various linguistic features. Using Critical Discourse Analysis and Textual Analysis, the
researcher identified the different values delivered and tries to decode the meaning and deduce the
meaning of the text through text and discover their implications of their culture and identity as
Meranaw.

Problematic Statements

The Meranaws nowadays have less appreciation of katharo sa lalag (delivering a speech) of
the rich characteristics, beauty and unique features of their language.Katharo sa lalag is an art of
delivering a speech delivered by maungagengen during formal ceremonies such as wedding
ceremonies. It contains unique linguistic and structural style. The study analyzed the collected
Meranaw speeches to know how it shapes their culture and identity. Specifically, it seeks to answer
the following problems.

1. What are the dominant values that surfaced in the texts in terms of:

A. Sociocultural

B. Religious and

C. Political?

2. How do the values contribute in the culture and identity of the Meranaws?

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Objectives of the Study

This study aims to make a fresh contribution to the existing and limited body of knowledge of the
Meranaw values using speeches during wedding. It offers as part of the effort to preserve a special use
or function of the Meranaw language, that is, as medium of expression and communication of
occasional ceremonial speeches designed for special or formal occasions marking one of the most
significant event in the life of the Meranaw, the wedding (kakawing). Furthermore, patterns and
discursive practice that were discovered in the texts shall form a rich corpus for further critical studies
or suggest other areas of inquiry. According to Molina (2012), the Philippines, home of a large variety
of languages, will absorb a high death toll of languages unless urgent measures are adopted to
preserve them. The past few decades have witnessed the extinction of such languages as Agta Villa
Viciosa and Agta Dimacoy (Molina, 2012). As a Meranaw, the researcher believes that this study is
one way of preserving the Meranaw language. Sanchez (2011), Director General of the National
Institute for Indigenous Languages of the Human rights Council in Geneva said that when a people’s
language dies, their culture and form of understanding of the world die with it. “When languages are
threatened, so are diversity, culture, and heritage, or briefly, the richness of world heritage”.

Methodology

The study made use of qualitative methodology of descriptive-analytical design specifically Critical
Discourse Analysis. Critical Discourse Analysis focuses on the texts or speeches gathered from the
field. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) attempts to uncover hidden meaning and message of a text
which certainly has an intention for its receivers. However, the language users make a choice of
certain lexical items, structures, and style for shaping discourse to convince the audience at social and
institutional level. This output may either be ideologically or politically driven by the speakers’
cognitive assumption about the world (Fowler et al., 1979, p. 188). It is in a sense also ethnographic
as it involved participant-observation.Twenty speeches delivered at five (5) different weddings were
collected and recorded by the researcher but based on the set of inclusion criteria adopted in
evaluating the pieces, only fifteen (15) of these were selected to comprise the corpus of texts for
analysis. The data was transcribed, translated and validated by a an expert in Meranaw and English
language. Analysis was done using Critical Discourse Analysis.

Findings and Analysis

A. Sociocultural

The sociocultural values are set of values, beliefs, traditions and habits . These values shape how
we approach risk, how we view careers our perceptions of money, and our ideas of an ideal life style
(Parrey, 2019).

The sociocultural values identified from the data collected are Belief in a Common Descent or
Lineage: Bangsa, close family ties (Kathotonganaya), Social Stratification, Unity(Kapagaisa-isa)
and helping the clan (Katatabanga).

Belief in a Common Descent or Lineage: Bangsa

Base on use density or recurrence, bangsa (descent or lineage) enjoys a parity with taritib or
atoren, or even greater saliency and prominence in terms of the emphasis given to it in Meranaw
wedding speeches. It is a recurrent theme or motif in the speeches which refers common descent of
the Meranaw. All the speakers advert to this as a kind of appeal, summation, clincher or final
argument. This utility of one bangsa is demonstrated in the following quoted materials as a strategy of
persuasion:

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Na ino arie a giya bangsa mga datu ka The lineage of the datu is only one or the

usula, di usulan na data-datar bo man same for the four sultanates of Ranao are

arie ankai pat a pengampongan a ranao. the same. It can be likened to a fleet of

Opama o ki ibarat ta sa kapal na melagi- ships moving in the same direction.

lagid a umpong iyan kagiya magari-ari so Because all the datus are brothers and the

mga datu na magari ari so mga bae na baes are sisters; they spread and

miya bembar na giya tnge-tnged minsan a multiplied, thus all Meranaws are first

mga bangsamoro a meranaw. cousins

Meranaws are of one ancestry or descent,

In the above extract of the text union by marriage for them is desired as a
(Speech 4), the speaker based his “strengthening and renewal of ties”
argument for the “oneness” of humanity which they metaphorically describe in the
not only on the four sovereign (pat a following manner:

pangampong), but on divine design. He Maphakarani niyan so miyakawatan

narrates the creation of the First Man a kathotongnaya, na maphakaloto iyan so

(Adam) and the First Woman (Sittie miyakalogao a kambata-bataa, na kailot

Hawa). In Islam, the unity and universal iyan so miyakaloag a kathatabanga na

solidarity of all Muslims are aya mala na mapakagrang iyan so

quintessential among Islamic concepts. kiyatepolan a dii kanggiginawai.

All men are descended from the first man. What I was thinking is to make the

Most of the speakers do not go distant family ties near, to darken the light

further back as the speaker of Text 4 does. relationship, to tighten the loose of

The usual appeal cites the four sovereign helping one another and most especially

pat a pangampong a ranao as established to sharpen the blunt friendship

by the founding fathers. Since the

Iteration of this thought from Speech 1 is found in all the other speeches in which

images appealing to the other senses are used as in Speech 3 and Speech 4:

Oba makarongaw so andang a To open the window of the old friendship
kanggiginaway o mga
lokes….kambagobagowi o diran di of our old folks, renew the
kanggiginaway. Na aya pekahrandongan
iyan na di makapekakatataawa so mbata- friendship. What is most important is for
bataa. ka aya mapipikir na an-makam
balingan sii ko kaisa-isa. the children to know one another. What I

realized is unity should return

Other speakers describe the union in mathematical terms as in this passage from
Speech 7:

Katawan tano a giya a masa na masa ini We know that this is the time of
a kasambi sa bangsa odi odi na so tigiran exchanging descent or what they call
a kapagoman sa bangsa addition of descent.

Kathotonganaya (close family ties).

The Meranaws see their families as source of power and this is emphasized in Moayan a
lalag (message of the speech) by enumerating several family names from the bride and

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groom. All family names must be recognized and mentioned in discussing the sarsila
(genealogy). That is to show how big their family is.

The primary social welfare or support system for the Meranaw is the family. In
the Meranaw society, this means extended family or clan, or all the ‘’kith and caboodle”.
Meranaws do not reckon or count to fourth or fifth consanguinity. Degrees do not matter
to them. As the common argument of the speakers goes, “we are all brothers and
sisters,” or “first cousins” because our Elders – lokes tano (ancestors) were brothers.
Used in a less restricted sense, it means the close relationship of members belonging to
the same bangsa (lineage or ancestry). Meranaw of the same bangsa -- e.g. mori-atao o
Diwan -- owe each other support and loyalty.

One of the motive forces for families wedding their sons and daughters is to
renew or strengthen ties. The speakers used varied idiomatic expression to emphasize the
value of friendship in Meranaw society and how marriage can help to strengthen the
friendship of their families (Macapundag F. ,Macadato H. and Dr. Guimba, W., 2016).

The speakers used expressions such as “oba miyakarongaw so andang a
kanggiginaway o mga lokes” (to open the window of the old friendship, “sabap sa
maphakarani niyan so miyakawatan a kathotonganaya (so that the distant kinship will be
close) and “maphakaloto iyan so miyakalogao a kambats-bataa” (to darken the light
relationship).

One speaker appeals to the oneness of “mga pipiya a tao sa ranao” based on ne
Bangsa (Speech 8).

Sabap sa katawan ami ago katawan tano Because we know that you know that we

a isabo bangsa tano saya sa inged a came from one descent in this city of

Ranao. Lanao .

The following analogies ought to make clear how important the clan is.

relationships or ties, friendship, mutual regard and honoring. It outweighs everything

considered valuable in the world: money, gold, and diamond. Thus the strengthening of

ties is the greatest gain from the union of two families/clans through marriage.

(1) ka opama o pagilayen o bangsa a gya If you will take a look at the clan of the
pyangilayan iyo sa kamapiyaan na families you intend to join, it is like gold
maksisibarat sa bolawan limpiyo na of the purest kind, and the purity or
matatangked so linang bangsa nyan sa genuineness of this bangsa is recognized
pangampong a Ranaw. throughout Lanao.
(2) Tinimbang so perak ago bolawan na Money and gold were weighed, gold was
mapened so bolawan. Na tinimbang so heavier. Gold and diamond were weighed
bolawan ago montiya na mapened so and diamond was heavier. Diamonds and
montiya. Na tinimbang so montiya ago clans’ relationships were weighed and
bangsa na mapened so bangsa na clans’ relationships proved heavier and
mapapadelem saya sa kangiginaway, na this includes friendship, honoring, and
kaseselaye na maana na gyoto so relationship.
kambatabataa.

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One’s bangsa or descent is a source of pride in Meranaw society, particularly when the
salsila reveals one to be of the purest stock, meaning blue-blooded on both sides. The
local or dialect term for this kind of bangsa or lineage is kiya-noni noni-an, or simply
noni. The speaker refers to this by the similes “bolawan limpiyo” and “linang bangsa
nyan sa pengampong a Ranao.” Bolawan and linang describe the purity of bangsa of the
clan.

Social Stratification

The data reveals that unlike other speech, the Meranaw speech has a lengthy
introduction. It includes panabiya (asking for excuse), pagadat (showing respect) and
kapangongodasan (asking for permission). according to the speakers, they are mandated
by the taritib (customs/ordered ways). A Taritib is a collection of customs, traditions and
usages that are observed in the community. It is the social behavioral pattern (Madale,
2002). The panabiya (asking for excuse), pagadat (showing respect) and
kapangongodasan (asking for permission) is a matter of courtesy, a request for the
indulgence of everyone who must bear with, or forgive the speaker whatever lapses or
transgressions the speaker might unintentionally commit as like any mortal, he is not
above making mistakes. It is a humble confession or admission of one’s vulnerability and
humanity. Further it is an implied acknowledgment of the sensitivity, delicateness, and
difficulty of the assigned task. Furthermore, it aims the honor the visitors by recognizing
and paying respect.

As seen on the text data gathered, the speakers only addressed the pagadat
(respect), panabiya (excuse) and kapangongodasan (permission) to members of
royalty. These includes the royalties who constituted the traditional elite such as
Cabugatan, Sulutan, Potre Maamor and Datu. Speakers also addressed the
national, regional and municipal official even no official is present during
wedding. On the other hand, ordinary people or the “pagawid” were not
mentioned. Even the names of the bride ad groom and their parents were not
mentioned. Below is an excerpt that show how the royalties are recognized.

Sabap san na pagodas ako daan ko Because of that, I am asking
kapaka dadarepa o Sulutan sa permission from the Sultan of Unayan
Unayan kataya a makamamasa a who is present. With us also is the
giya kababantogan a Cabugatan a honorable Cabugatan who is the
sekaniyan I kapapantagan a Datu a present Cabugatan of Masiu. Even
Cabugatan sa Masiu, Sabap sa da though the Sulutan of Baloi is not here,
kamasai ko Sulutan sa Baloi na I am also seeking his permission.
pagodasan akenpen, na aya mala a Most importantly, I am asking the
pagodasan aken na giya babai aken a permission of my sister, Potre
Potri Maamor a darodopa o Sulutan Maamor, wife of Sulutan in Bayabao.
sa Bayabao.

The previous excerpt from the speeches show how lexical items of honorifics
specifically, royal titles which are Sulutan sa Unayan, Datu a Cabugatan sa Masiu,

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Sulutan sa Baloi, Sulutan sa Bayabao and Potri Maamor are used. The royals are
acknowledged and recognized and their permission was asked before continuing the
speech.

The constant use of honorifics also implies how they value the status of the
aristocrats. It is to boast their status and position in the society. They celebrate this status
by announcing their title. The mention of their titles show how Meranaws value the
status quo of the Meranaws. Royal families are recognized, respected and given
importance. The stratification of society or division of the Meranaws is still very much at
work in Meranaw society despite the rise of the new class of educated and even affluent
individuals or families.

The importance of status quo is also emphasized in the “moayan a lalag” (message
of the speech) when the speakers discusses the salsila (genealogy) of the bride and groom.
The Meranaw families are known to keep a written genealogy called salsila which
includes accounts of significant events and records the line of descent of family members.
This account’s utility comes to the forefront when an individual aspires for a title (grar).
The salsila serves to authenticate and legitimate that claimant’s eligibility for the title.
Meranaw clans keep well-guarded meticulously documented accounts (salsila) of their
ancestry or line of descent (Atti, 1986). Salsila is also de riguier for other purposes and
occasions like making a marriage proposal and enthronement ceremony.

The Meranaw society is conceived as consisting of superordinate lines of descent
(pu'gawidan) and subordinate lines of descent (pu'gawid) (Abdulrachman, S. 1992). A
Meranaw traces his lines of descent from his father and mother side. It can also also be
divided into two strata; Namely, Mapiyatao (Pure) and Kasilidan (Mixed blood).
Kasilidan is further subdivided into categories which are as follows; sarowang (non-
Maranao), balbal (Beast), dagamot (Sorcerer/Sorceress) and bisaya (Slave). The
mapiyatao are those natives who are entitled to ascend to thrones claim a traditional title
royal bloodline. On the other hand, the kasilidan are those natives whose bloodline is
dubious or suspected as mixed and even polluted or contaminated.

Another purpose of the salsila is to trace the connections of the couple with the
ultimate goal that they belong to the same clan and to identify the social structure of the
couple whether they belong to mapiya a tao (pure) or kasilidan (mixed blood) and
subordinate lines of descent (pu-gawidan). Thus, they value, recognize and celebrate the
status in society.

Kapagaisa isa (Unity) and Katatabanga (Giving Help)

The data shows that kaisaisa (unity) is one of the attributes of the Meranaos.
Attending the wedding of a relative is more than an attendance but showing the support
and participating to show that every family is unified as one. This is very evident with
the number of guests whenever there is a Meranao wedding. A small wedding
accommodates up to three hundred guests and a big wedding can accommodate up to
more than a thousand especially if one of the parents belongs to the highest rank and
status in the society. Kapagisa-isa or kaisa-isa (unity) is clearly expressed in the
following passage by one of the speakers:

Sabap roo na giyangkai a kiyaisaisa rekami a gya a pagari aken a
kapakatalingoma ami na giyaden I

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kapapantagan a City Comission Officer brother who is the current City
sii sa City a Marawi a aya myatalingoma. Commission Officer of Marawi city whose
affair is this.
Because of that, our presence shows how
we are united. We are united with my

The speaker expressed that their arrival show that they are united as one with his
brother who is the present City Commission Office. Their presence is how they show
their support to this wedding. In Meranaw wedding, the presence of the members of the
clan means something for it signifies that one approves the wedding. Failure to come can
be interpreted as a rebellious act or objection of the wedding.

Kapagisa-isa is Meranaw value that denotes “we feeling” and makes the family or
kinship institutions cohesive. This feeling can be extended to a larger institution which
he belongs to e.g. as Meranaw community or Muslim community (i.e. ummah). It is a
communal spirit. An example of this is when a member of the family kinship, including-
in laws (by consanguinity or affinity needs to be uplifted in times of need or distress.
The communal feeling of kapagisa-isa is translated to resource-giving or accessing. Any
material or non-material assistance is extended and received “help” or known as tabang
in Meranaw. Uplifting the life of their relatives and other Meranaw in the community is a
social obligation.

In Meranaw culture, giving a tabang (help) demands no exchange or payment. The
Meranaws voluntarily extend assistance; whether financial, kind gesture or
accommodation (Peña, 2009). They do not force or demand for their “debtors” to repay
them. Meranaws work as a team. Social recognition of the tabang (help) extended to the
needy kin elevates the giver of the tabang (help) to a respectable position of high esteem
in the community. This further reinforces the social value of tabang (help).

B. Religious

Religious values are ethical principles founded in religious traditions, texts and
beliefs. They are based on scriptures and religion’s established norms. They define what
people expect of themselves and others based on the beliefs common to the religions they
practice. They help people determine which actions to take, and to make judgments about
right and wrong and good or bad (Kraft, D., 2017). Marriage at the age of puberty as part
of a divine design and importance of searching for liniage are the recurring values
identified.

Marriage at the Age of Puberty as Part of a Divine Design

In the Moayan of Lalag (message of the speech), speakers emphasized the nature of
Marriage. Speakers used the idioms “riyaot a kirbalig” to refer to age of puberty. Speech
2 and 4 explicitly refer to marriage at the age of puberty (kerbalig), as a divine decree
and adds the capability of the man/groom to give dowry. Men and women, by divine
design are made for each other. In Islam, a girl reaches the age of puberty when she has
had her first period; at this point in her life, the girl becomes accountable to Allah for her
actions. For boys, Al-Humaan, a Hanafi scholar, said that the minimum age at which
boys reach puberty is nine. Below are excerpts taken from different samples of the
speech that express the importance of marriage at the age of puberty:

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Pnggolalan ami a gyangkoto a and we have the ways and means to marry
kabaya o Allahu taallah, sa inisogo o our children off, such as dowry, we are
Nabi Salallahui wasalaam a aya maan obliged to marry them.That is one of the
niyan na igira ryaot a kirbalig so mga commands of Allah that when our
moriatao tano, na aden kagaga tano a children reached the age of puberty, we
mibtang iyan sa kapakapangaroma na will need to find them a partner so
aya maana niyan na patoray rktano a
mga lokes a gyay mingitalingoma ami.Na anda den i karaot a run a kirbalig na
giyanan a tigiran i ped ko ini-sugo o maka peluluba den sa marandong iyan so
Allah a giyankai a lagid ini a langon a miya maratiya na giyankai a
pisama-samaan ankai a pimbata-bataan.
We will do what Allah commands. As
commanded by the Prophet Mohammad, that they can marry like what we are
when our children reach the puberty age witnessing today.

The previous excerpts allude to the teaching of Islam. The noble Prophet (s.w.t.) has
said that “virgin girls are like fruits on trees. If not plucked in time, the sun will rot them
and the wind will disperse them. When girls reach maturity and their sexual instincts
arise, like that of women; the only remedy is marriage. If they are not married, they are
prone to moral corruption. It is because they are human beings and human beings are
prone to making mistakes.” This particular teaching is evocative of Ecclesiastes: “for
everything . . .there is a season. There is a proper age for marriage for every girl. A girl
who cannot understand and shoulder the responsibility of married life is like raw fruit
that needs to remain on the tree -- i.e. her father’s home -- until it ripens and sweetens.
On the other hand, if a girl loses the freshness of youth while yet unmarried, then she is
like an over-ripe fruit that would further wither away, as time passes.

Search for Lineage

The Meranaws are very clannish and collectivist. Meranaw are
excessively clannish and family centered (Eder, 2010). Aside from their faith, their
family-centeredness and strong kin orientation have enormous impact in the way they
live their lives (cited in Camitan, D.,2018). Further, it is not uncommon for Maranao
households to be large because several families often live in the same dwelling (Rivera,
1966). They value every members of their clan. They believe that as Meranaw, one
should be careful to protect the name of their clan and make a contribution to be more
powerful. Speakers used different idioms to emphasize the value of lineage. One speaker
claimed that it is more precious than any precious stone in the world. Another speaker
even compares it to a pure gold. The importance of clan has ideological bases in Islam
and not just a cultural practice.In Islam, it is very important to know your clan especially
if you want to marry someone. This is one of the requirement that Allah set as criteria for
marriage. The following excerpts support this claim.

1)…ka-onganen o Allah ago sii ko Because Allah is wise, he obliged us to
kapekah-gaga a niyanon, na ini paliyugat trace the lineage of the family so that we
iyan so kasulbiya sa bangsa aka aya will know that we are on
mapipikir na an-makabalingan sii ko
kaisa-isa.

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Rampar o olan a kambitiyara, so mahar When it comes to marriage, dowry must
na phtaroon iyan, mala na so polaos a be known but the most important is to be
agama a lima sa islam, kapanagintolan o just to each other and to follow the five
duwakataw na so inisogo o Allah na pillars of Islam including praying,
gyoto so sambayang, hajj, kapwasa, pilgrimage,
shahada, ago zaka’t.
fasting, believing that there is no God but
C. Political Allah and giving zakat.

Political values is defined as political relationship, institutions, organizations, views
and ideas resulting from the transforming, creative sociopolitical practice of social
progress and of the development of human personality on a social scale Diamond, J.,
2017). Miroslaw Karwat (1982) claimed that Political values are of a dual nature, which
is both the source of an inner conflict and is also overcome on the basis of a system of a
particular class, of a specific stratum as an organized social force. They are ideas
expressing the attitude of a large social groups and of a society as a whole, in respect to
the awareness of their own needs Karwat, M., 1982).

Belief in Order: Atoran and Taritib

One belief permeating the speeches is the belief in Order, whether referred to as
atoran or taritib. Atoran is an unwritten code roughly translated as “putting things in
place/putting things in order”; in short, Order. On the other hand, taritib is traditional
order/ code or law defining the relationships among the communities and their members
(Saber, 1975). Mamitua Saber and Mauyag M. Tamano (p.117) defined taritib
as“ordered ways” or “established ways”.As a code, it consists of time-honored
precedents dating back to remote or unrecorded times and over time has remained
inviolate; this serves as resource to which later decisions are referred, or are based on
(Isidro, 1967).

The taritib is a collection of customs, traditions, and usages that are observed in the
community. According to Madale (2002), taritib defines the relationship of territories,
the extent of the community, the status and the ranking of the families, the titles that
should be given to individuals, the kinship groups found in the community, and in
general, the social behavioral pattern. The taritib is further based on the salsila which
relates to the kinship structure of groups of people and their distribution to social ranks.

Even in the remote past inhabited by the mythical heroes in the Radia
Indarapatra and Darangen, from whom the Meranaws believe themselves to have
descended, the universe or human communities and later, powerful kingdom established
by those ancestors were founded on an unwritten code of laws to ensure order and
harmony. In Speech 3, 7 and 8, taritib is alluded to as a kind of guide.

(1) Sii ko kataw aken saya sa ped a taritib What I know is is the code/set of rules for
ko kapkasagad o lagidiya na kapngosoro this kind of event is the very code that
ko tartitib a inged a ranao. governs the entire ranaw.

(2) Sabap sa miyakaawid a akal aken ka makataro sii, sabap sa giyangkai a masa
paganay ron na aya mataan na aya imanto na giya wata a piyangngilayan iyo
taritib kenaba peman di kepakay a sa kamapiyaan. . .

130

It has caused me anxiety, but actually may talk since in times like this, we are
based on the taritib, somebody like me searching for his future

In this particular instance, the speaker appeals to protocol or the propriety of his
behavior – i.e. his ‘’audacity’ to speak before the audience. He introduces himself as a
representative of the youth. According to him, nothing in the taritib is violated by his
show of daring for, after all, society could also learn something even from young people
like him. On the other hand, the use of taritib and ijma/igma as guide or basis for
observing certain steps in decision-making is shown in Speech 12.

Imanto na sii ami rekano den kagiya It now depends on you whether you will
kamaoto ini pagilayan o kaewinga niyo allow this union. Our position on the
giyangkai a mori-atao niyo a kagiya matter is based on the taritib and igma,
kamaoto na daramba-an iyo aya maana a the basis for making decision. It is lodged
lalag na giyanan in the groom’s family so this is our way
of deferring to your wishes. . .
I kamaoto I kabebtad I mi run sa taritib

ago so igma, a so mama-an na sii

kiran so kambaya-baya na gya den I

kiyapaka mbya-a ami rekano...

This is a nuanced statement in the sense that it provides support or validation for
Meranaw society being patriarchal. Male dominance (so mama-an na sii kiran so
kambaya-baya) is described as shown in decision-making; the locus of decision-making
is the menfolk.

Sabap sa so Allah wa Allah na skanyan Since only Allah does not forget, this is
bo di pkalipat na gyoto den I kiyapagadat my way of paying respects to all the
aken ko sapulo ago walo a respected people of Lanao especially to
pangugarangan sa inged a ranao, na so the eighteen elders who framed the taritib
sapulo ago walo a mimbayabaya sa who are the gate keepers and the four
taritib na aya mala na so pat a inged a sovereign states which is the source of
mala a kiyasosoldan a bangsa sa inged a our ancestors)
ranao.

From the Meranaw point of view, taritib means order, protocol, or charter. It
governs the relationship of people and the legitimate succession of, and claim to power,
status, and rank; it defined the relationship between people and communities. In general,
it defines, binds and governs the entire socio-political organization and territorial
division of Lanao.

The edging out of the word atoren by taritib bears out the more dominant influence
of Islam on the lives of the present-day Meranaws. However, in Speech 2 and 4, the two
words are mentioned in almost the same breath as in these extracts:

(1) . . .sa gyaden I aya maana nyan na taritiban o agama sa Islam na go aini
na so langon langowan a atoran, taritib, manggolalan na ago ami matarotop. . .
a inibetadeon o mga lokes reketano
dataraya a masa na sya samporna nyan (1) This is all what it means – that the
atoran, taritib as laid down by

131

our elders/forefathers shall be the Islamic way, to fully comply
faithfully observed. In this with what is laid down.
occasion, we are bound to follow
2. . .na opama ka pagayoni ako niyo a clear agreement to show our harmonious
lango-langowan a makapopoon sa relationship which began with our elders
sebangan a Unayan ago gyangkai a and was maintained based on the aturan,
municipality a Tamparan na I begai tano the sun that never dims but remains
asana a maliwanag ka pakiangkai a inged shining, for based on the taritib or code of
a ranao ko mini- betad o mga loks tano a ranao, when an event is held in Bayabao,
aturan na kabaguhan sa kapiya niyan a it is Unayan that decides.
lagid o alungan a da saleb ka baden
miyangorangkat sa saleg iyan ka aya
taritib ankai pengampong a ranao na so
masa na igira milelemba sii sankai a
phampangampungan a Bayabao an aya
makambabaya na giya dalem a Unayan
ilay tano an kanggiginaway

(2)…If all those from East Unayan and
the municipality of Tamparan come to a

As made clear in the quoted passages that whenever a crucial decision has to be
arrived at, especially when relationships are at stake, in this case, the union of the couple
and their clans, it is the atoran or taritibas laid down by the elders that serves as ultimate
reference. According to Baradas (1977; in Tawagon, 1978), “The basic rights and
obligations of the Meranaw derive its legitimacy from the taritib which defines in very
precise terms all the primary rules that govern the entire social system. The taritib. . .
refers to the total ordering of the formal structure of the society.”

The Significance of Marriage to the Meranaws

The speakers have many words or expressions for the significance of marriage:
kapangilaylay/paegilayan sa kamapiyaan (search for goodness), kapagamomana tano sa
pamilya (addition or multiplication of family), sa kailot andamanaya sa andang a
kapapagariya iran (to tighten the old friendship), kaphepaka bager angkuto a
kapekahgakut o mbaya-bataa (strengthening the tightened relationship), na so
pakawatan na pakarani (what is distant becomes near) and pkabekes a kanggiginaway
(to tighten the friendship). In Speech 11, the event is referred to as kiyabago iran ko
kapagari iran ago sa andang, which means renewal of old bonds or ties. The passage
below, from Speech 1, is a longer and more elaborate description of the significance of
marriage among the Meranaws.

Giyangkai a masa tano a kandiyamonga, kambata-bataa na kailot iyan so
na masa a kapakalaba, na kalilimod a miyakaloag a kathatabanga na aya mala
kapakadair, na oras a katagompiya, na mapakagarang iyan so kiyatepolan a
sabap sa maphakarani niyan so dii kanggiginawai
miyakawatan a kathotonganaya, na
maphakaloto iyan so miyakalogao a This affair must be recognized for what it
truly is -- it is a time for profit, for mutual

132

gain. It is an occasion of increase, of kinship, to tighten the loose cooperation,
accumulation; a time for success, for what to sharpen the dull friendship.
is far will be near, darken the light

Another speaker narrated how they were helped. He used the idiomatic
expression (literally spicy and salty) it to refer to the groom’s family and the reason for
the inevitability of welcoming them as relations. It is roughly synonymous to the English
“through thick and thin

Na giyai mga tao a di ami i pekahrira sa
maluya matimos na miya ilay a da mipaar
so kiyang giginawai ami ka mikahndidato
a giyuto a wata aken na tanto iran a
piyanaguntamanan sii sankai darpa iran
na lumiyagidai pen sa dalem a datu a
phamagsupa sa Marawi.

These people been with us through thick
and thin; our friendship/ties have been, as
when my child was a candidate for an
office, they spared no effort and gave
their all in this city of Marawi

133

This excerpt illustrates how marriage in Meranaw society plays a part in politics. Connections or
alliances are forged. Maintenance of these ties are based on mutuality or reciprocity. The speaker
acknowledges his eternal indebtedness or gratitude to the addressee – the groom’s family – who gave
their all-out support for his child who was once a candidate for a political position. His expression of
appreciation and thankfulness verges on the hyperbolical in the line “na lumiyagadai pen sa dalem a
datu a phamagsupa sa Marawi” which means “encompassing the entire Marawi.” This is kasesela-i in
its truest sense as it attributes or ascribes to the family addressed effort or influence more than they
should be credited for.

Furthermore, the use of “maluya matimos” underscores the gravity of that family’s help. This
means they can be counted or relied on under any circumstance. Meranaws highly value this
particular trait: kesarigan (one you can trust) or kasanaan (one you can hold). People who have this
will stand by and with you, through the worst straits.

Respect for Figures of Power/Authority

The speakers constantly pay respect and ask permission to the Lanao sultanate.The Lanao
Sultanate was divided into division and each division was then divided into sub-divisions. There were
fifteen states or sultanates which were ruled by fifteen panoroganans. Panoroganans were sultans of
the fifteen royal houses inpagawidan(supported) states. They are the pat a pangampung (four
sovereiegn states), duwapulo ago walo a piyakambaya ko kaatoran o taritib (28 legislative houses)
and the sapulo ago nem a panurogan sa ranao (royal houses). The speaker also asks for the
permission of the national, local, municipal and barangay official who are present during the
ceremony.

Paying respect and asking permission to the four sovereign states is mandated by the taritib and
ijma and so, it must be followed. Speakers also follow the taritib of every municipality. Among the
Meranaws. Adat law is the source of authority, supporting the power structure and organization. This
body of customary law includes the taritib, order and Islamic law (Hadji Abdul racman, 2018).

The taritib and igma or adat law or traditional law of Lanao were the bases of leadership of the
four states of Lanao, therefore, the taritib and igma of Lanao cannot be distorted and misused
(Abdulracman, 2020).The data reveals that up to now, despite of the modernization and western
influence, the Meranaw still follow adat and taritib. The excerpt below is an example how the adat
and taritib were used during the wedding.

Sii ko da aken pun ka aluya ko mapipikiraken, na daan aken rekanu a pituwa-an a giyankai a
mapemama-ana niyan, na tandip tanu a pito ka loks a mori-atao o Diwan a apiya anda-a den
pekapadalem a masa a igira lagid ini a bitiyara na apiya-i kiya pagayon-ayon o walo a sake-sakeb na
taman sa di maka sugo so pito a datu sa Bayang na diden kakawing

Before I proceed, I will emphasize that we have a rule, under the seven men, descendants of Diwan
that whenever there is a union of marriage, even the eight families of the couple agreed, they cannot
get married without the order of the seven leaders.

The excerpt explains the taritib in Bayang, one of the Municipalities in Lanao del Sur. Aside
from the taritib in Lanao, every municipality also has its own taritib which must be observed. As
mentioned, even the whole family of the couple agreed with the union of the two, they cannot get
married unless they get the blessing of the seven Datus of Bayang. This is one custom that needs to be
strictly followed by the people of Bayang. As mentioned by Datu Maruhom Sidiekh, the couple will
be cursed by the ancestors if they do not observe this. Furthermore, Datu Maruhom Sidiekh also
mentioned that there is a corresponding adat (in th form of gift or money) given to the seven Datus
whenever there is a union.

134

Marriage among Meranaws

Meranaws do not subscribe to the Western romantic concept of marriage -- marrying in the name of
love. Other purposes or motives, sometimes more important, are served by marriage among the
Meranaws: for political reasons and maintaining cultural values or practices. Despite the relentless
onslaught of modern ideas or influences, Meranaws still cleave to certain cultural practices like
arranged marriage for the mutual benefit of families.

Summary

The researcher collected twenty speeches delivered in five different weddings. It was recorded and
transcribed, translated in English and validated by an expert in Meranaw and English language. Focus
Group Discussions were also done to interview selected orators who delivered the speeches. Analysis
was done using Critical Discourse Analysis and the data revealed different Meranaw sociocultural,
religious and political values. Below are the values identified.

Sociocultural Belief in a Common Descent or Lineage: Bangsa
Religious Kathotonganaya (close family ties).
Political
Social Stratification
Kapagaisa isa (Unity) and Katatabanga (Giving Help)

Marriage at the age of puberty as part of a divine design
Search for Lineage

Belief in Order: Atoran and Taritib

The Significance of Marriage to the Meranaws
Respect for Figures of Power/Authority

Table 1:Categories of Dominant Values Identified

The sociocultural values are belief in a common descent or lineage, kathotonganaya (close
family ties), social stratification, kapagaisa isa (unity) and katatabanga (giving help). For religious
values, they are marriage at the age of puberty as part of a divine design and the need for search for
lineage as mandated by Islam. The Meranaws believe that marriage is part of the divine design; the
uses or importance of marriage in Meranaw society not only as the union of a couple, but the union of
families or clans. For political values, they are belief in order: atoran and taritib, the significance of
marriage to the Meranaws and respect for figures of power/authority.The Meranaw rhetor, usually
male, serves as a gatekeeper as far as language use is concerned. He is an arbiter of taste, modelling
elegance, finesse, and kambilang a tao or sensitivity to his audience’s sensibility, beliefs and values,
and taste. He promotes and helps perpetuate discursive practices and traditional beliefs and practices
held dear and zealously fostered by the establishment.

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136

MENCARI MAKNA AYAT BERULANG LEBIH RASIONAL PADA
AL-QUR`AN SURAH AR-ROHMAN: SATU KAJIAN AWAL

Looking For More Rational Meaning Of Repeative Verses In The Qur'An Surah Ar-
Rohman: One Early Study

M. Husnan Lubis, Mardiah Mawar Kembaren
E-mail: [email protected] / [email protected],

[email protected]
Fakultas Ilmu Budaya, Universitas Sumatera Utara, Medan, Indonesia.

Abstrak

Penterjemahan al-Qur`an ke dalam Bahasa Indonesia, telah lama dan banyak dilaksanakan. Namun
sejalan dengan perkembangan zaman dan berkembangnya pemikiran manusia, ada hal-hal yang
berkaitan dengan hasil; terjemahan al-Qur`an ke dalam Bahasa Indonesia. Antara hal itu berhubung
kait dengan terjemahan al-Qur`an itu sendiri. Fenomena pengulangan atau yang disebutkan dengan
istilah at-takrar dalam bahasa Arab adalah fenomena kebahasaan yang memiliki tujuan dan maksud
tertentu dalam sebuah kalimat (1). Pengulangan ini sudah menjadi tren dalam bahasa Arab dan
banyak ulama kontenporer dan klasik yang membahas fenomena ini (2). Kajian tentang terjemahan al-
Qur`an dengan beberpa metode penerjemahan, diyakini akan menghasilkan satu terjemahan alternatif.
Terjemahan alternatif dimaksud akan lebih baik dan rasional sesuai konteks ayat dan surah. Objek
kajian yang akan dijalankan adalah surah Ar-Rahman terutama pada ayat berulang. Ayat berulang
kemungkinan memiliki makna-makna lain yang mungkin timbul disebabkan oleh konteks-konteks
yang berbeda-beda pula di masing-masing ayat berulang tersebut. Untuk menghasilkan terjemahan
yang lebih baik dan rasional, kajian ini didasarkan pada kaidah-kaidah ilmu penerjemahan dan
mencuba mengemukakan pendapat para ahli tafsir klasik dan kontenporer berkait dengan ayat
berulang. Ini supaya maksud dan pesan dari ayat ini sampai kepada pembaca dengan lebih sempurna.

Kata Kunci: Terjemahan; Al-Quran; Ar-Rahman; Makna berulang

Abstract

The translation of the Qur'an into Indonesian has been long and widely practiced. But in line with
times and the development of human thought, there are things related to result translation of the
Qur'an into Indonesian. Among things relate to the translation of the Qur'an itself. The phenomenon
of repetition or what is referred to as at-takrar in Arabic is a linguistic’s phenomenon that has a certain
purpose and specific meaning in a sentence (1). This repetition has become a trend in Arabic and
many contemporary and conventional scholars have discussed this phenomenon (2). The study of the
translation of the Qur'an with several translation methods, is believed to produce an alternative
translation. The alternative translation would have better and more rational according to the context of
the verse and surah. The object of study to be be carried out is Surah Ar-Rahman, especially in
repeated verses. Repeated verses may have other meanings that may arise due to the different contexts
in each of these repeated verses. In order to produce a better and rational translation, this study is
based on the rules of translation science and tries to express the opinions of classical and
contemporary expert regarding repeated verses. Thereofore, the intent meaning and messages of this
verse reach the reader more perfectly.

Keywords: Translation; Al-Qur'an; The beneficent; Repeated meaning

137

1. PENDAHULUAN

Fenomena pengulangan atau yang disebutkan dengan istilah at-takrar dalam bahasa Arab adalah
fenomena kebahasaan yang memiliki tujuan dan maksud tertentu dalam satu kalimat(1). Pengulangan
ini sudah menjadi tren dalam bahasa Arab dan banyak ulama kontenporer dan klasik yang membahas
fenomena ini(2). Akan tetapi, hal ini tidak hanya dalam bahasa Arab sahaja, pengulangan atau
reduplikasi dalam bahasa Indonesia juga memiliki maksud dan tujuan tertentu dari kalimat yang
diulang. Sebut sahaja dalam bahasa Indonesia misalnya, jika ada pengulangan dengan berbagai
bentuknya, maka hal tersebut menjadi hal yang bersifat urgen atau dianggap penting(3).

Jika dalam semua bahasa di era modern ini dan kalimat keseharian saja bahawa pengulangan
itu memiliki maksud dan tujuan(4), sudah pasti pengulangan yang berlaku dalam ayat kitab suci Al-
Quran, mengandungi makna yang sangat khas dan mendalam. Pengulangan ini diyakini bukanlah hal
yang sia-sia; ini kerana Al-Quran adalah panduan dalam kehidupan manusia muslim. Antara surah Al-
Quran yang paling banyak mengadung at-takrar atau pengulangan ialah surah Ar-Rahman. Bahkan,
pengulangan ayat itu sebanyak 31 kali. Ini menjadi salah satu ciri khas surah ini berbanding dengan
surah yang lainnya(5).

Al-Qur`an surah Ar-Rahman; adalah antara surah Makkiyah menurut jumhur ulama. Surah ini
mengandung pesan-pesan tauhid dan menggambarkan tentang kekuasaan Allah SWT yang tiada tara.
Surah ini adalah satu-satunya surah Al-Quran yang dimulai dengan menggunakan asmaul husna yaitu
Ar-Rahman.(7) Bahkan dari segi kandungannya, surah ini tertuju untuk laki-laki dan perempuan,
manusia dan jin, mereka yang beriman dan mereka yang ingkar sekaligus. Oleh kerana kandungannya
berisi tentang nikmat Allah SWT yang sangat banyak kepada manusia dan jin(8). Lalu, apakah
maksud Allah SWT bertanya kepada manusia tentang kedustaan?; bukankah Allah SWT Maha
Mengetahui atas segala nya?

Secara khas penelitian bertujuan memberikan atau mencari terjemahan alternatif dari semua ayat
berulang dengan merujuk asbabun nuzul surah dan pendapat para ahli tafsir, kaidah kebahasaan, dan
kaedah penterjemahan. Ini kerana penekanan ayat demi ayat juga sangat berbeda. Jika pertanyaan
berulang dalam surah ini (ar-Rahman) mungkin memiliki multi makna, penafsiran, maksud, dan
tujuan, sepertinya terjemahan statis ayat berulang dalam surah ini yang ada pada mushaf terjemahan,
perlu ditelusuri dan dikaji ulang oleh beberapa alasan yang telah dikemukakan di atas. Pada masa
yang sama, niat menterjemah alQur`an surah ar-Rahman ke dalam bahasa Mandailing juga turut sama.

Khoridatul Mudhiyah (2014) dalam kajiannya yang bertajuk “Menelusuri Makna
Pengulangan Redaksi dalam Surah Ar-Rahman” sampai pada kesimpulan bahawa pengulangan ayat
dalam surah ini erat kaitannya dengan penegasan atau penguatan (attakkid). Menurutnya bahawa
pengulangan merupakan salah satu faktor agar makna semakin bersemayam dalam pikiran, hati dan
jiwa masyarakat. Selain itu, dia menyebutkan tiga macam pengulangan yang terjadi dalam surah ar-
Rahman; iaitu, pengulangan kata, pengulangan kalimat, dan pengulangan ayat secara utuh (12).
Kajian tersebut hanya sekedar menelusuri makna, hikmah, jenis pengulangan dalam surah Ar-Rahman
tanpa mencuba memberikan makna alternatif lain sebagai konsekuensi daripada maksud dan tujuan
pengulangan dimaksud. Adapun penelitian yang akan dilakukan ini, mencoba memberikan alternatif
terjemahan ayat berulang dalam surah ar-Rahman agar dapat mengakomodir teorikeori kebahasaan,
penerjemahan, dan pendapat para mufassir tentang maksud ayat ini.

Latifah Choirun Nisa` (2017) dalam kajiannya yang bertajuk “Penafsiran Surah ArRahman
(Analisis Terhadap Pengulangan Ayat Dalam Qs. Ar-Rahman)” ; Ia sampai pada kesimpulan bahawa;
pengulangan ayat itu berfungsi sebagai ta'kid, taqrir, tanbih dan tadzkir bagi manusia dan jin.
Menurutnya, manusia harus lebih bersyukur atas segala nikmat yang mereka raih, oleh kerana itulah
Allah SWT mengingatkan mereka dengan mengulang-ulang ayat ini (13). Sebagai pengkaji, dia
berharap perlu adanya reorientasi terhadap redaksiredaksi yang saling bermiripan dalam al-Qur'an dan
agar dijadikan bahan penelitian berikutnya. Manakala kajian yang akan dilakukan ini adalah salah

138

satu bentuk dari follow up kajian yang telah dilakukan oleh Latifah; ini kerana akan mencuba
menggali kaedah-kaedah kebahasaan, penterjemahan, pendapat ahli tafsir, yang beroreantasi pada
terjemahan alternatif yang lebih sesuai dan rasional.

Kajian lain yang sesuai adalah yang telah dilakukan oleh Zubaidah Bin Asba` (2012) dengan
judul “Dalalah At-Tikrar Fi Surah Ar-Rahman”. Kajian ini sampai pada sebuah kesimpulan bahawa
pengulangan yang ada dalam surah ar-rahman bukan tanpa maksud dan sebab. Bahkan menurutnya,
pengulangan ini memberikan tiga keindahan pada waktu yang sama. Ketiga keindahan itu adalah
keindahan shauti (suara), keindahan dilali (semantik), dan keindahan balaghi (ilmu retorika)(6).
Tidak jauh berbeda dengan apa yang dilakukan oleh Qismah Madhat Wisam Thaha Syihab Ahmad
(2017) yang bertajuk “Asrar At-Tikrar Fi Surah Ar-Rahman” yang juga sampai pada tiga keindahan
Al-Quran (I`qha`I, Jamali, dan Semantik) yang ada dalam semua pengulangan ayat ini(14). Hanya
saja, kajian-kajian ini hanya membahas seputar keindahan ini dan macam-macam pengulangan dalam
al-quran tanpa memberikan alternatif terjemahan makna ayat yang sesuai dengan keilmuan yang ada.

2. MASALAH KAJIAN

Kajian ini mengandungi masalah yang agak rumit dan belum dapat dirungkai. Antara masalah yang
dilihat adalah; ada informasi bahwa asbabun nuzul yang diketahui dareipada ayat atau surah ini hanya
ayat pertama sampai ayat lima. Selanjutnya untuk ayat-ayat seterusnya belum di ketahui. Persolan lain
pula; iaitu, ayat-ayat berulang sampai 32 x dengan terjemahannya yang hampir kurang lojik. Iaitu
pada ayat tersebut kalau diterjemahkan atau terjemahan yang biasa sampai saat ini, ialah Allah sendiri
bertanya kepada Manusia dan Jin tentang nikmat-nikmat yang didustakan oleh manusia dan jin itu.
Pertanyaan ini berulangulang sampai 32 x dalam al-Qur`an. Pertanyaan seperti ini, kelihatannya
kurang lojik dan rasional, sebab manusia dan jin yang di tanya itu tidak lebih tahu daripada manusia.
Nah di sini letak persoalan kajian kedua.Persolan keduanya bahawa; dengan penterjemahan
semacama itu seolah-olah Jin dan Manusia selama ini, mendustakan semua nikmat-nikmat yang
berikan kepada kedua-dua makhluk Allah ini.

3. METODE

Penelitian ini menggunakan metode analisis komparatif terhadap beberapa kitab tafsir tentang surah
Ar-Rahman. Hal ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui sebagian besar pendapat para ulama tafsir saat
menafsirkan ayat berulang surah Ar-Rahman. Tafsir At-Tahrir Wa Tanwir karya mufassir kenamaan
asal negara Tunisia, Syekh Muhammad Bin Thahir Ibnu Ashur merupakan rujukan utama dan sumber
inspirasi untuk mengetahui maksud ayat demi ayat berulang dalam kajian ini agar peneliti dapat
menghadirkan terjemahan misali dan menginspirasi. Peneliti akan mencuba memberikan terjemahan
alternatif yang lebih sesuai (rasional) terhadap ayat berulang dalam surah Ar-Rahman dengan
memperhatikan kaedahkaedah bahasa Arab dan kaedah ilmu penerjemahan.

Secara umum, penelitian ini menggunakan metode FGD (Forum Group Discussion) dalam
mengumpulkan data dan menganalisis datanya. Hal tersebut dilakukan pada beberapa kampus,
lembaga, dan pesantren di dalam negara mahupun di luar negara. Adapun kampus yang menjadi
sasaran pengumpulan informasi, analisis, dan FGD pada penelitian ini adalah Universitas Sumatera
Utara (USU) Medan, Universitas Islam Negeri Sumatera Utara (UISU) Medan, Universitas Islam
Negeri Cirebon (UINC) Cirebon, Universiti-Universiti di Luar Negara. Lembaga yang akan dilibatkan
dalam penelitian ini meliputi Lembaga pemerintahan seperti kementerian agama, dan Lembaga-
lembaga penerjemah Al-Quran yang ada di Indonesia. Terakhir, pesantren dengan para ulamanya
yang menjadi bagian dari ahli tafsir di Indonesia.

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4. CADANGAN MAKNA TERJEMAHAN

Kalimat berulang dalam surah ar-Rahman, kalau diperhatikan secara susunan ayatnya,
atau secara tata bahasa, maka akan kita dapati sebagai berikut: َِ َ‫ِ ي‬n ‫ ۤ يٰ يَ َِ َِ َي ِِا‬. ‫ يت كَ ِِ ِ ِب َِ يَ ِِ كُ يَا‬.
Fabiayyi : fa-nya itu adalah fa al-fashihah atau fa penjelas dan sebagai jawab syarat daripada ayat-
ayat sebelumnya. bi ayyi itu isim jar al majrur dengan harful jar (bi) yang tandanya jarnya adalah
kasroh atau garis bawah

Alaa 'i ; merupakan mudof ilaihi yang menempati posisi majrur dalam ayat; ia di tandai jarnya ialah
baris kasroh atau baris bawah yang mudofnya adalah bi ayyi

Rabbikuma : rabbi mudof ilaihi majrur yang tanda jarnya ialah kasroh atau garis bawah yang
mudofnya ialah alaa-i dan kuma adalah domir muttasil mabni dengan tanda sukun yang baris akhir
seharusnya adalah jar mudof ilaihi, kerana mudofnya ialah rabbi

Tukazziban : fi'il mudori' marfu' yang tanda rafa'nya ialah adanya si nun di akhir. Dan alif disitu
sebagai domir muttasil mabni yang berposisi juga sebagai fa`il. Kalau kita perhatikan secara seksama
tentang isi kandungan ar-Rahman itu , kita kan mendapati, ianya membincangkan tentang kasih
saying tuhan kepada dua hambanya; iaitu, bangsa Manusia dan
Jin:

Jadi; surah ini, memiliki erti “Allah Yang Maha Pemurah bagi umat Muslim”. Surah ini juga,
adalah satu pemberitahuan tentang nikmat-nikmat Allah yang mengagumkan, bahkan berisi tentang
rahmat-rahmat Allah SWT yang nyata di dunia dan akhirat bagi bangsa Jin dan Manusia. Surat ini
dinamakan Ar Rahman, sebab menurut Amirulloh Syarbini dan Sumantri Jamhari, isi ayatnya
menjelaskan tentang limpahan nikmat yang telah Allah SWT berikan kepada jin dan manusia.

Oleh itu daripada kajian awal yang dijalankan kajian ini mendapati bahwa sebab turunnya
surah ini kerana Ar-Rahman, kerana kasih sayang Allah bagi bangsa Jin dan Manuisa yag
diperlihatkan dengan Nikmat. Seterusnya kajian juga mencadangkan terjemahan alternatif daripada
ayat berulang adalah sebagai:

Nimat Tuhan Kamu yang Mana-pun Tidak Dapat Kamu Dustakan”.

RUJUKAN

Amirulloh Syarbini dan Sumantri Jamhari, (2014). Kedahsyatan Membaca Al Quran. Bandung
Al-Lisaniyyat 2017;23(2):291–300. Available from: https://www.asjp.cerist.dz/en/article/32053

Daar Al-Huda Lilkitab; 1998. Available from: https://archive.org/details/al-takrar_al
iqaei_fi_al-logha_al-arabia.

Khadar S. Al-Takrar Al-Iqaei Fi Al-Lughah Al-Arabiah [Internet]. 1st ed. Kafar Syeikh:

Syihri M. (2017). Ar-Takrar Wadauruhu Fi Insijam Al-Khitab War Tishamihi. Muqarabah
Mi`mariyah Li Ayat Min Surah Ar-Rahman,.

Kurniawati W., (2014). Reduplikasi Nomina Dalam Bahasa Indonesia: Kajian Sintaksis Dan
Semantik. Aksara.

Tumi JY, (2017) Zhahirah At-Tikrar Fii Ad-Dirasat Al-Lisaniyah Al-Gharbiyah Al- Haditsah. Al-
Mudawwanah. 4(1):141–52.

Al-Janabi AM, Jabur SS.,(2014), The Cohesion in surah AL- Rahman A Study Domain Text
Linguistics. Majallah Adab Mustanshiriyah.

140

Hadjer F.,(2018). The Structure of The Voice Story in The Qur`anic Discours: Ar-Rahman Model.
Lughatu Kalam.

Iman Z, Bulkharash M.(2019). Tadawuliyah Al-Af`al Al-Kalamiyah Fi Surah Ar-Rahman.
Majallah Al-Lughah Al-Arabiyah.

Mudhiah K. (2014). Menelusuri Makna Pengulangan Redaksi dalam Surah Ar-Rahman.
Hermeneutik.

Nisa’ LC.(2007). Penafsiran Surah Ar-Rahman (Analisis Terhadap Pengulangan Ayat Dalam Qs. Ar-
Rahman). IAIN Walisongo Semarang.

Asba` Z Bin. Dalalah, (2012). At-Tikrar Fi Surah Ar-Rahman. Althar.
Madhat Q, Ahmad WTS.(2014). Asrar At-Tikrar Fi Surah Ar-Rahman. Al-Fatih J.

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A DICTIONARY OF BILINGUAL MORPHOSYNTAX INDONESIAN-ARABIC :
LEXICOGRAPHIC STUDIES

KAMUS BILINGUAL MORPHOSYNTAX INDONESIA-ARAB : STUDI LEXICOGRAPHIC

Khairina Nasution1, Rahlina2, Rahimah3 , Azhary Tambusai4
1,2,3,Arabic Literature Department,, Universitas Sumatera Utara, 20155 Medan, Indonesia, 4English

Literature Department, Universitas Muslim Nusantara Al-Washliyah, 011027Medan-Indonesia
[email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]

Abstract

A dictionary has a very crucial role for someone who is learning Arabic. The use of a dictionary is not
only limited to finding the definition of a word, but also serves to check the standard or not of a word,
the spelling or other information, such as etymology, word categories, and examples of word usage in
sentences, This study aims to describe the lexicography of a bilingual Indonesia-Arabic dictionary
specifically in the field of morphosyntax. The method used in this study is a qualitative descriptive
method. Collecting data is through questionnaries and using a lexicographic approch. The
questionnaire was filled out by the Arabic Literature Study Program students who took morphology
and syntax courses. The results of the questionnaire wre used to determine their need for a bilingual
Indonesian-Arabic dictionary specially in the field of morphosyntax. The stages in the preparation of
the dictionary. The macrostructure of the dictioanary is alphabetically arranged and the micro
structure of the the dictionary contains consists of definitions and lexical information. The lexical
information contained in this dictionary consists of definitions and terms found in this dictionary
include: affixes (zāidah), root words (jużur al-kalimah), assimilation (mumāṡalah), derivation
(isytiqāq), noun phrases (Ɂībāratun ismīyyatun). In general, the preparation of this Arabic
morphosyntactic bilingual dictionary uses the lexicographic stages by Taufiqurrachman (2010) and
the evaluation of the compilation of the dictionary based on the dictionary evaluation standard Al-
Khuli (1982). This dictionary contains 300 entries and can be viewed at
/http:/tinyurl.com//kamusmorfosytaksis. The result showed the students, need for a special Arabic
morphosyntactic dictioanary could be relized.
Keywords: Lexicography, Bilingual Dictionary, Arabic Morphosyntax

Abstrak

Kamus memiliki peran yang sangat penting bagi seseorang yang sedang belajar bahasa Arab.
Penggunaan kamus tidak hanya sebatas untuk menemukan definisi suatu kata, tetapi juga berfungsi
untuk mengecek standar atau tidaknya suatu kata, ejaan atau informasi lainnya, seperti etimologi,
kategori kata, dan contoh penggunaan kata dalam kalimat. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk
mendeskripsikan leksikografi kamus dwibahasa Indonesia-Arab khususnya bidang morfosintaks.
Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif kualitatif. Pengumpulan data
dilakukan melalui kuesioner dan menggunakan pendekatan leksikografis. Kuesioner diisi oleh
mahasiswa Program Studi Sastra Arab yang mengambil mata kuliah morfologi dan sintaksis. Hasil
kuesioner digunakan untuk mengetahui kebutuhan mereka akan kamus dwibahasa Indonesia-Arab
khususnya di bidang morphosyntax. Tahapan dalam penyusunan kamus. Struktur makro kamus
disusun menurut abjad dan struktur mikro kamus berisi definisi dan informasi leksikal. Informasi
leksikal yang terdapat dalam kamus ini terdiri dari definisi dan istilah yang terdapat dalam kamus ini
meliputi: imbuhan (zāidah), akar kata (jużur al-kalimah), asimilasi (mumāṡalah), derivasi (isytiqāq),
frase kata benda (Ɂībāratun ismīyyatun). Secara umum penyusunan kamus dwibahasa morfosintaktik
bahasa Arab ini menggunakan tahapan leksikografis Taufiqurrachman (2010) dan evaluasi
penyusunan kamus berdasarkan standar evaluasi kamus Al-Khuli (1982). Kamus ini berisi 300 entri
dan dapat dilihat di /http://tinyurl.com//kamusmorfosytaksis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan kepada
siswa, bahwa Khusus dalam kamus morfosintaktik bahasa Arab dapat direalisasikan.
Kata kunci: Leksikografi, Kamus Dwibahasa, Morfosintaks Arab

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INTRODUCTION

Dictionaries are one of the supporting media in foreign language learning for students at the
Arabic Literature Study Program, the University of Sumatera Utara (USU) because dictionaries can
help students understand the terms contained in certain courses. There are new dictionaries which
only enhance the existing dictionaries and there are dictionaries which only summarize or even
explain the predecessor dictionaries. Almost every dictionary has certain characteristics that
distinguish it from the previous dictionaries.

Many Arabic-Indonesian and Indonesian-Arabic translation dictionaries have been found,
even Arabic dictionaries with a digital (virtual) system that are easier to access via electronic devices
also exist. Arabic dictionaries that exist as a product of the creativity of linguists are very diverse,
depending on the purpose of compiling the dictionary and its appearance which is adapted to the
needs of the community. The special bilingual dictionary from Indonesian-Arabic in linguistics is still
neglected because apart from not being included in the curriculum, the interest of foreign language
teachers in compiling this special dictionary is also very minimal (Sayed : 2013; Qāsimī :1991).

In terms of the number of languages ​ ​ used, the dictionary can be classified into (a) a
single language dictionary (al-mu'jam al-uhādi al-lughah) which is a dictionary that explains the
meaning of words or terms in a language with that language (b) bilingual (al-mu'jam alsunai al-
lughah) is a dictionary that explains the meaning of words or terms in other languages ​ ​ (Hayani,
2019; Hermawan, 2017; Taufiqrrochman, 2010). The vocabulary in a special dictionary is defined and
adapted in a particular field. Special dictionaries receive less attention, this can be seen in the absence
of such special dictionaries available in the market, especially Indonesian-Arabic bilingual
dictionaries specifically in the field of morphosyntax. The Indonesian-Arabic bilingual dictionary
specifically in the field of morphosyntax referred to here is a special dictionary that contains entries in
the form of Arabic morphosyntactic terms.

The dictionary that will be created is based on the needs of students at USU's Arabic
Literature Study Program who take morphology and syntax courses who have different Arabic
educational backgrounds. This dictionary can be considered as a supporting medium in learning
Arabic morphosyntax for students. The use of this dictionary is not only limited to looking up the
meaning of term in Arabic morphosyntax, but also to provide other information, such as words,
examples, and definitions. The results of a questionnaire conducted on Arabic Literature students who
took the course showed that 94% of students who took the course did not have an Arabic
morphosyntactic dictionary. but they have an Arabic-Indonesian dictionary (83%).

Furthermore, Sayed (2013) states the students have difficulty in finding and understanding the
entries they are looking for so that students are reluctant to open a dictionary because it takes a long
time to find meanings. In addition, Arabic dictionary users must master the science of sharaf if they
want to find Arabic terms related to morphology (Wahida : 2017). Therefore, the role of a bilingual
dictionary is needed in helping students understand and communicate in the target language.
According to Rustandi (2016) the attitude of dictionary users from Arabic to Indonesian has a level of
efficiency in using a dictionary (57.14%).

Dictionary users are inefficient in using dictionaries because it is difficult for them to find
basic words, and equivalents, they do not know the context and cultural structure of the target
language. Intensity is the infrequent or minimal time to open the dictionary. The users do not know
the context of using the entry in the sentence. Furthermore, in terms of weight, a complete dictionary
tends to be thick and difficult to carry everywhere. The dictionary users have difficulty in using a
dictionary, both in the morphological, syntactic, and semantic aspects. In addition, there is no room
for lexicography (Applied Linguistics) in the curriculum and the lack of interest from teachers in
compiling bilingual dictionaries for beginners, though dictionaries have an important role in learning
foreign languages at various levels of education.

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This research is motivated by the difficulty of students looking for meanings or
morphosyntactic terms in lectures, reluctance to open an Arabic-Indonesian (Indonesian-Arabic)
dictionary because it takes a long time and the lack of knowledge of students looking for basic forms
morphologically. This study discusses a special dictionary, namely the dictionary (takhashshusi),
which is a dictionary that only collects words that are in one particular discipline. It is not enough to
use a dictionary in this way without knowing the meanings in the lexicon. For example, to find out the
terms found in Arabic morphosyntactic, such as morpheme words and verbal sentences in Arabic, it is
not enough to just use an Indonesian-Arabic translation dictionary, but also to be assisted with a
special Indonesian-Arabic morphosyntactic dictionary. This research is also one way to anticipate a
symptom in the form of a loss of interest at USU Arabic literature study program students to use
Arabic dictionaries in learning Arabic.

LEXICOGRAPHY

The art of compiling language dictionaries using a certain systematic is called lexicography.
According to the idea of Fitrah (2019), Utami (2019) and Taufiqrochaman (2010), lexicography is
part of applied linguistics which is defined as the knowledge and art of compiling language
dictionaries using certain systematics to produce a quality dictionary product that is easy and
complete. Utami (2019) adds lexicography is a dictionary-making technique based on lexicology,
semantics, morphology, syntax, and metallexicography which includes how to make dictionaries and
prepare entries.

Next Utami (2019) states there are five stages carried out in the lexicographic process, namely
(1) the phase of preparation (2) the acquisition of the material and the data (3) the treatment of the
material and the data, (4) the evaluation of the material and the data , and (5) preparation of the print
process. The preparation stage of the process includes planning the period of making and drafting the
dictionary. Planning a dictionary concept means determining the function of the dictionary, the
information to be created in the dictionary, and the design of the dictionary. Furthermore, the material
and data are collected from various sources in the form of oral or written. The material and data are,
then, reviewed and selected and evaluated.

If these steps have been carried out and all the contents of the dictionary are considered to
have been prepared properly and correctly, the next step is to prepare to print it. Utami (2019) also
added each dictionary contains at least a list of words containing information. The arrangement of
word lists in a dictionary is known as a macrostructure. Setiawan (2015) said macrostructure is a way
of arranging entries including sub-entries in a dictionary. Furthermore, Yeka (2016) added
microstructure refers to the information provided by each entry arranged in a dictionary. The entries
in the dictionary are selected and arranged based on certain criteria. Microstructure is all the
information written after the main points. The information in an entry varies widely. The arrangement
of the information is influenced by the type of dictionary and can be determined by lexicography.
Furthermore, Hartman (2001) divides weak information into two, namely formal information and
semantic information. Formal information is more related to grammatical information, while semantic
information is related to meaning information. Each entry in the entry will have two components of
that information. In addition to determining the macrostructure and microstructure, the determination
of the corpus is also an important stage in lexicography. Corpus is collected and limited according to
need. Setiawan (2015) also said in general the lexicographer's corpus is limited by the time of
collection, which means that time is the first consideration in collecting the corpus.

Viewed in terms of the number of languages used, dictionaries can be divided into (1)
monolingual dictionaries, which are dictionaries thet explain the meanings of words or terms in other
languages, Namely (1) monolingual dictionaries thet only use one language (2) bilingual dictionary a
dictioanary thet uses two languages, that is an entry from one language that is in the dictionary is
given a matching definition using another language (3) a multi-language dictionary, namely a
dictionary thet uses at least or more languanges (Taufiqurrohman:2010)

The studies on the art of compiling a dictionary have already been done. The study of
dictionary compilation related to Arabic lexicography has been reviewed by (Hayani, 2019;

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Malinda, 2017; Begmatofa and friends, 2019). The Arabic-Indonesian Bilingual dictionary has
been studied by Rustandi (2016) and the anroid-based Indonesian-Arabic dictionary application
has been studied by Dardanila et al (2018). The research that discusses the Indonesian-Arabic
bilingual dictionary specifically in the field of morphosyntax has not been conducted.

The research on the practice of lexicography was also conducted by Suprianti (2012) which
focused on gender-oriented personal nouns in A Big Indonesian Dictionary, Edition IV. The study
found that the compilation of dictionary entries was influenced by stereotypes in two ways, namely
the formulation of definitions and determining the occurrence of several entries and sub-lemmas. In
the preparation of definitions, stereotypes affect the mention of gender-marked words and appear in
the use of certain verbs or adjectives in the definition that reflect the stereotypes attached to particular
gender. Meanwhile, in the apperance of an entry, it appears that entry and sub-entry express concepts
that refer to abilities in more detail and more than concepts that refer to men.

Based on the description above, it is necessary to make a bilingual Indonesian-Arabic dictionary
specifically in the field of Morphosyntax. Morphosyntax is the study of changes in form caused by
morphological and syntactic demands. The grammatical information contained in the bilingual
Indonesian-Arabic dictionary specifically in the field of morphosyntax is in the form of grammatical
meanings and some is in the form of definitions. Morphosyntax is a change in form caused by
syntactic demands. Morphosyntax in Arabic includes (1) concordance characteristics (2) noun and
verb cases (3) and verb mode (Hayuning Parasati and Kuswardono, 2019). Morphosyntax consists of
morphology and syntax. Arabic morphology discusses the morphological process (Al-Isytiqaq),
namely the formation of new words from other words. Syntax is a grammatical study to determine the
final sound of an Arabic word in a larger building structure

THE PROBLEM STATEMENT

The problem found in the research can be summarized as how to create a bilingual Indonesian-
Arabic dictionary specifically in the field of morphosyntax in the field of lexicography.

THE RESEARCH OBJECTIVE

The purpose of this research is to explain how to create a bilingual Indonesian-Arabic dictioanary
specifically in the field of morphosyntax through the stages og lexicography.

METHOD

This research is a library research with a qualitative approach. Bungin (2008) explained that
research design with a qualitative approach is flexible, not too detailed, it is not customary to define a
concept, and it provides the possibility for changes when more basic, interesting and unique facts are
found in the field. The method used in this study is a qualitative descriptive method.

This method is based on the use of data obtained from the literature related to morphology and
syntax in order to obtain research results that can assist students in studying morphology and syntax.
The stages carried out in this study began with analyzing the needs of students of the Arabic
Literature Study Program at the University of Sumatera Utara who took morphology and syntax
courses. This is done so that the compiled dictionary can meet the needs of USU Arabic Literature
Study Program students. To get data about whether or not students need the dictionary, the researchers
used a questionnaire filled out by 67 students.

The questionnaire used is a closed questionnaire, namely by giving several questions to students.
Furthermore, data is collected in the form of words that will be used as special dictionary entries,
using documentation techniques. This documentation technique is used to examine, capture and
collect data in the form of a language corpus. The data was obtained from journals, research results,
textbooks, papers, scientific reports, printed dictionaries and textbooks on morphology and syntax.
Furthermore, the data is selected according to the needs, namely the selected vocabulary related to
morphosyntactic.

Other data will then be provided such as definitions and examples whether in sentences or not
(Yusuf: 2014). While the data recording format refers to the standard Al-Khuli dictionary (A

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Dictionary of Theoretical Linguistics, English-Arabic). For data analysis used the stages in the
formation of lexicography. This means that the words that have been collected are sorted
alphabetically, which is called the macrostructure of the dictionary and is equipped with information
called the microstructure of the dictionary. The data is then ready to be published into a dictionary. In
this case, the Indonesian-Arabic bilingual dictionary specifically in the field of morphosyntax is given
meanings and applied to lexicographic theory.

Furthermore, the data dictionary is printed conventionally and digitally. Thus, data analysis
consists of three interrelated processes, namely data reduction, data presentation, and
verification/drawing conclusions. Data reduction is a form of data analysis in the form of selecting,
focusing, grouping, and discarding words as well as compiling data whose ultimate goal is to
conclude data in the form of a special Arabic dictionary. The next step in the data analysis process is
the presentation of the data, namely categorizing all the data, which data in what form and which
groups should be included. (Bungin: 2010).

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The results of this study are in the form of an explanation of the process compiling a bilingual
a bilingual Indonesian-Arabic dictionary specifically in the field of Arabic morphosyntax which is
useful for helping students understand the terms contained in Arabic morphology and syntax courses.
This dictionary contains entries are 300 words, the entries are alphabetically arranged from A-Z. The
entries strarting with the letters /U/, /W/, /X/, and /Y/ are not found in the words. The draft this
Indonesian-Arabic Dictionary will then be made into a digital dictionary. The digital dictionary
referred to here is a dictionary derived form a digital dictionary. The digital dictionary referred to here
is a dictionary derived from a coventional dictionary which is converted in the form of PDF file. The
advantage of this dictionary is that it can display a dictionary according to the original and the serach
process is esasier than using a conventional dictionary.

The dictionary described above is the Indonesian-Arabic Bilingual Dictionary Special for the
Morphosyntactic Field, arranged alphabetically. This dictionary is given a lexical meaning and some
is given a definition along with examples. This dictionary entry consists of the source language being
Indonesian and the target language being Arabic. This research is one of the results of lexicographic
research in which the composition is in the form of macrostructure and microstructure of a dictionary.
The macrostructure is the arrangement of the dictionary which is alphabetically done and the
microstructure consists of definitions and grammatical information. This dictionary can be considered
as a supporting medium in learning Arabic morphosyntax. Data is collected through journals, books,
dictionaries, and other scientific works. Meanings, definitions, and examples are written in Arabic.
The making of this dictionary is based on the student's need for a bilingual Indonesian-Arabic
dictionary through a questionnaire given to students. The results of the questionnaire given to Arabic
Literature students who took the morphosyntactic course showed that 100% of the students who took
the course did not have an Arabic morphosyntactic dictionary. This dictionary is useful to help
students who take morphosyntactic courses to understand the use of terms used in morphosyntax. The
number of temporary words contained in this dictionary is about 300 words. The draft of this
Indonesian-Arabic Bilingual Dictionary will then be made into a digital dictionary. The digital
dictionary referred to here is a dictionary derived from a conventional dictionary which is converted
in the form of a PDF file. The advantage of this dictionary is that it can display a dictionary according
to the original and the search process is easier than using a conventional dictionary.

Examples of Arabic morphosyntactic terms

1. 1. Free morphemes : /murfīmun munfasilun/ murfīmun hurun/
Definitions and examples:
/murfīmun yumkinu isti’māluhu mustaqillan ‘an sawāhu, ay annhu yaqūmu bi dauri al-
kalimati-al mustaqilati/, miṡlu : /waladun, jalasa/.

The word /waladun/ in the example above is a free morpheme because it can stand alone in a
sentence. For example /ana waladun/

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2. Suffixes : /Lāḥiqatun/
Definitions and examples:
/murfīmun muqayyidun yuḍafu ʔila ʔākhiri al kalimati litakwini kalimatin musytaqatin zāti
ma’nan mukhtalifin/, miṡlu : /jalasā/.

The word /jalasā/ above is a verb of the past which consists of the morphemes of the base of
the past subjek as a subject marker. This suffix indicates a third person, dual and indicates masculine
gender.

3. Subjects : /Mubtadaʔu, musnadun ʔilayhi/
Definitions and examples:
/alʔismu allazī tubdaʔu bihi al jumlatu wa tukhbaru ‘anhu. Wa qad yakūnu min nāhiyyati al
ma’na fā’ilan au maf’ūlan bihi au ʔadatu al fi’li au makānihi au zamānihi/ miṡlu : /al
tālibātu masrūratun/.

Judging from a review of word syntax functions/al tālibātu/in the above example it serves to
be the mubtada (subject) which is in the place of rafa.

4. Noun phrases : /’ibāratun ismiyyatun/
Definitions and examples:
/Majmū’atun kalmātin raʔsiha isimun wa tatawāla fi jumlatin mā// Majmū’atun kalmātin
tu’malu ‘amalu al ismi dūna au taqūna jumaylata/miṡlu :/ bābu al faṣ li, ‘isyrīna kitāban/`

The examples of noun phrases /bābu al faṣ li/ above consists of the words /bābu/ as a core
element and the word /al faṣ li/ as an illuminator (modifier).

5. Abstract Nouns : /maṣdar/
Definition and examples:
/ismun yadullu ‘alā al-ḥadasi mujarradi min al-zamanī, miṡlu: rujū’un/

The exmple of masdar above comes from the fi’il tsulasi mujarrad (the basic form of raja’a) ‘He has
returned’ with the pattern of fu’ūlun.

6. Compositions: /complex/
Defenition and examples:
/kalimatun tatakawwanu min raɁsin wa muḥaddadin wa qad yakūnu al-murakkabu ismān,
miṡlu:kīsul hawaɁi/

The word kīsu in the example above is the core element of the word al-hawaɁi as the
explanatory element. These two words form a new meaning that is supported together, namely ‘air
bag’.

CONCLUSIONS

The Indonesian-Arabic bilingual dictionary research specifically in the field of syntax
contains materials taught in morphology and syntax courses at USU Arabic Literature program. This
dictionary was created based on questionnaire given to Arabic Literature study program students who
took Arabic morohology and syntax coureses. The result of the study show that all students who take
Arabic morphosyntax courses do not have this dictionary. This dictionary is made with a
lexicographic approach. This dictionary contains three hundred entries, each of which is adapted to
the morphosyntactic context presented in Indonesian and Arabic. Microstructures are placed after the
entries and macrostructures are alphabetically arranged. A special dictionary from Indonesian and
Arabic specifically in the field of morphosyntax which is useful for understanding terms in Arabic
morphosyntax and used according to the context.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This research has been well carried out. For this reason, the researchers would like to thank the USU
Chancellor and the USU Research Institute head who have provided funds so that this research can be
realized. They also thank the reviewers who have reviewed and provided input on this journal to
completion.

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148

PENDAYAUPAYAAN KOMUNITI NELAYAN DALAM PEMBANGUNAN
SOSIOBUDAYA TEMPATAN

Tuan Muhammad Zukri T.S1, Adi Syahid M.A2, Sabri Sulaiman3

1,3Fakulti Sains Sosial Gunaan, Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin (UniSZA), Malaysia
2Jabatan Sains Sosial, Pusat Pengajian Umum dan Kokurikulum, Universiti Tun Hussein Onn

(UTHM), Malaysia
Author Email: [email protected]

Abstrak

Komuniti nelayan adalah merupakan komuniti tradisional yang kebanyakannya mempunyai
penempatan di pesisir pantai. Komuniti ini mempunyai keunikan yang tertentu yang mana sumber
pekerjaan sebagai nelayan sejak turun temurun. Usaha pembangunan komuniti nelayan bukan hanya
dalam konteks pembangunan sumber ekonomi nelayan, tetapi turut melibatkan pembangunan dari
sumber sosiobudaya tempatan. Usaha pembangunan komuniti nelayan memerlukan elemen
pendayaupayaan komuniti nelayan dalam memastikan pembangunan komuniti nelayan berlaku
dengan baik. Usaha pendayaupayaan komuniti adalah mengaplikasi usaha ahli komuniti nelayan
(penyertaan aktif, keupayaan untuk berdikari serta elemen pembangunan modal sosial).

Kata kunci: Komuniti nelayan, pendayaupayaan komuniti, sosiobudaya.

PENDAHULUAN

Komuniti nelayan merupakan komuniti yang bersifat lokaliti setempat dengan hampir keseluruhan
komuniti nelayan adalah mereka yang tinggal berhampiran dengan sumber air (laut atau sungai).
Pekerjaan sebagai nelayan telah wujud sejak dahulu lagi dengan sumber makanan dan pendapatan
mereka adalah berasaskan hasil laut atau sungai. Lokasi pantai timur mempunyai ahli komuniti
nelayan yang ramai berbanding di pantai barat. Malah kebanyakan nelayan pantai timur adalah
nelayan pesisir pantai berbanding nelayan pantai barat yang kebanyakan adalah nelayan laut dalam.
Selain itu, dari segi kaum pula, hampir keseluruhan nelayan lokasi nelayan pantai timur adalah kaum
Melayu berbanding sebaliknya di pantai barat.

Sumber pekerjaan nelayan di Malaysia ada komuniti yang unik dan mempunyai kelebihan
yang bukan hanya memberi sumber pendapatan ekonomi kepada nelayan sahaja tetapi juga
merupakan sumber dalam pembangunan sosiobudaya tempatan. Budaya itu sendiri adalah dibentuk
menerusi pelbagai elemen atau bentuk dalam sesebuah komuniti. Ini termasuklah dari segi sumber
pekerjaan terutamanya sumber pekerjaan nelayan yang telah wujud secara turun temurun.

Usaha dalam pembangunan sumber pekerjaan sebagai nelayan telah mengalami perubahan
dari segi penggunaan penangkapan ikan, cara hidup dalam masyarakat tempatan termasuklah daripada
perhubungan antara ahli-ahli komuniti nelayan. Namun komuniti nelayan diteliti semakin tidak
mendapat tempat sebagai sumber pekerjaan nelayan dalam komuniti terutamanya dalam kalangan
belia untuk menceburi sumber pekerjaan sebagai nelayan. Oleh itu, usaha pendayaupayaan dalam
kalangan komuniti nelayan menjadi persoalan, dan elemen pendayaupayaan komuniti adalah
keperluan utama dalam mengekalkan sumber pekerjaan nelayan yang merupakan identiti budaya
kepada Malaysia.

KOMUNITI NELAYAN DI MALAYSIA

Pembangunan komuniti nelayan merupakan antara komuniti yang terawal di Malaysia sebelum
merdeka. Pelbagai kajian telah dilakukan ke atas komuniti ini sama ada daripada pihak luar mahupun
daripada sarjana Malaysia sendiri. Kajian dalam meneliti pembangunan komuniti nelayan di Malaysia

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telah dilakukan oleh Raymonth Firth pada tahun 1960an. Manakala sarjana Malaysia pula adalah
terdiri daripada Ungku Aziz (1958), Wan Hashim (1980), Ishak (1990), Syed Hussain (1987).
Seterusnya kajian pembangunan komuniti nelayan telah dilanjutkan seperti oleh Nor Hayati Saat
(2011), Wan Mohd Zaifirun et al., 2009.

Komuniti nelayan telah menyumbang sumber protein yang utama di Malaysia. Sehingga
tahun 2016, jumlah eksport ikan adalah sebanyak RM 3,031,763,427 berbanding pada tahun 2015
iaitu sebanyak RM 2,732,195,708 (Jabatan Perikanan Malaysia, 2018). Malah sektor perikanan telah
berkembang dengan menyumbang kepada sumber pekerjaan terutamanya perkembangan industri di
luar bandar yang berasaskan kepada sumber perikanan seperti industri pembinaan bot, penghasilan
peralatan menangkap ikan, produk berasaskan ikan serta pertumbuhan restoran-restoran yang
menyediakan makanan berasaskan laut (Mohammad Raduan et al., 2011). Malah menurut
Mohammad Raduan et al. (2011), selari dengan perkembangan pembangunan komuniti nelayan yang
berlaku telah memberi impak yang besar dalam usaha Malaysia untuk tidak bergantung dengan
negara-negara luar bagi mendapatkan sumber bekalan bagi keperluan negara, malah dengan adanya
perkembangan industri perikanan telah meningkatkan sumber eksport sumber laut ke luar negara yang
secara langsung dapat menjana sumber pendapatan ekonomi negara. Berasaskan dengan data dan
bukti yang ada jelas menunjukkan industri nelayan di Malaysia telah berlaku pembangunan yang
pesat daripada sektor pekerjaan yang hanya tertumpu untuk sara hidup telah berkembangan kepada
perikanan yang bersifat komersial yang bukan hanya tertumpu kepada untuk keperluan keluarga
nelayan yang bersifat mikro tetapi sudah menjadi satu keperluan industri komersial yang bersifat
makro iaitu mengimport sumber laut ke luar negara.

Sebelum zaman kemerdekaan, sumber pekerjaan nelayan tertumpu kepada keperluan sara diri
sahaja. Namun pada ketika kepesatan dalam sektor perikanan ada menunjukkan perkembangan namun,
perkembangan yang berlaku memberi impak yang negatif terutamanya dapat teliti daripada aspek
mengurus sumber perikanan yang ada bagi kelestarian pada masa hadapan (Mohammad Raduan et al.,
2011). Selain itu, pada sebelum kemerdekaan sektor perikanan dikuasai oleh mereka yang berada di
kawasan pantai dan ini menjadikan ahli komuniti yang menetap di pinggir pantai menjadikan sektor
perikanan sebagai sumber pekerjaan mereka yang dikenali sebagai nelayan. Sebelum merdeka,
nelayan hanya menggunakan peralatan tradisional (bubu, lembing) sebagai alat untuk mendapatkan
sumber hasil laut. Selain itu, mereka menggunakan bot-bot kayu sebagai jentera pengangkutan untuk
ke laut.

Komuniti nelayan yang merupakan dalam sektor perikanan adalah merupakan sumber
pekerjaan yang memberi sumbangan kepada pembangunan sosiobudaya dalam sesebuah negara.
Usaha dalam mempelbagaikan sumber-sumber dalam pembangunan sosiobudaya turut selari dengan
salah satu Prinsip Dasar Kebudayaan Kebangsaan (2021-2025) iaitu menerusi prinsip pertama iaitu
pembangunan kebudayaan Kebangsaan Malaysia yang berteraskan kepada kebudayaan rakyat asal
rantau ini. Usaha pembangunan impak yang bersifat jangka panjang diteliti berasaskan sumber yang
sedia ada dalam komuniti setempat. Namun dalam mengenal pasti sumber potensi tersebut
memerlukan pemetaan budaya komuniti dalam memastikan usaha pembangunan budaya yang
dilaksanakan berlaku secara jangka masa panjang.

IDENTITI SOSIOBUDAYA KOMUNITI

Sesuatu komuniti mempunyai kelebihan atau potensi tersendiri dalam yang mana dapat memberi
implikasi ke atas pembangunan komuniti sesebuah komuniti setempat atau lokaliti. Implikasi ini
termasuklah dalam konteks sosio-budaya. Menurut Mohd Zubir (2013), sosial adalah melibatkan
masyarakat, elemen berkaitan masyarakat atau perkara-perkara yang melibatkan kemasyarakatan yang
lebih luas. Masyarakat mengalami perkembangan menerusi pengaruh daripada elemen dalam
persekitaran (Paiz Hassan & Mohd Anuar Ramli, 2020). Perkembangan dalam sesebuah masyarakat
dalam sesebuah komuniti adalah dipengaruhi oleh keadaan persekitaran setempat. Persekitaran ini
turut melibatkan sumber-sumber yang ada dalam sesebuah komuniti atau juga turut dikenali sebagai
modal-modal dalam komuniti.

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Komuniti mempunyai keupayaan mereka sendiri yang mana keupayaan yang berasaskan
modal atau sumber yang mereka sedia ada dan mampu untuk membangunkan komuniti. Menurut
Cavaye & Ross (2019), komuniti mempunyai ahli untuk mengerakkan dan bertindak secara kolektif
yang mana mampu memberi kesan kepada satu tindakan yang penting, yang bukan hanya memberi
kesan dalam konteks ekonomi tetapi sebenarnya juga kefungsian dengan kemampuan untuk mereka
bergerak dengan sendiri. Usaha untuk ahli komuniti bergerak sendiri adalah dengan adanya juga
sokongan-sokongan dalam bentuk modal yang mereka mampu mobilasikan untuk pembangunan
komuniti secara bersama. Ini menjelaskan bahawa usaha pembangunan komuniti itu perlu
dilaksanakan oleh ahli komuniti sendiri kerana mereka adalah ahli dalam komuniti yang tinggal dalam
komuniti dan memahami apakan potensi dan kekuatan yang boleh dijadikan dalam usaha
membangunkan komuniti mereka.

Kesan sosiobudaya adalah merupakan salah satu elemen yang diperlukan dalam sesebuah
negara yang turut sebagai satu indikator penting dalam memastikan pembangunan sesebuah komuniti
telah berlaku dengan baik. Pembangunan sesebuah komuniti bukan hanya menerusi ukuran
pembangunan fizikal seperti adanya bangunan serta kemudahan sahaja, tetapi meneliti dalam konteks
pembangunan sosiobudaya yang telah berlaku dalam sesebuah komuniti. Menurut Nor Hayati Sa’at et
al. (2017), pembangunan menurut sosiologi yang berlaku sesebuah komuniti adalah melibatkan
pelbagai aspek (ekonomi, sistem dan kuasa politik, sosial, psikologi, kebudayaan, stratifikasi ssial dan
sebagainya). Menurut Nor Hayati Sa’at et al. (2017) lagi, pembangunan dapat diteliti menerusi dua
aliran: (1) daya sumber luaran yang usaha pembangunan; dan (2) daya sumber dalaman dalam
komuniti.

Usaha pembangunan diteliti merangkumi sumber yang ada dalam sesebuah komuniti sama
ada sumber tersebut menerusi sumber dalam atau sumber daripada luaran. Sumber-sumber komuniti
adalah merupakan potensi dalam memastikan sesebuah pembangunan komuniti berlaku dengan baik.
Sumber dalaman ini termasuklah sumber pekerjaan, sumber modal insan, sumber modal sosial,
sumber modal budaya dan sebagainya. Namun sesebuah komuniti turut memerlukan sumber luaran
bagi membantu pembangunan komuniti. Sumber luaran ini adalah sumber yang disuntik daripada
pihak luar komuniti terutamanya daripada pihak kerajaan yang secara tidak langsung turut membantu
dalam pembangunan sosiobudaya tempatan.

KEARIFAN LOKAL KOMUNITI NELAYAN

Kearifan lokal berkembang menerusi hasil daripada perhubungan interaksi antara masyarakat dalam
persekitaran komuniti yang luas. Kewujudan kearifan lokal adalah turut melibatkan kewujudannya
berasaskan kepada keunikan yang ada dalam sesebuah komuniti termasuklah dari segi norma budaya
dalam ritual dan tradisi masyarakat.

Kehidupan sesebuah masyarakat adalah merupakan satu proses yang panjang dan proses
dalam usaha pembangunan sesebuah masyarakat dipengaruhi oleh pelbagai faktor termasuklah dalam
konteks sumber alam atau modal semula jadi. Kearifan lokal adalah merangkumi elemen-elemen
pandangan serta ilmu pengetahuan tradisional yang dimiliki oleh masyarakat yang menjadi panduan
dalam tatacara untuk bertingkah laku (Hendra Aamu et al.2016). Menurut Hendra Amu et al. (2016)
lagi, kearifan lokal ini adalah tradisi turun temurun di perolehi generasi sebelum ini yang turut
membantu dalam memenuhi keperluan dan cabaran dalam kehidupan sesebuah masyarakat komuniti.
Kearifan lokal adalah merupakan satu tindakan usaha yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat komuniti
menerusi pemikiran kognitif dalam melaksanakan sesuatu menerusi tindakan terhadap sesuatu objek
atau peristiwa dalam masyarakat (Adrianto et al., 2016).