The words you are searching are inside this book. To get more targeted content, please make full-text search by clicking here.

Encyclopedia of sociology by Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery (z-lib.org)

Discover the best professional documents and content resources in AnyFlip Document Base.
Search
Published by anam.hariadi.2002135, 2021-11-30 06:30:56

Encyclopedia of sociology by Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery (z-lib.org)

Encyclopedia of sociology by Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery (z-lib.org)

Encyclopedia
of Sociology

Second Edition

Encyclopedia
of Sociology

Second Edition

1V O L U M E

Edgar F. Borgatta

Editor-in-Chief
University of Washington, Seattle

Rhonda J. V. Montgomery

Managing Editor
University of Kansas, Lawrence

Encyclopedia of Sociology
Second Edition

Copyright © 2000 by Edgar F. Borgatta and Rhonda J. V. Montgomery

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any
form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or
by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from
the Publisher.

Macmillan Reference USA
an imprint of The Gale Group
1633 Broadway
New York, NY 10019

Library of Congress Catalog in Publication Data
Encyclopedia of Sociology / Edgar F. Borgatta, editor-in-chief, Rhonda Montgomery,

managing editor.—2nd ed.
p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-02-864853-6 (set: alk paper)—ISBN 0-02-864849-8 (v. 1: alk. paper)—
0-02-864850-1 (v. 2)—0-02-86485-1 (v. 3)—0-02-864852-8 (v. 4)—0-02-865581-8 (v. 5)

1. Sociology—Encyclopedias. I. Borgatta, Edgar F., 1924- II. Montgomery,
Rhonda J. V.

HM425 .E5 2000 00-028402
301’.03—dc21 CIP

Printed in the United States of America by the Gale Group
Gale Group and Design is a trademark used herein under license.

Staff
Publisher
Elly Dickason

Project Editors
Timothy Prairie
Pamela Proffitt

Editorial Assistants
Shawn Beall
Wayne Yang

Assistant Manager, Composition
Evi Seoud

Buyer
Rhonda Williams

Senior Art Director
Michelle DiMercurio

Contents

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v
Preface for Second Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
List of Articles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii
List of Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiii
Encyclopedia of Sociology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3291

iii

Preface

The idea for this Encyclopedia of Sociology was in However, since it takes time for these things, it was
gestation for a long time. Probably the notion not until the early 1980s that I actually started
arose when, as Sociology Advisory Editor for Rand reflecting actively on what would need to be done,
McNally and Company, I arranged for a series of and I sought advice on what actually would be
handbooks that were published in the 1960s and involved in such a project. Fortunately, Raymond
1970s. This influential group of volumes covered J. Corsini, a good friend with whom I had worked
most of sociology, especially with the Handbook of on other matters, invited me to be an Associate
Modern Sociology (Robert E. L. Faris, 1964) as a key Editor for the Encyclopedia of Psychology (Corsini,
volume. Other titles in the list included: Handbook 1984). I got a close look at what was involved in
of Marriage and the Family (Harold T. Christensen, undertaking a project of this magnitude and I was
1964); Handbook of Organizations (James G. March, persuaded that the task would be a feasible one for
1965); Handbook of Socialization Theory and Research sociology.
(David A. Goslin, 1968); Handbook of Personality
Theory and Research (Edgar F. Borgatta & William The field of sociology had been growing and
W. Lambert, 1968); Handbook on the Study of Social evolving rapidly in the post-World War II period.
Problems (Erwin O. Smigel, 1971); and Handbook of Possibly the decades of the 1960s and 1970s will be
Criminology (Daniel Glaser, 1974). Effectively, the seen in retrospect as one of the periods of great
series functioned as an encyclopedia, especially change for the discipline. Of course, different
since there was additional related coverage al- people will judge past developments differently,
ready provided by the Handbook of Social Psychology but some of the changes that have to be recognized
(Gardner Lindzey and Elliot Aronson, 1968). At as important include the following:
that time Macmillan’s International Encyclopedia of
the Social Sciences (David L. Sills, ed., 1968) was also First. Sociology, which August Comte had
available, and a separate encyclopedia for sociolo- blessed with the title of the ‘‘Queen of the Social
gy seemed superfluous. Sciences,’’ seemed to be losing much of the em-
pire. In particular, applied fields dealing with so-
With time, however, as social-science research cial behavior blossomed, but as they did so, soci-
and professional involvement grew, along with the ology seemed indifferent, uninvolved. The field of
proliferation of subfields, each of the social and social work developed its advanced degree pro-
behavioral sciences and, indeed, other specialties, grams and established research interests that soci-
such as statistics, area studies, and applied areas, ology relinquished as uninteresting because they
developed useful encyclopedias. In the late 1970s I were ‘‘applied.’’ The field of industrial sociology
talked about an encyclopedia of sociology with F. virtually disappeared as the interest in research
E. (Ted) Peacock (F. E. Peacock Publishers, Inc.), flourished in several specialties in psychology and
who encouraged the development of the project. in schools of business and management. Interest
in the key institution, the family, was largely lost to

v

PREFACE

the special applied organizations in that area. And Fourth. At the same time, the scope of what
so it went in a number of other fields. The ‘‘Queen’’ sociologists could accomplish more generally ex-
appeared indifferent, possibly with the exception panded with technical development. Two of the
of the field of medical sociology, in which there more prohibitive cost factors in research and schol-
was considerable development. arship have progressively been reduced, since the
development of computing packages made possi-
Second. Technical training in sociology became ble the elimination of computing clerks at the
increasingly more demanding. When I taught the same time that it made possible complex numeri-
first graduate course in statistics for sociology at cal and statistical analyses. Additionally, this devel-
the New York University Graduate School in 1954, opment eliminated time losses as the labor inten-
it included regression analysis and factor analysis. sive aspects were eliminated. Also, the availability
The reception and reputation was a bit like that of word processing packages made it possible for
greeting the arrival of extraterrestrials. The title even the most helpless scholar to by-pass the secre-
(or epithet) ‘‘Factor Analyst’’ was definitely not tary or typing pool and get materials into a read-
meant to be complimentary. Nevertheless, in the able and revisable format. As these earlier ‘‘barri-
1950s, the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) ers’’ to productivity were removed, presumably
and others supported the idea that the formal the social sciences responded accordingly. In any
theory and technical bases of the social sciences event, there has been a proliferation of journals,
required attention, and programs were initiated to and increasing collateral publication continues in
foster a greater appreciation of mathematics and various media.
statistics. Particularly with the support of the Na-
tional Institutes of Mental Health (NIMH) gradu- Fifth. The continued development of the field
ate training grants, the University of Wisconsin, of sociology can be marked by the increase of
the University of Michigan, and other centers special subfields. Aside from the increases in pub-
concentrated on ‘‘research methods’’ during and lication, the number of specialization sections in
following the 1960s. The discipline reflected this the American Sociological Association (ASA) con-
focus in its journals. Sociology also became known tinues to grow, as do the Research Committees in
as the leader in research training in the social the International Sociological Association (ISA). A
sciences, with the new generation of scholars be- reflection of this may be seen by glancing at the
coming conversant with statisticians, econometricians, topical coverage of Contemporary Sociology, the ASA
and psychometricians, and providing service to journal of book reviews.
history, political science, and anthropology. The
‘‘Queen’’ again had some empire. This broadening of the field of sociology af-
fected the way topics were chosen for the Encyclo-
Third. The 1960s experienced the civil-rights pedia of Sociology. In the early stages, a broad set of
movement, the student movement, the feminist topics was used to accumulate the important con-
movement, and, implicitly or explicitly, sociolo- cepts and subfields included in sociology. Initially,
gists reacted to and sometimes participated active- the objective was to be as inclusive as possible and
ly in these social movements. Challenges arose to to avoid errors of omission. A constant problem in
the ‘‘traditional’’ values of objective and ‘‘value the process was that topics did not fit neatly into
free’’ science in sociology. These challenges ranged only one broad category. Often they could fit as
from positions asserting knowledge by intuition to easily into two, three, or four. In fact, the number
the posing of more serious epistemological ques- of broad categories became increasingly elastic,
tions. Attention was drawn to the fact that sociolo- but eventually these were reduced to seventeen,
gy apparently had little utility in solving social corresponding to no known system of organiza-
problems, aside from assisting in exposing them, tion other than expedience. The broad categories
but, further, sociologists were often accused of not did not have any obvious theoretical basis of divi-
studying complex problems because they were sion, which was disconcerting, but represented the
limited and hampered by their methodologies. A pragmatic result of many revisions. Our Advisory
resurgence of interest in ‘‘qualitative’’ approaches and Associate Editors participated in reviews of
developed, which also provided a stimulus for a the total set of categories or of selected subsets for
reexamination of existing research approaches. a few of the broad categories. It is fair to report
that while we often saw consensus in the process,

vi

PREFACE

sometimes we felt that there was no effective way will reach a broad range of literate audiences.
to manage the procedure for selection of topics or There are some obvious exceptions. In some tech-
to satisfy every piece of advice, sound as it might nical areas the presentations, while self-contained
seem. At one point we had more than 1,700 poten- and elegantly presented, do require a preexisting
tial entry titles. These eventually were consolidat- knowledge base in order to be fully understood by
ed into about 400 titles with notations of how the readers.
overlapping concepts were handled, how related
concepts were to be combined, and so forth. In OCTOBER 1991
making the arrangements with authors, further EDGAR F. BORGATTA, EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
consolidation brought the final number of entries
to the 370 in this 4-volume set. REFERENCES

The process of defining topics, thus, while Borgatta, Edgar F., and William W. Lambert 1968 (eds.)
driven by theoretical interests and strategic repre- Handbook of Personality Theory and Research. Chicago:
sentations of the field, ultimately resulted in a Rand McNally and Company.
pragmatic and eclectic product. Thus some topics
became very comprehensive while others have Christensen, Harold T. 1964 (ed.) Handbook of Marriage
more specific content. In areas where there is and the Family. Chicago: Rand McNally and Company.
intensive attention by sociologists, such as social
stratification, race and ethnic studies, gender, medi- Corsini, Raymond J. 1984 (ed.) Encyclopedia of Psychology.
cal sociology, and aging, coverage by authors may New York: John Wiley & Company.
overlap in a way that provides emphasis.
Faris, Robert E. L. 1964 (ed.) Handbook of Modern Soci-
Other factors that guided the formulation of ology. Chicago: Rand McNally and Company.
entry topics included defining the audience for
whom the encyclopedia was intended. It was ex- Glaser, Daniel 1974 (ed.) Handbook of Criminology.
pected that sociologists would read about areas Chicago: Rand McNally and Company.
with which they were not familiar, but we wanted
the materials to be useful to other scholars and Goslin, David A. 1968 (ed.) Handbook of Socialization
professionals who need information about topics Theory and Research. Chicago: Rand McNally and
in sociology. Further, encyclopedias are gold mines Company.
for students, and so a central concern was that
articles could be read and understood by younger Lindzey, Gardner, and Elliot Aronson 1968 (eds.) Hand-
and uninitiated persons looking for a first intro- book of Social Psychology, 2nd ed. Boston: Addison-
duction to a sociological topic. This latter message Wesley Publishing Company.
was communicated to authors, and in large part it
has been possible to provide presentations that March, James G. 1965 (ed.) Handbook of Organizations.
Chicago: Rand McNally and Company.

Sills, David L. 1968 (ed.) International Encyclopedia of the
Social Sciences. New York: Macmillan Company and
Free Press.

Smigel, Erwin O. 1971 (ed.) Handbook on the Study of
Social Problems. Chicago: Rand McNally and Company.

vii

Preface for Second Edition

After the Encyclopedia of Sociology had been in addition of 66 new titles, but in addition some of
print only three years, we began to receive inquir- the revised articles also included substantially new
ies about when there would be a revised edition. and expanded topics.
This was surprising given that the Encyclopedia was
so well received, that its distribution had been With the help of the Advisory Editors and
much broader than even optimistic supporters of quite a few authors, we reviewed articles and sec-
the project had anticipated, and that the articles tors of coverage to determine what changes would
were largely broad reviews and summaries of areas be important in a new edition. We distilled the
of knowledge in sociology. However, some areas major points of emphasis provided by reviews and
in sociology changed quickly during the last dec- user comments, and incorporated them into the
ade as we approached the Millennium so that guidelines for revision provide to authors.
interest in a recapitulation and updating did not
seem inappropriate. In addition, the social sci- Reflecting the kind of question that comes up
ences appear to have softened their borders, and so often in sociology doctoral exams, reviewers
thus we realized that a substantial and thoughtful repeatedly asked us why a particular article was
addition of titles would add breadth and depth to included in an encyclopedia of sociology. Authors
the Encyclopedia. who are expert in a particular subject area assume
too frequently that readers will know their topic’s
August Comte’s description of sociology as relevance for sociology. To guard against this we
the ‘‘queen’’ of the social sciences seems to have asked authors to note the sociological relevance of
been awakened in a new generation, and the rele- the topic and to show how it fit into not only the
vance of sociology to the social and behavioral scheme of sociological knowledge but also social
sciences has been renewed. We took seriously our and behavioral knowledge in general. As a conse-
obligation to improve the representation of the quence, most articles have been expanded.
areas of sociology in this edition of the Encyclope-
dia. The Encyclopedia was greatly improved through Authors, experts in their fields, often concen-
the input of Advisory Editors and authors who trate on the knowledge and the issues within their
identified new content areas and titles that should field but do not give sufficient attention to the
be included and indicated which titles could be practical value of that knowledge, particularly how
eliminated or consolidated. Some provided com- it is important for policy formation and in applica-
prehensive reviews of the Encyclopedia’s scope and tions to everyday life. Of course, this is a comment
coverage, as well as reviews of the content of many often made about academic scholars in general,
individual articles. Suggestions for additional titles namely, that they sometimes forget that an impor-
for the revised Encyclopedia accumulated to a list of tant reason for research and the accumulation of
over 80 concepts and themes, resulting in the knowledge is to provide bases for useful and in-
formed applications.

ix

PREFACE FOR SECOND EDITION

Reviewers raised another theme. Articles of- provide additional transitions to related concepts.
ten did a wonderful job of summarizing knowl- We updated and provided new references for 20
edge but did not indicate what to expect from articles from the earlier edition of the Encyclope-
future endeavors in the field. In other words, what dia.
areas need more attention in scholarship and re-
search to expand the knowledge in a given field? Finally, reviewers commented that some of
While this kind of presentation is speculative, we the presentations in the first edition were too
reminded authors of the need to give direction for brief, and some topics were too narrowly drawn.
future work. Thus, some topics have been combined, some
topics have been eliminated and the content incor-
An additional theme for the revised edition is porated into related broader articles, and many
one that is temporally controlled. There is no way articles have been expanded to cover neglected
that references can provide more information than aspects of a topic and to provide greater detail for
what already has been published. Updating con- a more well-rounded presentation. Thirty-nine ti-
tent is important, but equally important is provid- tles were eliminated and incorporated into more
ing information about easily accessible general substantial articles, but some additional titles were
resources for those who want to go beyond the changed when the original topic was expanded. In
relatively brief discussions in the Encyclopedia. We summary, there were 370 articles in the original
reminded authors that the purpose of the refer- edition, 39 were eliminated and 66 new articles
ence section is to provide users with an opportuni- were added, resulting in 397 in this revised edition.
ty to explore the area further. Academic scholars
can too easily become exhaustive bibliographers. In short, we have greatly improved the breadth
Thus, we asked authors to give special attention to and depth of coverage in the Encyclopedia, and we
providing direction rather than overwhelming the have paid particular attention to those articles that
reader, and we are impressed that most authors relate to other social and behavioral sciences. We
have been extremely successful in this task. In have substantially increased the content of the
addition to the work of the authors, the profes- Encyclopedia in this edition, and we have made
sional sociological staff of the Encyclopedia pre- every effort to ensure that the content is current,
pared for some article a short list of additional accurate, and representative of the field.
references to broaden the scope of coverage and
EDGAR F. BORGATTA, EDITOR-IN-CHIEF

x

Acknowledgments

The revision of the Encyclopedia of Sociology Many ideas and innovations are due to her partici-
began with the optimistic hope that following pation in the project. As Managing Editor for the
reasonably on the original edition it would turn revision, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery provided a
out to be easier to do. It did not turn out that way, work and intellectual partnership for the project
but for good reasons. With the support and en- that contributed enormously to the breadth and
couragement of Elly Dickason, Macmillan Refer- quality of the Revised Edition. Her initiatives kept
ence USA’s Publisher, the research and develop- the progress of the project smooth and on a rea-
ment for the project was more extensive than sonable schedule in spite of often unanticipated
anticipated. On this score, our debt to the Advi- demands.
sory Editors in providing broad reviews and sug-
gestions can hardly be emphasized enough. Fur- During the preparation of this Revised Edi-
ther, as we proceeded in inviting old and new tion, the Gale Group acquired Macmillan Refer-
authors it became apparent that the Encyclopedia ence USA, and production moved from New York
was getting a great deal of use and authors provid- to Michigan. This was done with only minimal loss
ed guidance from their experience on directions of time and effort because of the planning and
for development. Our authors are, of course, truly management of Elly Dickason, the Publisher, but
responsible for the Encyclopedia, but in addition also because in the New York office Timothy
through much interaction they provided support Prairie generated a very effective program for
that was both welcome and of enormous value. copyediting manuscripts and managing the rec-
ords of progress. Of course, the shift to Michigan
Marie L. Borgatta was the managing editor for was obviously not effortless, but Linda Hubbard
the original publication, and for this edition she guided the project into the capable hands of Pamela
requested a less demanding role as a consulting Proffitt, who took on the mammoth task of making
editor. It was a nice idea, but she inevitably became the Revised Edition of the Encyclopedia of Sociology
involved and delivered support in quantities and a reality. The devoted efforts of the publisher’s
quality that can only be described as exploitation. staff are greatly appreciated.

xi

List of Articles

ADOLESCENCE ALCOHOL APPLIED SOCIOLOGY

Michael J. Shanahan Ronald L. Akers David W. Britt
Thomas R. Heffington
ADULT EDUCATION ART AND SOCIETY
ALIENATION
John Houghton Gladys Lang
Clarence Y. H. Lo
ADULTHOOD ASIAN AMERICAN STUDIES
ALTERNATIVE LIFESTYLES
Jeylan T. Mortimer William T. Liu
Pamela Aronson Karen Seccombe Elena S. H. Yu

AFFECT CONTROL THEORY AND ALTRUISM ATTITUDES
IMPRESSION FORMATION
Judith Howard John D. DeLamater
David R. Heise Jane Allyn Piliavin
ATTRIBUTION THEORY
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION AMERICAN FAMILIES
Judith Howard
Nathan Glazer Laurie Russell Hatch Danielle Kane

AFRICAN-AMERICAN STUDIES AMERICAN INDIAN STUDIES BANKRUPTCY AND CREDIT

Joe R. Feagin C. Matthew Snipp Teresa A. Sullivan

AFRICAN STUDIES AMERICAN SOCIETY BEHAVIORISM

Walter R. Allen Robin Williams, Jr. W. David Pierce
Shani O’Neal
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL BIRTH AND DEATH RATES
AGGRESSION ASSOCIATION AND OTHER
SOCIOLOGICAL Deborah A. Sullivan
Craig A. Anderson ASSOCIATIONS
BRITISH SOCIOLOGY
AGING AND THE LIFE COURSE Carla B. Howery
Vaneeta D’Andrea
Linda K. George ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE AND Peter Robbins
COVARIANCE
AGRICULTURAL INNOVATION BUREAUCRACY
Richard A. Bulcroft
David Gartrell David G. Nickinovich
John Gartrell ANOMIE
CAPITALISM
Robert Crutchfield
Kristin A. Bates Patrick H. Mooney

xiii

LIST OF ARTICLES

CASE STUDIES COMMUNITY COURT SYSTEMS AND LAW

Gale E. Miller Gunnar Almgren Edward Gross
Richard S. Jones
COMPARABLE WORTH CRIME, THEORIES OF
CASTE AND INHERITED STATUS
Nancy E. Durbin Don C. Gibbons
Rita Jalali Barbara Melber
CRIME RATES
CAUSAL INFERENCE MODELS COMPARATIVE HEALTH-CARE
SYSTEMS Robert M. O’Brien
Hubert M. Blalock, Jr.
Mary Zimmerman CRIMINAL AND DELINQUENT
CENSORSHIP AND THE SUBCULTURES
REGULATION OF EXPRESSION COMPARATIVE-HISTORICAL
SOCIOLOGY James F. Short
Jeffrey Strange
Melanie Green Larry Griffin CRIMINALIZATION OF
Timothy Brock DEVIANCE
COMPLEX ORGANIZATIONS
CENSUS Jackson Toby
Howard E. Aldrich
Karl E. Taeuber Peter V. Marsden CRIMINAL SANCTIONS

CHILDHOOD SEXUAL ABUSE COMPLIANCE AND Peter Cordella
CONFORMITY
Heather Cecil CRIMINOLOGY
Cecilia L. Ridgeway
CHINA STUDIES Robert Crutchfield
COMPUTER APPLICATIONS IN
Martin K. Whyte SOCIOLOGY CRITICAL THEORY

CITIES Ronald E. Anderson Dwight B. Billings
Patricia Jennings
Maurice D. Van Arsdol, Jr. CONFLICT THEORY
CROSS CULTURAL ANALYSIS
CIVIL LIBERTIES Randall Collins
William A. Corsaro
Howard P. Greenwald CONTENT ANALYSIS Arthur Alderson

CLASS AND RACE Philip J. Stone CROWDS AND RIOTS

Edna Bonacich CONVERGENCE THEORIES David Snow
Ronnelle Paulsen
CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY Richard M. Coughlin
CULTURE
Jan Fritz CONVERSATION ANALYSIS
Samuel L. Gilmore
COALITIONS Jack Whalen
Geoff Raymond DATA BANKS AND
Theodore Caplow DEPOSITORIES
CORPORATE ORGANIZATIONS
COGNITIVE CONSISTENCY Guido Martinotti
THEORIES Cora B. Marrett Sonia Stefanizzi

Todd D. Nelson CORRELATION AND DEATH AND DYING
REGRESSION ANALYSIS
COHORT PERSPECTIVES John W. Riley, Jr.
Herbert L. Costner
Matilda White Riley DECISION-MAKING THEORY
COUNTERCULTURES AND RESEARCH
COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR
Patricia A. Adler Evan Pritchard
Ralph H. Turner Peter Adler
DEMOCRACY
COMMUNITARIANISM COURTSHIP
Andrew L. Creighton
Amitai Etzioni Mary Riege Laner

xiv

DEMOGRAPHIC METHODS LIST OF ARTICLES EVOLUTION: BIOLOGICAL,
SOCIAL, CULTURAL
Neil G. Bennett EDUCATIONAL ORGANIZATION
Maurice N. Richter, Jr.
DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION Kevin Dougherty
Floyd Hammack EXPECTATION STATES THEORY
Avery M. Guest
Gunnar Almgren EDUCATION AND Martha Foschi
DEVELOPMENT
DEMOGRAPHY EXPERIMENTS
Yih-Jin Young
Halliman H. Winsborough Gerald Marwell
EDUCATION AND MOBILITY
DEPENDENCY THEORY EXTREME INFLUENCE:
John Katsillis THOUGHT REFORM, HIGH
Jon Hendricks J. Michael Armer CONTROL GROUPS,
INTERROGATION, AND
DEPRESSION EMOTIONS RECOVERED MEMORY
PSYCHOTHERAPY
Regan A. R. Gurung Theodore D. Kemper
Richard Ofshe
DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS ENVIRONMENTAL EQUITY
FACTOR ANALYSIS
Daphne Kuo Glynis Daniels
Duane F. Alwin
DEVIANCE THEORIES ENVIRONMENTAL SOCIOLOGY
FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD
George S. Bridges Riley E. Dunlap STRUCTURE
Scott A. Desmond Eugene A. Rosa
Gary R. Lee
DIFFUSION THEORIES EPIDEMIOLOGY Padma Srinivasan

Ronald W. Perry Charles E. Holzer, III FAMILY AND POPULATION
POLICY IN LESS DEVELOPED
DISASTER RESEARCH EPISTEMOLOGY COUNTRIES

Enrico L. Quarantelli Costantino Cipolla Julie Brines
Guido Giarelli
DISCRIMINATION FAMILY AND RELIGION
EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY
Thomas F. Pettigrew Jeffrey G. Pankhurst
Marylee C. Taylor James M. McPartland Susan K. Houseknecht
Jomills Henry Braddock, II
DIVISION OF LABOR FAMILY LAW
ETHICS IN SOCIAL RESEARCH
Paul Morgan Baker Lisa J. McIntyre
Howard P. Greenwald
DIVORCE FAMILY PLANNING
ETHNICITY
Steven L. Nock Jacqueline Darroch
Alison Burke Albers Richard D. Alba Jennifer Frost

DRUG ABUSE ETHNOGRAPHY FAMILY POLICY IN WESTERN
SOCIETIES
Charles Winick Carol A. B. Warren
Leonard Saxe Irving Tallman
ETHNOMETHODOLOGY Ginna M. Babcock
ECONOMIC DETERMINISM
John Heritage FAMILY SIZE
William DiFazio
EVALUATION RESEARCH Lauri Steel
ECONOMIC INSTITUTIONS
Karl Kosloski FAMILY VIOLENCE
Fred Block
EVENT HISTORY ANALYSIS Murray A. Straus
ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY
Paul D. Allison
Richard Swedberg

xv

FEMININITY/MASCULINITY LIST OF ARTICLES IDENTITY THEORY

Peter J. Burke GROUP SIZE Sheldon Stryker
Jan E. Stets
David R. Schmitt ILLEGITIMACY
FEMINIST THEORY
HEALTH AND ILLNESS Frank F. Furstenberg, Jr.
Gaye Tuchman BEHAVIOR
IMPERIALISM, COLONIALISM,
FERTILITY DETERMINANTS David Mechanic AND DECOLONIZATION
Donna McAlpine
Susan Cotts Watkins David Strang
HEALTH AND THE LIFE COURSE
FIELD THEORY INCEST
Donald E. Stull
Richard B. Kettner-Polley Brenda J. Vander Mey
HEALTH CARE UTILIZATION
FILIAL RESPONSIBILITY AND EXPENDITURES INCOME DISTRIBUTION IN THE
UNITED STATES
Rhonda J. V. Montgomery Charlene Harrington
David N. Pellow Beth B. Hess
FRENCH SCHOOL OF
SOCIOLOGY, THE HEALTH POLICY ANALYSIS INDIAN SOCIOLOGY

Bernard Valade Carroll L. Estes Vimal P. Shah
Christopher Wellin
FUNCTIONALISM AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
STRUCTURALISM HEALTH PROMOTION AND
HEALTH STATUS Joane Nagel
Alexandra Maryanski Thomas D. Hall
Jonathan H. Turner Rosalie F. Young
INDIVIDUALISM
FUTURES STUDIES AS HUMAN HIERARCHICAL LINEAR
AND SOCIAL ACTIVITY MODELS Lawrence E. Hazelrigg

Eleonora Barbieri Masini A. George Alder INDUSTRIALIZATION IN LESS
DEVELOPED COUNTRIES
GAME THEORY AND STRATEGIC HIGHER EDUCATION
INTERACTION R. Alan Hedley
Steven G. Brint
H. Andrew Michener INDUSTRIAL SOCIOLOGY
HISPANIC AMERICANS
GENDER Ivar Berg
Marta Tienda
Judith Lorber INFANT AND CHILD MORTALITY
HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY
GENOCIDE Georgina Rojas-Garcia
Stephen A. Kent Samuel Echevarria
David Smith
HOMELESSNESS INFORMAL ECONOMY, THE
GERMAN SOCIOLOGY
Barrett A. Lee Ann R. Tickamyer
Erwin K. Scheuch Stephanie Bohon
HUMAN ECOLOGY AND
GLOBALIZATION AND GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL ANALYSIS INFORMATION SOCIETY
SYSTEMS ANALYSIS
Lakshmi Bharadwaj Don A. Dillman
Sean O Riain
Peter B. Evans HUMANISM INHERITANCE

GOVERNMENT REGULATION Joseph Scimecca Marvin B. Sussman

Robin Stryker HUMAN NATURE INTELLECTUALS

GROUP CONFLICT RESOLUTION Alan Wolfe Seymour Martin Lipset

Lynne Woehrle HUMAN RIGHTS/CHILDREN’S
RIGHTS

Edgar F. Borgatta

xvi

LIST OF ARTICLES

INTELLIGENCE JAPANESE SOCIOLOGY LIFE CYCLE

Linda S. Gottfredson Masamichi Sasaki Dennis Hogan

INTERGENERATIONAL JUVENILE DELINQUENCY, LIFE EXPECTANCY
RELATIONS THEORIES OF
Eileen M. Crimmins
Karl Pillemer John Hagan
J. Jill Suitor LIFE HISTORIES AND
Shirley A. Keeton JUVENILE DELINQUENCY (AND NARRATIVE
JUVENILE CRIME)
INTERGENERATIONAL David R. Maines
RESOURCE TRANSFERS James E. Teele
LIFESTYLES AND HEALTH
Donald E. Stull KINSHIP SYSTEMS AND FAMILY
Barbara Hirshorn TYPES Janet Hankin

INTERGROUP AND Bernard Farber LITERATURE AND SOCIETY
INTERORGANIZATIONAL
RELATIONS LABOR FORCE Sarah M. Corse

Oscar Grusky Valerie K. Oppenheimer LONGITUDINAL RESEARCH
Jeff Erger
LABOR MOVEMENTS AND Richard T. Campbell
INTERMARRIAGE UNIONS
LONG-TERM CARE
Grace J. Yoo William Form
Robert E. Staples David R. Phillips
LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES
INTERNAL MIGRATION LONG TERM CARE FACILITIES
Carlos H. Waisman
Charles F. Longino, Jr. Eva Kahana
LAW AND LEGAL SYSTEMS
INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS LOVE
IN SOCIOLOGY Joseph Sanders
Felix M. Berardo
David Sciulli LAW AND SOCIETY Erica Owens

INTERNATIONAL LAW William M. Evan MACROSOCIOLOGY

Mary Ellen O’Connell LEADERSHIP Ann R. Tickamyer
Jieli Li
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION Roya Ayman
MAJOR PERSONALITY THEORIES
David M. Heer LEGISLATION OF MORALITY
Raymond J. Corsini
INTERNET Augustine Brannigan
MARGINAL EMPLOYMENT
Christopher W. Gunn LEISURE
Diana Odom Gunn Leif Jensen
John R. Kelly Timothy A. Slack
INTERPERSONAL ATTRACTION
LEVELS OF ANALYSIS MARITAL ADJUSTMENT
Ardyth Stimson
Robert M. O’Brien Yoshinori Kamo
INTERPERSONAL CONFLICT
RESOLUTION LIBERALISM/CONSERVATISM MARRIAGE

Anupama Joshi Robert Boguslaw Marilyn Ihinger-Tallman

INTERPERSONAL POWER LIBRARY RESOURCES AND MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE
SERVICES FOR SOCIOLOGY RATES
Morris Zelditch, Jr.
Timothy D. Jewell Paul C. Glick
ITALIAN SOCIOLOGY
LIFE COURSE, THE MARXIST SOCIOLOGY
Alberto Gasparini
Glen H. Elder, Jr. Raymond A. Morrow

xvii

LIST OF ARTICLES

MASS MEDIA RESEARCH MILITARY SOCIOLOGY PARENTAL ROLES

Janice M. Engsberg David J. Armor Constance L. Shehan
Gladys Lang
Kurt Lang MODERNIZATION THEORY PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH

MASS SOCIETY J. Michael Armer Francesca Cancian
John Katsillis
Richard F. Hamilton PEACE
MONEY
MATERIALISM Louis Kreisberg
Viviana Zelizer
Robert J. Antonio PENOLOGY
MORAL DEVELOPMENT
MATE SELECTION THEORIES J. Forbes Farmer
Thomas J. Figurski
Kris Bulcroft PERSONAL AUTONOMY
MULTIPLE INDICATOR MODELS
MATHEMATICAL SOCIOLOGY Kerry Marsh
Kyle Kercher
Barbara F. Meeker PERSONAL DEPENDENCY
Robert K. Leik MUSIC
Mario Mikulincer
MEASUREMENT Richard A. Peterson
PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL
Edgar F. Borgatta NATIONAL BORDER RELATIONS, STRUCTURE
Yoshinori Kamo MANAGEMENT OF
Kenneth I. Spenner
MEASURES OF ASSOCIATION Raimondo Strassoldo
PERSONALITY MEASUREMENT
Herbert L. Costner NATIONALISM
Gerard Saucier
MEDICAL-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX Saad Nagi
PERSONALITY THEORY
Carroll L. Estes NEGOTIATION OF POWER
David N. Pellow Frank Dumont
Charlene Harrington Bruno Tellia
PERSUASION
MEDICAL SOCIOLOGY NONPARAMETRIC STATISTICS
Susan McWilliams
Mary Zimmerman Subhash Sonnad
PHENOMENOLOGY
MENTAL ILLNESS AND MENTAL OBSERVATION SYSTEMS
DISORDERS Myron Orleans
Richard B. Kettner-Polley
Suzanne T. Ortega POLICE
Sharon L. Larson OCCUPATIONAL AND CAREER
MOBILITY Carl B. Klockars
META-ANALYSIS
Margaret Mooney Marini POLISH AND EASTERN
Blair T. Johnson EUROPEAN SOCIOLOGY
OCCUPATIONAL PRESTIGE
METATHEORY Jacek Szmatka
Keiko Nakao Kinga Wysienska
Walter L. Wallace
ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE POLITICAL AND
MEXICAN STUDIES GOVERNMENTAL
Rodolfo Alvarez CORRUPTION
Guillermo de la Pena Leah Robin
Bryan R. Roberts Richard Mcgrath Skinner
ORGANIZED CRIME
MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES POLITICAL CORRECTNESS
Marilyn E. Walsh
George Sabagh Pierre L. van den Berghe
PARADIGMS AND MODELS
POLITICAL CRIME
Bernard P. Cohen
Austin T. Turk

xviii

POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS LIST OF ARTICLES REMARRIAGE

David Knoke PROBATION AND PAROLE J. Jill Suitor
Shirley A. Keeton
POLITICAL PARTY SYSTEMS Joseph G. Weis
REPLICATION
Frederick D. Weil PROFESSIONS
Lowell J. Hargens
POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY Patricia A. Roos
RESEARCH FUNDING IN
J. Craig Jenkins PROTEST MOVEMENTS SOCIOLOGY

POPULAR CULTURE Leonard Gordon Howard P. Greenwald

Chandra Mukerji PUBLIC OPINION RETIREMENT

POPULATION Kurt Lang Melissa A. Hardy
Kim Shuey
Thomas W. Pullum PUBLIC POLICY ANALYSIS
REVOLUTIONS
PORNOGRAPHY James D. Wright
Robert C. Liebman
Charles Winick QUALITATIVE METHODS
ROLE THEORY
POSITIVE MENTAL HEALTH Laura L. Ellingson
Carolyn Ellis Bruce J. Biddle
Janet Hankin
QUALITATIVE MODELS ROLE THEORY: FOUNDATIONS,
POSITIVISM EXTENSIONS, AND
Alex Durig APPLICATIONS
Jonathan H. Turner David R. Heise
John H. Yost
POSTINDUSTRIAL SOCIETY QUALITY OF LIFE James R. Bailey

Robert A. Fiala Kyriakos S. Markides RURAL SOCIOLOGY

POSTMODERNISM QUASI-EXPERIMENTAL Gene F. Summers
RESEARCH DESIGNS Frederick H. Buttel
Augustine Brannigan
Kyle Kercher SAMPLE SELECTION BIAS
POVERTY Karl Kosloski
Christopher Winship
Wayne J. Villemez RACE Robert D. Mare

PRAGMATISM Susan R. Pitchford SAMPLING PROCEDURES

David R. Maines RATIONAL CHOICE THEORY Lowell J. Hargens

PREDICTION AND FUTURES Russell Hardin SCANDINAVIAN SOCIOLOGY
STUDIES
RELIABILITY Carl Gunnar Janson
Alberto Gasparini
Richard A. Zeller SCIENCE
PREGNANCY AND PREGNANCY
TERMINATION RELIGION, POLITICS, AND WAR Warren Hagstrom

Lynn Borgatta John H. Simpson SCIENTIFIC EXPLANATION

PREJUDICE RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS Linda Derksen
John Gartrell
Marylee C. Taylor Jeffrey K. Hadden
Thomas F. Pettigrew SECONDARY DATA ANALYSIS
RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS AND DATA ARCHIVES
PROBABILITY THEORY
James R. Wood Toby L. Parcel
Ronald J. Schoenberg
RELIGIOUS ORIENTATIONS

Robert Wuthnow

xix

SECULARIZATION LIST OF ARTICLES SOCIAL NETWORKS

N.J. Demerath, III SMALL GROUPS Peter V. Marsden

SEGREGATION AND Robert W. Shotola SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
DESEGREGATION
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ELITES Herman Turk
Albert W. Black, Jr.
Patrick Akard SOCIAL PERCEPTION
SEGREGATION INDICES
SOCIAL BELONGING Barry Markovsky
Douglas S. Massey
Gabriele Pollini SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY
SELF-CONCEPT
SOCIAL CAPITAL Alan Wolfe
Richard B. Felson
Tracy Karner SOCIAL PROBLEMS
SELF-ESTEEM
SOCIAL CHANGE Armand L. Mauss
Todd F. Heatherton Valerie Jenness
Kathleen D. Vohs Craig Calhoun
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
SENTIMENTS SOCIAL COMPARISON
PROCESSES Howard B. Kaplan
Bernardo Cattarinussi
Karen A. Hegvedt SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY OF
SEX DIFFERENCES STATUS ALLOCATION
SOCIAL CONTROL
Monica Biernat Archibald O. Haller
Kay Deaux Allen E. Liska Edward L. Fink
Laura Janusik
SEXUAL BEHAVIOR IN SOCIAL DYNAMICS
MARRIAGE AND CLOSE SOCIAL RESOURCES THEORY
RELATIONSHIPS Nancy Brandon Tuma
Nan Lin
Marion C. Willetts SOCIAL EXCHANGE THEORY
Janis C. Weber SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEMS
Karen S. Cook
SEXUAL BEHAVIOR PATTERNS Fred C. Pampel
SOCIAL FORECASTING
Kendal Broad SOCIAL STRATIFICATION
John H. Scanzoni John Stimson
William Marsiglio David B. Grusky
SOCIAL INDICATORS
SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED SOCIAL STRUCTURE
DISEASES Kenneth C. Land
Steve Rytina
Mary Gilmore SOCIAL INEQUALITY
Pepper Schwartz SOCIAL VALUES AND NORMS
Angela M. O’Rand
SEXUAL ORIENTATION Margaret Mooney Marini
SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM
William Simon SOCIAL WORK
Szonja Szelenyi
SEXUAL VIOLENCE AND Carol Austin
EXPLOITATION SOCIALIZATION Robert McClelland

Sharon Araji Viktor Gecas SOCIETAL STRATIFICATION

SLAVERY AND INVOLUNTARY SOCIAL JUSTICE Archibald O. Haller
SERVITUDE
Duane F. Alwin SOCIETY AND TECHNOLOGICAL
David R. James RISKS
Sara Heiliger SOCIAL MOBILITY
Lee Clarke
Thomas A. DiPrete
SOCIOBIOLOGY, HUMAN
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
Joseph Lopreato
Robert D. Benford
Timothy B. Gongaware
Danny L. Valadez

xx

LIST OF ARTICLES

SOCIOCULTURAL STATUS ATTAINMENT TRANSNATIONAL
ANTHROPOLOGY CORPORATIONS
Donald J. Treiman
Lin Poyer R. Alan Hedley
STATUS INCONGRUENCE
SOCIOLINGUISTICS TYPOLOGIES
Mattei Dogan
Allen D. Grimshaw Kenneth D. Bailey
STRESS
SOCIOLOGY AMONG THE URBAN SOCIOLOGY
SOCIAL SCIENCES Nan Lin
Lee J. Haggerty
Mattei Dogan STRUCTURAL LAG (AND
CULTURAL LAG) URBAN UNDERCLASS
SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION
Anne Foner John D. Kasarda
Paul W. Kingston
STUDENT MOVEMENTS UTOPIAN ANALYSIS AND
SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM DESIGN
Leonard Gordon
Riaz Hassan Robert Boguslaw
SUBURBANIZATION
SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE VALIDITY
John R. Logan
E. Doyle McCarthy George W. Bohrnstedt
SUICIDE
SOCIOLOGY OF LAW VALUE THEORY AND RESEARCH
Ronald W. Maris
James M. Inverarity David R. Karp
SURVEY RESEARCH
SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS
Howard Schuman
Rodney Stark William V. D’Antonio
SYMBOLIC INTERACTION
SOUTHEAST ASIA STUDIES THEORY VOTING BEHAVIOR

Charles Hirschman Sheldon Stryker Manfred Kuechler

SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET SYSTEMS THEORY WAR
SOCIOLOGY
Robert Boguslaw Edgar Kiser
Igor S. Kon
Vladimir A. Yadov TABULAR ANALYSIS WHITE COLLAR CRIME

SPORT Jae-On Kim James E. Teele
Myoung-Jin Lee
Janet Lever WIDOWHOOD
Jay Coakley TERRITORIAL BELONGING
Felix M. Berardo
STANDARDIZATION Renzo Gubert Donna H. Berardo

Christine L. Himes TERRORISM WORK AND OCCUPATIONS

STATE, THE Brian Michael Jenkins Barbara F. Reskin

Jack A. Goldstone TIME SERIES ANALYSIS WORK ORIENTATION

STATISTICAL GRAPHICS Richard Berk Charles W. Mueller

John Fox TIME USE RESEARCH WORLD RELIGIONS

STATISTICAL INFERENCE Elke Koch-Weser Ammassari Larry D. Shinn

Alan C. Acock TOURISM

STATISTICAL METHODS Giovanni Delli Zotti

J. Scott Long

xxi

List of Authors

Alan C. Acock Howard E. Aldrich Craig A. Anderson
Department of Human Department of Sociology Department of Psychology
Development and Family University of North Carolina Iowa State University
Sciences
Oregon State University COMPLEX ORGANIZATIONS AGGRESSION

STATISTICAL INFERENCE Walter R. Allen Ronald E. Anderson
Department of Sociology University of Minnesota
Patricia A. Adler University of California, Los
University of Colorado, Angeles COMPUTER APPLICATIONS
Boulder IN SOCIOLOGY
AFRICAN STUDIES
COUNTERCULTURES Robert J. Antonio
Paul D. Allison Department of Sociology
Patrick Akard Sociology Department University of Kansas
Department of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania
Anthropology, and MATERIALISM
Social Work EVENT HISTORY ANALYSIS
Kansas State University Sharon K. Araji
Gunnar Almgren Department of Sociology
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL School of Social Work University of Alaska
ELITES University of Washington
SEXUAL VIOLENCE AND
Ronald L. Akers COMMUNITY EXPLOITATION
Criminology and Law
University of Florida, Rodolfo Alvarez J. Michael Armer
Gainesville Department of Sociology Department of Sociology
University of California, Los Florida State University
ALCOHOL Angeles
MODERNIZATION THEORY
Richard D. Alba ORGANIZATIONAL
Department of Sociology STRUCTURE David J. Armor
State University of New George Mason University
York, Albany Duane F. Alwin
Department of Sociology MILITARY SOCIOLOGY
ETHNICITY University of Michigan
Carol D. Austin
A. George Alder FACTOR ANALYSIS Department of Social Work
Department of Psychology SOCIAL JUSTICE The University of Calgary
University College of
the Cariboo Elke Koch-Weser Ammassari SOCIAL WORK
University of Rome ‘‘La
HIERARCHICAL LINEAR Sapienza’’
MODELS
TIME USE RESEARCH

xxiii

Roya Ayman LIST OF AUTHORS Lynn Borgatta
Illinois Institute of Department of Obstetrics
Technology Monica Biernat and Gynecology
Department of Psychology Boston University School of
LEADERSHIP University of Kansas Medicine

Kenneth D. Bailey SEX DIFFERENCES PREGNANCY AND
Department of Sociology PREGNANCY
University of California, Los Dwight B. Billings TERMINATION
Angeles Department of Sociology
University of Kentucky Augustine Brannigan
TYPOLOGIES Department of Sociology
CRITICAL THEORY The University of Calgary
Paul Morgan Baker
Department of Sociology Albert W. Black LEGISLATION OF MORALITY
University of Victoria Department of Sociology POSTMODERNISM
University of Washington
DIVISION OF LABOR George S. Bridges
SEGREGATION AND Department of Sociology
Robert D. Benford DESEGREGATION University of Washington
Department of Sociology
University of Nebraska Hubert M. Blalock DEVIANCE THEORIES

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS CAUSAL INFERENCE Julie Brines
MODELS Department of Sociology
Neil G. Bennett University of Washington
Branch School of Public Fred Block
Affairs and Columbia Department of Sociology FAMILY AND POPULATION
University University of California, POLICY IN LESS
Davis DEVELOPED COUNTRIES
DEMOGRAPHIC METHODS
ECONOMIC INSTITUTIONS Steven G. Brint
Felix M. Berardo Department of Sociology
Department of Sociology Robert Boguslaw University of California,
University of Florida Riverside
SYSTEMS THEORY
LOVE UTOPIAN ANALYSIS AND HIGHER EDUCATION
WIDOWHOOD
DESIGN David W. Britt
Ivar Berg LIBERALISM/ Department of Sociology
University of Pennsylvania Wayne State University
CONSERVATISM
INDUSTRIAL SOCIOLOGY APPLIED SOCIOLOGY
George W. Bohrnstedt
Richard Berk American Institutes for Kendal Broad
Departments of Statistics Research Department of Sociology
and Sociology University of Florida
University of California, Los VALIDITY
Angeles SEXUAL BEHAVIOR
Edna Bonacich PATTERNS
TIME SERIES ANALYSIS Department of Sociology
University of California, Kris Bulcroft
Lakshmi Bharadwaj Riverside Department of Sociology
University of Wisconsin Western Washington
CLASS AND RACE University
HUMAN ECOLOGY AND
ENVIRONMENTAL Edgar F. Borgatta MATE SELECTION
ANALYSIS Department of Sociology THEORIES
University of Washington
Bruce J. Biddle
Center for Research in HUMAN RIGHTS/
Social Behavior CHILDREN’S RIGHTS
University of Missouri
MEASUREMENT
ROLE THEORY

xxiv

LIST OF AUTHORS

Richard A. Bulcroft Bernard P. Cohen Eileen M. Crimmins
Department of Sociology Department of Sociology Andrus Gerontology Center
Western Washington Stanford University University of Southern
University California, Los Angeles
PARADIGMS AND MODELS
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE LIFE EXPECTANCY
AND COVARIANCE Randall Collins
Robert Crutchfield
Peter J. Burke CONFLICT THEORY Department of Sociology
Department of Sociology University of Washington
Washington State University Karen S. Cook
Department of Sociology ANOMIE
FEMININITY/MASCULINITY Stanford University CRIMINOLOGY

Craig Calhoun SOCIAL EXCHANGE Vaneeta D’Andrea
Social Science Research THEORY Roehampton Educational
Council Development Centre
Peter Cordella Roehampton Institute,
SOCIAL CHANGE Department of Sociology London
Saint Anselm College
Richard T. Campbell BRITISH SOCIOLOGY
CRIMINAL SANCTIONS
LONGITUDINAL RESEARCH William V. D’Antonio
William A. Corsaro Catholic University
Francesca Cancian Department of Sociology
Department of Sociology Indiana University VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS
University of California,
Irvine CROSS CULTURAL Glynis Daniels
ANALYSIS Department of Sociology
PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH Pennsylvania State
Sarah M. Corse University
Theodore Caplow Department of Sociology
Department of Sociology University of Virginia ENVIRONMENTAL EQUITY
University of Virginia
LITERATURE AND SOCIETY Jacqueline Darroch
COALITIONS The Alan Guttmacher
Raymond J. Corsini Institute
Bernardo Cattarinussi Honolulu, Hawaii
Dipartimento di Economia FAMILY PLANNING
Societa e Territorio MAJOR PERSONALITY
University of Udine, Italy THEORIES Guillermo de la Pena
CIESAS del Occidente
SENTIMENTS Herbert L. Costner
Department of Sociology MEXICAN STUDIES
Heather Cecil University of Washington
Department of Maternal and John D. DeLamater
Child Health CORRELATION AND Center for Demography and
University of Alabama, REGRESSION ANALYSIS Ecology
Birmingham University of Wisconsin,
MEASURES OF Madison
CHILDHOOD SEXUAL ASSOCIATION
ABUSE ATTITUDES
Richard M. Coughlin
Costantino Cipolla University of New Mexico Giovanni Delli Zotti
Universita di Parma Department of Human
CONVERGENCE THEORIES Sciences
EPISTEMOLOGY University of Trieste, Italy
Andrew L. Creighton
Lee Clarke University of California, TOURISM
Rutgers University Berkeley
N. J. Demerath
SOCIETY AND DEMOCRACY Department of Sociology
TECHNOLOGICAL RISKS University of Massachusetts

SECULARIZATION

xxv

Linda Derksen LIST OF AUTHORS Richard B. Felson
Department of Sociology Department of Sociology
University of Alberta Glen H. Elder Pennsylvania State
Carolina Population Center University
SCIENTIFIC EXPLANATION University of North
Carolina, Chapel Hill SELF-CONCEPT
William DiFazio
Department of Sociology LIFE COURSE, THE Robert A. Fiala
St. John’s University Department of Sociology
Laura L. Ellingson University of New Mexico
ECONOMIC DETERMINISM Department of Sociology
University of South Florida POSTINDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
Don A. Dillman
Washington State University QUALITATIVE METHODS Thomas J. Figurski
Department of Psychology
INFORMATION SOCIETY Janice M. Engsberg Eastern Michigan University
Department of Journalism
Thomas A. DiPrete and Communication MORAL DEVELOPMENT
Department of Sociology Xiamen University, People’s
Duke University Republic of China Anne Foner
Rutgers University
SOCIAL MOBILITY MASS MEDIA RESEARCH
STRUCTURAL LAG (AND
Mattei Dogan Carroll L. Estes CULTURAL LAG)
National Center of Scientific Institute for Health and
Research, Paris Aging William Form
University of California, San Department of Sociology
SOCIOLOGY AMONG THE Francisco Ohio State University
SOCIAL SCIENCES
HEALTH POLICY ANALYSIS LABOR MOVEMENTS AND
STATUS INCONGRUENCE MEDICAL-INDUSTRIAL UNIONS

Kevin Dougherty COMPLEX Martha Foschi
Manhattan College Department of
Amitai Etzioni Anthropology and
EDUCATIONAL George Washington Sociology
ORGANIZATION University University of British
Columbia
Frank Dumont COMMUNITARIANISM
Educational and Counseling EXPECTATION STATES
Psychology Department William M. Evan THEORY
McGill University Department of Sociology
University of Pennsylvania John Fox
PERSONALITY THEORY Department of Sociology
LAW AND SOCIETY McMaster University
Riley E. Dunlap
Department of Sociology Bernard Farber STATISTICAL GRAPHICS
Washington State University Department of Sociology
Arizona State University Jan Fritz
ENVIRONMENTAL University of Cincinnati
SOCIOLOGY KINSHIP SYSTEMS AND
FAMILY TYPES CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY
Nancy E. Durbin
University of Washington J Forbes Farmer Frank F. Furstenberg
Division of Behavioral Department of Sociology
COMPARABLE WORTH Sciences University of Pennsylvania
Franklin Pierce College
Alex Durig ILLEGITIMACY
Sociology Program PENOLOGY
California State University, David Gartrell
San Marcos Joe R. Feagin Department of Sociology
Department of Sociology University of Victoria
QUALITATIVE MODELS University of Florida
AGRICULTURAL
AFRICAN-AMERICAN INNOVATION
STUDIES

xxvi

Alberto Gasparini LIST OF AUTHORS Avery M. Guest
Dipartimento di Scienze University of Washington
dell ‘Uomo Leonard Gordon
Universita degli Studi di Office for Academic DEMOGRAPHIC
Trieste, Italy Programs TRANSITION
Arizona State University
PREDICTION AND FUTURES Christopher W. Gunn
STUDIES STUDENT MOVEMENTS University of Kansas
PROTEST MOVEMENTS
ITALIAN SOCIOLOGY INTERNET
Linda S. Gottfredson
Viktor Gecas Department of Educational Regan A. R. Gurung
Department of Sociology Studies Department of Psychology
Washington State University University of Delaware University of Wisconsin

SOCIALIZATION INTELLIGENCE DEPRESSION

Linda K. George Howard P. Greenwald Jeffrey K. Hadden
Center for the Study of Sacramento Center, School Department of Sociology
Aging and Human of Public Administration University of Virginia
Development University of Southern
Duke University California RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

AGING AND THE LIFE ETHICS IN SOCIAL John Hagan
COURSE RESEARCH Faculty of Law
Northwestern University and
Don C. Gibbons RESEARCH FUNDING IN American Bar Foundation,
Portland State University SOCIOLOGY Chicago

CRIME, THEORIES OF CIVIL LIBERTIES JUVENILE DELINQUENCY,
THEORIES OF
Mary Gilmore Larry Griffin
School of Social Work Vanderbilt University Lee J. Haggerty
University of Washington Department of Sociology
COMPARATIVE-HISTORICAL Portland State University
SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED SOCIOLOGY
DISEASES URBAN SOCIOLOGY
Allen D. Grimshaw
Samuel L. Gilmore Indiana University Warren Hagstrom
Department of Sociology Department of Sociology
University of California, SOCIOLINGUISTICS University of Wisconsin,
Irvine Madison
Edward Gross
CULTURE Department of Sociology SCIENCE
University of Washington
Nathan Glazer Archibald O. Haller
Harvard University COURT SYSTEMS AND LAW Sociology and Rural
Sociology
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION David B. Grusky University of Wisconsin,
Department of Sociology Madison
Paul C. Glick Cornell University
Arizona State University SOCIETAL STRATIFICATION
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY OF
MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE
RATES Oscar Grusky STATUS ALLOCATION
Department of Sociology
Jack A. Goldstone University of California, Los Richard F. Hamilton
Department of Sociology Angeles The Mershon Center
University of California, The Ohio State University
Davis INTERGROUP AND
INTERORGANIZATIONAL MASS SOCIETY
STATE, THE RELATIONS

Renzo Gubert
Dipartimento di Sociologia e
Ricerca Sociale
Universita di Trento, Italy

TERRITORIAL BELONGING

xxvii

LIST OF AUTHORS

Janet Hankin R. Alan Hedley Dennis Hogan
Wayne State University Department of Sociology Department of Sociology
University of Victoria Brown University
LIFESTYLES AND HEALTH
POSITIVE MENTAL HEALTH INDUSTRIALIZATION IN LIFE CYCLE
LESS DEVELOPED
Russell Hardin COUNTRIES Charles E. Holzer III
Department of Political Department of Psychiatry
Science TRANSNATIONAL and Behavioral Science
Stanford University CORPORATIONS University of Texas
Medical Branch
RATIONAL CHOICE THEORY David M. Heer
University of Southern EPIDEMIOLOGY
Melissa A. Hardy California
Department of Sociology John Houghton
Florida State University INTERNATIONAL St. Edwards University
MIGRATION
RETIREMENT ADULT EDUCATION
Karen A. Hegvedt
Lowell L. Hargens Department of Sociology Judith Howard
Ohio State University Emory University Department of Sociology
University of Washington
SAMPLING PROCEDURES SOCIAL COMPARISON
REPLICATION PROCESSES ATTRIBUTION THEORY
ALTRUISM
Charlene Harrington David R. Heise
Social and Behavioral Indiana University Carla B. Howery
Sciences American Sociological
University of California, San AFFECT CONTROL THEORY Association, Washington,
Francisco AND IMPRESSION D.C.
FORMATION
HEALTH CARE UTILIZATION AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL
AND EXPENDITURES Jon Hendricks ASSOCIATION AND OTHER
Department of Sociology SOCIOLOGICAL
Riaz Hassan Oregon State University ASSOCIATIONS
Department of Sociology
University of California, Los DEPENDENCY THEORY Marilyn Ihinger-Tallman
Angeles and Flinders Department of Sociology
University of South John Heritage Washington State University
Australia Department of Sociology
University of California, Los MARRIAGE
SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM Angeles
James M. Inverarity
Laurie Russell Hatch ETHNOMETHODOLOGY Department of Sociology
Department of Sociology Western Washington
University of Kentucky Beth B. Hess University
County College of Morris
AMERICAN FAMILIES SOCIOLOGY OF LAW
INCOME DISTRIBUTION IN
Lawrence E. Hazelrigg THE UNITED STATES Rita Jalali
Department of Sociology Bethesda, Maryland
Florida State University Christine L. Himes
Center for Policy Research CASTE AND INHERITED
INDIVIDUALISM and Department of STATUS
Sociology
Todd F. Heatherton Syracuse University David R. James
Department of Psychology Department of Sociology
Dartmouth College STANDARDIZATION Indiana University

SELF-ESTEEM Charles Hirschman SLAVERY AND
Russell Sage Foundation INVOLUNTARY SERVITUDE
University of Washington

SOUTHEAST ASIA STUDIES

xxviii

LIST OF AUTHORS

Carl Gunnar Janson Howard B. Kaplan Jae-On Kim
Department of Sociology Department of Sociology The Center for Asian and
Stockholm University Texas A & M University Pacific Studies
University of Iowa
SCANDINAVIAN SOCIOLOGY SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
TABULAR ANALYSIS
J. Craig Jenkins Tracy Karner
Department of Sociology Gerontology Center Paul W. Kingston
Ohio State University University of Kansas Department of Sociology
University of Virginia
POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY SOCIAL CAPITAL
SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION
Brian Michael Jenkins David R. Karp
Kroll Associates, Los Department of Sociology Edgar Kiser
Angeles Skidmore College Department of Sociology
University of Washington
TERRORISM VALUE THEORY AND
RESEARCH WAR
Leif Jensen
Agricultural Economics and John D. Kasarda Carl B. Klockars
Rural Sociology University of North Department of Sociology
Pennsylvania State Carolina, Chapel Hill University of Delaware
University
URBAN UNDERCLASS POLICE
MARGINAL EMPLOYMENT
John M. Katsillis David Knoke
Timothy D. Jewell Department of Education Department of Sociology
Allen Library University of Patras, Greece University of Minnesota
University of Washington
EDUCATION AND MOBILITY POLITICAL
LIBRARY RESOURCES AND ORGANIZATIONS
SERVICES FOR SOCIOLOGY John R. Kelly
Department of Sociology Igor S. Kon
Blair T. Johnson University of Illinois Institute of Ethnography,
University of Connecticut Moscow
LEISURE
META-ANALYSIS SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET
Theodore D. Kemper SOCIOLOGY
Anupama Joshi Department of Sociology
Department of Child and St. John’s University Karl Kosloski
Family Studies Department of Gerontology
California State University, EMOTIONS University of Nebraska
Los Angeles
Stephen A. Kent EVALUATION RESEARCH
INTERPERSONAL CONFLICT Department of Sociology
RESOLUTION University of Alberta Louis Kriesberg
Maxwell School of
Eva Kahana HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY Citizenship and Public
Department of Sociology Affairs
Case Western Reserve Kyle Kercher Syracuse University
University Department of Sociology
Case Western Reserve PEACE
LONG TERM CARE University
FACILITIES Manfred Kuechler
QUASI-EXPERIMENTAL Department of Sociology
Yoshinori Kamo RESEARCH DESIGNS Hunter College, CUNY
Department of Sociology
Louisiana State University MULTIPLE INDICATOR VOTING BEHAVIOR
MODELS
MARITAL ADJUSTMENT Daphne Kuo
Richard B. Kettner-Polley Department of Sociology
Business Administration University of Washington
Jones International
University DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS

OBSERVATION SYSTEMS
FIELD THEORY

xxix

LIST OF AUTHORS

Mary Riege Laner William T. Liu Kyriakos S. Markides
Department of Sociology National University of Division of Sociomedical
Arizona State University Singapore and University Sciences
of Illinois, Chicago University of Texas Medical
COURTSHIP Branch, Galveston
ASIAN AMERICAN STUDIES
Gladys Engel Lang QUALITY OF LIFE
University of Washington Clarence Y. H. Lo
Department of Sociology Barry Markovsky
ART AND SOCIETY University of Missouri Program Director for
Sociology
Kurt Lang ALIENATION University of Iowa
University of Washington
John R. Logan SOCIAL PERCEPTION
PUBLIC OPINION Department of Sociology
State University of New Cora B. Marrett
Barrett A. Lee York
Department of Sociology CORPORATE
Pennsylvania State SUBURBANIZATION ORGANIZATIONS
University
J. Scott Long Peter V. Marsden
HOMELESSNESS Department of Sociology Department of Sociology
Indiana University Harvard University
Gary R. Lee
Department of Sociology STATISTICAL METHODS SOCIAL NETWORKS
Bowling Green State
University Charles F. Longino, Jr. Kerry Marsh
Wake Forest University Department of Psychology
FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD University of Connecticut
STRUCTURE INTERNAL MIGRATION
PERSONAL AUTONOMY
Janet Lever Joseph Lopreato
Department of Behavioral University of Texas Guido Martinotti
Sciences Departimento di Sociologia
California State University, SOCIOBIOLOGY, HUMAN Universita degli Studi di
Los Angeles Milano
Judith Lorber
SPORT City University of New York DATA BANKS AND
and Brooklyn College DEPOSITORIES
Nan Lin
Department of Sociology GENDER Gerald Marwell
Duke University Department of Sociology
David R. Maines University of Wisconsin
STRESS Department of Sociology
SOCIAL RESOURCES Oakland University EXPERIMENTS

THEORY PRAGMATISM Alexandra Maryanski
LIFE HISTORIES AND Department of Sociolgy
Robert C. Liebman University of California,
Department of Sociology NARRATIVE Riverside
Portland State University
Margaret Mooney Marini FUNCTIONALISM AND
REVOLUTIONS Department of Sociology STRUCTURALISM
University of Minnesota
Seymour Martin Lipset Eleonora Barbieri Masini
OCCUPATIONAL AND Faculty of Social Sciences
INTELLECTUALS CAREER MOBILITY Gregorian University, Rome

Allen E. Liska SOCIAL VALUES AND FUTURES STUDIES AS
NORMS HUMAN AND SOCIAL
SOCIAL CONTROL ACTIVITY
Ronald W. Maris
Center for the Study of
Suicide
University of South Carolina

SUICIDE

xxx

Douglas S. Massey LIST OF AUTHORS Keiko Nakao
Department of Sociology Department of Sociology
University of Pennsylvania Mario Mikulincer Tokyo Metropolitan
Department of Psychology University
SEGREGATION INDICES Bar-Ilan University, Israel
OCCUPATIONAL PRESTIGE
Armand L. Mauss PERSONAL DEPENDENCY
Department of Sociology Todd D. Nelson
Washington State University Gale E. Miller Psychology Department
Department of Social and California State
SOCIAL PROBLEMS Cultural Sciences University, Turlock
Marquette University
E. Doyle McCarthy COGNITIVE CONSISTENCY
Department of Sociology CASE STUDIES THEORIES
Fordham University
Rhonda J. V. Montgomery David G. Nickinovich
SOCIOLOGY OF Gerontology Center NRC, Inc.
KNOWLEDGE University of Kansas
BUREAUCRACY
Lisa J. McIntyre FILIAL RESPONSIBILITY
Department of Sociology Steven L. Nock
Washington State University Patrick H. Mooney Department of Sociology
University of Virginia
FAMILY LAW CAPITALISM
DIVORCE
James M. McPartland Raymond A. Morrow
Johns Hopkins University Department of Sociology Robert M. O’Brien
University of Alberta Department of Sociology
EQUALITY OF University of Oregon
OPPORTUNITY MARXIST SOCIOLOGY
LEVELS OF ANALYSIS
Susan McWilliams Jeylan T. Mortimer CRIME RATES
Department of Sociology Life Course Center
University of Southern University of Minnesota Mary Ellen O’Connell
Maine
ADULTHOOD INTERNATIONAL LAW
PERSUASION
Charles W. Mueller Angela M. O’Rand
David Mechanic Obermann Center for Department of Sociology
Institute for Health, Health Advanced Studies Duke University
Care Policy, and Aging University of Iowa
Research SOCIAL INEQUALITY
Rutgers University WORK ORIENTATION
Richard Ofshe
HEALTH AND ILLNESS Chandra Mukerji Department of Sociology
BEHAVIOR Department of University of California,
Communications Berkeley
Barbara F. Meeker University of California,
Department of Sociology San Diego EXTREME INFLUENCE:
University of Maryland, THOUGHT REFORM, HIGH
College Park POPULAR CULTURE CONTROL GROUPS,
INTERROGATION, AND
MATHEMATICAL Joane Nagel RECOVERED MEMORY
SOCIOLOGY Department of Sociology PSYCHOTHERAPY
University of Kansas
H. Andrew Michener Valerie K. Oppenheimer
Department of Sociology INDIGENOUS PEOPLES Department of Sociology
University of Wisconsin, University of California, Los
Madison Saad Nagi Angeles
The Ohio State University
GAME THEORY AND LABOR FORCE
STRATEGIC INTERACTION NATIONALISM

xxxi

LIST OF AUTHORS

Myron Orleans W. David Pierce Sean Ó Riain
Department of Sociology Department of Sociology University of California,
California State University, University of Alberta Davis
Fullerton
BEHAVIORISM GLOBALIZATION AND
PHENOMENOLOGY GLOBAL SYSTEMS
Karl Pillemer ANALYSIS
Suzanne T. Ortega Department of Human
Department of Sociology Development Maurice N. Richter, Jr.
University of Nebraska, Cornell University Sociology Department
Lincoln State University of New
INTERGENERATIONAL York at Albany
MENTAL ILLNESS AND RELATIONS
MENTAL DISORDERS EVOLUTION: BIOLOGICAL,
Susan R. Pitchford SOCIAL, CULTURAL
Fred C. Pampel University of Washington
Department of Sociology Cecilia L. Ridgeway
University of Colorado RACE Department of Sociology
Stanford University
SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEMS Gabriele Pollini
Dipartimento di Sociologia e COMPLIANCE AND
Jeffrey G. Pankhurst Ricerca Sociale CONFORMITY
Department of Sociology Universita degli Studi di
Wittenberg University Trento, Italy Matilda White Riley
National Institutes of Health
FAMILY AND RELIGION SOCIAL BELONGING
COHORT PERSPECTIVES
Toby L. Parcel Lin Poyer
Social and Behavioral Department of John W. Riley, Jr.
Sciences Anthropology Chevy Chase, Maryland
Ohio State University University of Wyoming
DEATH AND DYING
SECONDARY DATA SOCIOCULTURAL
ANALYSIS AND DATA ANTHROPOLOGY Georgina Rojas-Garcia
ARCHIVES Population Research Center
Evan Pritchard University of Texas
Ronald W. Perry Department of Psychology
Arizona State University University of Winnipeg INFANT AND CHILD
MORTALITY
DIFFUSION THEORIES DECISION-MAKING THEORY
AND RESEARCH Patricia A. Roos
Richard A. Peterson Rutgers University
Department of Sociology Thomas W. Pullum
and Social Policy Department of Sociology PROFESSIONS
University of Leeds University of Texas
Steve Rytina
MUSIC POPULATION Department of Sociology
McGill University
Thomas F. Pettigrew E. L. Quarantelli
Stevenson College Disaster Research Center SOCIAL STRUCTURE
University of California, University of Delaware
Santa Cruz George Sabagh
DISASTER RESEARCH Department of Sociology
DISCRIMINATION University of California
Barbara F. Reskin
David R. Phillips Department of Sociology MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
Asia-Pacific Institute of Harvard University
Ageing Studies, Faculty of Joseph Sanders
Social Sciences WORK AND OCCUPATIONS University of Houston
Lingnan University,
Hong Kong LAW AND LEGAL SYSTEMS

LONG-TERM CARE Masamichi Sasaki
Hyogo Kyoiku University,
Japan

JAPANESE SOCIOLOGY

xxxii

Gerard Saucier LIST OF AUTHORS Subhash Sonnad
Department of Psychology Department of Sociology
University of Oregon Constance L. Shehan Western Michigan University
Department of Sociology
PERSONALITY University of Florida NONPARAMETRIC
MEASUREMENT STATISTICS
PARENTAL ROLES
Erwin K. Scheuch Kenneth I. Spenner
Larry D. Shinn Department of Sociology
GERMAN SOCIOLOGY Berea College Duke University

David R. Schmitt WORLD RELIGIONS PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL
Department of Sociology STRUCTURE
University of Washington James F. Short
Department of Sociology Rodney Stark
GROUP SIZE Washington State University Department of Sociology
University of Washington
Ronald J. Schoenberg CRIMINAL AND
Department of Sociology DELINQUENT SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION
University of Washington SUBCULTURES
Lauri Steel
PROBABILITY THEORY Robert W. Shotola American Institutes for
Department of Sociology Research
Howard Schuman Portland State University
Institute for Social Research FAMILY SIZE
University of Michigan SMALL GROUPS
Ardyth Stimson
SURVEY RESEARCH William Simon Kean University
Department of Sociology
Joseph Scimecca University of Houston INTERPERSONAL
Department of Sociology ATTRACTION
George Mason University SEXUAL ORIENTATION
John Stimson
HUMANISM John H. Simpson Sociology Department
Department of Sociology William Paterson University
David Sciulli University of Toronto
Department of Sociology SOCIAL FORECASTING
Texas A & M University RELIGION, POLITICS, AND
WAR Philip J. Stone
INTERNATIONAL Department of Sociology
ASSOCIATIONS IN Richard Mcgrath Skinner Harvard University
SOCIOLOGY University of Virginia
CONTENT ANALYSIS
Karen Seccombe POLITICAL AND
Department of Sociology GOVERNMENTAL David Strang
Portland State University CORRUPTION Center for Advanced Study
in the Behavioral Sciences
ALTERNATIVE LIFESTYLES David Smith Cornell University
University of Kansas
Vimal P. Shah IMPERIALISM,
Gujarat University, India GENOCIDE COLONIALISM, AND
DECOLONIZATION
INDIAN SOCIOLOGY C. Matthew Snipp
Department of Sociology Jeffrey J. Strange
Michael J. Shanahan Stanford University Public Insight
Center for Advanced Study
in the Behavioral Sciences AMERICAN INDIAN STUDIES CENSORSHIP AND THE
Pennsylvania State REGULATION OF
University David Snow EXPRESSION
Department of Sociology
ADOLESCENCE University of Arizona

CROWDS AND RIOTS

xxxiii

Raimondo Strassoldo LIST OF AUTHORS Marta Tienda
Dipartimento EST Office of Population
University of Udine, Italy Richard Swedberg Research
Department of Sociology Princeton University
NATIONAL BORDER Stockholm University
RELATIONS, HISPANIC AMERICANS
MANAGEMENT OF ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY
Jackson Toby
Murray A. Straus Szonja Szelenyi Sociology Department
University of New Department of Sociology The State University of New
Hampshire Cornell University Jersey, Rutgers

FAMILY VIOLENCE SOCIALISM AND CRIMINALIZATION OF
COMMUNISM DEVIANCE
Robin Stryker
Department of Sociology Jacek Szmatka Donald J. Treiman
University of Iowa Jagiellonian University, Department of Sociology
Poland University of California at
GOVERNMENT Los Angeles
REGULATION POLISH AND EASTERN
EUROPEAN SOCIOLOGY STATUS ATTAINMENT
Sheldon Stryker
Department of Sociology Karl E. Taeuber Gaye Tuchman
Indiana University Department of Sociology Department of Sociology
University of Wisconsin University of Connecticut
IDENTITY THEORY
SYMBOLIC INTERACTION CENSUS FEMINIST THEORY

THEORY Irving Tallman Nancy Brandon Tuma
Department of Sociology Department of Sociology
Donald E. Stull Washington State University Stanford University
Department of Sociology
University of Akron FAMILY POLICY IN SOCIAL DYNAMICS
WESTERN SOCIETIES
HEALTH AND THE LIFE Austin T. Turk
COURSE Marylee C. Taylor Department of Sociology
Department of Sociology University of California,
INTERGENERATIONAL Pennsylvania State Riverside
RESOURCE TRANSFERS University
POLITICAL CRIME
J. Jill Suitor PREJUDICE
Department of Sociology Herman Turk
Louisiana State University James E. Teele
Department of Sociology SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
REMARRIAGE Boston University
Jonathan H. Turner
Teresa A. Sullivan JUVENILE DELINQUENCY Department of Sociology
Univesity of Texas at Austin (AND JUVENILE CRIME) University of California,
Riverside
BANKRUPTCY AND CREDIT WHITE COLLAR CRIME
POSITIVISM
Deborah A. Sullivan Bruno Tellia
Department of Sociology Dipartimento Economia, Ralph H. Turner
Arizona State University Società, Territorio University of California, Los
Universita di Udine, Italy Angeles
BIRTH AND DEATH RATES
NEGOTIATION OF POWER COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR
Gene F. Summers
Department of Rural Ann R. Tickamyer Bernard Valade
Sociology Department of Sociology The Sorbonne
University of Wisconsin, The Ohio University
Madison FRENCH SCHOOL OF
MACROSOCIOLOGY SOCIOLOGY, THE
RURAL SOCIOLOGY INFORMAL ECONOMY, THE

Marvin B. Sussman

INHERITANCE

xxxiv

Gerard Saucier LIST OF AUTHORS Subhash Sonnad
Department of Psychology Department of Sociology
University of Oregon Constance L. Shehan Western Michigan University
Department of Sociology
PERSONALITY University of Florida NONPARAMETRIC
MEASUREMENT STATISTICS
PARENTAL ROLES
Erwin K. Scheuch Kenneth I. Spenner
Larry D. Shinn Department of Sociology
GERMAN SOCIOLOGY Berea College Duke University

David R. Schmitt WORLD RELIGIONS PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL
Department of Sociology STRUCTURE
University of Washington James F. Short
Department of Sociology Rodney Stark
GROUP SIZE Washington State University Department of Sociology
University of Washington
Ronald J. Schoenberg CRIMINAL AND
Department of Sociology DELINQUENT SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION
University of Washington SUBCULTURES
Lauri Steel
PROBABILITY THEORY Robert W. Shotola American Institutes for
Department of Sociology Research
Howard Schuman Portland State University
Institute for Social Research FAMILY SIZE
University of Michigan SMALL GROUPS
Sonia Stefanizzi
SURVEY RESEARCH William Simon Department of Sociology
Department of Sociology and Social Research
Joseph Scimecca University of Houston University of Milan-Bicocca
Department of Sociology
George Mason University SEXUAL ORIENTATION DATABANKS AND
DEPOSITORIES
HUMANISM John H. Simpson
Department of Sociology Ardyth Stimson
David Sciulli University of Toronto Kean University
Department of Sociology
Texas A & M University RELIGION, POLITICS, AND INTERPERSONAL
WAR ATTRACTION
INTERNATIONAL
ASSOCIATIONS IN Richard Mcgrath Skinner John Stimson
SOCIOLOGY University of Virginia Sociology Department
William Paterson University
Karen Seccombe POLITICAL AND
Department of Sociology GOVERNMENTAL SOCIAL FORECASTING
Portland State University CORRUPTION
Philip J. Stone
ALTERNATIVE LIFESTYLES David Smith Department of Sociology
University of Kansas Harvard University
Vimal P. Shah
Gujarat University, India GENOCIDE CONTENT ANALYSIS

INDIAN SOCIOLOGY C. Matthew Snipp David Strang
Department of Sociology Center for Advanced Study
Michael J. Shanahan Stanford University in the Behavioral Sciences
Center for Advanced Study Cornell University
in the Behavioral Sciences AMERICAN INDIAN STUDIES
Pennsylvania State IMPERIALISM,
University David Snow COLONIALISM, AND
Department of Sociology DECOLONIZATION
ADOLESCENCE University of Arizona

CROWDS AND RIOTS

xxxv

Jeffrey J. Strange LIST OF AUTHORS Bruno Tellia
Public Insight Dipartimento Economia,
Gene F. Summers Società, Territorio
CENSORSHIP AND THE Department of Rural Universita di Udine, Italy
REGULATION OF Sociology
EXPRESSION University of Wisconsin, NEGOTIATION OF POWER
Madison
Raimondo Strassoldo Ann R. Tickamyer
Dipartimento EST RURAL SOCIOLOGY Department of Sociology
University of Udine, Italy The Ohio University
Marvin B. Sussman
NATIONAL BORDER MACROSOCIOLOGY
RELATIONS, INHERITANCE INFORMAL ECONOMY, THE
MANAGEMENT OF
Richard Swedberg Marta Tienda
Murray A. Straus Department of Sociology Office of Population
University of New Stockholm University Research
Hampshire Princeton University
ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY
FAMILY VIOLENCE HISPANIC AMERICANS
Szonja Szelenyi
Robin Stryker Department of Sociology Jackson Toby
Department of Sociology Cornell University Sociology Department
University of Iowa The State University of New
SOCIALISM AND Jersey, Rutgers
GOVERNMENT COMMUNISM
REGULATION CRIMINALIZATION OF
Jacek Szmatka DEVIANCE
Sheldon Stryker Jagiellonian University,
Department of Sociology Poland Donald J. Treiman
Indiana University Department of Sociology
POLISH AND EASTERN University of California at
IDENTITY THEORY EUROPEAN SOCIOLOGY Los Angeles
SYMBOLIC INTERACTION
Karl E. Taeuber STATUS ATTAINMENT
THEORY Department of Sociology
University of Wisconsin Gaye Tuchman
Donald E. Stull Department of Sociology
Department of Sociology CENSUS University of Connecticut
University of Akron
Irving Tallman FEMINIST THEORY
HEALTH AND THE LIFE Department of Sociology
COURSE Washington State University Nancy Brandon Tuma
Department of Sociology
INTERGENERATIONAL FAMILY POLICY IN Stanford University
RESOURCE TRANSFERS WESTERN SOCIETIES
SOCIAL DYNAMICS
J. Jill Suitor Marylee C. Taylor
Department of Sociology Department of Sociology Austin T. Turk
Louisiana State University Pennsylvania State Department of Sociology
University University of California,
INTERGENERATIONAL Riverside
RELATIONS PREJUDICE
POLITICAL CRIME
REMARRIAGE James E. Teele
Department of Sociology Herman Turk
Teresa A. Sullivan Boston University
Univesity of Texas at Austin SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
JUVENILE DELINQUENCY
BANKRUPTCY AND CREDIT (AND JUVENILE CRIME) Jonathan H. Turner
Department of Sociology
Deborah A. Sullivan WHITE COLLAR CRIME University of California,
Department of Sociology Riverside
Arizona State University
POSITIVISM
BIRTH AND DEATH RATES

xxxvi

Ralph H. Turner LIST OF AUTHORS Alan Wolfe
University of California, Los Boston College
Angeles Frederick D. Weil
Department of Sociology SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY
COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR Louisiana State University HUMAN NATURE

Bernard Valade POLITICAL PARTY SYSTEMS James R. Wood
The Sorbonne Department of Sociology
Joseph G. Weis Indiana University
FRENCH SCHOOL OF Department of Sociology
SOCIOLOGY, THE University of Washington RELIGIOUS
ORGANIZATIONS
Maurice D. Van Arsdol, Jr. PROBATION AND PAROLE
Institute of International James D. Wright
Studies Jack Whalen Department of Sociology
University of Southern Xerox Palo Alto Tulane University
California and Monterey Research Center
PUBLIC POLICY ANALYSIS
CITIES CONVERSATION ANALYSIS
Robert Wuthnow
Pierre L. van den Berghe Martin K. Whyte Department of Sociology
Department of Sociology Department of Sociology Princeton University
University of Washington George Washington
University RELIGIOUS ORIENTATIONS
POLITICAL CORRECTNESS
CHINA STUDIES Grace J. Yoo
Brenda J. Vander Mey Asian-American Studies
Department of Sociology Marion C. Willetts Department
Clemson University Department of Sociology San Francisco State
and Anthropology University
INCEST Illinois State University
INTERMARRIAGE
Wayne J. Villemez SEXUAL BEHAVIOR IN
Department of Sociology MARRIAGE AND CLOSE John H. Yost
University of Connecticut RELATIONSHIPS Department of Psychology
John Carroll University
POVERTY Robin M. Williams, Jr.
University of California, ROLE THEORY:
Carlos H. Waisman Irvine and Cornell FOUNDATIONS,
Department of Sociology University EXTENSIONS, AND
University of California, APPLICATIONS
San Diego AMERICAN SOCIETY
Rosalie F. Young
LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES Charles Winick Department of Community
The Graduate School and Medicine
Walter L. Wallace University Center Wayne State University
Department of Sociology City University of New York
Princeton University HEALTH PROMOTION AND
PORNOGRAPHY HEALTH STATUS
METATHEORY DRUG ABUSE
Yih-Jin Young
Marilyn E. Walsh Halliman H. Winsborough Nassau Community College

ORGANIZED CRIME DEMOGRAPHY EDUCATION AND
DEVELOPMENT
Carol A. B. Warren Christopher Winship
Department of Sociology Department of Sociology Morris Zelditch, Jr.
University of Kansas Harvard University Department of Sociology
Stanford University
ETHNOGRAPHY SAMPLE SELECTION BIAS
INTERPERSONAL POWER
Susan Cotts Watkins Lynne Woehrle
Department of Sociology Wilson College
University of Pennsylvania
GROUP CONFLICT
FERTILITY DETERMINANTS RESOLUTION

xxxvii

Viviana Zelizer LIST OF AUTHORS Mary Zimmerman
Department of Sociology Health Policy and
Princeton University Richard A. Zeller Management
Department of Sociology University of Kansas
MONEY Bowling Green State
University MEDICAL SOCIOLOGY
COMPARATIVE HEALTH-
RELIABILITY
CARE SYSTEMS

xxxviii

Editorial Board

Editor-in-Chief, Edgar F. Borgatta David Mechanic
Managing Editor, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery Margaret Mooney Marini
Consulting Editor, Marie L. Borgatta Peter V. Marsden
Douglas S. Massey
ADVISORY EDITORS Jill Quadagno
Matilda White Riley
Duane Alwin Pepper Schwartz
George W. Bohrnstedt William H. Sewell
Karen S. Cook James F. Short, Jr.
Herbert L. Costner Teresa A. Sullivan
Eileen Crimmons James Teele
William D’Antonio Marta Tienda
Doris R. Entwistle Nancy B. Tuma
Amatai Etzioni Robin M. Williams, Jr.
Archibald O. Haller
Maureen Hallinan INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY EDITORS
David Heise
Beth B. Hess Vaneeta D’Andrea (Great Britain)
Charles Hirschman Mattei Dogan (France)
Joan Huber Alberto Gasperini (Italy)
Yoshinori Kamo Carl-Gunner Janson (Scandanavia)
David Knoke Igor S. Kon (Soviet)
Gladys E. Lang Judah Matra (Israel)
Stanley Lieberson Georges Sabagh (Middle East)
Seymour Martin Lipset Masamichi Sasaki (Japan)
J. Scott Long Jacek Szmatka (Poland, Eastern Europe)
Coral B. Marrett Vimal Shah (India)

xxxvii

A

ABORTION his readers (Ross 1972). Although the work is
viewed as a curious and difficult amalgam today, it
See Family Planning; Pregnancy and Pregnancy nevertheless emphasized themes that continue to
Termination. shape the study of youth.

ACCULTURATION Hall viewed adolescence through the lens of
Ernst Haeckel’s biogenetic principle, which holds
See Ethnicity. that the human life span recapitulates the phases
of human biological and social evolution (Gould
ADDICTION 1977). Hall maintained that late childhood corre-
sponds to a period of peaceful savagery in the
See Alcohol; Drug Abuse. distant past, whereas adolescence represents a
‘‘neo-atavistic’’ period of migration into a chal-
ADOLESCENCE lenging environment, which prompted physical,
social, and psychological conflict and growth. This
Recognition of the life stage between childhood characterization of the adolescent, as troubled by
and adulthood as a subject of modern scientific all-encompassing turmoil, was contested early in
inquiry began in the early twentieth century with the twentieth century by prominent behavioral
the publication of Antonio Marro’s La Puberta scientists such as Edwin Thorndike (1917) and has
(1898) and G. Stanley Hall’s highly influential been repeatedly challenged since then, perhaps
compendium Adolescence (1904). Although Hall’s most famously by Margaret Mead’s Coming of Age
book represented an initial effort to describe ado- in Samoa (1928) (but see Freeman 1983; Côté
lescence, it nevertheless resonated with themes 1994). Likewise, sociologists such as Robert and
already familiar among scholars and the public. In Helen Lynd (1929) and August Hollingshead (1949)
Europe, romantic conceptions of a sexually charged, found little evidence of pervasive trouble among
troubled youth (e.g., in Rousseau’s Émile) circulat- the youth of Middletown or Elmtown. Contempo-
ed among the socially concerned. In America, an rary behavioral scientists take a more moderate
established tradition of cautionary literature em- view than Hall’s, depicting adolescence as a time of
phasized the impressionable nature of young peo- both change and continuity (e.g., Douvan and
ple and their vulnerability to sin (e.g., in the essays Adelson 1966). Nevertheless, the study of adoles-
and sermons of Cotton Mather). Hall incorporat- cence has been indelibly marked by the ‘‘storm
ed many of these ideas into a Darwinian frame- and stress’’ motif.
work to conjure an ‘‘adolescence’’ recognizable to
Hall also maintained that adolescents are highly
responsive to adult guidance. Drawing on work by

1

ADOLESCENCE

Edward Cope, a leading American proponent of of the adolescent life phase, its distinctive social
the biogenetic principle, he believed that the influ- and cultural traditions, and interrelationships
ence of the environment in producing acquired among youth, other age groups, and social institutions.
characteristics that were then transmissible by he-
redity was greatest during adolescence. The impli- Sociological studies of adolescence often over-
cation of this Lamarckian view was momentous: lap with these concerns, reflecting interests in the
The future development of the human race de- social settings of youth and their implications for
pended on improvements in the adolescent (Hall the self, as well as variability in this stage of life
1904, v. 1, p. 50). Indeed, as a leader of the Child across societies and through historical time. Yet
Study Movement, Hall forcefully argued for col- sociologists have also maintained a unique view by
laborative efforts between pedagogy and the emerg- drawing on the life course paradigm as an analytic
ing discipline of psychology, creating schools that framework. The life course focuses on age-graded
push adolescents to their physical and mental roles, opportunities, and constraints; how these
limits, and effect the ‘‘moral rejuvenation’’ of youth, differ through historical time, and how they shape
society, and indeed the human race. A view of the biography. The analytic focus is on the struc-
adolescence as a source of manifold revitalization tural complexity and diversity of social settings
was especially appealing to Hall’s readership, a through time and place, as well as the plasticity of
Gilded Age middle class weary from concern over humans in these settings (Dannefer 1984).
urbanization and the perceived cultural and eu-
genic threats posed by large-scale immigration The remainder of this entry will focus on three
into the United States (Kett 1977; Ross 1972). The distinctive features of adolescence as viewed from
view that adults can constructively regulate the a life-course perspective (see Table 1). The first
socialization of youth is reflected in continuing feature concerns adolescence as a life phase in
scientific and public interest in the settings of historical perspective: Has adolescence been a
youth (e.g., the workplace) and their implications recognized part of the life course through histori-
for development. cal time? And how have the factors that mark the
transition both into and out of adolescence changed?
Hall’s Adolescence was an interdisciplinary work, Implicit in the concept of markers that distinguish
and drew from a wide range of sources, including adolescence from childhood and adulthood is the
writings by early sociologists such as Auguste rate of movement from one phase to the next.
Comte, Herbert Spencer, Gustave Le Bon, and Accordingly, the second feature concerns how
Adolphe Quételet. The interdisciplinary study of quickly young people move through the adoles-
youth remains an important theme, with many cent role set and the social circumstances that
fields recognizing adolescence as a significant area promote an accelerated life course.
of inquiry, including psychology (Petersen 1988),
history (Modell and Goodman 1990), and anthro- The third feature focuses on the central role
pology (Schlegel and Barry 1991). Yet each disci- of institutionalized pathways through adolescence.
pline has its unique presuppositions and focal In this context, pathways refer to routes from
points. Psychologists tend to focus on adolescents’ childlike dependence on the family of origin to the
cognitive, motivational, and emotional capacities; autonomies of adulthood. At the same time, indi-
their maturation (often along universalistic lines, viduals actively construct their lives. Within the
as one finds in the work of Piaget and Erikson), structured pathways from childhood to adulthood,
their interrelationships, and how they are shaped how do adolescents actively shape their biogra-
by experiences in proximal settings, including the phies? Throughout this essay, social historical ac-
family, peer group, school, and workplace. An- counts are presented to underscore the highly
thropologists and historians focus on the range of variable nature of adolescence in the last two
experiences that adolescence encompasses across centuries; in turn, these accounts are juxtaposed
cultures and through historical time: the existence with current sociological efforts to understand the
social worlds of youth. The entry concludes by
considering the dual role of sociologists in the
study of adolescence: To contribute to substantive
debates about the place of youth in society, but

2

ADOLESCENCE

Adolescence As a Phase of the Life Course

Features of Adolescence Core Idea
1. Adolescence in social historical perspective
Variability in the adolescent experience can be studied through the
A. Historical permanence of adolescence social history of youth.

B. The boundaries of adolescence Adolescence is a semi-autonomous phase of life that is not of
(1) From childhood to adolescence modern origin. Adolescence is always changing in response to
(2) From adolescence to adulthood social forces.

Adolescence is differentiated from childhood and adulthood by
transition markers and roles.

The pubertal transition was not always a critical marker between
childhood and adolescence.

The transition markers have been compressed and their sequence
has become more complex.

2. Pace of movement through adolescent roles Social stressors may promote rapid movement into, through, and
3. Pathways through adolescence out of adolescent roles.

A. Pathways in the school Pathways direct youth through social positions in organizations.
B. Pathways in the workplace
This pathway is defined by the transition to 8th grade, tracks, and
C. Agency in pathways transitions out of high school.

This pathway is defined by the adolescent work career: extent of
work involvement, quality of work, and fit with other roles and life
goals.

Adolescent planfulness is a critical resource with which to actively
negotiate the life course.

Table 1

also to identify how the contours of these debates a classic statement, see Mannheim 1928/1952).
are themselves the products of social forces. The second feature is juvenile delinquency (see
JUVENILE DELINQUENCY).
Two additional features of adolescence are
not covered in this entry. One involves the social ADOLESCENCE AS A LIFE PHASE
relationships of youth, a subject that has been
examined from several vantage points. Consider- Each phase of life reflects social norms and institu-
able attention has been devoted to the ‘‘sociometric’’ tional constraints and serves as a principal source
properties of peer relationships, mapping out af- of identity for the individual by specifying appro-
filiations among young people in high schools (see priate behaviors and roles (Elder 1980). The study
Hallinan and Smith, 1989 for a contribution to this of adolescence as a life phase requires that it be
tradition). Relatedly, sociologists have also exam- situated in the life course, that its distinctive fea-
ined the typical personalities, behavioral patterns, tures be identified in comparison to both child-
and group identities of youth as they reflect re- hood and adulthood. Indeed, adolescence is fre-
sponses to the social organization of the high quently depicted as a transitional period of
school and this phase of life (e.g., Matza 1964). semiautonomy, reflecting movement from the com-
Sociologists have also focused on youth and their plete dependence of children on their parents to
intergenerational relationships: How youth are the establishment of one’s own livelihood and
integrated into adult society (for example, see family in adulthood (e.g., Kett 1974; Katz 1979;
Coleman 1994), how they and their parents inter- Gillis 1974). Yet the study of adolescence as a life
relate (for a useful review, see Dornbusch 1989), phase also requires that it be situated in history,
and how youth serve as agents of social change (for

3

ADOLESCENCE

that the changing norms and institutions that shape adult world, adolescence emerged as a distinct
adolescence be identified, and correspondingly, age-graded identity.
that the changing nature of adolescent semiautonomy
be recognized. Within this frame of life-stage analy- Like Hall’s Adolescence, Ariés’s work was read
sis, social scientists have studied the historical by a receptive audience (Ben-Amos 1995). The
permanence of adolescence and the factors that prominent functionalist Kingsley Davis (1944) had
have circumscribed this phase of life, marking its already argued that the transmission of adult norms
beginning and end. and values took less time in ‘‘simpler’’ societies.
Similarly, in his highly influential The Lonely Crowd,
‘‘Adolescence’’ in historical time. Initial ef- David Riesman (1950) argued that children could
forts to interpret the social history of youth con- assume adult roles in tradition-directed societies
cluded that adolescence did not exist before the (see also Eisenstadt 1956). But Ariés was unique in
modernization of societies (modernization refers his use of the historical record, and his work was a
to a constellation of societal changes thought to point of departure for the social history of child-
mark a break with previous forms of social organi- ren and adolescence that subsequently emerged in
zation: rapid technological changes, the emergence the 1970s (e.g., Demos 1970; Gillis 1974). Accord-
of market economies, urbanization, industrializa- ingly, some commentators maintained that adoles-
tion, the decline of agricultural life, secularization, cence was ‘‘discovered’’ or ‘‘invented’’ in the eight-
broad-based political participation, the use of cur- eenth century, as shown in part by more precise
rency, and the spread of science [Kleiman 1998]). distinctions among words like ‘‘child,’’ ‘‘adoles-
Norbert Elias (1994) suggested that children and cent,’’ and ‘‘youth’’ (e.g., Musgrove 1964). Yet a
adults became increasingly distinct in their behav- linguistic analysis says little about the historical
iors as etiquette became more widespread and permanence of adolescence as a set of transitional
refined, particularly with the collapse of feudal experiences marked by semiautonomy between
societies. Indeed, Elias implied that the life span childhood and adulthood. Indeed, many of Ariés’s
recapitulates the history of manners, an instance arguments have been seriously contested, includ-
of Haeckel’s biogenetic law. ing his description of education in medieval and
Renaissance Europe and his lack of appreciation
More focused on youth was Philippe Ariés’s for the semiautonomous roles youth often played
path-setting Centuries of Childhood (1962). Drawing in these societies as servants or apprentices (e.g.,
on a diverse array of evidence—including art his- Davis 1975).
tory, linguistics, and literature—Ariés argued that
in medieval times children merged directly into The guiding principle of most contemporary
adult roles starting at around seven years of age. social historical research is that adolescence re-
Medieval society distinguished between adults and flects ever-changing values and societal structures,
nonadults, but, in the latter category, distinctions encompassing demographic, political, economic,
were not maintained between children and adoles- and social realities. For example, Kett (1977) views
cents. Most medieval and premodern children did American adolescence as a set of behaviors im-
not attend school, but were incorporated into posed on youth beginning in the late nineteenth
adult life as quickly as possible by way of daily century. This imposition was justified by ‘‘psycho-
interactions with their elders in tightly knit com- logical laws’’ (e.g., the necessity of religious deci-
munities. The few youth who did attend school sion during adolescence) freighted with middle-
remained integrated in adult society by way of a class concerns over the dangers of cities, immi-
vocational curriculum designed largely to train grants, bureaucracies, and the pace of social change.
lawyers and the clergy. According to Ariés, begin- Not surprisingly, social historians have detected
ning as early as the sixteenth century, a wide range ‘‘different adolescences’’ in diverse settings de-
of factors—from Cartesianism to technological fined by historical time and place.
advancements—led to the prolongation of child-
hood and the emergence of adolescence as a life Reflecting a continuing engagement with Ariés,
phase. Youth were to be educated in age-segregat- a focal point of social historical research has been
ed settings according to curricula that were less the experience of adolescence before, during, and
concerned with vocational training. With this pro- after the emergence of industrialism. An overview
longation of education and segregation from the

4

ADOLESCENCE

of research on England highlights the contingent by gender (for related accounts of the English
nature of adolescence as a social category. Two experience, see Anderson 1971; Musgrove 1964;
realities were prominent in defining adolescence Smelser 1959; for the Continental experience, see
in premodern England (Gillis 1974). First, child- Mittauer and Sieder 1982; for the American expe-
ren of all social classes were often sent out of their rience see Demos 1970; Handlin and Handlin
household of origin to become servants for anoth- 1971; Hareven 1982; Kett 1977; Prude 1983). Yet
er family at about age seven. ‘‘Binding out’’ coin- it is instructive for two reasons. First, most schol-
cided with the adoption of adult dress and codes of ars now agree that as a transitional stage of
behavior, although the young person was viewed semiautonomy, adolescence existed before the
as neither fully adult nor child. Rather, this prac- emergence of modern societies, although it had
tice marked a form of semiautonomy: they partici- distinctive ‘‘premodern’’ characteristics. For ex-
pated in the labor market and resided outside ample, premodern adolescence was typically not a
their parents’ home, but they did not marry and period of identity formation, as Erik Erikson’s
they were not financially independent. (1963) putatively universal model of psychosocial
development maintains (Mitterauer 1992). Young
Second, marriage was often linked with the people knew their occupational and educational
establishment of an independent household. The futures, their parents arranged both their mar-
timing of this transition, which marked full adult- riages and home-leaving, and the realities of inher-
hood, was in turn determined by when the father itance, fecundity, and infant mortality dictated
conveyed dowries for daughters and annuities or their reproductive behaviors. Furthermore, for
land to sons. Although the specifics of inheritance most youth, few real political or religious options
were often far more complex than the rule of presented themselves. Although there are record-
primogeniture would suggest (Stone 1979), the ed instances of youth riots in urban areas and
net result was that marriage was typically post- many adolescents and young adults were active in
poned among the poor and lower-middle classes the Protestant Reformation, political and religious
(that is, most of society) until young people were in beliefs generally reflected the traditions and cus-
their late twenties, with males marrying about two toms of the locale.
years later than females. For the proportion of the
population that never married (about one in five), Second, although adolescence existed in
the commencement of adulthood hinged on occu- preindustrial times, historians such as Ariés main-
pational achievements and financial independence, tain too sharp a distinction between premodern
which probably took place in the late twenties as well. and modern phases of the life course (Ben-Amos
1995). The adolescences of both the preindustrial
The coming of industrialism changed the ado- and contemporary West are not entirely dissimi-
lescent experience dramatically. Reactions to in- lar, suggesting that there are distinctly ‘‘modern’’
dustrialism differed greatly by class and were com- features of preindustrial adolescence and ‘‘tradi-
plicated by a wide array of factors. For many strata tional’’ features of contemporary adolescence. For
of society, however, economic livelihood was often example, many adolescents of both periods lack a
enhanced by encouraging several wage laborers parent. In seventeenth-century England, life ex-
within the family (Gillis 1974). In turn, wage labor pectancy was approximately thirty-two years, so
was a strong force in creating new and popular that many youth, born when the mother was in her
pathways into marriage. Concerns over inherit- early to mid-twenties, lacked at least one parent. In
ance were less common than in the earlier period, contemporary society, parental separation is not
and kin ties were defined along more pragmatic uncommon through the early life course. For ex-
lines that allowed youth greater freedom to marry ample, among cohorts born between 1967 and
and to establish a household. The absence of 1973, about 20 percent of white males and 60
strong patriarchal control and new-found pocket percent of black males have lived in a mother-
money led many youth to courting and consump- only family between birth and age 15 (Hill et al.
tion patterns that shocked their elders. A new 1999). Parental separation and absence today is a
adolescence had emerged. substitute for the parental mortality of the
premodern period.
This broad-brush view varied in important
ways from place to place, among social classes, and

5

ADOLESCENCE

Similarly, the adolescence of both historical were sent to other households as servants or ap-
eras was a drawn-out process. Because of ear- prentices (often between ages seven and ten).
ly home-leaving and late marriage, preindustrial Other local customs (such as religious confirma-
adolescence in England spanned two decades. tion and conversion, and membership in a wide
In contemporary times, it is commonly asserted array of village groups) also marked the end of
that the span between puberty and the transition childhood, and these frequently occurred before
to adulthood is excessive because of delays in the pubertal transition. Thus historical evidence
school completion, marriage, and home-leaving. suggests that physical changes associated with pu-
Indeed, some sociologists have suggested adding a berty were not prominent factors that distinguished
‘‘postadolescence’’ stage to the life course (e.g., children from adolescents, and this generalization
Hurrelmann 1989). Although the duration of ado- may be valid into the mid-nineteenth century,
lescence today appears extended against the back- when improvements in nutrition began to take
drop of the early to mid-twentieth century, it is hold for large segments of society. Indeed, the
nevertheless brief when compared to preindustrial pubertal transition often represented an impor-
adolescence (about twelve versus twenty years). tant step into adult roles. Before the mid-nine-
teenth century, puberty in America was associated
In short, adolescence traces back to at least the with a sense of rising power and energy and the
High Middle Ages in the West, but its form and ability to assume adult work responsibilities. It was
content have been remarkably responsive to social largely after the Civil War that puberty came to
setting (Mitterauer 1992). Furthermore, one often represent a vulnerable and awkward stage closely
observes both similarities and differences among associated with the adolescence of today (Kett 1977).
the ‘‘adolescences’’ defined by historical time
and place. The transition from adolescence to young
adulthood. A range of ‘‘transition markers’’ are
The transition from childhood to adolescence. typically used to indicate movement out of adoles-
Sociologists have not studied the transition to cence and into adulthood. These include leaving
adolescence extensively, perhaps because it is typi- school, starting a full-time job, leaving the home of
cally equated with the onset of puberty, which origin, getting married, and becoming a parent.
strongly reflects individual differences in genetics, These markers can not be used uncritically, howev-
nutrition, and physical exertion (Tanner 1978). er, because their relevance in defining stages of
This lack of interest is unfortunate, as the effects of the life course changes through historical periods
these factors on pubertal timing have always been (Mitterauer 1992). Furthermore, although young
conditioned by social circumstances (e.g., improve- people in the contemporary West rely on these
ments in nutrition diffused through many socie- markers to distinguish between adolescence and
ties on the basis of class and urban-rural distinc- adulthood, they also draw on other criteria, includ-
tions; see Mitterauer 1992). ing cognitive self-sufficiency, emotional self-reli-
ance, and behavioral self-control (Arnett and Taber
In any event, historical analyses suggest that 1994). Nevertheless, most sociological research
puberty was not always the primary marker of the has focused on these transition markers and has
transition to adolescence. By today’s standards, generated valuable insights about the changing
physical changes associated with puberty occurred life course. Paradoxically, many commentators ar-
notably later in the premodern and early modern gue that markers of the transition from adoles-
periods. For example, the average age of menar- cence to adulthood have become both more stand-
che was about fifteen for girls in early eighteenth- ardized and variable.
century America and final height was not attained
among men until around age twenty-five (Kett Standardization: The compression of transi-
1977). Sources from mid-sixteenth century Eu- tion markers. Standardization reflects the increas-
rope suggest even later dates and a much more ing importance of age-grading and is seen in the
gradual progression of physical changes than is increasing ‘‘compactness’’ of transition markers,
observed today (for a review of earlier sources and particularly the ages of school completion, first
their critical evaluation, see Tanner 1981). job, and marriage. Theorists argue that the organi-
zation of public services, transfer payments, and
In the premodern period, young people were
probably viewed as semi-autonomous when they

6

ADOLESCENCE

employment opportunities according to age ren- 1977; Modell 1989; Zelizer 1994). Evidence thus
ders the life course more orderly and calculable points to a long-term trend of compression of the
(Beck 1992; Kohli 1986). Also, as the state in- transition markers, but that trend reflects mani-
creased the number of rights that an individual fold factors proceeding at an uneven pace.
could claim on a universalistic, standardized basis,
it also restricted the individual’s right to organize Variability: The complex sequencing of tran-
many aspects of life (e.g., with respect to education sition markers. Variability is found in the increas-
and entry into, and exit from, the labor market) ing complexity of role overlap and sequencing
(Buchmann 1989). during the transition to adulthood. Theorists of
modernity maintain that as individuals were freed
Evidence from historical demography suggests from the traditional constraints of family and lo-
that the transition to adulthood has indeed be- cale, they were able to exercise more agency in the
come more standardized. Examining the preva- construction of their biographies (e.g., Beck 1992;
lence of different female life-course patterns (e.g., Giddens 1991). Consistent with these arguments,
spinster, dying mother, widowed mother) among Modell, Furstenberg, and Hershberg (1976) ob-
cohorts of women born between 1830 and 1920, serve that as transition markers occurred in briefer
Uhlenberg (1969) observes a convergence on the periods of time, they exhibited greater diversity in
‘‘typical’’ pattern, involving marriage, having child- their sequencing. Between 1880 and 1970, the
ren, and surviving with husband until age 55. familial and nonfamilial transition markers increas-
Among women born in 1830, about 21 percent ingly overlapped, creating variability in the transi-
experienced this ‘‘typical’’ pattern in contrast to tion to adulthood in the form of more sequence
about 57 percent of women born in 1920. In patterns of school completion, leaving home, start-
addition, the age range in which women typically ing a family and career, and becoming a parent.
married and had children narrowed. The primary
factor promoting standardization of the life course Hogan (1981) provides important empirical
was improvement in mortality due to the manage- evidence for variability in the sequencing of mark-
ment of contagious and infectious diseases such as ers among cohorts born between 1907 and 1946.
smallpox, typhoid and scarlet fever, diphtheria, The percentage of men experiencing an ‘‘interme-
and measles. Similarly, the time it took 80 percent diate nonnormative’’ order of transition markers
of both men and women to leave the household of (beginning work before completing school or mar-
origin, marry, and establish their own households riage before beginning work but after school com-
decreased markedly between 1880 and 1970 among pletion) increased from about 20 percent in the
those who experienced these transitions (Modell cohorts born between 1907 and 1912 to about 30
et al. 1976). A considerable body of evidence percent for men born in 1951. The prevalence of
suggests that the transition to adulthood was stand- ‘‘extreme nonnormative’’ ordering (marriage be-
ardized between about 1830 and 1960, as meas- fore school completion) increased from less than
ured by a constriction of the time in which most 10 percent among cohorts born between 1907 and
people pass through a range of transition markers 1911 to over 20 percent for cohorts born between
(for further discussion, see Shanahan forthcoming). 1924 and 1947. ‘‘Modernity’’ has a large negative
effect on the prevalence of the normative pattern,
Theoreticians have emphasized the critical role but a large positive effect on the prevalence of the
of ‘‘modernity’’ in explaining this long-term pat- extreme nonnormative pattern. That is, in histori-
tern, but this formulation, with its connotation of a cal times marked by greater educational attain-
monotonic pace and continuous process, has not ment, lower infant mortality, greater longevity,
been supported by empirical study. Instead, age and fewer youth in the adult labor market, men are
standardization has been affected by historically more likely to make extremely nonnormative tran-
specific conditions, including improvements in sitions to adulthood. Evidence thus suggests a
health (Uhlenberg 1969) and age-grading in the trend toward individualization of the life course as
school system (Hogan 1981). And as historians found in the increased variability in the sequencing
have noted, legal reforms, public debates about and overlap of transitions (for further discussion,
the rights and responsibilities of age groups, and see Shanahan forthcoming).
cultural innovations have come into play at differ-
ent times and with varying degrees of import (Kett

7

ADOLESCENCE

THE ACCELERATED LIFE COURSE AND enjoy spousal harmony, adequate financial resourc-
es, and sensitive, supportive parenting tend to
ADOLESCENCE experience a later onset of puberty and sexual
activity. That is, depending on environmental cues
A conception of adolescence as bounded by mark- about the availability and predictability of resourc-
ers implies a normative rate of movement through es (broadly defined), development follows one of
roles that indicate childhood, adolescence, and two distinct reproductive strategies.
adulthood. Accordingly, influential accounts of
youth view adolescence as a transitory period, Empirical studies provide partial support for
marking normatively paced movement from child- this model. Menarche occurs earlier among girls
like to adult roles (e.g., Linton 1942). The indi- who live in mother-only households or with stepfa-
vidual is construed as more or less adultlike de- thers. Conflict in parent-child relationships or low
pending on the acquisition of symbols, the provision levels of warmth are also associated with earlier
of opportunities, and demands for responsibility menarche (Ellis and Graber forthcoming; Graber,
that indicate adulthood. With respect to the sec- Brooks-Gunn, and Warren 1995; Surbey 1990).
ond decade of life, behavioral scientists recognize Drawing on longitudinal data, Moffitt and her
three forms of an accelerated life course, reflect- colleagues (1992) report that family conflict and
ing the nonnormatively rapid (1) transition into the absence of a father in childhood lead to earlier
adolescence, (2) movement through adolescence, menarche, although this relationship is not medi-
and (3) transition into adulthood. These manifes- ated by any psychological factors examined in
tations of the accelerated life course are frequently their study. Research findings to date, however,
linked to stressors operating on the parents and are open to genetic interpretation. It may be that
the young person. early-maturing mothers transmit a genetic predis-
position toward early puberty and the same genes
Precocious youth represent an early form of produce traits in the mother that affect parenting
accelerated life course in American history. Since (Rowe forthcoming) finds some support for both
at least the mid-eighteenth century, some young models. Maccoby (1991) suggests an additional
people have been portrayed as astonishingly adult- class of explanations, namely that these findings
like in their intellectual, moral, physical, and social reflect social psychological processes (e.g., the ado-
capacities. Early American history is replete with lescent’s imitation of the mother’s permissiveness).
admiration for youth who grew up in log cabins
only to rise to high levels of prominence while still The accelerated life course may also involve
young, a rise often linked to exceptional talents the rapid assumption of autonomy not typically
exhibited in childhood. Yet precocity was also associated with adolescent roles. This form may
viewed as an inconvenience. Thus, the father of an appear in the adoption of the parent role by
eleven-year-old graduate from Yale at the end of adolescents in their family of origin, what Minuchin
the eighteenth century lamented that his son was (1974) refers to as the ‘‘parental child.’’ Children
‘‘in no way equipped to do much of anything’’ and adolescents may respond to the family’s emo-
(Graff 1995, p. 47). Instances such as these became tional and practical needs through activities such
rare as the social institutions of youth became age- as serving as a confidant to a parent, mediating
graded, beginning in the mid-nineteenth century. family disputes, and the extensive parenting of
younger siblings. Young people may assume re-
In contemporary times, an accelerated life sponsibilities such as these in single, working-
course may reflect an early transition to adoles- parent homes, which can have positive conse-
cence. For example, Belsky and his colleagues quences for adolescents but detrimental effects
(1991) have proposed a sociobiological model of for younger children (Weiss 1979). The contex-
early menarche and sexual activity. According to tual and interpersonal factors that promote
this model, high levels of stress during childhood— ‘‘parentification,’’ however, are potentially numer-
reflecting marital discord, inconsistent and harsh ous and complex, perhaps encompassing family
parenting, and inadequate financial resources— structure, sibship size, marital dysfunction, and
lead to aggression and depression in late child- the employment status of the parents (Jurkovic 1997).
hood, which in turn foster early puberty and sexu-
al activity. In contrast, children whose families

8

ADOLESCENCE

Likewise some critics of youth employment otherwise encourage postponing intercourse and
suggest that extensive involvement in the work- pregnancy (Brewster 1994).
place during the high school years can promote
‘‘pseudomaturity,’’ the appearance of adult status PATHWAYS AND AGENCY THROUGH
that nevertheless lacks the full set of rights and ADOLESCENCE
responsibilities that accompany adulthood. (Psy-
chologists have also expressed concern about ‘‘pseu- The preceding discussion highlights the variable
domaturity’’ among contemporary youth, although meanings of adolescence in the life course; a relat-
they define it as a disjunction between the appar- ed issue is the structured pathways that constitute
ent ability to play adult roles and a lack of ‘‘com- likely sequences of social positions through which
mensurate psychological differentiation’’ [e.g., Er- the adolescent moves. Pathways reflect institution-
ikson 1959].) For example, although youth may al arrangements that both provide and restrict
earn considerable amounts of money during high opportunities, channeling youth from one social
school, they spend a relatively high percentage of position to another. Pathways are a prominent
their income on entertainment because they lack feature in the school and workplace—and be-
the financial responsibilities of true adults (e.g., tween these institutions (see ADULTHOOD)—
insurance, housing). In turn, this ‘‘premature af- where social forces match individuals to social
fluence’’ may interfere with the development of opportunities and limitations. Pathways are also
realistic financial values (Bachman 1983; Bachman evident in the family, as a sequence of roles that
and Schulenberg 1993). However, studies show the child assumes and that offer progressively
that youth spend their earnings on a wide range of greater autonomy.
things, not all of which are concerned with leisure,
including savings for future education, car insur- Before the mid-nineteenth century in Ameri-
ance, and even loans and contributions to parents ca, the immediate environments of youth were
(Shanahan et al. 1996). Moreover, studies of fami- casual and unstructured; mortality and frequent
lies during the Great Depression suggest that eco- moves from the home placed limits on the direct
nomic hardship can lead to the assumption of and sustained application of parental discipline,
more adultlike work responsibilities among child- and schools were decidedly unstructured settings
ren and adolescents, which can benefit the latter marked by violence and informality (Kett 1977).
group (Elder 1974). Between 1840 and 1880, a different viewpoint
emerged in both Britain and the United States, a
Finally, the accelerated life course may reflect viewpoint that emphasized character formation in
a rapid transition to adulthood. For example, be- planned, ‘‘engineered’’ environments. For exam-
cause young black men have markedly shorter life ple, Horace Bushnell’s influential Christian Nur-
expectancies than white men, they often acceler- ture (1848) argued for carefully controlled settings
ate their transition behaviors (Burton et al. 1996). that would promote in youth qualities necessary to
There may also be an important element of succeed in a world threatened by urbanization and
intentionality in the ‘‘search for role exit’’ from non-Protestant immigrants. By the end of the nine-
adolescence (Hagan and Wheaton 1993). Although teenth century, efforts to standardize the settings
the desire to leave home, marry, and have children of youth—particularly schools—led to the emer-
may be normative, the intent to exit the adolescent gence of recognized tracks of educational and
role set too early is nonnormative and often associ- occupational experiences for young men entering
ated with deviant acts. Indeed, the search for the medical and legal professions. Educational
adolescent role exits significantly predicts frequency and occupational pathways from adolescence to
of dating and the timing of first marriage and adulthood were becoming standardized.
parenthood. That is, some adolescents may seek
rapid transition to adulthood because they are Although pathways sort individuals and assign
substantially dissatisfied with their experience of them to various positions in social systems, people
adolescence as a life phase. In any event, sociolo- are also active agents who attempt to shape their
gists have offered numerous explanations for ado- biographies. In life-course perspective, agency at
lescent parenthood including, for example, the the level of the person can be defined as the ability
lack of role models and opportunities that would

9

ADOLESCENCE

to formulate and pursue life plans. Young people body of sociological research also examines the
are constrained and enabled by opportunity struc- many structured connections among secondary
tures of school and work, but they also construct education, tertiary institutions such as colleges
their life course through their active efforts. This and vocational schools, and the workplace.
section provides a set of examples that highlight
structured pathways that describe likely sequences At the transition to seventh grade, children
of social positions in terms of education and work. may remain in the same school (a ‘‘K–8’’ system) or
It also discusses sociological efforts to understand change to a junior high school. The latter structure
the active efforts of adolescents to shape their is thought to be more stressful by sociologists, as it
biographies in these structured settings. typically brings with it a disruption in social net-
works and the student’s first exposure to a bureau-
Educational pathways through adolescence. cratic setting with a high degree of specialization.
At the turn of the nineteenth century, youth fortu- Students in K–8 systems continue to have one
nate enough to attend school typically started their teacher and one set of classmates for all subjects,
educations late and attended class sporadically. while students attending junior high school often
Academies of education, not uncommonly a single have a different teacher and classmates for each
room in a private residence, were eager to accom- subject. In fact, students in K–8 systems are more
modate the seasonal demands of agriculture. Con- influenced by peers, date more, and prefer to be
sequently student bodies encompassed a wide range with close friends more than students making the
of pupils, whose ages often said little about their transition to junior high school. The latter report
academic accomplishments. This situation was more higher levels of anonymity. Further, girls who
pronounced in district schools, where attendance make the transition to junior high school appear
was said to fluctuate from hour to hour. Further- especially vulnerable to low levels of self-esteem
more, teaching was not yet an occupation that when compared with girls in a K–8 system and
required credentials, and teachers frequently re- boys in either system (Blyth et al. 1978; Simmons
sorted to violence to impart lessons or to maintain and Blyth 1987; Simmons et al. 1979).
order, as did the students in response to frequent
humiliation. It may be that the negative effects of the
transition to junior high school are amplified as
At the college level, the violence was pro- the number of transitions experienced by a young
nounced. There were riots at Harvard, Yale, and person increases. A ‘‘focal theory of change’’ main-
Princeton, nightly stoning of the president’s house tains that young people are better able to cope
at Brown through the 1820s, and frequent beating with significant life events serially rather than si-
of blacks, servants, fellow students, and professors multaneously (Coleman 1974). Some evidence sup-
(Kett 1977). During the early years of the republic, ports this view: As the number of transitions—
little in the educational system was standardized. including school change, pubertal change, early
Beginning in the mid-nineteenth century, the edu- dating, geographic mobility, and major family dis-
cational system changed as Horace Mann, Henry ruptions such as death—that students must cope
Barnard, and Calvin Stowe led the common school with concurrently increase, their grades, extracur-
revival, aimed at creating regulated, controlled ricular involvements, and self-esteem decrease
school settings. In addition to the efforts of early (Simmons et al. 1987). These associations are par-
reformers, many social, economic, political, and ticularly deleterious for girls. How the transition
cultural forces contributed to the standardization to seventh grade is organized can thus have perva-
of schools, particularly in the late nineteenth cen- sive implications for the well-being of youth.
tury (Tyack 1974; Tyack, James, and Benavot 1987).
Within secondary schools students are fre-
Today, the educational system is highly stand- quently assigned to ‘‘tracks,’’ different curricula
ardized and adolescent pathways through school for students of differing talents and interests. Soci-
are readily identifiable: Adolescent pathways through ologists have identified several noteworthy fea-
the educational system can be described in terms tures of tracks, including selectivity (the extent of
of the transition to the seventh grade and tracking homogeneity within tracks), electivity (the extent
through the high school years. A considerable to which students choose their tracks), inclusive-
ness (the extent to which tracks leave open options

10

ADOLESCENCE

for future education), and scope (the extent to complex combinations of farming, work in facto-
which students are assigned to the same track ries, and other sources of wage labor (Prude 1983)
across subjects and through time). Scope—par- or whereby entire families were recruited into
ticularly the extent to which students are in the factory work (Hareven 1982; for the case of Eng-
same track across grade levels—predicts math and land, see Anderson 1971; Smelser 1959).
verbal achievement, when earlier scores of achieve-
ment are controlled.(Gamoran 1992). The second Industrial Revolution, commenc-
ing after the Civil War and extending to World
In turn, these differences in educational achieve- War I, led in part to less reliance on children as
ment largely reflect socialization and allocation factory workers (Osterman 1979). Technological
processes (for a useful review, see Gamoran 1996). innovations in the workplace—the use of internal
Socialization refers to systematically different edu- combustion engines, electric power, and continu-
cational experiences across tracks. Allocation re- ous-processing techniques—created an economic
fers to the decisions made by teachers to assign context conducive to the consolidation of primary
students to tracks, assignments that provide infor- schools in the life course as many youth jobs were
mation to students about their abilities and that eliminated by mechanization (Troen 1985) and
elicit differential responses from others. That is, manufacturers required more highly skilled em-
students of differing ability are assigned to differ- ployees (Minge-Kalman 1978). These economic
ent educational opportunities, which in turn cre- factors operated in concert with progressive politi-
ates inequalities in outcomes, even if initial differ- cal movements, as well as cultural, demographic,
ences in ability are taken into account. Unfortunately, social, and legal changes (Hogan 1981; Zelizer
tracking systems are often unfair in the sense that 1985), all of which fueled debates about the appro-
students of similar ability are assigned to different priate role of youth in the workplace. These de-
tracks, and assignments may be based on factors bates continue to the present, particularly focus-
other than intellectual talents and interests (see ing on the work involvements of high school
Entwisle and Alexander 1993). Furthermore, sta- students (for useful overviews, see Institute of
tus allocations from primary through tertiary school Medicine/National Research Council 1998; Mortimer
and to the labor force are remarkably consistent and Finch 1996). Today, almost all adolescents
(Kerckhoff 1993). The advantages or disadvan- work in paid jobs and time commitments to the
tages of one’s position in the educational and workplace can be substantial (Bachman and
occupational systems cumulate as individuals in- Schulenberg 1993; Manning 1990). Whereas youth
creasingly diverge in their educational and labor work at the beginning of the twentieth century
market attainments. Thus, educational tracks can often centered around agriculture and involved
exert substantial influence on socioeconomic family, kin, and neighbors, today’s adolescent is
achievements throughout the life course. more frequently employed in ‘‘entry-level’’ jobs
among unrelated adults in the retail and restau-
Pathways in the workplace. Work responsi- rant sectors. These changes have prompted argu-
bilities have always indicated one’s status in the life ments that contemporary adolescent work inter-
course. Through the early nineteenth century in feres significantly with the basic developmental
America, young people began performing chores tasks of youth.
as early as possible in childhood and often as-
sumed considerable work responsibilities by age Yet the transition to paid work represents a
seven, either on the farm or as a servant in another large step toward autonomy and can promote a
household. Many youth were fully incorporated sense of contribution, of egalitarianism, and of
into the workforce with the onset of physical ma- being ‘‘grown up’’ among youth. Although very
turity, in the mid- to late teens (Kett 1977). During little research has examined the adolescent work
this same period, however, agricultural opportuni- career, several generalizations are currently plausi-
ties waned in the Northeast while expansions in ble. First, adolescents have work careers in that
commerce, manufacturing, and construction pro- they typically progress from informal work (e.g.,
vided new employment for youth in and around babysitting and yard work for neighbors) to a
cities. Many families adopted economic strategies surprisingly diverse set of occupations as seniors
whereby parents and children were involved in in high school, a trend that is accompanied by an

11

ADOLESCENCE

increase in earnings. That is, work tends to be- was expressed in explicit emulation of the widely
come more complex and to produce more earn- circulated autobiography of Benjamin Franklin,
ings through the high school years (Mortimer et who emphasized planning, thrift, decision mak-
al. 1994). ing, and independence. Before this period, the
major features of the life course—including edu-
Second, adolescent work can have positive or cation, occupation, and family life—were largely
negative consequences, depending on the extent determined by family circumstances. (The notable
and the quality of the experience, as well as its exception to a lack of decision making about one’s
meaning. For example, work of high intensity (that life was religious ‘‘rebirth.’’ Departing from Catho-
is, exceeding twenty hours of work on average lic and Lutheran doctrine, religious sects such as
across all weeks employed) curtails postsecondary the Anabaptists emphasized the adolescent’s con-
education among boys and increases alcohol use scious decision to be baptized and then lead an
and smoking among high school girls (Mortimer appropriately Christian life [Mitterauer 1992].)
and Johnson 1998). But adolescents engaged in
low-intensity work during high school have favor- This active orientation toward the life course
able outcomes with respect to schooling (for boys) gained currency as ‘‘conduct-of-life’’ books in the
and part-time work (for both boys and girls). first decades of the nineteenth century departed
from Puritan hostility to assertiveness in order to
Third, the quality of work matters. For exam- emphasize the building of a decisive character
ple, several studies show that jobs that draw on or marked by ‘‘a strenuous will’’ (e.g., as found in
confer skills deemed useful in the workplace are John Foster’s popular essay ‘‘Decision of Charac-
associated with feelings of efficacy during the high ter’’ of 1805). The message was especially appeal-
school years as well as success in the job market ing to the large number of young men leaving
three years after high school (Finch et al. 1991; rural areas for the city in search of jobs. Since that
Stern and Nakata 1989). Similarly, adolescent work time, themes such as self-reliance, decisiveness,
experiences can have positive implications for de- willpower, and ambition have recurred in popular
velopment depending on how they fit into the advice books and social commentaries directed to
adolescent’s life. Thus, when earnings are saved adolescents and their parents (Kett 1977). Indeed,
for college, working actually has a positive effect a view of ‘‘youth as shapers of youth’’ has become
on grades (Marsh 1991), and nonleisure spending prominent among social historians of the twenti-
(e.g., spending devoted to education or savings) eth century (for a superb example, see Modell 1989).
may enhance relationships with parents (Shanahan
et al. 1996). In short, the adolescent work career In contemporary times, a conception of life as
can pose positive or negative implications for sub- shaped through decision-making, planning, and
sequent attainment and adjustment. persistent effort is common. A particularly useful
concept to study this phenomenon is planful com-
Life course agency in adolescence. Whereas petence, the thoughtful, assertive, and self-controlled
the concept of pathways reflects an interest in how processes that underlie selection into social insti-
organizations and institutions allocate youth to tutions and interpersonal relationships (Clausen
social positions and their attendant opportunities 1991a). Although these traits can be found in
and limitations, young people are also active agents approaches to personality (e.g., conscientiousness),
attempting to realize goals and ambitions. It is planful competence is uniquely concerned with
unlikely that most youth were agents in this sense the ability to select social settings that best match a
before or during the founding of the republic. In a person’s goals, values, and strengths. That is, planful
detailed study of autobiographical life histories competence describes the self’s ability to negotiate
between 1740 and 1920, Graff (1995) observes the life course as it represents a socially structured
that lives marked by conscious choice and self- set of age-graded opportunities and limitations.
direction, a search for opportunities including Clausen (1991b, 1993) maintains that a planful
social mobility, the instrumental use of further orientation in mid-adolescence (about ages 14 and
education, and risk-taking in the commercial mar- 15) is especially relevant to the life course because
ketplace, were atypical before the nineteenth cen- it promotes realistic decision-making about the
tury. In some accounts this emerging orientation roles and relationships of adulthood. That is, one’s
self-reflexivity, confidence, and self-regulation at

12

ADOLESCENCE

mid-adolescence lead to better choices during the cohort, which was presented with practical choices
transition to adulthood, choices that in turn have involving employment opportunities and further
implications for later life. Clausen reasons that education.
children are not capable of planful competence,
but most adults possess at least some; therefore As expected, planfulness at age fourteen posi-
interindividual differences at mid-adolescence are tively predicted educational attainment, but only
most likely to differentiate people during the tran- for the men born between 1910 and 1920, who
sition to adulthood and through later life. Adoles- often finished school during the postwar econom-
cents who are planfully competent ‘‘better pre- ic boom. Planful competence did not predict edu-
pare themselves for adult roles and will select, and cational attainment for men from the older co-
be selected for, opportunities that give them a hort, who typically remained in school or returned
head start’’ (1993, p. 21). to school after their nascent careers floundered.
Thus, for the older cohort, the lack of economic
Drawing on extensive longitudinal archives opportunity precluded entry into the workplace
from the Berkeley and Oakland samples at the and under these circumstances, personal agency
Institute of Child Welfare, Clausen (1991b, 1993) did not predict level of schooling. In short, the
demonstrated that planful competence in high Terman men’s lives reflect ‘‘bounded agency,’’ the
school (age 15 to 18 years) had pervasive effects on active efforts of individuals within structured set-
functioning in later life. Planfulness significantly tings of opportunity.
predicted marital stability, educational attainment
for both males and females, occupational attain- ADOLESCENCE IN RETROSPECT AND
ment and career stability for males, and life satis- PROSPECT
faction in later adulthood. Satisfaction with mar-
riage was often associated with adolescent planfulness A historically sensitive inquiry into the sociology
among men and women, especially among men of adolescence reveals several prominent features
who were capable of interpersonal warmth. Men of this life phase. First, although adolescence as a
who were more planful earlier in life reported state of semiautonomy between childhood and
greater satisfaction with their careers, more job adulthood has long been part of the Western life
security, and better relationships with their coworkers. course, it has nevertheless been highly responsive
to social, political, economic, and cultural forces.
Some research suggests that the effects of Indeed, adolescence acts like a ‘‘canary in the coal
planfulness are conditioned by historical experi- mine:’’ As successive generations of youth encoun-
ence, an insight that joins the concepts of path- ter adult society for the first time, their reactions
ways and agency. Drawing on the Terman Sample tell us much about the desirability of social ar-
of Gifted Children, Shanahan and his colleagues rangements. These reactions have ranged from
(1997) examined the lifetime educational achieve- enthusiastic acceptance to large-scale revolt and
ment of two cohorts of men who grew up during have often led to the emergence of new so-
the Great Depression. The older cohort, those cial orders.
born between 1900 and 1910, often were in col-
lege or had just begun their careers when the Second, the many ‘‘adolescences’’ revealed
Great Depression hit. The younger cohort, those through historical time and place are both differ-
born between 1910 and 1920, typically attended ent and similar in significant ways. Many suppos-
college after the Depression and began their ca- edly universalistic accounts of social and psycho-
reers in the post-World War II economic boom. logical development would not describe adolescent
For the older cohort, it was hypothesized that experiences and interpretive frames in the past
adolescent planful competence would not predict (Mitterauer 1992). On the other hand, few, if any,
adult educational attainment. Rather, very high aspects of the adolescent experience are without
levels of unemployment during the Depression precedent. Statistics on adolescent sexual behav-
would support a prolonged education for this ior are met with great alarm today, and yet alarm
cohort—through continuity in or return to school— was already sounded in pre-Colonial times: Leav-
regardless of their planfulness. In contrast, planful ing England for America in the 1630s, the Puritans
competence in adolescence was expected to pre- hoped to establish an ‘‘age-relations utopia’’ be-
dict adult educational attainment in the younger tween young people and their elders, which had

13


Click to View FlipBook Version