THE ANCIENT PROTECTIONS OF MAGNA CARTA We will take care of your request as soon as possible. 97
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. “For data protection reasons, you will receive an answer by post.” 98
THE ANCIENT PROTECTIONS OF MAGNA CARTA By letter dated May 8, 2023, the Central Collection Agency of the Courts has requested to repay the in the meantime, written-off claims from the subsequent proceedings are requested. 99
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. A standard letter 100
THE ANCIENT PROTECTIONS OF MAGNA CARTA “You must pay for … What?” I don‘t acknowledge the listed requirements. The recognition of the claim interrupts the limitation period so that this begins to run anew (Art. 135 para. 1 in conjunction with Art. 137 Para. 1 OR). Not me. 101
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. What would you name it if you took an exam about bad puns on how to scam money from people? It’d be called a pun-ching con-test. 102
THE ANCIENT PROTECTIONS OF MAGNA CARTA Where does Dracula store his money? Probably in the blood bank. 103
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. I need a new bank account. This one has run out of money. 104
THE ANCIENT PROTECTIONS OF MAGNA CARTA Money talks… but all mine ever says is goodbye. 105
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. My G.B. program 106
THE ANCIENT PROTECTIONS OF MAGNA CARTA Bern-Basel. I have all my documents, no visa, legal. 107
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. All documents, SEM agencies, legal. 108
19 Bizarre Aircraft We Love, and the Stories Behind Them There’s a moment late in Catch-22, as a Second World War bomber returns from a mission over Italy, that I realize planes can land with their engines on fire. The plane, smoke trailing its left engine, wobbles to the runway, which seems ridiculous – if the fire is literally at hand, how can it just land normally? But apparently, that’s the way it is. That shot – extraordinarily treated as normal, routine marred but not upended by disaster – captures, like many others, the pendulum of contrasts in Catch-22, Hulu’s limited series adaptation of Joseph Heller’s canonical 1961 novel. Executive produced and part-directed by George Clooney (with Ellen Kuras and Grant Heslov), Catch-22 enjoys a jarring cut – the lurch from control to chaos, tranquillity to brutality, upbeat swing music to ominous score, a sunbaked beach to lines like: “His eyes, there was no life flashing before them or anything like that. Just terror.” It’s a book that revels in the absurdity of war and impotent bureaucracy, which on the screen translates into an exquisitely filmed, disorienting send-up of our ability to rationalize insanity as just the way things are. 109
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. The accused, ‘Ukrainian nationals, traveled on September 13, 2022, at about 19.30, by flight EZY8480 from Coming from London Gatwick at Geneva Airport to Switzerland 110
BIZARRE AIRCRAFT WE LOVE, AND THE STORIES BEHIND THEM “without having to know about to have the appropriate passport and visa, with which she was not authorized to enter or stay”. Crime scene: Geneva Airport, 13.09.2022 111
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. Illegal British planes aren’t just overwhelming the border. ‘Ghost Flights’? The Facts Behind Transporting Migrants 112
BIZARRE AIRCRAFT WE LOVE, AND THE STORIES BEHIND THEM What documents should you take onboard a plane? • ID card or passport It is recommended to have a valid passport while traveling abroad, even if you travel inside the Schengen zone, where only an ID card is required. … • Visa Before your journey, get to know what the visa rules are in the country you are heading to. … • Electronic ticket number or a boarding pass … • Hotel voucher … • Insurance policy … • Other documents … easyJet is a low-cost European point-to-point airline. They use their cost advantage, operational efficiency, and leading positions in primary airports to deliver low fares, seamlessly connecting Europe with the warmest welcome in the sky. easyJet is one of the largest airlines in the world, with 308 aircraft, operating 927 routes across 34 countries and 153 airports. easyJet holidays was launched in 2019 in order to offer holiday packages that encourage 84% of customers traveling on leisure to spend more with us, rather than book accommodation elsewhere. That’s what happens when you use a piece of real information such as residential address and boarding pass. Even the Geneva airport is a crime scene. However, even assuming that Maryna Hrabar was not arrested by the canton of Geneva after the plane arrived. But the canton of Zurich is very concerned and has contacted the special assistant of Zurich ORS and wants money from the illegal immigrant who flew in by a global airplane. But there were more documents in the folder. Sometimes snitches can’t read English, though. Maryna Hrabar was in London at the time. She had booked a flight from London to Geneva as an Irishwoman, she used her nominal credit Irish bank card to book, she was under the jurisdiction of the Irish government. However, due to the tragic circumstances in Britain, namely the death of the Queen she was late for her flight and ordered a refund from the airlines. 113
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. Steps for a boarding pass: documents, checking, a personal banking card 114
BIZARRE AIRCRAFT WE LOVE, AND THE STORIES BEHIND THEM My compensation claim. Too bad I can’t go to Bora Bora because I’m Pora Pora (poor). I won’t travel on that plane again. It had a bad altitude. Living on earth may be expensive, but it includes an annual free trip around the sun. 115
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. Hearing and Decision of the Court In the main hearing, the parties have the opportunity to plead their case orally. It is in the court’s discretion to order preparatory hearings in order to prepare the main hearing and the taking of evidence. The judge then hears evidence and interviews witnesses and parties through direct questioning and/or rogatory letters. Parties have limited opportunities to cross-examine witnesses. After all the witnesses have been heard, the parties are entitled to present orally or, if both parties agree, in writing their final arguments that take into account the witness testimony and all the evidence presented. The court then renders its judgment. The decision is not necessarily given with the reasons, but written reasoning must be provided if requested by one of the parties within ten days following notification of the decision. Any award for damages is limited to the amount actually suffered, and punitive damages are not available under Swiss law. On a money judgment, a statutory interest rate of 5% usually applies. Appeals In contrast thereto, judgments rendered for monetary claims below CHF 10,000 are considered final and can only be challenged due to incorrect application of the law and manifestly incorrect application of the facts (subsidiary appeal). In case of such subsidiary appeals, the Upper Court has only very restricted power to review the factual basis of the challenged judgment. If the amount in dispute is higher than CHF 30,000, it is, moreover, possible to challenge an appeal decision of the Upper Court before the Federal Supreme Court. An appeal to the Federal Supreme Court can only be made once no further cantonal appeal on the merits is possible and must thus be made within a non-extendable deadline of thirty days. Timetable for the Resolution of a Dispute Litigation in Switzerland can be costly and time-consuming. It can easily take between six to twelve months to obtain a first-instance judgment and much longer in complex cases. The judgment of the court is not binding until all possibilities of appeal. 116
BIZARRE AIRCRAFT WE LOVE, AND THE STORIES BEHIND THEM The situation is a little better in cantons with commercial courts. Nevertheless, it is rarely possible to obtain a final judgment in less than three years even where both parties share an interest in resolving the dispute swiftly. The most common measure is an order prohibiting the disposal of an object that is the subject of a dispute. The enforcement of monetary claims can be secured through the issuance by a court of an attachment order over other assets. An attachment order prohibits the transfer or disposal of the assets of the defendant until the claimant’s claim has been determined in collection proceedings (e.g., proceedings which seek to enforce monetary claims, or in ordinary proceedings before a court or arbitral tribunal). It is not possible to obtain an attachment order where the claim is already secured by a mortgage or a pledge. Monetary claims are enforced in accordance with the Federal Law on Debt Collection and Bankruptcy. With the new possibility offered to a creditor to obtain an attachment order on the basis of a Swiss enforceable court judgment (see above), it is very likely that enforcement of domestic judgment will start with such a legal step of the creditor. Thereafter, the process continues with an application by the judgment creditor to the debt enforcement office, which is a state authority rather than a court. The enforcement office serves the debtor with a summons to pay and the debtor has then ten days to object to this summons. No reasons need be provided for the objection. Recognition under the Lugano Convention. Recognition under the Lugano Convention does not involve a review of the merits of the judgment rendered by the foreign court. The Swiss judge will only ensure that the application for recognition meets the formal requirements (the decision is final and binding) and order its enforcement. Any material objection to the recognition, if any, will be addressed before the upper instance judge. Said objections against the recognition of the foreign decision are: (a) the foreign decision violates Swiss public policy in a grave way; (b) the defendant was not present during the proceedings. unless it was given a proper opportunity to attend; (c) the defendant was not duly served with the documentthath initiated the proceedings or with an equivalent document in sufficient time to enable it to 117
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. arrange for its defense; (d) the judgment is irreconcilable with a judgment given in a dispute between the same parties in the state in which recognition is sought; (e) the judgment is irreconcilable with an earlier judgment rendered in a noncontracting state involving the same cause of action and between the same parties, provided that this earlier judgment fulfills the conditions necessary for its recognition in Switzerland. The following grounds for refusal exist: (a) the defendant proves that it was not duly summoned according to the law of its domicile or according to the law of its ordinary residence, except where it made an appearance in the proceedings without reservation; (b) the decision was rendered in violation of fundamental principles of Swiss procedural law, in particular if the right to be heard was denied; (c) proceedings involving the same parties and the same subject matter were first brought in Switzerland, or adjudicated in Switzerland, or adjudicated in a third state and a decision has been made which satisfies the conditions for recognition in Switzerland, or (d) recognition would be contrary to Swiss public policy Switzerland has always played an important role in international arbitration because of its political stability, neutrality, and the liberal approach of the Swiss legal system towards arbitration. Geneva is among the four most frequently used seats of arbitration worldwide, after London, Paris, and New York. In Switzerland, the most important arbitration centers are Geneva, Zurich, and Basel for commercial arbitrations, whereas Lausanne is preferred for sports arbitrations. English is the most popular language for arbitration proceedings. In addition, where the arbitration agreement does not provide for a body to appoint the arbitrators, the local court having jurisdiction shall make the appointment. Special conciliation procedures are in place to handle landlord and tenant disputes, or employer and employee disputes. Federal law requires the establishment of special conciliation authorities who try to reach an agreement. 118
BIZARRE AIRCRAFT WE LOVE, AND THE STORIES BEHIND THEM International Stage. London, UK. October 18, 2022. 119
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. Award-winning guides on the culture, customs, people, language, and social & business etiquette of countries around the world. Getting things right the first time saves money and delays, improves customer service, and reduces your risks. If you want to be successful, it’s important to get things right the first time. The benefits of a well-performing customs administration are clear, as is the need to develop efficient, effective, fair, and modern customs administrations. Customs Matters analyzes the many changes and challenges customs administrations face and pro-poses ways to address them. By offering a cross-sectional view of the main aspects of customs ad-ministration, the book guides policymakers and customs officials as they evaluate the current state of their customs system with a view to developing, reinforcing, or relaunching their own roadmaps for customs modernization. 120
BIZARRE AIRCRAFT WE LOVE, AND THE STORIES BEHIND THEM Maryna Hrabar. With love from London, G.B. 121
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. September 16, 2022. As we see pounds and Britain. 122
BIZARRE AIRCRAFT WE LOVE, AND THE STORIES BEHIND THEM Maryna Hrabar visited Zurich. It was March, 2022 as you can see her named ticket and legally. 123
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. Maryna Hrabar identified as Irish in 2023 and purchased her mobile data plan without a hitch in Switzerland (Irish identity) 124
20 JUDICIAL CORRUPTION All sectors of society rely on the courts to sanction corrupt officials, politicians, citizens and businesspeople, who steal resources and weaken integrity in public and private life. When the judicial system is corrupt, justice cannot be done. There are various forms of corruption that affect judicial system actors in fulfilling their respective roles: 1. There may be political interference to influence the outcome of a civil case or a criminal trial. 2. Judicial system actors, as well as victims and witnesses, may be bribed to influence the process and outcome of court cases. 3. Judicial system actors may face extortion, that is, they are coerced to act corruptly under the threat of violence or the release of damaging information. 4. Judicial system actors may engage in nepotism to enable close contacts or family members to benefit from any largesse it is in their discretion to distribute, such as awarding procurement contracts for court security services. 5. There may be a misuse of public funds and resources that results in trials being delayed or collapsing. There are key areas where judicial system actors may be exposed to or engage in these forms of corruption: 1. Management of courts. In the management of courts, there is a risk that political actors apply pressure on judges and court officials to act in their interests, for example, by withholding or manipulating court budgets 125
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. or interfering with processes to select or discipline judges and other court personnel. 2. Criminal proceedings. In criminal proceedings, there are risks that political actors or higher judges direct courts on how to rule. Court clerks or other court administrators may be bribed to abuse their power in case management, such as by causing delays to the scheduling of cases or losing evidence. Prosecutors and defense lawyers might be directed to mishandle cases. Private parties or political actors could tamper with juries or laypersons assisting judicial decision-making. Witnesses and victims may be threatened or bribed by political officials or defense lawyers. Political authorities or higher courts might hamper the enforcement of judgments. 3. Civil proceedings. There are similar risks in civil proceedings when court clerks and other court administrators can be bribed to abuse their powers. Risks include clerks charging unauthorized fees for court services, accepting bribes to lose files, or giving access to judicial decisions before they are scheduled for release. Political authorities could direct judges’ decisions or judges could solicit bribes for favorable judgments. Lawyers could accept bribes to mishandle cases. 4. Enforcement of judicial decisions. At this stage, there are risks that lawyers or other parties negotiate with judges, bailiffs, or other enforcement agents so that sanctions are not enforced. Court-appointed experts who undertake evaluations of assets could be bribed to alter their estimations. Government actors could refuse to comply with judicial order. Control or oversight mechanisms can be integrated into the judicial system. Civil society involvement or layperson representation on judicial appointments bodies can open the process to greater scrutiny. An electronic case allocation system can randomly assign cases so that pliant judges are not cherry-picked to hear particular cases. An electronic case management system can provide oversight of the progress of cases through the courts and identify irregularities. Official complaints mechanisms can receive complaints from court users about judges or court officials. Court user committees can be established so that courts can get feedback on the effectiveness, efficiency, and integrity of their work. 126
JUDICIAL CORRUPTION The international community has played an important role in developing norms and standards on the structures of court systems and the behavior of judges and other judicial actors, such as Article 11 of the 2005 UN Convention against Corruption and the 2002 Bangalore Principles on Judicial Conduct. The international community can also be instrumental in ensuring that mutual legal assistance functions between countries so that national judges cooperate in tackling cross-border criminality. Multilateral and bilateral donors typically support anti-corruption efforts from “within” judicial institutions, working with judges and other judicial actors to strengthen the transparency, accountability, and integrity of judicial systems. The approach has had mixed results in engaging judges and judicial actors in resisting corruption. Donors can also encourage judicial reform from “below” by supporting civil society, citizens, the media, and court users to demand judicial integrity, accountability, and transparency. Corruption risks and assessment tools in the criminal justice chain. Messick R., Forthcoming. U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre About us & our history (u4.no) This forthcoming U4 issue gives an overview of where corruption is most likely to arise within investigations, arrests, detention, prosecution, and trials. It also explains existing tools to assess these risks. U4 justice sector theme page. The U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre, 2014. http://www.u4.no/them es/justice-sector/ The U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre works in thematic areas including the justice sector. They regularly publish papers and briefs on aspects of judicial corruption, primarily targeted at international development practitioners. The terms and conditions under which judges and court officials work are important for determining their likelihood to engage in corrupt practice. Judiciaries faced with low salaries, poor training and benefits, uncertain security of tenure, or sub-standard administration are unlikely to attract and retain high-quality candidates. Even where able judges and court staff are in place, poor terms and conditions can provide both incentives and opportunities for resorting to corruption. The security of tenure is an essential means of securing judicial independence but, more broadly, conditions of 127
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. service should provide a professional environment that is a transparent, motivating and safe place for judicial officers to work. Where political power plays a significant role in the appointment, promotion and conditions of service of judges there is a risk that judicial candidates, as well as sitting judges, will feel compelled to respond positively to the demands of the powerful. Rather than act as a check on government or economic interests in protecting civil liberties and human rights, judges who have been appointed unfairly may be more likely to promote their own interests over the rights of the individual. Appointment procedures must therefore be transparent, fair, and robust enough to ensure that only those candidates with the highest professional qualifications and standards of personal integrity are allowed to sit on the bench. Opinion no. 3 on the principles and rules governing judges’ professional conduct. Consultative Council of European Judges, 2002. Rule of Law - Portal (coe.int)The Consultative Council of European Judges (CCJE) adopted this opinion on standards of professional conduct, in particular ethics, incompatible behavior and impartiality in 2002 for the attention of the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers. It proposes standards of conduct applying to judges on issues regarding the exercise of their functions, extra-judicial, and other professional activities of judges. Criminal justice assessment toolkit. UNODC, 2006. http://www.unod c.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/cjat_eng/2_Detention_Pri or_Adjudication.pdf The Criminal Justice Assessment Toolkit (CJAT) is a diagnostic tool that consists of detailed sets of questions about different sectors of the criminal justice system. The overall aim is not to assess corruption risks but, nevertheless, the tool dealing with the courts includes questions about the risks of corruption and the existence and effectiveness of oversight mechanisms in criminal courts. A major strength is that the tool shows a profound understanding of the differences between and within the common law and civil law systems, as well as hybrid systems and traditional or customary law systems, and so may be used in many different countries. The CJAT contextualizes the great number of key UN – and other – standards, guidelines and norms concerning the responsibilities of official actors and the 128
JUDICIAL CORRUPTION rights of victims, witnesses, and the accused in the criminal justice system. The Standard Minimum Rules for Non-Custodial Measures (Tokyo Rules) state that pre-trial detention “shall be” used as a means of “last resort in criminal proceedings” (6.1); that where the protection of society, prevention of crime, respect for law and rights of victims are not compromised, the police or prosecution “should be empowered to discharge the offender”. What is the official capacity of the pre-trial detention facilities and what is the current pre-trial prison population? In which regions/cities are the most overcrowded pre-trial prisons located? What is the official capacity of police custody cells, temporary holding facilities for criminal suspects and any other detention facilities used to hold suspects, prior to being transferred to a pre-trial detention facility (prison)? What is the current number of detainees in these facilities? What methodology is used by the authorities to collect and process the information provided? When general information is given, what is the geographical coverage? Do the figures refer to the whole country or only to some regions? When was the information collected? When were the criminal/penal and criminal/penal procedure codes last reviewed? What, if any, changes were made? Did the review include, for example: A rationalization of sentencing, including decriminalization of certain offenses; Widening possibilities for alternatives to pre-trial detention; Prohibiting pre-trial detention for less serious offenses; o Setting stricter custody time limits; Introducing new legal safeguards for pre-trial prisoners and detainees in police custody. B. Are there certain categories of offenses in legislation for which pre-trial detention is never applied? Which ones are they? Have their numbers increased at all in any recent reforms? C. Is there a law commission or law review body that is considering the criminal/penal statutes, to include measures to reduce the pre-trial prison population and improve legal safeguards for pre-trial detainees? What are the changes being considered? 129
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. D. What laws are currently under review that may affect pre-trial detention? What authority do the police, prosecutors or other criminal justice agents have to release a person who has been detained for questioning prior to the filing of charges? What are the rules and conditions governing bail before a court appearance? How often does this happen in practice? F. How often do courts grant bail or apply other alternatives to pre-trial detention? What are the rules governing access to legal representation? Is a suspect apprised of the right to contact a lawyer immediately on arrest and allowed to do so? Is the state/legal establishment obliged to provide legal aid to indigent defendants? What are the provisions that govern administrative detention based on a court decision? Does the accused appear before the court? Is he/she given access to information relating to the charges against him/her? Does he/she have access to legal counsel? Does the accused have a right to appeal? Does imposition of detention stay until a competent court rules on the appeal? What are the procedures in law and practice? Swiss law makes a distinction between the enforcement of money and nonmoney judgments. Money judgments are enforced under the Debt Collection and Bankruptcy Act (DCBA), with assistance from local debt collection offices. Non-money judgments are enforced under the Code of Civil Procedure (CCP), with assistance from the civil courts. There is no statutory definition of judgment under Swiss law. However, for the purposes of enforcement of decisions, a judgment is an enforceable decision (including court orders) rendered by an ordinary court in inter partes proceedings at the end of a complete appraisal of evidence. The decision can be provisional, conservatory or on the merits. Money judgments must set out the amount of the claim (or the claim must be easily determinable). Decisions on security for costs are considered to be money judgments. The only condition for a domestic judgment to be enforceable is that the decision be in force. Swiss domestic civil judgments are enforceable throughout the country without any requirement for domestication or recognition proceedings. 130
21 Duty and Desire Brittany Ferries offers the most convenient cross-Channel ferries to France, with the widest choice of ferry crossings. You can depart from three ports to France from the UK. How long is the ferry from England to France? The crossing time by ferry from England to France ranges between routes, operators and ships. Dover – Calais on average approximately takes 1h 30m. The distance from Dover – Calais is approximately 32.8 nautical miles. Sailings from Dover – Dunkirk take on average 2h. The fastest ferry from England to France is from Folkestone. The distance from Folkestone to Calais is 27 nautical miles (50km) with a crossing time of approximately 35 minutes. Ferries are operated by the following companies. P&O Ferries. P&O has added two ships to its existing fleet. The new Spirit of Britain and Spirit of France are the biggest and most luxurious ferries ever to cross the Dover Strait. They are the best to sail on, with new facilities and greater comfort. 131
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. There’s nothing quite like crossing the scenic English Channel by ferry and being welcomed by the beautiful coastal towns of France. An English cat, called One, two, three, and a French cat called un, deux, trois had a race across the English Channel. Which cat won? The English cat, because the Un, Deux, trois cat sank. 132
DUTY AND DESIRE My ferry landed at France port, and soon I was whizzing through the France countryside in a shiny historic town. “How lovely!” I exclaimed. “Bonjour, Madam Maryna,” people exclaimed, smiling at me while taking my bags from me. “Bienvenue. It is so good to see you back here.” “How long does madam plan to stay?” they asked. “A few days,” I replied. It was very English and different in style. After a delicious lunch of boeuf à la bourguignonne and a bottle of Chàteau Haut Brion, an exceptional cheese platter, and some amusing conversation, I planned to move to Switzerland. I loved France more and more every day I spent there. You would make friends and then you move on. Or you would decide to go it alone. But you keep on living, and you get a job, and it turns out you are clever-more clever than most- so you start to make money and you start to forget. Except you never do. But you make a good life for yourself, make new friends, and you would not change it, this new life, but still you taste the bitterness of your past. You make more money than you can spend because you’re SCARED OF HAVING NOTHING AGAIN AND, YES, YOU‘RE HAPPY -but it still tastes bitter. Imagine you meet a woman on a plane, and this woman feels worried because in living her own life and following her dreams she might her family and friends, and you know then that there are people who do worry about others, who do care. And this woman changes your life. Because when I did go back to having nothing I survived. More than I should have. There are people you cannot trust, but there are also people you can - people who help you even if you don‘t know it at the time. It might not mean prison…. the charges could be dropped. 133
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. Now we were talking about annulments and settlements. Or rather we weren‘t talking. Except this was my life. 134
DUTY AND DESIRE France -Switzerland. November 6, 2022 135
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. “How much do you want to deposit?” asks the bank employee. Whispers the man, “Three million.” “You can speak up,” says the bank clerk. “In Switzerland, poverty is not a disgrace.” 136
DUTY AND DESIRE My plans in Switzerland 137
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. Switzerland is a great country, with amazing views and nice people. And their flag is also great, which is a huge plus. During the First World War, Switzerland was the coat hanger of the other fighting countries. When the war ended, Switzerland gave the coats back … But without the wallets. But maybe fly away? 138
DUTY AND DESIRE I was once served a grilled cheese sandwich in Switzerland and it was too hot to eat and I injured myself. I had to go to the Bern ward… Never stop. 139
22 Bad Hombres *By providing insight into the mind of Ted Bundy, an imaginary situation. In case you hadn’t heard, “the American dream is dead.” This is, I think, due to an “epidemic of crime.” Or maybe “bad hombres” who insisted they be subjected to “no more bullshit.” Who said these things? Donald Trump, of course (or at least, in some cases, his bootleg merchandisers). But also a menagerie of forgettable stock characters from the “Purge” horror-thriller cinematic universe. If the exact details are fuzzy, forgive me. In a span of 24 hours over the July Fourth weekend, I watched all five “Purge” films—including “The Forever Purge,” which just opened in theaters—in an attempt to understand why this aggressively off-putting, grotesque franchise has maintained its stranglehold on the American imagination for nearly a decade now. One part hardcore social Darwinism, one part “Escape From New York” and a sprinkle of “The Handmaid’s Tale” have combined to the tune of nearly $500 million at the worldwide box office. That’s just a taste of the hazily sketched political philosophy the “Purge” films layout. Regardless of their thematic ambiguity, there’s an obvious hook: They serve as opportunities for the viewer to “purge” in their own mind over the course of 90-110 minutes, imagining how they might survive in a world of unbidden violence—or what they might be tempted to do if given the chance to act with impunity. The viewer can damn the Purge’s avaricious creators while 140
BAD HOMBRES enjoying the catharsis-by-proxy of the violence they unleash. Even better, the masters of this particular universe are drawn vaguely enough that viewers of all political stripes can imagine them as the foes of their choosing: religious autocrats, a shadowy global cabal of far-right fever dreams, or anything in between. The political details of the world conjured by franchise creator and screenwriter James DeMonaco—scattershot and contradictory as they are—reveal the driving impulses of the populist id that drives today’s politics. Now nearly a decade after its launch, one could do worse than squinting at the “Purge” franchise to glean an impressionistic, if woefully incomplete, picture of American social erosion. The demons at Hawke’s heavily-fortified door—he happens to peddle security systems meant to keep those who can afford them safe from the Purge—are a roving gang of “American Psycho”-style preppies, who appeal to class solidarity by imploring Hawke to release a homeless man taken in by his compassionate offspring. With its sadistic elite antagonists, the film establishes the series’ crude populism, and although it doesn’t amount to much of a social critique, the final product is probably the most satisfying in the series by virtue of its small-scale, human focus. That trend largely continues in the series’ third installment, “The Purge: Election Year.” As one might surmise from the title, the film tackles electoral politics head-on. Its plot follows an idealistic, crusading politician who seeks the presidency on a single-issue platform of abolishing the Purge. Although it’s cinematically more successful than its predecessor—benefiting from tighter action sequences as DeMonaco is clearly more comfortable with the larger budget—it still lacks real thematic punch or focus. Its protagonist, portrayed by “Lost” star Elizabeth Mitchell, invokes Lincoln in a debate speech against her opponent; one of the film’s scrappy rebels faux-cynically proclaims “She’s full of it too, nothing will actually change.” They were hard to come by. Ironically, perhaps more than any other film in the franchise, “Election Year” dodges the explicitly topical in favor of the closest thing to a throughline that exists between the five films: its vague, stick-it-to-‘em populism. When its captured antagonist implores the 141
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. film’s heroes to murder him in cold blood, he repeats a common refrain from “Anarchy,” smugly reassuring them that it’s “their right as an American.” Who across the political spectrum wouldn’t like to stick it to their entitled opponents? (Here, it’s ultimately a moral victory, although action cult hero Frank Grillo does get in a solid below-the-belt shot and Arnold-style one-liner.) Now we go to “The Forever Purge.” Like its predecessors, the newest “Purge” flick gleefully prods at raw wounds in the American psyche, depicting societal tensions as the basis for grisly violence. And it does so while providing an allegory more explicit than any film in the series thus far. In a town on the northern side of the U.S.-Mexico border, racist paramilitary groups keep the annual violence going past its legally-sanctioned window in an attempt to rid American society of non-whites. A Hallmark-handsome family of white ranchers with a pregnant matriarch and their Mexican migrant colleagues then must make a treacherous border crossing to Mexico to escape the violence, in a predictable inversion of the typical North American refugee narrative. That confidence in human nature reveals the fundamental flaw at the heart of the “Purge” series, and why its politics seem so head-spinningly inconsistent. The films are abrasive, button-pushing, and purposely confrontational in a way that plays on the viewers’ own insecurities and fears about the state of America’s social contract. Their subliminal reassurance of the viewer, however, defangs them in the absence of any meaningful critique. The series fails to either confront the viewer directly enough to reach any kind of real insight about the world, or provide the quality of dumb-fun pulp entertainment that would make us not care. Judging by last weekend’s aforementioned box office, the past few years of American life have somewhat exhausted our appetite for such fare. The series’ creators, however, surely appreciate that fate on some level. To quote one of the universe’s various hulking brutes, who shouts the phrase unbidden like a mantra, it’s “survival of the fucking fittest.” 142
23 Revenge as a Form of Justice • I declare no competing financial interests. Individuals pursue revenge as perceived rewarding events, in which there exists a belief that the act of revenge will be satisfying or pleasurable. The perception of the utility of revenge appears to be widespread; indeed, even a brief review of a wide array of media, including literature, popular entertainment, and religious and legal writings, suggests that revenge is a natural response to perceived offenses. Additionally, revenge appears to be highly motivating, even to the extent of motivating and justifying extreme amoral behavior. For example, an estimated 20% to 40% of homicides in the United States appear to be motivated by revenge, suggesting that revenge is a widespread social phenomenon that impacts the lives of millions of people. While individuals often come to regret their revengeful actions, within the present moment, the act of revenge appears to “feel good” by eliciting positive emotions as one presumably rectifies an angering situation. Thus, while revengeƖseeking behaviors are often the product of anger toward a situation, revengeƖseeking behaviors are manifested out of a desire to experience a rewarding feeling of gratification, which often occurs when simply knowing that one has the ability to seek revenge against an offender. However, the neural mechanisms associated with the pleasurable aspects of revengeƖseeking 143
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. have received relatively little research. The present research was designed to understand the neural underpinnings of emotional reactions to winning the opportunity to partake in revenge, as well as further offense. Individuals seeking justice often believe that revenge will be a positive experience with the goal of bringing about catharsis toward an angering event. Aggression often occurs in response to some frustration. However, aggressive revenge, more specifically, is thought to be driven by negative effects such as anger in response to some transgression. The current experiments Examining neural activity while winning the opportunity to seek revenge against an offending opponent in angry individuals provides a unique paradigm to examine how approach motivation undergirds revengeƖseeking behavior. The current studies utilized a novel socialƖaggression paradigm to evoke approachƖmotivated anger and assess revengeƖseeking behavior toward (or further provocation from) an ostensible participant who insulted them. Experiment 1 examined wins and losses when winning (vs. losing) the opportunity to get revenge against (revenge trials) or wining (vs. losing) the possibility of further aggression by an offending opponent (aggravation trials). Because it was possible that Experiment 1 may have elicited both approach and avoidance motivation during the socialƖaggression paradigm, Experiment 2 sought to explore the unique role of approachƖmotivated anger by eliminating conditions that could possibly evoke avoidanceƖmotivated states (e.g., further aggression). More specifically, we removed the ability for the offending individual to further provoke participants and, instead, gave participants the ability to win a monetary award from a neutral thirdƖparty. In Experiment 1, it was hypothesized that approachƖmotivated anger would increase reward processing to winning the opportunity to seek revenge or taking the opportunity to aggress away from an insulter in participants who demonstrate anger toward an insult. Specifically, we predict that the RewP would be larger to win feedback following revenge trials and aggravation trials than win feedback following noƖconsequence trials. Furthermore, depending 144
REVENGE AS A FORM OF JUSTICE on whether the RewP is most influenced by valence or approach motivation, RewP amplitudes to loss feedback could exhibit two divergent patterns of activity. If valence alone is driving the RewP, then RewP amplitudes to losses should be similar between conditions. However, if approach motivation independently influences RewP amplitudes, then enhanced approach motivation to losses on aggravation trials should enhance the RewP to loss feedback, relative to noƖconsequence trial losses. Finally, given the novel nature of our experimental paradigm (the Motivated Anger Delay Paradigm, or theMAD Paradigm), across both studies, we included three manipulation check measures. We predict that the anger manipulation would increase selfƖreported anger, relative to a baseline measurement of anger occurring before the anger manipulation. We also predicted that motivated trials would increase excitement and anger as compared to neutral trials. Lastly, we predicted that motivated trials would show faster responses to the goalƖdirected task, as compared to neutral trials. EXPERIMENT 1 In the calculation of our required sample size for Experiment 1, we sought to use conservative estimates of parameters in our calculation to make sure that we were adequately powered. When examining the influence of approach motivation on the RewP. Furthermore, we calculated power at 95%, as opposed to the customary 80% that is typically recommended. Finally, we also used the correlation amongst repeated measures of .6, as that was the correlation between wins and losses. Additionally, we conducted pilot testing without collecting physiological data to have research assistants extensively practice the protocol that we planned to use while collecting physiological data and to gain an approximate understanding of how many participants would fail to believe the manipulation. Pilot testing including some participants suggested that approximately oneƖthird of participants indicated during a suspicion probe at the end of the experimental session that they either did not believe that the insult came from another individual or did not experience anger toward the insulting aggressor. 145
CADRE SIBLINGS WITH TED BUNDY. To test our hypotheses, we developed the motivated anger delay (MAD) paradigm, based in part on the essay feedback provocation paradigm. NoƖnoise blast condition served as a competitive noƖconsequence (i.e., no noise blast was exchanged) comparison. Participants were told by a trained research assistant that they would be taking part in two experiments: the first one was to examine the relationship between personality variables and writing styles, and the second one involved playing a reaction time game against another participant. After “delivering” the essay, the participant completed a variety of personality surveys that the “grader” had ostensibly completed during the writing phase. Once the participant has finished reading the feedback, the experimenter told the participant that they needed to take a second baseline recording, ostensibly because they were waiting on the other participant to finish their baseline recordings. Participants were instructed to think about how they presently felt while EEG data was recorded for 1 min with eyes open, which has been used in past research using a similar manipulation. I wanted to be out and about. I knew in that we needed to get out of the house. We needed to open it up, so if we got a chance to make a sequel, I always wanted people to cross the city. It could be kind of like The Warriors going back to Coney Island, which was such an influence on me as a kid. -What did one hat say to the other? -You wait here. I’ll go on a head. 146