ALTRUISM
eds., Contemporary Families and Alternative Lifestyles: provides some benefit to its recipient. ‘‘Altruism’’
Handbook on Research and Theory. Beverly Hills, Calif.: is the narrowest of the three concepts. Altruism is
Sage Publications. behavior that not only provides benefits to its
recipient but also provides no benefits to the actor
Masters, William H., and Virginia E. Johnson 1979 and even incurs some costs. If one conceives of
Homosexuality in Perspective. Boston: Little, Brown. psychological rewards as benefits to the actor, this
definition of altruism is so narrow that it excludes
Oudijk, C. 1983 Social Atlas of Women (in Dutch). The virtually all human behavior. Hence, many social
Hague: Staatsuitgeverij. psychologists maintain simply that altruistic be-
havior need exclude only the receipt of material
Popenoe, David, and Barbara Dafoe Whitehead 1999 benefits by the actor. Some theorists require as
Should We Live Together? What Young Adults Need to part of the definition that the act be motivated
Know About Cohabitation Before Marriage. New Brunswick, ‘‘with an ultimate goal of benefiting someone
N.J.: The National Marriage Project. else’’ (Batson 1991, p. 2), but do not rule out the
incidental receipt of benefits by the actor.
Seccombe, Karen 1991 ‘‘Assessing the Costs and Bene-
fits of Children: Gender Comparisons among Child- Related terms include philanthropy, charity,
free Husbands and Wives.’’ Journal of Marriage and volunteering, sharing, and cooperating. Philan-
the Family 53:191–202. thropy and charity have largely come to mean
donation of money or material goods. Volunteer-
Shostak, Arthur B. 1987 ‘‘Singlehood.’’ In M. B. Sussman ing, similarly, generally refers to giving time for
and S. K. Steinmetz, eds., Handbook of Marriage and the ultimate purpose of benefiting others, under
the Family. New York: Plenum Press. the aegis of some nonprofit organization. Sharing
and cooperating refer to coordinated actions
South, Scott 1993 ‘‘Racial and Ethnic Differences in the among members of a group or collectivity in the
Desire to Marry.’’ Journal Of Marriage and the Family service of better outcomes for the group as a
55:357–370. whole. All of these terms may be subsumed under
the generic term ‘‘prosocial behavior,’’ and often
Stein, Peter J. 1981 Single Life: Unmarried Adults in Social under ‘‘helping behavior,’’ although they would
Context. New York: St. Martin’s Press. seldom meet the stringent criteria for altruism.
Survey Research Center, University of Michigan 1995 HISTORY
Monitoring the Future Survey. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Sur-
vey Research Center. The origins of the contemporary study of altruism
have been traced back to August Comte, who
Tomasson, Richard F. 1998 ‘‘Modern Sweden: The De- explored the development of altruism and ‘‘sym-
clining Importance of Marriage.’’ Scandinavian Re- pathetic instincts.’’ The existence of an altruistic
view August, 1998:83–89. instinct was emphasized in McDougall’s Introduc-
tion to Social Psychology (1908) but argued against
United States Bureau of the Census 1998 Statistical by the naturalistic observational research of Lois
Abstract of the United States, 1998 118th ed. Washing- Murphy (1937). Early symbolic interactionists at-
ton, D.C.: U.S. Bureau of the Census. tributed altruistic behavior to the capacity to ‘‘take
the role of the other’’—to imagine oneself in
Van de Kaa, Dick J. 1987 ‘‘Europe’s Second Demograph- another person’s situation (Mead 1934). The de-
ic Transition.’’ Population Bulletin 42:1–57. velopmental study of altruism has built on the
theoretical work of Piaget (1932), who explored
KAREN SECCOMBE stages in the development of sharing behavior, as
well as on the work of Kohiberg (1969) on the
ALTRUISM development of moral judgment. Hartshorne and
May conducted one of the earliest series of empiri-
Three terms are commonly used in the broad cal studies (1928–30), focusing on honesty and
research area that investigates positive interper-
sonal action: prosocial behavior, helping behavior,
and altruism. ‘‘Prosocial behavior’’ is the broadest
of the three; it refers to any behavior that can be
construed as consistent with the norms of a given
society. Thus, murder, when enacted on behalf of
one’s country on a battlefield, is as prosocial a
behavior as intervening to prevent a crime. ‘‘Help-
ing behavior’’ refers simply to any behavior that
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ALTRUISM
altruism in children. Sorokin (1950, 1970[1950]) likelihood of survival of entire groups that in-
wrote extensively on love and altruism, and car- clude a higher proportion of altruists. A second
ried out the first empirical work on informal help- sociobiological theory maintains that helping be-
ing and volunteering by studying individuals nomi- havior has developed through sociocultural evolu-
nated by others as ‘‘good neighbors.’’ It is only tion, the selective accumulation of behavior re-
since the mid-1960s, however, that altruism has tained through purely social modes of transmission.
been extensively examined through systematic (See Krebs and Miller [1985] for an excellent
research. review of this literature.) The cognitive-develop-
mental approach to the development of helping
Most social psychology textbooks attribute this behavior in children emphasizes the transforma-
upsurge of interest in altruism and helping behav- tion of cognitive structures and experiential role-
ior to the murder of Kitty Genovese in 1964 and taking opportunities as determinants. Social learn-
the failure of the thirty-nine witnesses to inter- ing theory explains altruism and helping behavior
vene. The subject of widespread media coverage, as learned through interaction with the social
this incident motivated Latané and Darley’s ex- environment, mainly through imitation and mod-
perimental investigations of bystander inaction, eling, but also through reinforcement. Reflecting
published in The Unresponsive Bystander: Why Doesn’t the same behaviorist principles, exchange theory
He Help? (1970). During the 1970s, helping behav- suggests that individuals perform helping acts while
ior became one of the most popular topics in social guided by the principles of maximizing rewards
psychological research, although this emphasis de- and minimizing costs. Helping behavior is instru-
clined considerably through the 1980s and 1990s mental in acquiring rewards that may be material,
(see Batson 1998 for figures on the number of social, or even self-administered. A more explicitly
published studies by decade). Because of this be- sociological framework suggests that individuals
ginning, the vast majority of the studies deal with help out of conformity to social norms that pre-
intervention in the momentary problems of strang- scribe helping. Three norms have received special
ers. Only since the 1990s has there been much attention: the norm of giving, which prescribes
attention to informal and formal volunteering, giving for its own sake; the norm of social responsi-
charitable donation, and blood donation. Virtual- bility, which prescribes helping others who are
ly all textbooks now have a chapter on altruism and dependent; and the norm of reciprocity, which
helping behavior, and a number of books on the prescribes that individuals should help those who
topic have been published in the past three decades. have helped them.
THEORIES OF ALTRUISM AND HELPING Reflecting the contemporary social psycho-
BEHAVIOR logical emphasis on cognition, several decision-
making models of helping behavior have guided
Helping behavior has been explained within a much of the research into adult helping behavior
variety of theoretical frameworks, among them (Latané and Darley 1970; Piliavin et al. 1981;
evolutionary psychology, social learning, and cog- Schwartz and Howard 1981). These models speci-
nitive development. One sociobiological approach fy sequential decisions that begin with noticing a
maintains that helping behavior and altruism have potential helping situation and end with a decision
developed through the selective accumulation of to help (or not). Research has focused on identify-
behavioral tendencies transmitted genetically. ing those personality and situational variables that
Three mechanisms have been suggested: kin selec- influence this decision-making process and speci-
tion, reciprocal altruism, and group selection (see fying how they do so. There also has begun to be
Sober and Wilson 1998). These mechanisms ex- more attention to the social and sociological as-
plain the evolution of altruistic behavior as a func- pects of helping—to the context in which helping
tion of, in turn: the greater likelihood that altruists occurs, to the relationship between helper and
would save kin, through perpetuating an altruistic helped, and to structural factors that may affect
gene shared among them; a tendency to help these interactions (Gergen and Gergen 1983;
others who have engaged in helpful acts, presum- Callero 1986). A very active focus of work, mainly
ably based on a reciprocity gene; and the greater identified with Batson (see, e.g., Batson 1991) and
Cialdini and colleagues, has been the attempt to
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ALTRUISM
demonstrate (or refute) the existence of ‘‘true’’ Clary and Snyder (1991) have pursued a func-
altruistic motivations for helping. tional approach to understanding motivations for
helping. They have developed a questionnaire
RESEARCH ON ALTRUISM AND HELPING measure that distinguishes six potential motives
BEHAVIOR for long-term volunteering (e.g. value expression,
social motivation, career orientation) and have
Person Variables. There has been an extensive demonstrated both predictive and discriminant
and confused debate, due both to definitional and validity for the instrument (Clary, Snyder et al.
measurement problems, about the existence of an 1998). In one study, they showed that it was not the
altruistic personality (see Schroeder et al. 1995). more purely altruistic motivations that predicted
There is now good evidence of a pattern of prosocial long-term commitment. Temporary emotional
personality traits that characterize individuals whose states or moods may also affect helping. A series of
behavior involves long-term, sustained forms of studies by Isen (1970) and her colleagues demon-
helping behavior (e.g., community mental health strate that the ‘‘glow of good will’’ induces people
workers, see Krebs and Miller 1985; volunteers to perform at least low-cost helping acts such as
who work with AIDS patients, see Penner et al. helping someone pick up a pile of dropped pa-
1995; Penner and Finkelstein 1998). The traits that pers, and research by Cialdini and colleagues has
make up the prosocial personality include empa- shown that helping can be motivated by the need
thy, a sense of responsibility, concern for the to dispel a bad mood.
welfare of others, and a sense of self-efficacy. With
regard to helping in emergencies, the evidence is Situation Variables. Characteristics of the situa-
stronger for person by situation effects; that is, tion also influence the decision to help. The salience
interactions of characteristics of both individuals and clarity of a victim’s need influence both the
and situations that influence helping in emergen- initial tendency to notice need and the definition
cies. For example, self-confidence and indepen- of the perceived need as serious. Salience and
dence can predict differentially how individuals clarity of need increase as the physical distance
will behave in emergency situations when there between an observer and a victim decreases; thus,
are others present or when the person is alone victims of an emergency are more likely to be
(Wilson 1976). And Batson and his colleagues helped by those physically near by. Situational
have found that prosocial personality characteris- cues regarding the seriousness of another’s need
tics correlate with helping, but only when helping influence whether need is defined as serious enough
is egoistically motivated, not when true altruism is to warrant action. Bystanders are more likely to
involved. The general proposal that individual offer aid when a victim appears to collapse from a
difference factors are most effective when situa- heart attack than from a hurt knee, for example,
tional pressures are weak seems generally applica- presumably because of perceived seriousness. The
ble in the helping area. presence of blood, on the other hand, can deter
helping, perhaps because it suggests a problem
Internalized values as expressed in personal serious enough to require medical attention.
norms have also been shown to influence helping.
Personal norms generate the motivation to help One of the most strongly supported findings
through their implications for self-based costs and in the area of helping is that the number of others
benefits; behavior consistent with personal norms present in a potential helping situation influences
creates rewards such as increased self-esteem, an individual’s decision to help. Darley and Latané
whereas behavior that contradicts personal norms (1968) demonstrated experimentally that the high-
generates self-based costs such as shame. This er the number of others present, the lower the
influence has been demonstrated in high-cost help- chance of any one individual helping. One process
ing such as bone marrow donation (Schwartz 1977). underlying this effect involves the diffusion of
Other personality correlates of helping are less responsibility: the higher the number of potential
directly related to the costs and benefits of the helpers, the less any given individual perceives a
helping act itself. For example, information-proc- personal responsibility to intervene. The presence
essing styles such as cognitive complexity influ- of an individual who may be perceived as having
ence helping. special competence to help also reduces the felt
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ALTRUISM
responsibility of others to help. Thus, when some- indicate, consistent with social categorization theo-
one in medical clothing is present at a medical ry, that members of one’s own group tend to be
emergency, others are less likely to help. A second helped more than outgroup members. Studies of
process underlying the effect, when bystanders reactions following natural disasters show that
can see each other, involves definition of the situa- people tend to give aid first to family members,
tion. If no one moves to intervene, the group may then to friends and neighbors, and last to strangers.
collectively provide a social definition for each
other that the event is not one that requires THE SOCIOLOGICAL CONTEXT OF
intervention. HELPING
Social Variables. Research has also demon- Gergen and Gergen (1983) call for increased at-
strated the influence of other social variables on tention to the social structural context of helping
helping. Darley and Latané (1968) showed experi- and to the interactive history and process of the
mentally that people were more likely to provide helping relationship (see also Piliavin and Charng
help in an emergency in the presence of a friend 1990). Social structure is clearly important as a
rather than in the presence of strangers. They context for helping. Social structure specifies the
reasoned that in emergency situations in which a pool of social roles and meaning systems associat-
friend does not respond, one is not likely to attrib- ed with any interaction (Callero, Howard, and
ute this to lack of concern, but rather will seek Piliavin 1987). Social structure also influences the
other explanations. In addition, bystanders who distribution of resources that may be necessary for
are acquainted are more likely to talk about the certain helping relationships. One needs money to
situation. Thus, preexisting social relationships be able to donate to a charity and medical expert-
among bystanders affect helping. Individuals are ise to be able to help earthquake victims. Wilson
also more likely to help others who are similar to and Musick (1997) have presented data in support
them, whether in dress style or in political ideolo- of a model using both social and cultural capital as
gy. The perceived legitimacy of need, a variable predictors of involvement in both formal and
defined by social norms, also affects rates of help- informal volunteering. Social structure also deter-
ing. In one field study of emergency intervention, mines the probability of both social and physical
bystanders were more likely to help a stranger who interaction among individuals and thus influences
collapsed in a subway car if the distress was attrib- the possibility of helping.
uted to illness rather than to drunkenness (Piliavin,
Rodin, and Piliavin 1969). Interaction history is also crucial to under-
standing helping behavior. If a relationship has
Other demographic variables, such as sex, been positive and mutually supportive, this con-
age, socioeconomic status, and race have also been text suggests that beneficial actions should be
investigated. Race appears to affect helping main- defined as helping. If a relationship has been
ly when the costs for helping are relatively high, or characterized by competition and conflict, this
when failure to help can be attributed to factors context does not support defining beneficial ac-
other than prejudice (Dovidio 1984). In the study tion as helping. In this case, alternative, more self-
cited above (Piliavin et al. 1969) the rate of helping serving motivations may underlie helping. Thus
by white and black bystanders was unrelated to the the provision of U.S. foreign aid to countries with
race of the victim who appeared to be ill, but help which the United States has had conflict is often
offered to the drunk was almost always by people viewed as a strategic tool, whereas when such aid
of his own race. Females are usually helped more has been provided to countries with which the
than males, but who helps more depends heavily United States has had positive relationships, it is
on the nature of the help required. Males tend to viewed generally as genuine helping. Such pat-
help females more than they help males, whereas terns illustrate this influence of interaction history
females are equally helpful to females and males on the interpretation of helping behavior.
(see Piliavin and Unger 1985). This pattern may
reflect stereotypic gender roles: Females are stereo- Another sociological approach emphasizes
typed as dependent and weaker than males. Other helping as role behavior and is guided by Mead’s
studies of the effect of social statuses on helping
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ALTRUISM
(1934) conception of roles as patterns of social acts ALTRUISM RESEARCH IN OTHER FIELDS
framed by a community and recognized as distinct
objects of the social environment. Roles define Scholars from many fields other than social psy-
individual selves and thus also guide individual chology have also addressed the question of altru-
perception and action. Helping behavior has been ism. The long debate in evolutionary biology re-
shown to express social roles. A series of studies of garding the possibility that altruism could have
blood donors (Callero, Howard, and Piliavin 1987; survival value appears to have been answered in
Piliavin and Callero 1991) demonstrate that role- the affirmative (Sober and Wilson 1998). Some
person merger (when a social role becomes an authors (e.g. Johnson 1986; Rushton 1998) in fact
essential aspect of self) predicts blood donation, view patriotism or ethnic conflict, or both, as
independent of the effects of both personal and rooted in altruism fostered by kin selection. Game
social norms, and is more strongly associated with theorists have discovered that in repeated prison-
a history of blood donation than are social or er’s dilemma games and public goods problems,
personal norms. This study demonstrates the im- some individuals consistently behave in more co-
portance of helping for self-validation and repro- operative or altruistic ways than do others (Liebrand
duction of the social structure as expressed in 1986). Even economists and political scientists,
roles. More recent research has shown similar who have long held to the belief that all motivation
effects for identities tied to volunteering time and is essentially selfish, have begun to come to grips
giving money (Grube and Piliavin in press; Lee, with evidence (such as voting behavior and the
Piliavin, and Call in press). This attention to con- public goods issue) that indicates that this is not
cepts such as roles, interaction history, and social true (see Mansbridge 1990; Clark 1998).
structure is evidence of the sociological signifi-
cance of altruism and helping behavior. Recommended reading. The interested read-
er is referred Schroeder et al., The Psychology of
CROSS-CULTURAL RESEARCH IN Helping and Altruism (1995) for a relatively
nontechnical overview of the field, or Batson,
ALTRUISM ‘‘Altruism and Prosocial Behavior’’ (1998) for a
briefer, more technical approach emphasizing work
Until the last few decades, little work had been demonstrating that ‘‘true altruism’’ can be a moti-
done systematically comparing altruism and help- vation for helping. For an excellent examination
ing behavior across cultures. Beginning in the of approaches to the topic of altruism by econo-
1970s, researchers have compared helping in rural mists and political scientists, read Mansbridge,
and urban areas, rather consistently finding that Beyond Self-Interest (1990). For an engaging read on
helping of strangers, although not of kin, is more the topic of both evolutionary and psychological
likely in less densely populated areas all around altruism, try Sober and Wilson’s Unto Others (1998).
the world. In a real sense, urban and rural areas Finally, for a view toward the practical application
have different ‘‘cultures’’; small towns are more of ideas from altruism research, read Oliner et al.,
communal or collective, while cities are more indi- Embracing the Other (1992). (Full citations for these
vidualistic. A review of other cross-cultural com- works are in the references that follow.)
parisons (Ting and Piliavin forthcoming) exam-
ines similarities and differences not only in the (SEE ALSO: Social Psychology)
helping of strangers but also in the development
of moral reasoning, socialization of prosocial be- REFERENCES
havior, and participation in ‘‘civil society.’’ The
collectivism-individualism distinction across socie- Batson, C. Daniel 1998 ‘‘Altruism and Prosocial Behav-
ties provides a good organizing principle for un- ior.’’ In Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, and Gardner
derstanding many of the differences that are found. Lindzey, eds., The Handbook of Social Psychology, vol.
Not only do societies differ in the level of helping, 2, 4th ed., Boston, Mass.: McGraw-Hill.
but in the pattern. For example, in communal
societies, the difference between the amount of ——— 1991 The Altruism Question: Toward a Social-
help offered to ingroup and outgroup members is Psychological Answer. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum.
exaggerated in comparison with the more indi-
vidualistic societies. Callero, Peter L. 1986 ‘‘Putting the Social in Prosocial
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ALTRUISM
———, Judith A. Howard, and Jane A. Piliavin 1987 Latané, Bibb, and John M. Darley 1970 The Unresponsive
‘‘Helping Behavior as Role Behavior: Disclosing So- Bystander: Why Doesn’t He Help? New York: Apple-
cial Structure and History in the Analysis of Prosocial ton-Crofts.
Action.’’ Social Psychology Quarterly 50:247–256.
Lee, Lichang, Jane A. Piliavin, and Vaughn Call forth-
Cialdini, Robert B., Donald J. Baumann, and Douglas T. coming ‘‘Giving Time, Money, and Blood: Similari-
Kenrick 1981 ‘‘Insights from Sadness: A Three-Step ties and Differences.’’ Social Psychology Quarterly.
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Social Dilemmas.’’ In Henk A.M. Wilke, David M.
Clark, Jeremy 1998 ‘‘Fairness in Public Good Provision: Messick, and Christel G. Rutte, eds., Experimental
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Mansbridge, Jane J. (ed.) 1990 Beyond Self-Interest. Chica-
Clary, E. Gil, and Mark Snyder 1991 ‘‘Functional Analy- go: University of Chicago Press.
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Volunteerism.’’ In M.S. Clark, ed., Prosocial Behavior McDougall, William 1908 Introduction to Social Psycholo-
Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage. gy. London: Methuen.
———, Robert D. Ridge, John Copeland, Arthur A. Mead, George Herbert 1934 Mind, Self and Society from
Stukas, Julie Haugen, and Peter Miene 1998 ‘‘Under- the Standpoint of a Social Behaviorist, edited by C. W.
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and Social Psychology 74:1516–1530. Murphy, Lois B. 1937 Social Behavior and Child Personali-
ty: An Exploratory Study of Some Roots of Sympathy. New
Darley, John M., and Bibb Latané 1968 ‘‘Bystander York: Columbia University Press.
Intervention in Emergencies: Diffusion of Responsi-
bility.’’ Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Oliner, Pearl M., Samuel P. Oliner, Lawrence Baron,
8:377–383. Lawrence A. Blum, Dennis L. Krebs, and M. Zuzanna
Smolenska 1992 Embracing the Other: Philosophical,
Dovidio, John F. 1984 ‘‘Helping Behavior and Altruism: Psychological, and Historical Perspectives on Altruism.
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Berkowitz, ed., Advances in Experimental Social Psy-
chology, vol. 17. New York: Academic. Oliner, Samuel P., and Pearl M. Oliner 1988 The Altruis-
tic Personality: Rescuers of Jews in Nazi Europe. New
Gergen, Kenneth J., and Mary M. Gergen 1983 ‘‘Social York: Free Press.
Construction of Helping Relationships.’’ In J. F.
Fisher, A. Nadler, and B. M. DePaulo, eds., New Penner, Louis A., and Marcia A. Finkelstein 1998
Directions in Helping, vol. I. New York: Academic. ‘‘Dispositional and Structural Determinants of
Volunteerism.’’ Journal of Personality and Social Psy-
Grube, Jean, and Jane A. Piliavin forthcoming ‘‘Role chology 74:525–537.
Identity and Volunteer Performance.’’ Personality and
Social Psychology Bulletin. ———, Barbara A Fritzsche, J. Philip Craiger, and Tamara
S. Freifeld 1995 ‘‘Measuring the Prosocial Personali-
Hartshorne, H., and M. A. May 1928–30 Studies in the ty.’’ In James N. Butcher, Charles D. Spielberger, et
Nature of Character, vols. 1–3. New York: Macmillan. al., eds., Advances in Personality Assessment, vol. 10.
Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum.
Isen, Alice M. 1970 ‘‘Success, Failure, Attention and
Reaction to Others: The Warm Glow of Success.’’ Piaget, Jean 1932 The Moral Judgment of the Child. Lon-
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 15:294–301. don: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Johnson, G. R. 1986 ‘‘Kin Selection, Socialization, and Piliavin, Irving M., Judith Rodin, and Jane A. Piliavin
Patriotism: An Integrating Theory.’’ Politics and the 1969 ‘‘Good Samaritanism: An Underground Phe-
Life Sciences 4:127–154. nomenon?’’ Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
13:289–299.
Kohlberg, Lawrence 1969 ‘‘Stage and Sequence: The
Cognitive-Developmental Approach to Socialization.’’ Piliavin, Jane A., and Peter L. Callero 1991 Giving Blood:
In D. Goslin, ed., Handbook of Socialization Theory and The Development of an Altruistic Identity. Baltimore:
Research. Chicago: Rand McNally. Johns Hopkins University Press.
Krebs, Dennis L., and Dale T. Miller 1985 ‘‘Altruism and Piliavin, Jane A., and Hong-wen Charng 1990 ‘‘Altruism:
Aggression.’’ In G. Lindzey and E. Aronson, eds., The A Review of Recent Theory and Research.’’ Annual
Handbook of Social Psychology, 3rd ed., vol. 2. Hillsdale, Review of Sociology 16:25–65.
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119
AMERICAN FAMILIES
Piliavin, Jane A., John F. Dovidio, Samuel Gaertner, and Among these assumptions is the belief that in
Russell D. Clark 1981 Emergency Intervention. New colonial times the American family was extended
York: Academic. in its structure, with three generations living to-
gether under one roof. It has been commonly
Piliavin, Jane A., and Rhoda Kesler Unger 1985 ‘‘The believed that the nuclear family came about as a
Helpful but Helpless Female: Myth or Reality?’’ In result of industrialization, with smaller families
Virginia E. O’Leary, Rhoda K. Unger, and Barbara S. better able to meet the demands of an industrial-
Wallston, eds., Women, Gender, and Social Psychology. ized economy. However, historical data show that
Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum. the extended family was not typical in the colonial
era and that the earliest families arriving from
Rushton, J. Philippe 1998 ‘‘Genetic Similarity Theory Great Britain and other western European coun-
and the Roots of Ethnic Conflict.’’ The Journal of tries were already nuclear in structure (Demos
Social, Political, and Economic Studies 23:477–486. 1970; Laslett and Wall 1972).
Schroeder, David A., Louis A. Penner, John F. Dovidio, Some commonly held views about contempo-
and Jane Allyn Piliavin 1995 The Psychology of Helping rary families also have been debunked in the re-
and Altruism: Problems and Puzzles. New York: Mc- search literature. For example, it has been com-
Graw-Hill. monly thought that American families neglect their
elder members and are quick to place them in
Schwartz, Shalom H. 1977 ‘‘Normative Influences on nursing homes. However, research shows that most
Altruism.’’ In L. Berkowitz, ed., Advances in Experi- older Americans have frequent contact with one
mental Social Psychology, vol. 10. New York: Academ- or more members of their family, and that families
ic Press. typically provide extensive, long-term care to older
persons when such care is needed. In most cases,
———, and Judith A. Howard 1981 ‘‘A Normative families turn to placement in a nursing home as a
Decision-Making Model of Altruism.’’ In J. P. Rushton last resort rather than a first option when elder
and R. M. Sorrentino, eds., Altruism and Helping members grow ill or frail.
Behavior: Social, Personality, and Developmental Perspec-
tives. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum. More generally, family scholars have success-
fully challenged the notion of ‘‘the American fami-
Sober, Elliott, and David S. Wilson 1998 Unto Others: The ly.’’ As Howe (1972, p. 11) puts it, ‘‘the first thing
Evolution and Psychology of Unselfish Behavior. Cam- to remember about the American family is that it
bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. doesn’t exist. Families exist. All kinds of families in
all kinds of economic and marital situations.’’ This
Sorokin, Pitirim A. 1950 Altruistic Love: A Study of Ameri- review will show the great diversity of family pat-
can ‘Good Neighbors’ and Christian Saints. Boston: The terns that characterize the United States of the
Beacon Press. past, the present, and the foreseeable future.
——— (ed.) 1970 [1950] Explorations in Altruistic Love HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
and Behavior: A Symposium. New York: Kraus Reprint
Co. [Boston: The Beacon Press] It is unfortunate that textbooks intended for courses
on the family rarely include a discussion of Native
Ting, Jen-Chieh, and Jane A. Piliavin forthcoming ‘‘Al- Americans, for a historical examination of these
truism in Comparative International Perspective.’’ groups shows a striking range of variation in family
In James Phillips, ed., Charities: Between State and patterns. In fact, virtually all the variations in
Market. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press. marriage customs, residence patterns, and family
structures found the world over could be found in
Wilson, John P. 1976 ‘‘Motivation, Modeling, and Altru- North America alone (Driver 1969). Though some
ism: A Person X Situation Analysis.’’ Journal of Person- of these traditional family patterns have survived
ality and Social Psychology 34:1078–1086. to the present day, others have been disrupted
over the course of U.S. history. It is important to
Wilson, John, and Marc A. Musick 1997 ‘‘Who Cares?
Toward and Integrated Theory of Volunteer Work.’’
American Sociological Review 62:694–713.
JUDITH A. HOWARD
JANE ALLYN PILIAVIN
AMERICAN FAMILIES
Many long-standing assumptions about American
families have been challenged by family scholars.
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AMERICAN FAMILIES
note however, that research has not confirmed the Colonial communities placed great importance
commonly held assumption that Native-American on marriage, particularly in New England, where
societies were placid and unchanging prior to sanctions were imposed on those who did not
European contact and subsequent subjugation. marry (for example, taxes were imposed on single
Important changes were taking place in Native- men in some New England colonies). However,
American societies long before the arrival of Euro- historical records indicate that colonists did not
peans (Lurie 1985). marry at especially young ages. The average age at
marriage was twenty-four to twenty-five for men
As has been noted, European immigrants to and twenty-two to twenty-three for women (Leslie
the American colonies came in nuclear rather than and Korman 1989). Older ages at marriage during
extended families (and also came as single per- this era reflect parental control of sons’ labor on
sons—for example, as indentured servants). It was the farm (with many sons delaying marriage until
long believed that colonial families were very large, their fathers ceded land to them) and also reflect
with some early writers claiming an average of ten the lower relative numbers of women (Nock 1987).
to twelve children per family, and that most people Parents also typically exerted strong influence over
lived in extended rather than nuclear families. the process of mate selection but did not control
Family scholars, however, have cited evidence show- the decision. Divorce was rare during this period.
ing somewhat lower numbers of children, with an The low divorce rate cannot be equated with intact
average of eight children born to colonial women marriages, however. Spousal desertion and early
(Zinn and Eitzen 1987). Scholars also have distin- widowhood were far more common experiences
guished between number of children born per than they are today.
woman and family size at a given point in time.
Average family size was somewhat smaller than the The population for the American colonies
average number of children born, due to high came primarily from Great Britain, other western
infant mortality and because the oldest children European countries, and from western Africa.
often left home prior to the birth of the last child. Initially brought to the colonies in 1619 as inden-
Evidence suggests an average family size of five to tured servants, hundreds of thousands of Africans
six members during colonial times (Nock 1987). were enslaved and transported to America during
Thus, although the average size of colonial fami- the colonial period (by 1790, the date of the first
lies was somewhat larger than today’s families, U.S. census, African Americans composed almost
they were not as large as has been commonly 20 percent of the population; Zinn and Eitzen
assumed. Furthermore, most people in colonial 1987). It has been commonly assumed that slavery
America lived in nuclear rather than extended destroyed the cultural traditions and family life of
family settings. African Americans. The reasoning behind this
assumption was that slave families often were sepa-
To understand the size and composition of rated for sale to other masters, males were unable
colonial households, consideration must be given to provide for or protect their families, and slave
to nonrelated persons living in the home. Servants marriages were not legal. The stereotype of ‘‘ma-
often lived with prosperous colonial families, and triarchal’’ black families, in which women are the
other families took in boarders and lodgers when family heads and authorities, usually assumes that
economic conditions required such an arrange- slavery produced this family form. Empirical re-
ment (Zinn and Eitzen 1987). Households might search challenges these assumptions. Though slave
also include apprentices and other employees. families lived in constant fear of separation (Genovese
The presence of nonfamily members has impor- 1986), many slave marriages were strong and long-
tant implications for family life. Laslett (1973) has lasting (Gutman 1976). Marriages were legitimized
argued that the presence of nonkin meant that within the slave community (symbolized, for ex-
households offered less privacy to families and ample, by the ritual of ‘‘jumping over a broom-
hence provided the opportunity for greater scruti- stick’’; Boris and Bardaglio 1987), and two-parent
ny by ‘‘outsiders.’’ Colonial homes also had fewer families were common among slaves as well as
rooms than most American homes today, which among free blacks in the North and the South
also contributed to the relatively public nature of (Gutman 1976). A variety of family structures,
these households.
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AMERICAN FAMILIES
including female-headed households, were found transformed such that women and children be-
in the slave community and attested to the impor- came economically dependent on the primary
tance placed on kin ties. Rather than the ‘‘absent wage earner.
family’’ assumed to characterize slave life, slaves
were connected to one another through extensive Thus, children’s roles and family relationships
kinship networks (Genovese 1986). Extended kin also changed with industrialization. In contrast to
ties continue to be an important aspect of African- earlier times, in which children were viewed as
American families today. miniature adults and engaged in many of the same
tasks they would also perform as adults, childhood
For decades, the heritage of slavery and its came to be seen as a special stage of life character-
presumed effects on family life have been invoked ized by dependence in the home. And although
to explain social problems in poor black communi- children in working-class homes were more likely
ties (e.g., Moynihan 1965). The historical evidence to work for pay, the evidence suggests that these
described above does not lend support to this families also viewed childhood as a stage of life
explanation. Most writers today argue that social distinct from adulthood (Zinn and Eitzen 1987).
problems experienced in poor black communities Overall, the family became increasingly defined as
can more accurately be attributed to the effects of a private place specializing in the nurturance of
discrimination and the disorganizing effects of children and the satisfaction of emotional needs, a
mass migration to the urbanized North rather ‘‘haven in a heartless world’’ (Lasch 1977).
than to the heritage of slavery (e.g., Staples 1986).
Family structures also changed during the
Societal changes associated with the Industrial 1800s. Family size declined to an average of four to
Revolution profoundly affected all types of Ameri- five members. (Of course, average numbers ob-
can families, though the specific nature and extent scure variation in family sizes across social classes
of these effects varied by social class, race, ethnic and other important dimensions such as race and
origins, and geographic region. Prior to the Indus- ethnicity.) Though the average size of nineteenth-
trial Revolution, family members worked together century American families was close to that of
as an economic unit. Their workplace was the today’s families, women bore more children dur-
home or family farm, with families producing ing their lifetimes than do American women to-
much of what they consumed. Family life and day. Infant and child mortality was higher and
economic life were one and the same, and the births were spaced further apart, thus decreasing
boundaries between ‘‘private life’’ in the family the average size of families at a given point in time.
and ‘‘public life’’ in the community were blurred. Household size also declined, with fewer house-
With the development of a commercial economy, holds including nonrelated persons such as board-
the workplace was located away from the family ers or apprentices. The average ages at which
unit. Separation of work and family life created a women and men married were similar to those of
sharp distinction between the ‘‘public’’ realm of colonial times, with an average of twenty-two for
work and the ‘‘private’’ realm of family. Particular- women and twenty-six for men. However, greater
ly for women’s roles, changes initiated by the life expectancy meant that marriages typically last-
Industrial Revolution have been long-lasting and ed longer than they did during the colonial period
far-reaching. Increasingly, women’s roles were de- (Nock 1987).
fined by activities assumed to be noneconomic, in
the form of nurturing and caring for family mem- From 1830 to 1930 the United States experi-
bers. This was especially true for middle-class wom- enced two large waves of immigration. The first
en, and married women were excluded from many wave, from 1830 to 1882, witnessed the arrival of
jobs. Poor and working-class women often partici- more than ten million immigrants from England,
pated in wage labor, but this work was generally Ireland, Germany, and the Scandinavian coun-
seen as secondary to their family roles. Men were tries. During the second wave, from 1882 to 1930,
viewed as having primary responsibility for the over twenty-two million people immigrated to the
economic welfare of their families. No longer an United States. Peoples from northern and western
economically interdependent unit, families were Europe continued to come to the United States
during this second wave, but a large proportion of
122
AMERICAN FAMILIES
immigrants came from southern and eastern Eu- centuries, a third wave of large-scale immigration
rope as well (Zinn and Eitzen 1987). Immigrants’ to the United States began in the mid-1960s. In
family lives were shaped by their ethnic origins as contrast to the earlier waves, when most immi-
well as by the diverse social and economic struc- grants came from European countries, most immi-
tures of the cities and communities in which they gration in this third wave has been from Latin
settled. America and Asia. However, as has been true of
earlier periods of immigration, public controver-
Ethnic traditions also helped Mexican-Ameri- sies surround the economic and social absorption
can families adapt to changing circumstances. An- of these new groups (Marger 1991). In addition to
nexation of territory from Mexico in 1848 and occupational and economic challenges facing im-
subsequent immigration from Mexico produced migrant families, social challenges include the con-
sizable Mexican-American communities in the tinuing debate over whether schools should pro-
Southwest. Immigrants from Mexico often recon- vide bilingual education to non-English-speaking
structed their original family units within the Unit- children.
ed States, typically including extended as well as
nuclear family members. Extended family house- MARRIAGE AND FAMILY TRENDS IN THE
holds are more common today among Mexican UNITED STATES
Americans than among non-Hispanic whites, re-
flecting Mexican Americans’ strong family orien- The separation of paid work and family life, associ-
tation (or ‘‘familism’’) as well as their less advantaged ated with the transition to an industrialized socie-
economic circumstances (Zinn and Eitzen 1987). ty, gave rise to profound changes in family life.
Over the course of the twentieth century, women’s
Imbalanced sex ratios among Chinese and roles were defined primarily by family responsi-
Japanese immigrants greatly influenced the family bilities within the ‘‘private sphere’’ of the home,
experiences of these groups. First coming to the but except for a brief period following World War
United States in the early 1900s, Chinese immi- II, women’s labor-force participation rose steadily.
grants were predominantly male. The Chinese As of 1997, nearly half (46 percent) of all employed
Exclusion Act of 1882 barred further immigration, workers were women. Increases in labor-force par-
and only wealthy Chinese men were able to bring ticipation were especially great among married
brides to the United States (Boris and Bardaglio women. In 1900, less than 4 percent of married
1987). As of 1910, there were 1,413 Chinese men women were in the labor force. By 1997, that
in the United States to every 100 Chinese women. figure had risen to 62 percent (U.S. Bureau of the
This sex ratio was still skewed in 1940, when there Census 1998). In contrast to earlier eras of Ameri-
were 258 men to every 100 women. In contrast to can history, when African-American women were
the extended family networks typical of traditional more likely to work for pay than white women,
Chinese culture, many Chinese-American house- rates of labor force participation are now nearly
holds consisted of single men living alone (Marden the same for women in these racial groups, for
and Meyer 1973). both married and unmarried women. Married
Hispanic women are slightly less likely to be em-
Substantial immigration from Japan took place ployed than married African-American and non-
between 1885 and 1924. Like traditional Chinese Hispanic white women (U.S. Bureau of Labor
families, Japanese families were based on strong Statistics 1991). As discussed below, women’s la-
extended kin networks. As was true for Chinese bor-force participation has important implications
immigration, most Japanese immigrants were male. for many dimensions of family life.
In addition to immigration restrictions, Japanese-
American families (especially those on the West Though American families have changed in
Coast) were disrupted by property confiscation important ways over the past 100 years, examina-
and the mass relocations that took place during tion of historical trends also reveals continuation
World War II (Marden and Meyer 1973). of some family patterns begun long ago. Notably,
the period of the 1950s is commonly thought to
In addition to the ‘‘old’’ immigration of the
mid-nineteenth century and the ‘‘new’’ immigra-
tion of the late nineteenth and early twentieth
123
AMERICAN FAMILIES
mark the end of a golden age of family life. Howev- at marriage is shown for those with higher educa-
er, historical data show that for a number of family tional attainment (Sweet and Bumpass 1987).
patterns, the 1950s was an unusual period. Lower
rates of divorce, lower ages at marriage, and high- Interracial Marriage. Most American marriages
er rates of childbearing observed during the 1950s are homogamous with regard to race. In 1997,
have been attributed mainly to greater economic there were 1.3 million interracial marriages, repre-
prosperity following the Great Depression and senting only 2.3 percent of all marriages. Many
World War II (Cherlin 1992). Americans equate interracial marriage with black-
white marriage, but only one-quarter of American
Age at First Marriage. According to U.S. cen- interracial marriages are between blacks and whites.
sus data, the average (median) age at first marriage Currently, 4 percent of black men and 2 percent of
in the United States was twenty-five years for wom- black women are married to a white partner. Mar-
en and 26.7 years for men in 1998 (U.S. Bureau of riage between African Americans and Asian Ameri-
the Census 1998). These average ages are higher cans is even less common than black-white mar-
than for most U.S. population censuses of the past riages (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1998). Asian
century, but the current median age for men is Americans are more likely than African Ameri-
comparable to that documented for (white) men cans to marry a partner of another race. A 1990
near the turn of the twentieth century. In 1890, the study found that 23 percent of Asian Americans
median age at first marriage was twenty-two for intermarry, and that over 40 percent of Japanese-
women and 26.1 for men. The average age at American women are married to a man of a differ-
marriage declined until 1956, when the median ent race (Lee and Yamanaka 1990).
age at first marriage was 20.1 for women and 22.5
for men. The average age at marriage subsequent- Although the total number of interracial mar-
ly began to rise (Saluter 1996). Comparison of riages is quite small, the rate of growth in these
non-Hispanic whites, blacks, and Hispanic whites marriages has been increasing. The number of
shows that age at first marriage climbed more interracial marriages in the United States increased
rapidly for blacks than for non-Hispanic whites, fourfold between 1970 and 1998. During this peri-
with blacks marrying later than non-Hispanic whites. od, the total number of marriages grew by only 24
In contrast, Hispanics marry at younger ages than percent (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1998).
do other groups. It is difficult to assess whether
Hispanics’ lower age at marriage reflects long- Singles. Throughout U.S. history a propor-
term trends within the United States due to the tion of individuals have remained unmarried. High
large numbers of Mexican Americans who im- levels of singlehood were recorded in the late
migrated in the 1980s and 1990s (Sweet and 1800s, when 15 percent of women and 27 percent
Bumpass 1987). of men had not married by the age of thirty-four.
In 1940, 15 percent of women and 21 percent of
Factors promoting later age at marriage in- men had not married by this age, but by 1970,
clude greater societal acceptance of singlehood these proportions had dropped dramatically. By
and cohabitation as well as greater emphasis on 1970, just 6 percent of women and 9 percent of
educational attainment. The relationship between women had not married by the age of thirty-four
age at marriage and level of education is nearly (Kain 1990). The size of the unmarried population
linear for non-Hispanic white men and women, has been increasing since the 1970s. In 1994, 20
with more education associated with later age at percent of women and 30 percent of men had not
marriage. This relationship is more complex for married by age thirty-four (Saluter 1996). Wom-
minority groups, and especially for black and His- en’s changing roles have been linked with the rise
panic men. For these men, later age at marriage is in singleness: Women with higher education and
associated both with lower and higher educational higher personal income are less likely to marry or
levels, producing a U-shaped relationship between have children. Also, in contrast to earlier eras,
education and age at marriage. Minority men with there is greater societal tolerance of singlehood,
low education are likely to have especially poor job providing greater freedom for both women and
prospects, which in turn affect prospects for mar- men to choose a single lifestyle.
riage. Overall, less racial and ethnic diversity in age
Since few individuals marry for the first time
at the age of sixty-five or older, a more accurate
124
AMERICAN FAMILIES
picture of the never-married population is provid- Childbearing among single women has in-
ed when attention is restricted to the older popula- creased greatly over the past several decades. While
tion. At present, 3.8 percent of men and 4.7 per- just 5 percent of all births were to single women in
cent of women age sixty-five and older have never 1960, approximately one-third (32.2 percent) of all
married (Lugaila 1998). Due to the continuing births were to single women in 1995 (Saluter 1996;
stigmatization of homosexuality, it is difficult to U.S. Bureau of the Census 1998). As is true for
ascertain the numbers of single persons who are many family patterns, there are substantial varia-
gay or lesbian. Researchers have estimated that 4 tions across racial-ethnic groups. Asian Americans
percent of men and 2 percent of women are and Pacific Islanders show a relatively low rate of
exclusively homosexual (Collins 1988). Though nonmarital births, at 16.3 percent of all births in
homosexual marriages are not legally recognized, this group. In contrast, 25.3 percent of all births
many gay and lesbian couples form lasting unions. among whites are to unmarried women, and the
rate for Hispanics (who may be of any race) is 40.8
Childbearing. Childbearing patterns have var- percent. Nearly 70 percent of African-American
ied somewhat over the past century. Women born children are born to single women (U.S. Bureau of
in 1891 had an average of three children. Women the Census 1998). Although socioeconomic fac-
born in 1908, who bore children during the Great tors do not account completely for births to single
Depression, had an average of two children. This women, nonmarital childbearing in the United
figure increased to three children per mother States tends to be higher among those who are
during the 1950s and has since declined to two poor. Socioeconomic factors can help to explain
children per mother on average today (Sweet and why African Americans, who are disproportion-
Bumpass 1987; U.S. Bureau of the Census 1998). ately likely to be poor, have had higher rates of
In addition to fewer numbers of children born, nonmarital childbearing.
current trends in childbearing include higher age
at first childbirth and longer intervals of time Divorce. A rising divorce rate has been a
between births. These trends are interrelated. Wait- feature of U.S. society since the Civil War. At that
ing longer to have a first child and spacing births time, the divorce rate per 1,000 existing marriages
further apart decrease the average number of was just 1.2 (Jacobson 1959). By the early 1990s,
children born per mother. The timing of child- the rate had increased to more than 20 divorces
bearing also has important effects on other life per 1,000 existing marriages (Cherlin 1996). This
experiences, including educational and occupa- long-term trend does not show a smooth and
tional attainment. Lower rates of childbearing are progressive rise, however. Divorce rates have risen
associated with higher educational levels and high- more sharply after every major war during this
er incomes. century. Divorce also increased following the Great
Depression, apparently reflecting stresses associat-
Fewer married couples are having their first ed with unemployment and economic depriva-
child in the period immediately following mar- tion. Economic prosperity as well as a greater
riage, but there are some important differences by emphasis on family life have been linked to the
race. In 1960, 54 percent of non-Hispanic white lower divorce rate observed from 1950 to 1962.
couples had children within twelve to seventeen Following 1962, dramatic increases in the divorce
months of marriage. In 1980 this figure dropped rate occurred, with a 100 percent increase be-
to 36 percent. Little change was shown over this tween 1963 and 1975 (Cherlin 1992). By the early
period for black couples, who had children within 1970s, the chance of eventual divorce reached
twelve to seventeen months of marriage. Com- almost 50 percent. The divorce rate has more or
pared to the total population, black couples are less stabilized since that time, such that approxi-
likely to have more children on average and to mately 50 percent of all first marriages are project-
have a child present at the time of marriage. For ed to terminate eventually in divorce. The chances
whites (Hispanics and non-Hispanics) as well as of divorce are higher for second marriages, of
blacks, nine-tenths of all couples have children which 60 percent are projected to end in divorce
within seven to eight years of marriage (Sweet and (Olson and DeFrain 1994).
Bumpass 1987).
Population trends have been linked with the
increased rate of divorce. Among these trends is
125
AMERICAN FAMILIES
greater longevity, with an average life expectancy in 1900 and seventy-one in 1979 (Grambs 1989).
at birth of approximately eighty years for women Lower average ages of bereavement for men com-
and seventy-three years for men who were born in pared to women in 1900 are linked with women’s
1991. When they reach the age of sixty-five, wom- risks for death in childbirth in that era. Women
en who were born in 1991 can expect to live an today can expect to live longer in a widowed status
additional nineteen years, while men of that birth compared to widowed men. This gender gap is
cohort can expect to live fifteen more years (U.S. explained primarily by higher female life expect-
Bureau of the Census 1996). (These figures are for ancy and lower rates of remarriage among women,
the total population. Life expectancies are lower and also because women tend to marry men sever-
for members of racial and ethnic minorities.) In al years older than themselves. Nearly one-half (45
contrast, the life expectancy at birth for those born percent) of all American women who are age sixty-
in 1900 was forty-eight years for women and forty- five or older are widowed, while 15 percent of men
six years for men (Grambs 1989). Unsatisfactory in this age group are widowed. Among the oldest-
marriages that formerly may have been terminat- old—those who are eighty-five years of age and
ed by the death of one partner are now more likely older—these figures rise to 77 percent for women
to be dissolved by divorce (Uhlenberg 1986). Schol- and 42 percent for men (Lugaila 1998).
ars have also noted the apparent connection be-
tween women’s increasing levels of labor-force Remarriage. Due in large part to the fact that
participation and the increased rate of divorce in widowhood tends to occur later in life, fewer men
the United States. Divorce is more likely to occur and women remarry following the death of a
in couples where the wife is able to support herself spouse, compared to those who remarry following
financially. a divorce. Most people who divorce eventually
remarry, but the likelihood of remarriage varies
The risk of divorce also varies with age at greatly according to gender, age, and race. Ap-
marriage, duration of the marriage, education, proximately five out of six men eventually remarry
race, and ethnicity. Age at marriage is one of the following a divorce, compared to two out of three
most important factors, with the likelihood of women who do so (Cherlin 1992). As noted above,
divorce twice as great among couples where the men are also more likely than women to remarry
wife was seventeen or younger than among cou- following the death of a spouse. The probability of
ples where the wife was in her early twenties. remarriage declines with age, especially among
Further, most divorces take place within the first women. Only one in four women who divorce at
few years of marriage. The longer a couple has age forty or older eventually remarry (Levitan, Sar,
been together, the less likely they will be to get and Gallo 1988). Race differences also are ob-
divorced. This pattern also holds among couples served for remarriage. The proportion of women
in which one or both partners have remarried. who remarry following divorce is approximately
Education also seems to be an important factor, 50 percent for African Americans and 75 percent
with a higher divorce rate observed among high for whites (Bumpass, Sweet, and Castro Mar-
school dropouts than among college graduates. tin 1990).
However, the effect of education is due in large
part to the fact that college graduates tend to Increased rates of divorce and remarriage are
marry at later ages. Looking across racial and transforming American families. ‘‘Blended’’ fami-
ethnic groups, the risk of divorce is greater among lies or stepfamilies are becoming increasingly com-
African Americans than among whites, and espe- mon, whereby one or both spouses bring children
cially high divorce rates are observed for Hispanics into a remarriage. One in four children will spend
(Puerto Ricans in particular), Native Americans, some time in a blended family (Furstenberg and
and Hawaiians. Divorce is less common among Cherlin 1991). Nearly all of these children live with
Asian Americans (Sweet and Bumpass 1987). their biological mothers.
Widowhood. Rising life expectancies have in- Household Structure. As defined by the U.S.
creased the average age of widowhood. Among Bureau of the Census, ‘‘family households’’ con-
women, the median age at widowhood was fifty- tain persons who are related to the household
one in 1900, compared to sixty-eight in 1979. The head (the person in whose name the home is
median age at widowhood for men was forty-five
126
AMERICAN FAMILIES
owned or rented) by blood ties, marriage, or adop- the chances of living in poverty rise to 46 percent
tion. ‘‘Nonfamily households’’ consist of individu- for white-Hispanic and non-Hispanic children, and
als who live alone or with one or more unrelated to 82 percent for African-American children
persons. Historically, most American households (Ollenburger and Moore 1998).
have been family households, and most of these
have included married couples. In 1910, 80 per- IMPACT OF FAMILY TRENDS ON
cent of all households included married couples. CHILDREN AND OLDER PERSONS
By 1998 this percentage had declined to 53 per-
cent (Casper and Bryson 1998). In contrast, the The majority of the family patterns described here
proportion of single-person households has risen represent long-term trends in the United States
dramatically over the century. In 1890, only 4 and are unlikely to represent the demise of Ameri-
percent of all households were of this type (Sweet can families, as has been decried by some social
and Bumpass 1987). As of 1998, single-person observers. Indeed, marriage remains as ‘‘popular’’
households accounted for one-quarter of all U.S. as ever. Although Americans are marrying some-
households. Nearly 12 percent of all households what later on average than they did in the 1950s
consist of men living alone, 15 percent consist of and 1960s, the majority of women and men contin-
women living alone (Lugaila 1998). ue to marry and have children. Those who divorce
tend to remarry. Although these trends did not
Breakdowns of family structure by race and originate in the late twentieth century, it is none-
ethnicity have shown that Americans of Korean, theless true that divorce, single-parent households,
Filipino, Vietnamese, and Mexican heritage are employed mothers, and nonmaternal childcare
most likely to live in family households (for each are more typical features of American life today
group, about 84 percent reported living in family than they were in the past. The impact of these
households). African Americans and non-Hispan- family patterns on children’s development and
ic whites are somewhat less likely to live in family well-being has been a matter of great concern to
households. Also, compared to other racial and researchers and policymakers. The impact of wom-
ethnic groups, Puerto Ricans are most likely to live en’s employment and changes in family composi-
in a household consisting of a mother and one or tion also have given rise to concerns regarding the
more children (with 23 percent living in this type provision of informal care to elderly parents.
of household), followed by African Americans,
Native Americans, and Hawaiians (Sweet and Divorce. Parents’ divorce has been linked with
Bumpass 1987). a range of negative outcomes for children in the
areas of psychological adjustment, life satisfaction,
Type of household is tied closely with econom- academic achievement, and social relationships.
ic status. While the ‘‘typical’’ dual-earner couple These effects are strongest in the first year or two
with children earned an average annual income of following the divorce, but some long-term conse-
$46,629 in 1991, the average income for mother- quences also have been found. The experience of
only households was only $13,012 (McLanahan parents’ divorce can continue to have negative
and Casper 1998). Of all household types, those effects on a child’s well-being as she or he grows
headed by a woman with no husband present have into young adulthood (Cherlin, Chase-Lansdale,
the highest poverty rate. In 1997, nearly 32 per- and McRae 1998).
cent of these households had incomes that fell
below the poverty line (Dalaker and Naifeh 1998). Although divorce typically is a stressful experi-
ence, studies have found a great deal of variation
Due largely to women’s risks for poverty and in how children adapt to parents’ divorce. Among
the rise in female-headed households, children are the factors identified as important to consider are
more likely to be poor today than they were several the family’s socioeconomic status, race-ethnicity,
decades ago. The proportion of American child- the child’s gender and his or her age at the time of
ren living in poor families declined during the the parents’ divorce or separation. For example,
1960s—from 26.5 percent in 1960 to 15 percent in the effects of divorce apparently are more acute
1970—but has since increased. Nearly one-quarter for children of school age than for preschool
of all American children live in poor families. For children. Marital disruption also brings greater
children who live in a female-headed household,
127
AMERICAN FAMILIES
risks to children when the parent-child relation- Many of the problems associated with single-
ship suffers as a result of the divorce and when one parent households are associated with problems
or both parents experience multiple divorces of poverty. The economic difficulties faced by
(Amato and Booth 1991). single parents are compounded when child sup-
port payments from the noncustodial parent are
The level and type of conflict present in the not provided regularly. About one-half of custodi-
family prior to a divorce also is important in al mothers were awarded child support payments
understanding the effects of divorce on children. in 1992. Of the women who had been awarded
Children whose families were highly conflictual child support, 76 percent received full or partial
may show increased well-being following a divorce. payment. A significant amount of awarded child
Conversely, problems of adjustment have been support is not received by the custodial parent:
found among children whose parents did not di- one-third of all awarded child support was not paid
vorce, but whose family lives were characterized by in 1991. Among custodial parents, mothers have
high levels of conflict (Furstenberg and Cherlin 1991). higher child support award rates and payment
rates than fathers, but they are also much more
Individuals who experienced ‘‘low-stress’’ pa- likely to be poor. Single custodial mothers are two
rental divorces do not appear to differ significant- and one-half times more likely to be poor than
ly from those who grew up in happy, intact families single custodial fathers (U.S. Bureau of the Cen-
(Amato and Booth 1991). In general, negative sus 1995).
consequences of divorce are not found for child-
ren when parents maintain a positive relationship In addition to economic strains, single parents
with the child and with one another, and when the report problems arising from role and task over-
child is provided with adequate social and eco- load, in coordinating a social life and parenting
nomic resources. As discussed below, economic responsibilities, and difficulties with former spous-
difficulties pose a central challenge for single- es. Strains experienced by the parent can in turn
parent (usually single-mother) households. impact the well-being of children (Richards and
Schmiege 1993). Some evidence also suggests that
Single-parent households. Just as the impact single parents provide less supervision of children
of divorce on children depends upon multiple compared to two-parent families (married or
factors, no one pattern characterizes how child- cohabiting) (e.g., Astone and McLanahan 1991).
ren’s well-being is influenced by living in a single-
parent household. The circumstances of single Although research has focused primarily on
parenthood are diverse—single parents can be problems of single-parent households, some po-
divorced, widowed, or never-married—and they tential benefits of these households have been
have access to varying levels and types of social and identified for children’s development and well-
economic resources. Households may include on- being. For example, children in single-parent house-
ly the single parent and one or more children, or holds have been found to take greater responsibili-
may include extended family or other household ty for household tasks than children in two-parent
members. Noncustodial parents may or may not households. Along with increased responsibilities
be part of the child’s life. within the home, children in one-parent house-
holds also apparently develop higher levels of
It has been noted that single-parent house- personal autonomy and independence (see Richards
holds are more likely than dual-parent households and Schmiege 1993).
to be poor, and that mother-headed households
are especially likely to be poor. Following a di- Nonmaternal Childcare. With more Ameri-
vorce, women’s subsequent income declines 27 can women working for pay than ever before,
percent on average, while men’s average income more preschool-age children are receiving care
increases by 10 percent (Peterson 1996). Some of from their fathers, other family members, or from
this income gap is due to the fact that children are nonrelatives during their mothers’ hours of em-
more likely to live with their mothers than their ployment. As of 1991, 9.9 million children age five
fathers following a divorce. Currently one child in or younger required care during the hours their
four lives in a single-parent family, and women mothers were employed. Of these children, the
head 83 percent of these families (U.S. Bureau of majority were cared for in a home environment:
the Census 1998).
128
AMERICAN FAMILIES
36 percent were cared for in their own homes briefer periods of time). Much research attests to
(usually by the father or another relative); 31 the extensive and prolonged care provided by
percent were cared for in another home (usually family members to elders within a home environ-
by a nonrelative in the care provider’s home). A ment (see Dwyer and Coward 1992). In many if not
further 9 percent were cared for by their mothers most cases, it is only after families have exhausted
while they worked—this was generally in a home their physical, economic, and emotional resources
environment as well, as most of these mothers had that a decision is made to place an elder in a long-
home-based paid work. Approximately one-quar- term care facility. Indeed, only 5 percent of all
ter of the children who required care while their Americans age sixty-five and older reside in a
mothers worked were enrolled in an organized nursing home or other long-term care facility at a
day care facility (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1995). given point in time. The chances of nursing home
placement rise with age: Nearly 25 percent of
With the increasing use of childcare provided those age eighty-five or older live in a nursing
by individuals other than the mother, concerns home. However, even among this ‘‘oldest-old’’ age
have been raised regarding the impact of nonmaternal group, the majority of individuals reside in the
care on children’s physical, cognitive, and psycho- community rather than a nursing home (Morgan
logical development. The majority of studies on and Kunkel 1998).
this topic have concluded that nonmaternal childcare,
and nonparental childcare more generally, is not Recognizing that women typically are the pri-
in itself harmful to children. In fact, day care mary care providers to older family members,
settings apparently aid the development of child- researchers and policymakers have raised con-
ren’s social skills. However, the quality of the cerns that such care will be curtailed in the future
care—whether in a family or nonfamily setting—is due to trends in women’s employment and an
extremely important for children’s development increasing older population. The prevalence of
and well-being. A comprehensive report published elder care among the employed population is
by the National Research Council found that child- difficult to estimate due to variations in sampling
ren whose families were undergoing psychological across studies and how caregiving is defined. How-
stress or economic deprivation were more likely to ever, an averaged estimate from studies on this
receive care in lower quality settings. Hence, these topic is that about one in five employees has some
children are vulnerable not only to poverty and elder care responsibilities (Gorey, Rice, and
psychological stress within the home, but they are Brice 1992).
also likely to suffer from the effects of poor-quality
care outside the home (Hayes, Palmer, and Research has shown that caregiving can be
Zaslow 1990). emotionally gratifying for individuals who are pro-
viding care to a loved one (Lechner 1992). Howev-
Eldercare. Most older Americans live inde- er, intensive, long-term caregiving can produce
pendently in the community and are in relatively serious physical, economic, and emotional strains,
good health. Most also provide economic and especially when caregiving interferes with the pro-
other support to their adult children, such as vider’s work or household responsibilities (Gerstel
providing babysitting or other services. It is only and Gallagher 1993). A number of studies have
when the elder’s health or economic status is found that employment status does not alter the
severely compromised that the balance of exchange type or amount of care provided to the elderly by
tips in the direction of receiving a greater amount their families, but some family members reduce or
of support than elders provide to their children. terminate their employment in order to provide
elder care. A national survey found that 9 percent
The bulk of care provided to older Americans of employees in the study had quit their jobs and a
who are frail or ill is provided by family members, further 20 percent had altered their work sched-
usually women, who are typically spouses or child- ules to accommodate their caregiving responsibili-
ren of the elder (Stone, Cafferata, and Sangl 1987; ties. Women were more likely than men to rear-
Wolf, Freedman, and Soldo 1997). If a spouse or range their work schedules or to reduce or terminate
child is not available, other relatives or a friend their employment in order to provide family care
may provide care (though assistance from these (Stone, Cafferata, and Sangl 1987).
latter sources is typically less intensive and for
129
AMERICAN FAMILIES
The strains of intensive caregiving can com- highest rates, the United States ranked eighteenth
promise the provider’s ability to continue in the from the bottom. This rate was higher than that
caregiving role. A number of researchers have found in countries including Singapore, Spain,
concluded that greater assistance from the govern- and Ireland, which are poorer relative to the Unit-
ment as well as from the workplace is needed to ed States, but which have lower levels of economic
assist family members and others who provide inequality within the society (Aulette 1994). A
care to older adults in the community (e.g. Lechner statement from the Children’s Defense Fund illus-
1992). Such assistance not only benefits the health trates the high risks for infant mortality faced by
and well-being of care providers and recipients, racial-ethnic minority groups within the United
but also allows elders to continue living in the States: ‘‘A black child born in the inner-city of
community setting for a longer period of time, as Boston has less chance of surviving the first year of
is preferred by most elders and their families. life than a child born in Panama, North or South
Korea or Uruguay’’ (Children’s Defense Fund 1990,
CROSS-NATIONAL COMPARISONS p. 6, cited in Aulette 1994, p. 405). (The famine
experienced within North Korea during the 1990s
The family trends described here are not unique likely would remove that country from this listing.)
to the United States. Other western societies also
have witnessed a rise in the age at first marriage, an The United States is unique among western
increased divorce rate, increased numbers of child- societies in its lack of a national health care pro-
ren born to unmarried women, and an increase in gram, which helps to explain its higher infant
the numbers of women who participate in paid mortality rate. In 1997, 43.4 million Americans,
labor. Although the trajectories of these trends are or slightly over 16 percent of the U.S. population,
similar for most western societies, differing pro- had no health insurance coverage for the entire-
portions of individuals and families are represent- ty of that calendar year. The lack of health in-
ed in these trends across societies. For example, surance is especially acute among the poor. Al-
although the average age at marriage has been though the Medicaid program is intended to
rising in the United States and most other western provide health coverage to the poor, 11.2 million
societies, the average age at first marriage is lower poor Americans, or one-third of all poor people in
in the United States than in most of the European the United States, had no health coverage in 1997
countries. And although a rising divorce rate has (Bennefield 1998).
been a feature of the majority of western societies,
the rate of divorce is highest in the United States. In the absence of concerted social policy meas-
Out-of-wedlock births also have increased in west- ures, infant mortality and other risks faced by poor
ern societies over the course of the century. How- Americans are unlikely to diminish in the near
ever, in contrast to Scandinavian countries includ- future. Using the Gini index (a measure of income
ing Sweden and Denmark, more children in the concentration), the U.S. Bureau of the Census
United States live in a single-parent household reported that income inequalities within the coun-
than with cohabiting parents. try increased by 16 percent between 1968 and
1992. Even greater inequalities have developed
A striking gap between the United States and a since 1992: Between 1968 and 1994 the rate of
number of other countries is found in its relatively increase in U.S. income inequality was over 22
high rate of infant mortality. Infant mortality is percent (Weinberg 1996). At the same time, the
linked with poverty and the lack of adequate nutri- percentage of Americans with incomes below the
tion and health care. The wealth enjoyed by the poverty line also increased—from 11.7 percent in
United States as a nation belies the economic 1979 to 13.3 percent in 1997 (Dalaker and
deprivation experienced by subgroups within the Naifeh 1997).
society. In 1988, the U.S. infant mortality rate was
10 babies per 1,000 live births. This rate was higher AMERICAN FAMILIES AND THE FUTURE
not only as compared with other western societies,
but also compared with many nonwestern coun- Traditional distinctions between ‘‘family’’ and
tries. In a ranking of infant mortality rates world- nonfamily’’ are increasingly challenged. Though
wide, which were ordered from the lowest to the
130
AMERICAN FAMILIES
still a relatively small proportion of all households Bumpass, Larry, James A. Sweet, and Teresa Castro-
(about 4 percent; U.S. Bureau of the Census 1998), Martin 1990 ‘‘Changing Patterns of Remarriage.’’
the number of cohabiting heterosexual couples Journal of Marriage and the Family 52:747–756.
has increased greatly in the past several decades.
Marriage between homosexuals is not legally rec- Casper, Lynn M., and Ken Bryson 1998 Household and
ognized, but some have elected to adopt each Family Characteristics: March 1998 (Update). U.S. Bu-
other legally, and a growing number are raising reau of the Census, Current Population Reports,
children. In addition to the ‘‘traditional’’ nuclear Series P20–515. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
family form of two parents with children, other Printing Office.
family types can be expected to continue in the
future. These include single parents, blended fami- Cherlin, Andrew J. 1996 Public and Private Families. New
lies resulting from remarriage, and households in York: McGraw-Hill.
which other relatives such as grandparents reside.
——— 1992 Marriage, Divorce, Remarriage, rev. ed. Cam-
Increased longevity has brought about some bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.
of the most important changes in American family
life over the past century. Children are more likely ———, Frank F. Furstenberg, Jr., P. Lindsay Chase-
than ever before to interact with their grandpar- Lansdale, Kathleen E. Kiernan, Philip K. Robins,
ents. Further, many persons are becoming grand- Donna Ruane Morrison, and Julien O. Teitler 1991
parents while their own parents are still alive ‘‘Longitudinal Studies of Effects of Divorce on Child-
(Uhlenberg 1986). Research has documented the ren in Great Britain and the United States.’’ Science
prevalence and importance of social interaction, 252:1386–1389.
emotional support, financial help, and other assist-
ance between the generations. For all types of Collins, Randall 1988 Sociology of Marriage and the Fami-
American families, indications are that high levels ly: Gender, Love, and Property, 2d ed. Chicago: Nel-
of interaction and assistance between the genera- son-Hall.
tions will continue in the future. It remains to be
seen how U.S. social policy will respond to the Dalaker, Joseph, and Mary Naifeh 1998 Poverty in the
needs of family care-providers, and to the needs United States: 1997. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Cur-
of poor Americans and their families, in the rent Population Reports, Series P60–201. Washing-
years to come. ton, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.
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Astone, Nan Marie, and Sara S. McLanahan 1991 ‘‘Fami- Dwyer, Jeffrey W., and Raymond T. Coward 1992 ‘‘Gen-
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Harried Engel Gross, eds., Families and Work. Phila- and Distress: Gender, Recipients of Care, and Work-
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55:598–607.
Gorey, Kevin M., Robert W. Rice, and Gary C. Brice
1992 ‘‘The Prevalence of Elder Care Responsibilities
Among the Work Force Population.’’ Research on
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Grambs, Jean Dresden 1989 Women over Forty: Visions
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Gutman, Herbert 1976 The Black Family in Slavery and Morgan, Leslie, and Suzanne Kunkel 1998 Aging: The
Freedom, 1750–1925. New York: Pantheon. Social Context. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Pine Forge Press.
Hayes, Cheryl D., John L. Palmer, and Martha J. Zaslow Moynihan, Daniel P. 1965 The Negro Family: The Case for
(eds.) 1990 Who Cares for America’s Children? Child National Action. Washington, D.C.: Office of Policy
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Nock, Steven L. 1987 Sociology of the Family. Englewood
Howe, Louise Knapp 1972 The Future of the Family. New Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall.
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Ollenburger, Jane C., and Helen A. Moore 1998 A
Jacobson, Paul H. 1959 American Marriage and Divorce. Sociology of Women: the Intersection of Patriarchy, Capi-
New York: Rinehart. talism, and Colonization, 2d ed. Upper Saddle River,
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Kain, Edward 1990 The Myth of Family Decline: Under-
standing Families in a World of Rapid Social Change. Olson, David H., and John DeFrain 1994 Marriage and
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Lasch, Christopher 1977 Haven in a Heartless World: The
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Laslett, Barbara 1973 ‘‘The Family as a Public and ciological Review 61:528–536.
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Laslett, Peter, and Richard A. Wall (eds.) 1972 Household ly Relations 42:277–285.
and Family in Past Time. New York: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press. Saluter, Arlene F. 1996 Marital Status and Living Ar-
rangements: March 1994. Current Population Reports,
Lechner, Viola M. 1992 ‘‘Predicting Future Commit- Series P20–484. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
ment to Care for Frail Parents Among Employed Printing Office.
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18:69–84. Staples, Robert (ed.) 1986 The Black Family: Essays and
Studies, 3d ed. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth.
Lee, Sharon M., and Keiko Yamanaka 1990 ‘‘Patterns of
Asian American Intermarriage and Marital Assimila- Stone, Robyn, Gail Lee Cafferata, and Judith Sangl 1987
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Leslie, Gerald R., and Sheila K. Korman 1989 The Family
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Levitan, Sar A., Richard S. Belous, and Frank Gallo 1988 Uhlenberg, Andrew 1986 ‘‘Death and the Family.’’ In
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U.S. Bureau of the Census 1999 Interracial Married
Lugaila, Terry A. 1998 Marital Status and Living Arrange- Couples: 1960 to Present. http:www.census.gov/popu-
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Lurie, Nancy Oestreich 1985 ‘‘The American Indian: ment Printing Office.
Historical Background.’’ In N.R. Yetman, ed., Majori-
ty and Minority, 4th ed. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. U.S. Bureau of the Census 1996 65+ in the United States.
Current Population Reports, Special Studies, Series
Marden, Charles F., and Gladys Meyer 1973 Minorities in P–23, No. 190. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
American Society, 4th ed. New York: D. Van Nostrand. Printing Office.
Marger, Martin N. 1991 Race and Ethnic Relations: Ameri- U.S. Bureau of the Census 1995 Population Profile of the
can and Global Perspectives. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth. United States: 1995. Current Population Reports, Se-
ries P23–189. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
McLanahan, Sara, and Lynne Casper 1998 ‘‘Growing Printing Office.
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132
AMERICAN INDIAN STUDIES
Weinberg, Daniel H. 1996 A Brief Look at U.S. Income Hemisphere. The first immigrants to North Ameri-
Inequality. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Popu- ca probably followed game from what is now
lation Reports, Series P60–191. Washington, D.C.: Siberia across the Beringia land bridge, now sub-
U.S. Government Printing Office. merged in the Bering Sea. This land bridge has
surfaced during several ice ages, leading to specu-
Wolf, Douglas A., Vicki Freedman, and Beth J. Soldo lation that the first populations arrived as early as
1997 ‘‘The Division of Family Labor: Care for Elderly 40,000 years ago or as recently as 15,000 years
Parents.’’ Journals of Gerontology 52B:102–109. ago—25,000 years ago is a credible estimate
(Thornton 1987, p. 9).
Zinn, Maxine Baca, and D. Stanley Eitzen 1987 Diversity
in American Families. New York: Harper and Row. In 1918 a Smithsonian anthropologist, James
Mooney, published the first systematic estimates
LAURIE RUSSELL HATCH of the American Indian population. He reckoned
that 1.15 million American Indians were living
AMERICAN INDIAN STUDIES around 1600. Alfred Kroeber (1934) subsequently
reviewed Mooney’s early estimates and deemed
American Indian Studies blends many fields in the them correct, though he adjusted the estimate
social sciences and humanities; history and an- downward to 900,000 (Deneven 1976). The Mooney-
thropology have been especially prominent, along Kroeber estimates of approximately one million
with education, sociology, psychology, economics, American Indians in 1600 have been the bench-
and political science. For convenience, this litera- mark for scholars throughout most of this century.
ture can be grouped into several subject areas: These estimates were flawed, however, because
demographic behavior, socioeconomic conditions, they failed to take epidemic disease into account;
political and legal institutions, and culture and European pathogens devastated native populations.
religion. Of course, there is a great deal of overlap.
To date, this literature deals mostly with aboriginal Noting the shortcomings of the Mooney-
North Americans and their descendants. As the Kroeber figures, Henry Dobyns (1966) revised the
field has evolved, little attention has been devoted estimate for the 1492 precontact population, sug-
to the natives of South America or the Pacific gesting that it was as large as twelve million. His
Islanders. However, there is a growing interest in article ignited an intense debate that is still not
common experiences of indigenous peoples around fully resolved. Conservative estimates now num-
the world (e.g. Fleras and Elliot 1992). ber the indigenous 1492 population at approxi-
mately three to five million (Snipp 1989). Dobyns
DEMOGRAPHY (1983) later raised his estimate to eighteen million.
Historical Demography. Historical demography Population estimates substantially larger than
is important for understanding the complexity of the Mooney-Kroeber figures are consistent with
indigenous North American societies and for as- the archaeological record, which indicates that
sessing the results of their contacts with Europe- relatively complex societies occupied the South-
ans. For example, complex societies require large west, the Pacific Northwest, and the Mississippi
populations to generate economic surpluses for River valley before the Europeans arrived (Thornton
trade, and large populations often entail highly 1987). The effects of European contact were cer-
developed systems of religion, culture, and gov- tainly greater than once believed. European dis-
ernance. Because American Indians almost disap- eases, slavery, genocidal practices, and the intensi-
peared in the late nineteenth century, large num- fication of conflicts nearly exterminated the native
bers of pre-Columbian Indians would indicate that people. Huge population losses undoubtedly caused
devastating mortality rates and profound changes large-scale amalgamation and reorganization of
in native social organization followed the arrival of groups struggling to survive and wrought pro-
Europeans. found changes in their cultures and social structures.
No one knows with certainty when popula- Despite long and heated debates about the
tions of Homo sapiens first appeared in the Western likely number of pre-Columbian North Ameri-
cans, there is relatively little consensus about this
figure. It seems likely that it will never be known
133
AMERICAN INDIAN STUDIES
with certainty. As scholars realize the elusiveness on self-identification, especially if they use second-
of this number, there is less interest in trying to ary data from federal government sources. To
establish the definitive estimate and more in at- complicate the matter, the Canadian government
tempting to understand the complex demograph- uses a somewhat different set of standards to
ic behavior related to depopulation (Thornton et define the boundaries of its native Indian popula-
al. 1991; Verano and Ubelaker 1992). tion (Boldt 1993).
Contemporary Demography. During the twen- Beyond the complexities of counting, studies
tieth century, the American Indian population show that American Indians, more than other
grew very quickly, from about 228,000 in 1890 to minorities, are concentrated in rural areas; slightly
about 1.96 million in 1990 (Shoemaker 1999). less than one-half reside in cities. Most live west of
American Indian fertility is exceedingly high (Snipp the Mississippi River, primarily because nineteenth-
1996). Indians often have better access to health century removal programs were directed at east-
care (from the Indian Health Service) than other ern American Indians. A large number of studies
equally impoverished groups, and they are experi- document that American Indians are one of the
encing diminishing infant mortality and increas- least educated, most often unemployed, poorest,
ing longevity (Young 1994; Snipp 1996). and least healthy groups in American society (see
Sandefur et al.1996). Nonetheless, American Indi-
A peculiar characteristic of American Indian ans are more likely than other groups, especially
population growth, at least since 1970, is that a blacks, to live in a large husband-wife household,
large share of the increase has resulted from per- and about one-third of them speak an Indian
sons switching the racial identification they report language—provisional evidence of the continuing
to the census from another category (such as black influence of traditional culture in family organiza-
or white) to American Indian (Passell and Berman tion and language use (Sandefur and Liebler 1996).
1986; Harris 1994). The U.S. census, virtually the
only comprehensive source of data for American STUDIES OF SOCIAL AND
Indians, depends on voluntary racial self-identifi- ECONOMIC STATUS
cation. Declining racial discrimination, growing
ethnic pride, and resurgence in tribal organization Studies of the early social and economic status of
have been cited as reasons that persons of mixed American Indians focus on the historical develop-
heritage may choose to report themselves as Ameri- ment of so-called dependency relations between
can Indian (Passell and Berman 1986). Evidence them and Euro-Americans (White 1983, 1991;
indicates that persons who change their identity so Chase-Dunn and Mann 1998). Dependency theo-
they may claim their Native-American heritage ry, a variant of neo-Marxist World Systems Theory,
tend to be relatively well-educated (Eschbach et has been widely criticized for its shortcomings, but
al. 1998). it has gained some acceptance among scholars of
white-Indian relations (Wolf 1982; White 1983;
The fluidity of the American Indian popula- Hall 1989). In this view, economic dependency
tion underscores a particularly problematic con- arose from trade relations in which Euro-Ameri-
cern for demographers: namely, defining popula- cans enjoyed disproportionate economic advan-
tion boundaries. Definitions abound, and there is tage stemming from a near monopoly over items
no single agreed-upon standard. Some federal such as manufactured goods and rum (Wolf 1982;
agencies and a number of tribes use an arbitrary White 1983). European business practices, such as
measure of descent, such as one-fourth blood the use of credit, also fostered dependency.
quantum; standards for tribal membership vary
greatly from one-half to one-sixty-fourth Indi- Dependency relations promoted highly ex-
an blood. ploitative conditions that were a frequent source
of conflict and periodically erupted into serious
For many other applications, genealogical verifi- violence. Unscrupulous traders and a growing com-
cation of blood quantum standards is too com- merce in Indian captives, for example, spawned
plex. Agencies such as the U.S. Bureau of the the Yamassee War, which ended Indian slavery in
Census thus simply rely on self-identification. By
default, most studies of American Indians also rely
134
AMERICAN INDIAN STUDIES
the Southeast (Merrell 1989). Early colonial offi- Whether racial discrimination limits opportuni-
cials frequently complained about the conflicts ties is unclear. Some research suggests that dis-
created by the unethical practices of frontier trad- crimination is not a significant disadvantage for
ers and sought to curb their abuses, though with American Indians (Sandefur and Scott 1983), but
little success (White 1991). other studies disagree with this conclusion (Gwartney
and Long 1978).
Nevertheless, European traders introduced in-
novations that altered cultures and lifestyles forev- Conditions on reservations, where about one-
er. In the Southwest, for example, guns and horses third of American Indians live, are particularly
revolutionized relations between nomadic and sed- harsh. Unemployment rates above 50 percent are
entary groups and allowed the Spanish to exploit not unusual. Studies of reservation economies
traditional antagonisms (Hall 1989). usually blame the isolated locales for many of their
woes. The collision of traditional native values and
The emergence of industrial capitalism, large- the ethics of capitalism (Cornell and Kalt 1992)
scale manufacturing, growing urbanization, and frequently complicates economic development in
an influx of immigrants from Europe and slaves Indian country. In the 1990s, some reservations
from Africa changed dramatically the relations have enjoyed limited (and in a few instances, spec-
between Euro-Americans and indigenous peoples. tacular) success in spurring economic develop-
Trading with Indians subsided in favor of policies ment, especially in tourism, gambling, and light
and measures designed to remove them from manufacturing (Snipp 1995).
lands desired for development (Jacobsen 1984).
Throughout the nineteenth century, American Urban American Indians enjoy a higher stand-
Indians were more or less forcibly induced to cede ard of living than their counterparts in reservation
their lands for the development of agriculture, areas (Snipp 1989). Even so, there is disagreement
timber, and water. In the late nineteenth century, about the benefits of rural-urban migration for
U.S. corporations began to develop petroleum, American Indians; earlier studies have identified
coal, and other minerals on tribal lands (Min- tangible benefits for urban immigrants (Clinton,
er 1976). Chadwick, and Bahr 1975; Sorkin 1978), but later
research found contrary evidence (Gundlach and
Exploitation of Indian lands has continued, Roberts 1978; Snipp and Sandefur 1988). Federal
prompting some scholars to argue that American programs that encouraged urban immigration for
Indian tribes have a quasi-colonial status within American Indians in the 1950s and 1960s were
the U.S. economy (Snipp 1986). Natural resources abandoned amid controversies over their effec-
such as timber, water, and minerals are extracted tiveness and overall results (Fixico 1986).
from reservations and exported to distant urban
centers where they are processed. In exchange, The economic hardships facing rural and ur-
manufactured goods are imported for consump- ban American Indians alike have been a major
tion. The value of the imported goods typically source of other serious distress. Alcoholism, sui-
exceeds the value of the exported resources. The cide, and homicide are leading causes of death for
deficit between imports and exports contributes American Indians (Snipp 1996).
to the persistent poverty and low levels of econom-
ic development on many reservations. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION AND LEGAL
INSTITUTIONS
The Meriam Report, published in 1928, fur-
nished the first systematic empirical assessment of The political and legal status of American Indians
the economic status of American Indians. Since its is an extremely complicated subject, tangled in
publication, numerous studies have documented conflicting treaties, formal laws, bureaucratic regula-
the disadvantaged status of American Indians tions, and court decisions. Unlike any other racial
(Levitan and Miller 1993). Although many reports or ethnic group in U.S. society, American Indians
have described economic conditions in detail, few- have a distinctive niche in the legal system. As a
er have attempted to isolate the causes of poverty result of this legal history, a separate agency within
and unemployment. Clearly, a number of factors the federal government (the Bureau of Indian
can be blamed. American Indians have very little Affairs [BIA]), a volume of the Code of Federal
formal education, limiting their access to jobs.
135
AMERICAN INDIAN STUDIES
Regulations, and a multiplicity of other rules exist governments have contracts to provide social serv-
for dealing with American Indians. ices similar to the arrangements made with state
and local governments.
The political status of American Indian tribes
is difficult to characterize. In 1831, Chief Justice In recent years, ideas about self-determination
John Marshall described tribes as ‘‘domestic, de- have developed to the point where self-determina-
pendent nations,’’ setting forth the principle that tion is nearly indistinguishable from tribal sover-
tribes are autonomous political entities that enjoy eignty (O’Brien 1989). The most influential state-
a quasi-sovereignty yet are subject to the authority ment merging the two is a report presented to the
of the federal government (Pommersheim 1995; U.S. Senate by the American Indian Policy Review
Boldt 1993). The limits on tribal political autono- Commission (AIPRC) in 1976. The AIPRC report
my have fluctuated as a result of court decisions was a comprehensive, though highly controversial
and federal legislation curtailing or extending trib- evaluation of federal Indian policy. Every presi-
al powers. Since the early 1900s, tribal govern- dential administration since Richard Nixon’s has
ments have greatly increased their autonomy endorsed the principle of tribal sovereignty. Short-
(Pommersheim 1995). ly after taking office, the Clinton Administration
endorsed this principle and there is no indication
One of the most significant political develop- of a reversal in the foreseeable future.
ments in this century for American Indians was the
passage of the Wheeler-Howard Indian Reorgani- The political revitalization of American Indi-
zation Act (IRA) of 1934. This legislation made it ans accelerated with the civil rights movement.
possible for tribes legally to reconstitute them- Some observers have suggested that Indian politi-
selves for the purpose of limited self-government cal activism in the 1960s was a response to postwar
(Prucha 1984, ch. 37). Subject to the democratic termination policies (Cornell 1988), which tried to
precepts imposed by the federal government, tribes dissolve the federal reservation system and liqui-
were allowed to have representative governments date the special status of the tribes. Relocation
with judicial, executive, and legislative branches. programs in the 1950s accelerated the urbaniza-
Other forms of tribal governance—based on the tion of American Indians and, at the very least,
inheritance of authority, for example—were not may have contributed to the political mobilization
permitted by the IRA legislation. Today, virtually of urban Indians, as well as their reservation coun-
every reservation has a form of representative terparts (Fixico 1986). Though often complemen-
government (O’Brien 1989). tary, the political agendas of urban and reserva-
tion Indians are not always in strict accord.
Tribal sovereignty is a complex legal doctrine
affecting the political autonomy of tribal govern- The diverse tribal composition of urban Indi-
ments. It is distinct from a closely aligned political an populations has meant that it is virtually impos-
principle known as self-determination. The princi- sible to organize them around issues affecting only
ple of self-determination, unlike tribal sovereign- one or a few tribes. In the face of this constraint,
ty, is relatively recent in origin and was first posed the ideology of ‘‘pan-Indianism’’ is particularly
as a claim for administrative control of reservation appealing to urban Indian groups (Hertzberg 1971;
affairs. As a political ideology, self-determination Nagel 1996). Pan-Indianism is a supratribal ideolo-
developed in response to the unilateral actions of gy committed to broad issues such as economic
the federal government in implementing policies opportunity and social justice and to cultural events
such as the Termination legislation of the 1950s. such as intertribal pow-wows.
In the 1960s, it was a rallying theme for promoting
greater tribal involvement in federal policies af- The roots of modern pan-Indian organiza-
fecting American Indians. The principle was for- tions can be traced first to the Ottawa leader
mally enacted into public law with the passage of Pontiac and later to the Shawnee leader Tecumseh
the Indian Self-Determination and Educational and Joseph Brant, a Mohawk. These men led pan-
Assistance Act of 1975, P.L 97–638. Since its pas- Indian movements opposing Euro-American fron-
sage, federal agencies have gradually divested con- tier settlement in the late eighteenth and early
trol over programs and services such as those once nineteenth centuries (e.g., Pontiac’s Revolt 1763).
administered by the BIA. For example, many tribal In the late nineteenth century, pan-Indian messianic
136
AMERICAN INDIAN STUDIES
movements known as Ghost Dances swept across Native American Church (NAC). NAC is a pan-
the West (Thornton 1986). Indian religion practiced throughout the United
States and Canada. It combines elements of Chris-
Pan-Indian organizations have been active tianity with traditional religious beliefs and practices.
throughout the twentieth century, but urbaniza-
tion hastened their development in the 1950s and Traditional religions are often practiced in
1960s (Cornell 1988; Nagel 1996). Some, such as informally organized groups such as sweatlodge or
the National Congress of American Indians (found- feasting societies. Some of these groups are rem-
ed in 1944), have moderate political agendas fo- nants of older religious movements such as the
cused on lobbying; others, such as the American Ghost Dance. Not much is written about them
Indian Movement, are highly militant. The latter because they are ordinarily not open to outsiders;
was involved in the sacking of the Washington, the Sun Dance is an exception. It is perhaps best
D.C., BIA office in 1972 and in the armed occupa- known for the ritual scarification and trances of its
tion of Wounded Knee, South Dakota, in 1973 participants (Jorgenson 1972).
(Smith and Warrior 1996). Today, most cities with
large Indian populations have pan-Indian organi- The secrecy in which many traditional relig-
zations involved in political organization, cultural ions are practiced may be due to the intense
events, and social service delivery (Johnson et repression once directed at their observances by
al. 1997). the federal government. In 1883, the BIA estab-
lished Courts of Indian Offenses that prosecuted
CULTURE AND RELIGION people for practicing native religions. Among oth-
er things, the courts forbade traditional medi-
The cultures of American Indians are extremely cines, shaman healers, and all traditional ceremo-
diverse, and the same can be said, in particular, nial observances. Despite their dubious legal
about their religious beliefs. Not much is known foundation, the Courts of Indian Offenses were
about the spiritual life of American Indians before active until their mandate was rewritten in 1935
the fifteenth century. Only from archaeological (Prucha 1984).
evidence is such knowledge available, and this
seldom captures the rich complexity of religious In 1935, the federal government ended its
symbol systems. Most of what is known about official repression of tribal culture and religion.
American Indian religions is based on the later But the conflicts between government authorities
reports of explorers, missionaries, traders, and and American Indians trying to practice non-Chris-
anthropologists (Brown 1982). tian religions did not end. Many Indians regard
freedom of religion as an elusive promise. Most
Contemporary spiritual practices reflect sev- controversies involve NAC ceremonies, the pres-
eral different types of religious observances: Chris- ervation of sacred areas, and the repatriation of
tian, neotraditional, and traditional. Participation religious artifacts and skeletal remains in museum
in one type does not necessarily preclude partici- collections (Loftin 1989; Echohawk 1993). NAC
pation in another. Furthermore, there is a great ceremonies are controversial because they some-
deal of tribal variation. times involve the use of peyote (a hallucinogen) as
a sacrament. Although peyote was once outlawed,
American Indians who are practicing Chris- the NAC won the right to use it within narrowly
tians represent the legacy of European mission- defined limits prescribed by the courts. The U.S.
aries. The Christian affiliation of many, perhaps Supreme Court upheld a case in which Oregon
most, American Indians reflects their tribal mem- banned the use of peyote, however, raising con-
bership and the denomination of the missionaries cerns about how the conservative court will inter-
responsible for their tribe’s conversion. Numeri- pret freedom of religion cases in the future
cal estimates are not available, but there are many (Echohawk 1993).
Catholic Indians in the Southwest, and American
Indians in the Midwest are often Lutheran, to Preservation of sacred areas places Indian
mention only two examples. groups at odds with land developers, property
owners, local governments, and others who would
American Indians who participate in neotradi- use sites deemed sacred by spiritual leaders. In one
tional religions often belong to a branch of the
137
AMERICAN INDIAN STUDIES
case, the Navajo and Hopi in 1983 went to court to resurgence of traditional culture, such as the in-
petition against the development of a ski resort crease in the use of American Indian languages
that intruded on sacred grounds. In this case and (Leap 1988).
several similar ones, the courts ruled against the
Indians (Loftin 1989). Similar conflicts have arisen The behavioral consequences of culture are
over the repatriation of religious artifacts and perhaps most prominent in a large literature on
skeletal remains in museums. These issues pit American Indian mental health, education, and
academics such as scientists and museum curators rehabilitation (Bennett and Ames 1985; Foster
against Indian groups. In some instances, remains 1988). Many studies show that education and reha-
and artifacts have been returned to tribes; Stan- bilitation efforts can be made more effective if
ford University returned burial remains to the they are sensitive to cultural nuances (LaFromboise
Ohlone tribe in California, for example. Other 1995). In fact, many specialists take this idea as a
institutions have opposed repatriation or are study- point of departure and focus their research in-
ing the matter. The Smithsonian has developed a stead on the ways in which Euro-American educa-
complex policy for repatriation, and the Universi- tional and therapeutic practices can be adapted to
ty of California appointed a committee to develop the cultural predisposition of American Indian
a policy. For the foreseeable future, the controver- clients (Lafromboise 1995).
sy is likely to linger in the courts, Congress, and
academic institutions. Like the American Indian population, Ameri-
can Indian Studies is a highly diverse and growing
Compared to repatriation, cultural studies are field of inquiry. It is interdisciplinary and eclectic
a less controversial though no less important do- in the perspectives it uses. Once primarily the
main of American Indian Studies. Indian religion domain of historians and anthropologists, Ameri-
represents one of the central forms of native cul- can Indian Studies has rapidly expanded beyond
ture, but cultural studies also emphasize other the bounds of these disciplines with contributions
elements of Indian lifestyles, values, and symbol from scholars in a wide variety of fields.
systems. Some of these studies focus on the con-
tent of tribal culture; other research deals with the REFERENCES
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purporting to document precontact Indian cul- The Wintu and Their Neighbors: A Very Small World-
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advance of Europeans (Ramenofsky 1987). Clinton, Lawrence, Bruce A. Chadwick, and Howard M.
Bahr 1975 ‘‘Urban Relocation Reconsidered: Ante-
Many studies of American Indian culture now cedents of Employment among Indian Males.’’ Rural
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rated into tribal culture in unique ways; silver- Cornell, Stephen 1988 The Return of the Native. American
smithing and rug weaving are two well-known Indian Political Resurgence. New York: Oxford Uni-
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———, and Joseph P. Kalt (eds.) 1992 What Can Tribes
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Deneven, William M. (ed.) 1976 The Native Population of LaFromboise, Teresa D. 1995 American Indian Life Skills
the Americas in 1492. Madison: University of Wiscon- Development. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
sin Press.
Leap, William L. 1988 ‘‘Indian Language Renewal.’’
Dobyns, Henry F. 1983 Their Number Become Thinned: Human Organization 47:283–291.
Native American Population Dynamics in Eastern North
America. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Levitan, Sar A., and Elizabeth I. Miller 1993 The Equivo-
cal Prospects for Indian Reservations. Occasional
——— 1966 ‘‘Estimating Aboriginal American Popula- Paper 1993–2 (May). Washington, D.C.: Center for
tion: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New Hemi- Social Policy Studies, The George Washington
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Echohawk, Walter R. 1993 ‘‘Native American Religious Loftin, John D. 1989 ‘‘Anglo-American Jurisprudence
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Eschbach, Karl, Khalil Supple, and C. Matthew Snipp
1998 ‘‘Changes in Racial Identification and the Edu- Merrell, James H. 1989 The Indian’s New World: Catawbas
cational Attainment of American Indians, 1970– and Their Neighbors from European Contact Through the
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Carolina Press.
Fixico, Donald L. 1986 Termination and Relocation, 1945–
1960. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Miner, H. Craig 1976 The Corporation and the Indian:
Tribal Sovereignty and Industrial Civilization in Indian
Fleras, Augie, and Jean Leonard Elliott 1992 The Nations Territory, 1865–1907. Columbia: University of Mis-
Within: Aboriginal-State Relations in Canada, the United souri Press.
States, and Australia. New York: Oxford Universi-
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Power and the Resurgence of Identity and Culture. New
Foster, Daniel V. 1988 ‘‘Consideration of Treatment York: Oxford University Press.
Issues with American Indians in the Federal Bureau
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Gundlach, James H., and Alden E. Roberts 1978 ‘‘Native
American Indian Migration and Relocation: Success Passel, Jeffrey S., and Patricia A. Berman 1986 ‘‘Quality
or Failure.’’ Pacific Sociological Review 21:117–128. of 1980 Census Data for American Indians.’’ Social
Biology 33:163–182.
Gwartney, James D., and James E. Long 1978 ‘‘The
Relative Earnings of Blacks and Other Minorities.’’ Pommersheim, Frank 1995 Braid of Feathers: American
Industrial and Labor Relations Review 31:336–346. Indian Law and Contemporary Tribal Life. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
Hall, Thomas D. 1989 Social Change in the Southwest,
1350–1880. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. Prucha, Francis Paul 1984 The Great Father: The United
States Government and the American Indians. Lincoln:
Harris, David 1994 ‘‘The 1990 Census Count of Ameri- University of Nebraska Press.
can Indians: What do the Numbers Really Mean?’’
Social Science Quarterly 75:580–593. Ramenoffsky, Ann F. 1987 Vectors of Death: The Archae-
ology of European Contact. Albuquerque: University of
Hertzberg, Hazel W. 1971 The Search for an American New Mexico Press.
Indian Identity. Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse Universi-
ty Press. Sandefur, Gary D., and Carolyn Liebler 1996 ‘‘The
Demography of American Indian Families.’’ In Gary
Jacobsen, Cardell K. 1984 ‘‘Internal Colonialism and D. Sandefur, Ronald R. Rindfuss, and Barney Cohen,
Native Americans: Indian Labor in the United States eds., Changing Numbers, Changing Needs: American
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Johnson, Troy, Joane Nagel, and Duane Champagne Sandefur, Gary D., Ronald R. Rindfuss, and Barney
(eds.) 1997 American Indian Activism: Alcatraz to the Cohen (eds.) 1996 Changing Numbers, Changing Needs:
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Jorgensen, Joseph G. 1972 The Sun Dance Religion: Power
for the Powerless. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Sandefur, Gary D., and Wilbur Scott 1983 ‘‘Minority
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AMERICAN SOCIETY
Shoemaker, Nancy 1999 American Indian Population Young, T. Kue 1994 The Health of Native Americans:
Recovery in the Twentieth Century. Albuquerque: Uni- Towards a Biocultural Epidemiology. New York: Ox-
versity of New Mexico Press. ford University Press.
Smith, Paul Chaat, and Robert Allen Warrior 1996 Like C. MATTHEW SNIPP
a Hurricane: The Indian Movement from Alcatraz to
Wounded Knee. New York: The New Press. AMERICAN SOCIETY
Snipp, C. Matthew 1996 ‘‘The Size and Distribution of The term American society is used here to refer to
the American Indian Population: Fertility, Mortality, the society of the United States of America. This
Migration, and Residence.’’ In Gary D. Sandefur, conventional usage is brief and convenient and
Ronald R. Rindfuss, and Barney Cohen, eds., Chang- implies no lack of recognition for other societies
ing Numbers, Changing Needs: American Indian Demog- of North, Central, and South America.
raphy and Public Health. Washington, D.C.: National
Academy Press. Boundaries of modern national societies are
permeable and often socially and culturally fuzzy
——— 1995 ‘‘American Indian Economic Development.’’ and changeable. Lines on maps do not take into
In Emery N. Castle, ed., The Changing American account the cross-boundary flows and linkages of
Countryside. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. trade, tourists, information, workers, diseases, mili-
tary arms and personnel, ethnic or linguistic af-
——— 1989 American Indians: The First of This Land. filiations, and the like. As a large, heterogeneous
New York: Russell Sage Foundation. country, the United States well illustrates such
interdependence and cultural diversity.
——— 1986 ‘‘The Changing Political and Economic
Status of American Indians: From Captive Nations to During the second half of the twentieth centu-
Internal Colonies.’’ American Journal of Economics and ry it became increasingly plain that an understand-
Sociology 45:145–157. ing of American society required analysis of its
place in a global system. National societies have
———, and Gary D. Sandefur 1988 ‘‘Earnings of Ameri- become highly interdependent through extensive
can Indians and Alaska Natives: The Effects of Resi- flows of capital, technology, goods and services,
dence and Migration.’’ Social Forces 66:994–1008. ideas and beliefs, cultural artifacts, and symbols. A
world system of politico-military relationships (blocs
Sorkin, Alan L. 1978 The Urban American Indian. Lex- and hierarchies) interacts with a global system of
ington, Mass.: D. C. Heath. trade, finance, and population transfers, and both
systems are influenced by cultural interpenetration
Thornton, Russell 1987 American Indian Holocaust and (including organizational forms and procedures).
Survival: A Population History Since 1492. Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press. While these developments were under way,
the American people became healthier, life ex-
——— 1986 We Shall Live Again: The 1870 and 1890 pectancy increased, educational levels rose, in-
Ghost Dance Movements as Demographic Revitalization. come and wealth increased, major new technolo-
New York: Cambridge University Press. gies developed (e.g., the so-called Information
Revolution), and ethnic and racial minorities gained
———, Jonathon Warren, and Tim Miller 1992 in income, occupational status, and political par-
‘‘Depopulation in the Southeast after 1492.’’ In John ticipation (Farley 1996). On the other hand, eco-
W. Verano and Douglas H. Ubelaker, eds., Disease nomic inequality increased sharply, the prison
and Demography in the Americas. Washington, D.C.: population grew rapidly (and became dispropor-
Smithsonian Institution. tionately made up of African Americans), divorce
rates remained at high levels, single-parent house-
Verano, John W., and Douglas H. Ubelaker (eds.) 1992 holds increased, and infant mortality remained
Disease and Demography in the Americas. Washington, high, as did violent crime (Farley 1996).
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White, Richard 1991 The Middle Ground: Indians, Em-
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1815. New York: Cambridge University Press.
——— 1983 The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environ-
ment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees,
and Navajos. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Wolf, Eric R. 1982 Europe and the People Without History.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
140
AMERICAN SOCIETY
Containing less than 5 percent of the world’s BTUs—an increase of about 50 percent. The Ameri-
population, the United States is a polyglot nation can people are dependent to an unprecedented
of nations that now accepts a greater and more degree on the automobile and the airplane. (As of
diverse inflow of legal immigrants than any other the late 1980s, the average number of persons per
country—an average of about one million a year passenger car was 1.8; by 1995, there were 201
from 1990 to 1995. It is often called a young million motor vehicles in a population of some 263
nation, but elements of its culture are continuous million—1.6 persons per vehicle.) Mass transit is
with the ancient cultures of Europe, Asia, and only weakly developed. During the single decade
Africa, and its political system is one of the most of the 1960s there was a 50 percent increase in the
long-enduring constitutional democracies. Many number of motor vehicles, and in many cities such
writers have alleged that its culture is standard- vehicles account for 75 percent of the outdoor
ized, but it continues to show great diversity of noise and 80 percent of the air pollution. With
regions, ethnic groupings, religious orientations, about 200 million motor vehicles in 1998, it is even
rural-urban contrasts, age groupings, political views, possible to imagine an ultimate traffic jam—total
and general lifestyles. It is a society in which many immobilization from coast to coast.
people seem convinced that it is undergoing rapid
social change, while they hold firmly to many All indicators of what we may call ‘‘heat and
values and social structures inherited from the light’’ variables have increased greatly: energy con-
past. Like all other large-scale societies, in short, sumption, pieces of mail handled by the U.S.
it is filled with ambiguities, paradoxes, and Postal Service (from 106 billion in 1980 to 183
contradictions. billion in 1996), televisions (2.3 sets per household
in 1995), telephones (93.9 percent of households
This society emerged as a product of the great had one in 1995), radios, electronic mail (29 mil-
period of European expansion. From 1790 to lion persons using the Internet), cellular phones,
1990, the U.S. land area expanded from fewer and fax. A vast flood of messages, images, and
than 900,000 square miles to well over three mil- information criss-crosses the continent.
lion; its populations from fewer than four million
to about 265 million. The United States has never In American households, the average number
been a static social system in fixed equilibrium of hours that the television was on increased from
with its environment. Peopled primarily by histo- 5.6 in 1963 to 6.8 in 1976, and continues to slowly
ry’s greatest voluntary intercontinental migration, increase. The effects of television viewing are com-
it has always been a country on the move. The vast plex, although there is general agreement among
growth of metropolitan areas is the most obvious researchers that mass exposure is selective, does
sign of the transformation of a rural-agricultural focus attention on some matters rather than oth-
society into an urban-industrial society. In 1880, ers (raising public awareness), influence attitudes
the nation had four million farms; in 1992 it had on specific issues—especially those on which in-
1.9 million. From 1949 to 1979 the index of output formation is scanty—and probably has cumulative
per hour of labor went from about twenty to about effects on a variety of beliefs and preferences (cf.
200. The most massive change in the occupational Lang and Lang 1992).
structure, correspondingly, has been the sharply
decreasing proportion of workers in agriculture— In short, this is a society of high technology
now less than 1 percent of the labor force. and extremely intensive energy use. It is also a
country that has developed a tightly organized and
The technological transformations that have elaborately interdependent economy and social
accompanied these trends are familiar. The total system, accompanied by vast increases in total
horsepower of all prime movers in 1940 was 2.8 economic productivity. Thus the real gross nation-
billion; in 1963 it was 13.4 billion; by 1978 it was al product doubled in just two decades (1959–
over 25 billion. Productive capacities and trans- 1979), increasing at an average rate of 4.1 percent
portation and communication facilities show simi- per year (Brimmer 1980, p. 98). But beginning
lar long-term increases. For example, from 1947 to with the sharp increases in oil prices after 1973,
1995, the annual per capita energy consumption the society entered a period of economic stagna-
in the United States went from 230 to 345 million tion and low productivity that was marked in the
1980s by large trade deficits, greatly increased
141
AMERICAN SOCIETY
federal budget deficits, and increased problems of Social Stratification. Stratification refers to
international competitiveness. Coming after a long structural inequalities in the distribution of such
period of sustained growth, the changes of the scarce values as income, wealth, power, authority,
1980s resulted in an economy of low savings, high and prestige. To the extent that such inequalities
consumption, and low investment—a situation of result in the clustering of similarly situated indi-
‘‘living beyond one’s means.’’ In the 1990s, a sus- viduals and families, ‘‘strata’’ emerge, marked by
tained period of low inflation and rising stock social boundaries and shared styles of life. When
markets marked a somewhat uneasy sense of pros- succeeding generations inherit positions similar to
perity, seen as insecure as the decade ended. previous generations, social classes can result.
MAJOR INSTITUTIONS The American system is basically one of open
classes, with relatively high mobility, both within
‘‘Institution’’ here means a definite set of interre- individual lifetimes and across generations. A con-
lated norms, beliefs, and values centered on im- spicuous exception has been a caste-like system of
portant and recurrent social needs and activities racial distinctions, although this has eroded sub-
(cf. Williams 1970, chap. 3). Examples are family stantially since the civil rights movement of the
and kinship, social stratification, economic sys- 1960s (Jaynes and Williams 1989). The 1980s and
tem, the polity, education, and religion. 1990s were marked by growing income inequality,
as the rich became richer and the poor did not.
Kinship and Family. American kinship pat- Large increases in earnings inequality accrued
terns are essentially adaptations of earlier Europe- during the 1980s; meanwhile labor unions had
an forms of monogamous marriage, bilateral de- large membership losses and labor markets were
scent, neolocal residence, and diffuse extended deregulated (unions lost over 3 million members
kinship ties. All these characteristics encourage between 1980 and 1989—see Western 1998, pp.
emphasis on the marriage bond and the nuclear 230–232). Union membership declined from 20.1
family. In an urbanized society of great geographi- percent of workers in 1983 to 14.5 percent in 1996
cal and social mobility and of extensive commer- (Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1997, p. 441).
cialization and occupational instability, kinship
units tend to become small and themselves unsta- In the early 1990s, the United States had the
ble. Since the 1950s, the American family system highest income inequality of any of twenty-one
has continued its long-term changes in the direc- industrialized countries (the income of individuals
tion of greater instability, smaller family units, of the highest decile was over six times the income
lessened kinship ties, greater sexual (gender) equali- of the lowest decile). The United States differs
ty, lower birth rates, and higher rates of female- from other industrialized countries in the especial-
headed households. The percentage of married ly great disadvantage of its poorest people. This
women in the labor force rose from 32 in 1960 to result arises from very low wages at the bottom of
61 in the 1990s. The so-called ‘‘traditional’’ family the distribution and low levels of income support
of husband, wife, and children under eighteen from public programs (Smeeding and Gottschalk
that comprised 40 percent of families in 1970 had 1998, pp. 15–19).
declined to 25 percent in 1995. Over one-fifth of
households are persons living alone. Marriage rates The end-of-the-century levels of inequality are
have decreased, age at marriage has increased, and less than in the early decades of the 1900s, but
rates of divorce and separation continue to be represent large increases since the lower levels at
high. The percentage of children under eighteen the end of the 1960s (Plotnick, Smolensky, Even-
years of age living in mother-only families in- house, and Reilly 1998, p. 8). By 1996, the richest
creased in the years between 1960 and 1985, from 20 percent of Americans received about 47 per-
6 to 16 among white, and from 20 to 51 among cent of total income, while the poorest got 4.2
black Americans (Jaynes and Williams 1989, p. percent.
522). As individuals, Americans typically retain
commitment to family life, but external social and The dominant ideology remains individualis-
cultural forces are producing severe family stresses. tic, with an emphasis on equality of opportunity
and on individual achievement and success. Al-
though extremes of income, power, and privilege
142
AMERICAN SOCIETY
produce strong social tensions, the system has sides of the same coin. In the United States, as in
shown remarkable stability. all industrialized countries, the movement from
the primary extractive and agricultural industries
The history of stratification has included con- to manufacturing was followed by growth of the
quest of Native Americans, slavery of African peo- tertiary exchange-facilitating activities, and then to
ples, and extensive discrimination against Asians, expansion of occupations having to do with con-
Hispanics, and various immigrants of European trol and coordination and those ministering di-
origin. Assimilation and other processes of socie- rectly to the health, education, recreation, and
tal inclusion have moved the whole society increas- comfort of the population. As early as 1970, nearly
ingly toward a pluralistic system, but deep cleavages two-thirds of the labor force was in pursuits other
and inequalities continue. A fundamental tension than those in ‘‘direct production’’ (primary and
persists between principles of equality of opportu- secondary industries).
nity and individual merit, on the one hand, and
practices of ascribed status and group discrimina- Since the late 1970s, there has been rapid
tion, on the other (cf. Myrdal, Sterner, and Ro- growth in involuntary part-time jobs and in other
se 1944). insecure and low-paying employment as the econo-
my has shifted toward trade and services and
As a consequence of increased openness since corporations have sought to lower labor costs
the Immigration Act of 1965, the population con- (Tilly 1996).
tains increased proportions of persons whose back-
grounds are in Asia and Latin America; this de- As the economy has thus shifted its focus, the
velopment complicates ethnic/racial boundaries dominance of large corporations has become more
and alignments, including political formations and more salient. In manufacturing, the total val-
(Edmonston and Pasell 1994). The increased ue added that is accounted for by the 200 largest
receptivity to immigrants was enhanced by the companies went from 37 percent in 1954 to 43
Refugee Act of 1980, the Immigration and Con- percent in 1970. Of all employees in manufactur-
trol Act of 1986, and the Immigration Act of 1990. ing, the percent working in multi-unit firms in-
The result is that the number of immigrants admit- creased from 56 percent in 1947 to 75 percent by
ted per year has soared to an average of about a 1972 (Meyer 1979, pp. 27–28). The top 500 indus-
million during the period 1990–1995 (Statistical trial companies account for three-fourths of indus-
Abstract of the United States, 1997, p. 10). Although trial employment (Wardwell 1978, p. 97).
vigorous political controversy surrounds immigra-
tion, the country remains committed to a general Meanwhile, organized labor has not grown
policy of acceptance and to citizenship by resi- correspondingly; for decades, overall unioniza-
dence rather than by ethnic origin. tion has remained static, increasing only in the
service, technical, and quasi-professional occupa-
Although much reduced in its most obvious tions. The importance of the great corporations as
forms, discrimination against African Americans the primary focus of production and finance con-
continues to be widespread, in housing (Yinger tinues to increase. Widespread dispersion of in-
1995), credit, and employment (Wilson 1996; Jaynes come rights in the form of stocks and bonds has
and Williams 1989). Residential segregation con- made the giant corporation possible, and this
tinues at high levels, although the 1980s brought a same dispersion contributes directly to the con-
small movement toward more residential mixing, centration of control rights in the hands of sala-
primarily in smaller Southern and Western cities ried management and minority blocs of stockhold-
(Farley and Frey 1994). ers. With widened markets for mass production of
standardized products, strong incentives were cre-
The Economy. The American economic sys- ated for effective systems of central control. Al-
tem is a complex form of ‘‘high capitalism’’ charac- though such tendencies often overreached them-
terized by large corporations, worldwide interde- selves and led to a measure of later decentralization,
pendence, high levels of private consumption, and the modern corporation, not surprisingly, shows
close linkages with the state. many of the characteristics of the most highly
developed forms of bureaucracy.
Increased specialization leads both to increased
complexity and to increased interdependence, two
143
AMERICAN SOCIETY
The interpenetration of what were previously programs of government action. A rapid
regarded as separate political and economic af- increase in the number of Political Action
fairs is a central fact. The interplay takes many Committees—from 2551 in 1980 to 4016
different forms. For a long time government has in 1995—is only one indication of the
set rules for maintaining or lessening business importance of organized interests;
competition; it has regulated the plane or mode of
competition, the conditions of employment, and 3. Decreased cohesion and effectiveness of
the place and functioning of labor unions. Pres- political parties in aggregating interests,
sure groups, based on economic interests, cease- compromising parties in conflict, and
lessly attempt to influence law-making bodies and reaching clear public decisions;
executive agencies. Governmental fiscal and mone-
tary policies constitute a major factor influencing 4. Increasingly volatile voting and diminished
economic activity. As the economic role of the party regularity and party commitment
state has expanded, economic forces increasingly (split-ticket voting, low rates of voting,
affect government itself and so-called private cor- large proportion of the electorate with no
porations increasingly have come to be ‘‘public firm party reference).
bodies’’ in many ways, rivaling some sovereign
states in size and influence. The post-1980s politi- American political parties are coalitions of
cal movements for a smaller role for the central diverse actors and interests, with accompanying
government resulted in a partial dismantling of weak internal discipline, but they remain relatively
the ‘‘welfare state’’ but did not remove the impor- stable under a system of single-member districts
tant linkages of state and economy. and plurality voting—’’first past the post.’’ Al-
though the polity is subject to the hazards of
Political Institutions. In ideology and law the instability associated with a presidential rather
American polity is a parliamentary republic, feder- than parliamentary system, the national federal
al in form, marked by a strong central executive system, the separation of powers, and the centrali-
but with a tripartite separation of powers. From ty of the Constitution and the judiciary combine to
the highly limited state of the eighteenth century, support the traditional two-party electoral arrange-
the actual government has grown in size and scope ment, although support for a third party appears
and has become more complex, centralized, and to be growing (Lipset 1995, p. 6).
bureaucratized. Partly because of pervasive in-
volvement in international affairs, since World Historically, political parties in the United
War II a large permanent military establishment States have been accommodationist: They have
has grown greatly in size and importance. In 1996, served to articulate and aggregate interests through
the Department of Defense included 3.2 million processes of negotiation and compromise. The
persons, and total defense and veterans outlays resulting ‘‘packages’’ of bargains have converted
amounted to $303 billion. The executive agencies, diverse and diffuse claims into particular electoral
especially the presidency, became for decades in- decisions. To work well, such parties must be able
creasingly important relative to the Congress, al- to plan nominations, arrange for representativeness,
though the 1990s brought a resurgence of con- and sustain effective competition. In the late twen-
gressional power. Among other changes, the tieth century, competitiveness was weakened by
following appear to be especially consequential: volatile elections—for example, landslides and dead-
locks with rapidly shifting votes—and by party
1. Continuing struggles over the character of incoherence. In the nominating process the mass
the ‘‘welfare state,’’ dedicated to maintain- media and direct primaries partly replaced party
ing certain minimal safeguards for health leaders and patronage. Representativeness was
and economic welfare; reduced by polarization of activists, single-issue
voting, and low turnouts in primaries. And the
2. High development of organized interest inability of parties to protect legislators seemed to
groups, which propose and ‘‘veto’’ nearly increase the influence of single-issue organiza-
all important legislation. The unorganized tions and to enlarge the scope of ‘‘symbolic’’ ac-
general public retains only an episodic and tions. Hard choices, therefore, tended to be de-
delayed power to ratify or reject whole ferred (cf. Fiorina 1980, p. 39).
144
AMERICAN SOCIETY
The existence of an ‘‘interest-group’’ polity students, and other participants. In the twentieth
was clearly indicated. The political system readily century, an unparalleled expansion of mass educa-
expressed particular interests but found difficul- tion occurred. Nearly 80 percent of the appropri-
ties in articulating and integrating partly incom- ate age group graduate from secondary school and
patible demands into long-term national programs. 62 percent of these attend college; in 1993, 21.3
percent had completed four years of college or more.
As the century drew to a close, many commen-
tators expressed concerns about the increasing Historically, the educational system was radi-
expense of political campaigns, the increasing im- cally decentralized, with thousands of school dis-
portance of very large contributions through Po- tricts and separate educational authorities for each
litical Action Committees, the potential influence state (Williams 1970, chap. 8). In contrast to coun-
upon voters of ‘‘vivid soundbites’’ on television, tries with strong central control of education and
and the increasing centralization of control of the elitist systems of secondary and higher education,
mass media. At the same time, the conspicuous the United States for most of its history has had a
behavior of so-called independent counsels (spe- weak central state and a mass education system.
cial prosecutors) raised the fears that a ‘‘Fourth Education was driven by demands for it rather
Branch’’ of government had arisen that would be than by state control of standards, facilities, tests,
relatively free of the checks and balances, tradi- curricula, and so on (cf. Garnier, Hage, and Full-
tional in the tripartite system of governance. Pub- er 1989).
lic opinion polls showed increased disaffection
with political institutions and processes, and lower These characteristics partly derive from wide-
voting turnouts indicated much apathy in the elec- spread faith in education as a means of social
torate. As investigations, prosecutions, and litiga- advancement as well as from commitments to
tion have escalated and have been rendered omni- equality of opportunity and to civic unity. Inequali-
present by the media, erosion of trust in government ties of access were long enforced by involuntary
has likewise increased greatly (Lipset 1995). racial segregation, now somewhat reduced since
1954, when the Supreme Court declared such
Yet detailed analysis of data from national segregation unconstitutional. Inequalities of ac-
public opinion surveys in the last decade of the cess due to social class and related factors, of
century failed to find the alleged extreme polariza- course, continue (Jencks et al. 1979). Formal edu-
tion that had been suggested by acrimonious parti- cational attainments have come to be so strongly
sanship between the political parties and in the emphasized as a requirement for employment and
Congress. Thus, a major study (DiMaggio, Evans, advancement that some observers speak of the
and Bryson 1996) found little evidence of extreme development of a ‘‘credential society’’ (Collins
cleavages in social opinions between 1974 and 1979). Meanwhile the slow but steady decline in
1994, with two exceptions: attitudes toward abor- students’ test scores has aroused much concern
tion diverged sharply, and the attitudes of those but little agreement as to remedial measures.
who identify with the Democratic and Republican
parties have become more polarized. Instead of Religious Institutions. Major characteristics
moderating dissension, the party system between of institutionalized religion include: formal sepa-
1970 and the 1990s appears to have sharpened ration of church and state, freedom of religious
cleavages. There is a possibility that some political expression and practice, diversity of faiths and
leaders have been pulled away from centrist posi- organizations, voluntary support, evangelism, high
tions by militant factions within their own party. rates of membership and participation, widespread
The total picture seemed to be that of extreme approval of religion and acceptance of religious
contentiousness within the central government beliefs, complex patterns of partial secularization,
while the wider society showed much greater toler- frequent emergence of new religious groupings,
ance, consensus, and stability. and important linkages between religious affilia-
tions and social class and ethnicity (cf. Williams
Education. In addition to diffuse processes of 1970, chap. 9; Wilson 1978).
socialization found in family and community, spe-
cialized educational institutions now directly in- Many of these characteristics are causally in-
volve one-fifth of the American people as teachers, terrelated. For example, earlier sectarian diversity
145
AMERICAN SOCIETY
encouraged separation of church and state and These changes have moved the society as a
religious toleration, which, in turn, favored fur- whole in the direction of greater interdepend-
ther diversity, voluntarism, evangelism, and relig- ence, centralization, formality, and impersonality.
ious innovations. Self-reported religious affilia-
tions in social surveys shows these percentages: VALUES AND BELIEFS
Protestant, 60; Catholic, 25; Jewish, 2; other, 4;
none, 9. These broad categories cover hundreds of Beliefs are conceptions of realities, of how things
diverse groupings (General Social Surveys 1994). are. Values are conceptions of desirability, of how
things should be (Williams 1970, chap. 11). Through
Changes include growth in membership of shared experience and social interaction, commu-
evangelical Protestant denominations (now one- nities, classes, ethnic groupings, or whole societies
fifth of the population, Hunter 1997), closer ties can come to be characterized by similarities of
between religious groupings and political activi- values and beliefs.
ties, and the rise of many cults and sects. Separa-
tion of church and state was increasingly chal- The weight of the evidence for the United
lenged in the 1990s, and religious militancy in States is that the most enduring and widespread
politics increased. Nevertheless, national surveys value orientations include an emphasis on person-
(1991) showed that the religiously orthodox and al achievement (especially in occupational activi-
theological progressives were not polarized into ty), success, activity and work, stress on moral
opposing ideological camps across a broad range principles, humanitarianism, efficiency and practi-
of issues—although there were sharp divisions on cality, science, technology and rationality, prog-
some particular issues (Davis and Robinson 1996). ress, material comfort, equality, freedom, democ-
racy, worth of individual personality, conformity,
Among industrialized Western countries, the nationalism and patriotism; and, in tension with
United States manifests extraordinary high levels most other values, values of group superiority and
of membership and participation. Thus, although racism. Mixed evidence since the 1970s seems to
there has been extensive secularization, both of indicate complex shifts in emphasis among these
public life and of the practices of religious groups orientations—primarily in the direction of success
themselves, religious influence remains pervasive and comfort, with lessened commitment to more
and important (Stark and Bainbridge 1985). austere values. Some erosion in the emphasis placed
on work and some lessening in civic trust and
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION commitment may have occurred.
The long-term increase in the importance of large- In contrast to many images projected by the
scale complex formal organizations, salient in the mass media, national surveys show that most Ameri-
economy and polity, is evident also in religion, cans still endorse long-standing beliefs and values:
education, and voluntary special-interest associa- self-reliance, independence, freedom, personal re-
tions. Other trends include the reduced autonomy sponsibility, pride in the country and its political
and cohesion of small locality groupings and the system, voluntary civic action, anti-authoritarian-
increased importance of special-interest formal ism, and equality within limits (Inkeles 1979; Wil-
organizations and of mass publics and mass com- liams 1970, chap. 11). And for all their real
munication. The long-term effects of the satura- disaffections and apprehensions, most Americans
tion of the entire society with advertising, propa- see no other society they prefer: As late as 1971,
ganda, assorted information, and diverse and highly surveys in eight countries found that Americans
selective world views remain to be ascertained. were less likely than persons in any other country
Local communities and kinship groupings have to wish to live elsewhere (Campbell, Converse, and
been penetrated more and more by formal, cen- Rodgers 1976, pp. 281–285). Americans in nation-
tralized agencies of control and communication. al public opinion surveys (1998) ranked second
(Decreasing localism shows itself in many forms. A among twenty-three countries in pride in the coun-
well-known and striking example is the continuous try and in its specific achievements. Thus, popular
decrease in the number of public school districts.) attitudes continue to reflect a perennial satisfac-
tion and positive nationalism (Smith and Jarkko 1998).
146
AMERICAN SOCIETY
REFERENCES Kent McClelland, Peter Mueser, Michael Olneck,
Joseph Schwartz, Sherry Ward, and Jill Williams 1979
Brimmer, Andrew F. 1980 ‘‘The Labor Market and the Who Gets Ahead: The Determinants of Economic Success
Distribution of Income.’’ In Norman Cousins, ed., in America. New York: Basic Books.
Reflections of America. Washington D.C.: U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office. Lang, Gladys Engel, and Kurt Lang 1992 ‘‘Mass Media
Research.’’ In Edgar F.Borgatta and Marie L. Borgatta,
Campbell, Angus, Phillip E. Converse, and Willard L. eds., Encyclopedia of Sociology, vol. 3. New York: Mac-
Rodgers 1976 The Quality of American Life. New York: millan Publishing Company.
Russell Sage Foundation.
Lipset, Seymour Martin 1995 ‘‘Malaise and Resiliency in
Cherlin, Andrew J. 1992 Marriage, Divorce, Remarriage. America.’’ Democracy 6(3):4–18.
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.
Meyer, Marshall W 1979 ‘‘Debureaucratization?’’ Social
Collins, Randall 1979 The Credential Society: An Historical Science Quarterly 60:25–34.
Sociology of Education and Stratification. New York:
Academic Press. Myrdal, Gunnar, Richard Sterner, and Arnold Rose
1944 An American Dilemma. New York: Harper
Davis, Nancy S., and Robert V. Robinson 1996 ‘‘Are the and Row.
Rumors Exaggerated? Religious Orthodoxy and Moral
Progressivism in America.’’ American Journal of Soci- Plotnick, Robert D., Eugene Smolensky, Eirik Even-
ology 102(3):756–787. house, and Siobhan Reilly 1998 ‘‘Inequality and Pov-
erty in the United States: The Twentieth-Century
DiMaggio, Paul, John Evans, and Bethany Bryson 1996 Record.’’ Focus 19(3):7–14.
‘‘Have Americans’ Social Attitudes Become more
Polarized?’’ American Journal of Sociology 102(3):690–755. Smeeding, Timothy M., and Peter Gottshalk 1998 ‘‘Cross-
National Income Inequality: How Great Is It and
Edmonston, Barry, and Jeffrey S. Pasell 1994 Immigrational What Can We Learn From It?’’ Focus 19(3):15–19.
Ethnicity: The Integration of America’s Newest Arrivals.
Washington D.C.: The Urban Institute Press. Smith, Tom W., and Lars Jarkko 1998 ‘‘National Pride:
A Cross-National Analysis.’’ GSS Cross-National Re-
Farley, Reynolds 1996 The New American Reality: How We port No. 19. Chicago: National Opinion Research Center.
Got There, Where We AreGoing. New York: Russell
Sage Foundation. Stark, Rodney, and William Sims Bainbridge 1985 The
Future of Religion: Secularization, Revival, and Cult
———, and William H. Frey 1994 ‘‘Changes in the Formation. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Segregation of Whites from Blacks During the 1980s:
Small Steps Toward a More Integrated Society.’’ Tilly, Cris 1996 Half a Job: Bad and Good Part-time Jobs in a
American Sociological Review 59(1):23–45. Changing Labor Market. Philadelphia: Temple Uni-
versity Press.
Fiorina, Morris P. 1980 ‘‘The Decline of Collective
Responsibility in American Politics.’’ Daedalus, Sum- U.S. Bureau of the Census 1998 Statistical Abstract of the
mer: 25–45. United States, 1997 (117th ed.). Washington, D.C.:
Frank, Robert H., and Phillip J. Cook 1995 The Winner- Wardwell, Nancy Needham 1978 ‘‘The Corporation.’’
Take-All Society. New York: Free Press. Daedalus, Winter: 97–110.
Garnier, Maurice, Jerald Hage, and Bruce Fuller 1989 Western, Bruce 1998 ‘‘Institutions and the Labor Mar-
‘‘The Strong State, Social Class, and Controlled Ex- ket.’’ In Mary C. Brinton and Victor Nee, eds., The
pansion in France, 1881–1975.’’ American Journal of New Institutionalism in Sociology. New York: Russell
Sociology 95:279–306. Sage Foundation.
Hunter, James Davidson 1987 Evangelism: The Coming Williams, Robin M., Jr. 1979 ‘‘Change and Stability in
Generation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Value Systems: A Sociological Perspective.’’ In Mil-
ton Rokeach, ed., Understanding Human Values. New
Inkeles, Alex 1979 ‘‘Continuity and Change in the Ameri- York: Free Press.
can National Character.’’ In Seymour Martin Lipset,
ed., The Third Century: America as a Post-Industrial ———1970 American Society: A Sociological Interpretation.
Society. Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Jaynes, Gerald David, and Robin M. Williams, Jr. (eds.) Wilson, John N. 1978 Religion in American Society: The
1989 A Common Destiny: Blacks and American Society. Effective Presence. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.
Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press.
Wilson, William Julius 1996 When Work Disappears: The
Jencks, Christopher, Susan Bartlett, Mary Corcoran, World of the New Urban Poor. New York: Alfred
James Crouse, David Eaglesfield, Gregory Jackson, A. Knopf.
147
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION AND OTHER SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATIONS
Yinger, John 1995 Closed Doors, Opportunities Lost: The The years following World War II saw a rapid
Continuing Costs of Housing Discriminations. New York: increase in ASA membership—the number nearly
Russell Sage Foundation. quadrupled between 1944 (1,242) and 1956 (4,682).
Between 1957 and 1967, membership more than
ROBIN M. WILLIAMS, JR. doubled, from 5,223 to 11,445, and continued
upward to 15,000 during the heights of the social
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL protest and anti-Vietnam War movements. How-
ASSOCIATION AND OTHER ever, during the latter half of the 1970s, member-
SOCIOLOGICAL ship gradually drifted downward and reached a
ASSOCIATIONS seventeen-year low of 11,223 in 1984. In the next
fifteen years, the membership increased by 2,000
The American Sociological Association (ASA) will and has remained stable at over 13,000 in the 1990s.
celebrate its centennial year in 2005; since its
inception, it has grown in size, diversity, programs, The growth and decline in the ASA can be
and purpose. Current ASA goals are as follows: accounted for in part by a combination of ideologi-
cal and demographic factors as well as the gradual-
• Serving sociologists in their work, ly changing nature of work in American society,
particularly since the end of World War II. For
• Advancing sociology as a science and as a example, the GI bill made it possible for an ordi-
profession, nary veteran to get a college education. The col-
lege population jumped from one-half million in
• Promoting the contributions and use of 1945 to several million within three years. Gradu-
sociology to society. ally, while urban and metropolitan populations
grew, the number and percentage of people in the
While the first goal remains the raison d’etre manufacturing sector of the labor force declined,
for the membership organization, over the ASA’s and the farm population declined even more dra-
100 years, there have been ebbs and flows, support matically, while the service sector grew. Within the
and controversy, about the latter two goals and service sector, information storage, retrieval, and
how the association embodies them. exchange grew in importance with the coming of
the computer age. These societal changes helped
ASA MEMBERSHIP TRENDS to stimulate a growth in urban problems involving
areas such as family, work, and drugs, and these
An interesting perspective on the ASA’s history is changes led to a growth of these specialty areas in
revealed through an examination of membership sociology.
trends. Table 1 shows fairly slow but stable growth
up until 1931. During the years of the Great Membership in the ASA rapidly increased in
Depression, there were substantial declines. De- the 1960s and early 1970s, an era of many social
spite these declines, however, sociologists were protest movements. Sociology was seen as offering
becoming very visible in government agencies such a way of understanding the dynamic events that
as the U.S. Department of Agriculture and the U.S. were taking place in this country. Substantive are-
Bureau of the Census. Between 1935 and 1953, for as within the ASA and sociology were also affected
example, there were an estimated 140 profession- by these social changes. As Randall Collins (1989)
al social scientists, the great majority of them points out, the social protest movements of the
sociologists, employed in the Division of Farm 1960s and 1970s coincided with the growth within
Population and Rural Life. This activity reached its the ASA of such sections as the Marxist, environ-
peak between 1939 and 1942, when there were mental, population, world systems, collective be-
approximately sixty professionals working in Wash- havior and social movements, and racial and eth-
ington, D.C. and in regional offices. Sociologists nic minorities sections. In addition, the growing
are well placed in many federal agencies and non- public concerns in the late 1970s and early 1980s
profit organizations in Washington; however, they about aging and equality for women were reflect-
are ‘‘undercover,’’ working under a variety of ed within the ASA by new sections on sex and
job titles. gender and aging. Similarly, the ‘‘me’’ generation,
in the aftermath of the protest movements and the
148
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION AND OTHER SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATIONS
ASA Official Membership Counts
1906–1999
1906 115 1931 1,567 1954 4,350 1977 13,755
1909 187 1932 1,340 1955 4,450 1978 13,561
1910 256 1933 1,149 1956 4,682 1979 13,208
1911 357 1934 1,202 1957 5,233 1980 12,868
1912 403 1935 1,141 1958 5,675 1981 12,599
1913 621 1936 1,002 1959 6,323 1982 12,439
1914 597 1937 1,006 1960 6,875 1983 11,600
1915 751 1938 1,025 1961 7,306 1984 11,223
1916 808 1939 1962 7,368 1985 11,485
1917 817 1940 999 1963 7,542 1986 11,965
1918 810 1941 1,034 1964 7,789 1987 12,370
1919 870 1942 1,030 1965 8,892 1988 12,382
1920 1,021 1943 1,055 1966 10,069 1989 12,666
1921 923 1944 1,082 1967 11,445 1990 12,841
1922 1,031 1945 1,242 1968 12,567 1991 13,021
1923 1,141 1946 1,242 1969 13,485 1992 13,072
1924 1,193 1947 1,651 1970 14,156 1993 13,057
1925 1,086 1948 2,057 1971 14,827 1994 13,048
1926 1,107 1949 2,450 1972 14,934 1995 13,254
1927 1,140 1950 2,673 1973 14,398 1996 13,134
1928 1,352 1951 3,582 1974 14,654 1997 13,082
1929 1,530 1952 3,875 1975 13,798 1998 13,273
1930 1,558 1953 3,960 1976 13,958 1999 13,056
4,027
Table 1
disillusionment that set in after the Vietnam War, ASA SECTIONS, PUBLICATIONS, AND
may have contributed both to a decline in student
enrollments in sociology courses and in ASA mem- PROGRAMS
bership. The growth of the college student popula-
tion and some disillusionment with purely voca- The increase in the number of sections in the ASA
tional majors, as well as sociology’s intrinsic interest and of membership in them is another sign of
to students, led to a gradual rise in membership in growth within the ssociation in the 1990s. Despite
the 1990s. a decline in overall ASA membership in the early
1980s, the number of sections increased from
ASA membership trends can also be exam- nineteen in 1980 to twenty-six in 1989 and to
ined in the context of the availability of research thirty-nine a decade later. The new sections repre-
money. Postwar federal support for sociology grew sent some new fields of study (or at least a formal
with the development of sponsored research and nomenclature for these specialties) such as soci-
the growth of research labs and centers on univer- ology of emotions, sociology of culture, rational
sity campuses. Coincident with an increase in ASA choice, and sociology of sexualities. Furthermore,
membership, research funding from federal agen- this overall increase in sections was not achieved
cies during the 1960s and 1970s grew steadily. In by simply redistributing members already in sec-
the early 1980s, however (particularly in 1981 and tions but resulted from an actual growth in section
1982), cutbacks in research funding for the social members from 8,000 to 11,000 to 19,000 in the
sciences were especially noticeable. In the 1990s, three time periods. More than half the ASA mem-
major efforts to educate Congress on the impor- bers belong to at least one section; the modal
tance of social science research won support for membership is in two sections. The ASA has learned
sociology and the other social sciences. The result from other associations, such as psychology and
has been a reversal of the negative trend and a slow anthropology, about the possible pitfalls of sub-
but steady improvement in funding, not only for groups within ‘‘the whole.’’ The ASA continues to
basic research but also in greater amounts for require members to belong to ASA as a condition
research with an applied or policy orientation. for joining a section, so that everyone has a con-
nection to the discipline at large as well as to their
149
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION AND OTHER SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATIONS
specialty groups. This approach has prevented the ASA’s executive office produces over a hundred
ASA from becoming a federation of sections and resources, including syllabi sets and publications
probably has minimized ‘‘split off’’ groups. The on topics such as classroom techniques, curricu-
annual meeting grew by a thousand participants in lum, departmental management, and career infor-
the decade of the 1990s, now topping 5,000 people mation. APAP works concertedly with departments
who find professional development in the broad and chairs to build strong departments of sociolo-
program as well as in section involvement. gy and excellent curricula. The ASA sponsors an
annual conference for chairs, a meeting of direc-
The growth of the ASA is also reflected in the tors of graduate study, and an electronic broad-
growth of the number of journal publications. cast, CHAIRLINK, for chairs.
Since 1936, when the first issue of the American
Sociological Review was published, ASA publica- Odd as it may seem, the ASA often did not
tions have expanded to include seven additional collect or have access to data on the profession. In
journals: Contemporary Sociology; Journal of Health 1993, the Research Program on the Discipline and
and Social Behavior; Social Psychology Quarterly; So- Profession remedied the situation by conducting
ciological Methodology; Sociological Theory; Sociology surveys of members and departments, and a track-
of Education; and Teaching Sociology. In addition, a ing survey of a cohort of Ph.D.s. The program
Rose Series (funded from the estate of Arnold and routinely publishes ‘‘research briefs’’ that share
Caroline Rose) publishes monographs that are these data and aid departments and individuals
important ‘‘small market’’ books in sociology. That with planning and trend analysis.
series shifted from very specialized academic mono-
graphs to integrative pieces of broad appeal. The TRANSITION FROM SECRETARIAT TO A
ASA’s newest journal is a general perspectives PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATION
journal, aimed at the social science community
(including students), and the educated lay public. The ASA has undergone an organizational trans-
formation over its century of serving the profes-
The Sydney S. Spivack Program in Applied sional interests of sociologists. The shape and
Social Research and Social Policy (funded from a mission of the executive office reflects the shifts.
donation from Spivack’s estate) sponsors Congres- In the early years, the office was essentially a
sional seminars and media briefings on timely secretariat—a place where records were kept, and
topics for which there is a body of sociological dues and payments were processed. The first ex-
knowledge. From these events, the ASA has pub- ecutive officer, Matilda White Riley, appointed in
lished a series of issue briefs on topics ranging 1963, jokes that the office was a file card box on
from youth violence to welfare-to-work to immi- her kitchen table.
gration to affirmative action. These publications
are useful to ASA members but also to a wider As the American Sociological Society (as it was
public audience. named until 1959) grew and flourished, it adopted
the model of a ‘‘learned society,’’ primarily con-
The teaching of sociology in kindergarten cerned with the production of new disciplinary
through high school and in undergraduate and knowledge. The society/association centered its
graduate schools has received varying degrees of resources on the annual meeting and the journals.
emphasis over the course of the ASA’s history. In The executive office personnel, primarily clerical,
particular, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when staffed those functions.
sociology enrollments and membership in the ASA
were at a low point, the ASA Teaching Services The expansion period of the 1960s and 1970s,
Program was developed. Now part of the Academ- and the societal context of those times, led the
ic and Professional Affairs Program (APAP), the ASA to add many programs and activities (for a
Teaching Services Program includes providing op- detailed description, see Simpson and Simpson
portunities through seminars and workshops to 1994). The ASA transformed into a professional
improve classroom teaching and to examine a association, with a wider range of services and
wide range of new curricula for almost all sociolo- benefits to its members as well as to a broader
gy courses. The Teaching Resources Center in the
150
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION AND OTHER SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATIONS
1998 Section Totals
Total Low Income Student Regular
1. Undergraduate Education 419 12 62 345
2. Methodology 414 13 118 283
3. Medical Sociology 1,021 35 306 680
4. Crime, Law, and Deviance 634 16 236 382
5. Sociology of Education 579 12 182 385
6. Family 759 30 216 513
7. Organizations, Occupations, and Work 1,062 27 346 689
8. Theory 691 19 180 492
9. Sex and Gender 1,114 32 405 677
10. Community and Urban Sociology 553 16 175 362
11. Social Psychology 666 19 260 387
12. Peace, War and, Social Conflict 274 198
13. Environment and Technology 401 7 69 260
14. Marxist Sociology 362 15 126 248
15. Sociological Practice 308 11 103 259
16. Sociology of Population 406 13 314
17. Political Economy of the World System 416 36 256
18. Aging and the Life Course 563 8 84 400
19. Mental Health 408 9 151 275
20. Collective Behavior and Social Movements 568 16 147 336
21. Racial and Ethnic Minorities 685 17 116 443
22. Comparative Historical Sociology 522 10 222 367
23. Political Sociology 580 15 227 364
24. Asia/Asian America 325 5 150 202
25. Sociology of Emotions 279 9 207 174
26. Sociology of Culture 843 6 117 501
27. Science, Knowledge, and Technology 390 9 96 230
28. Computers, Sociology and 263 27 315 185
29. Latino/a Sociology 247 13 147 156
30. Alcohol and Drugs 247 11 67 180
31. Sociology of Children 330 5 86 235
32. Sociology of Law 316 10 57 190
33. Rational Choice 183 10 85 143
34. Sociology of Religion 535 3 123 343
35. International Migration 283 3 37 188
36. Race, Gender, and Class 830 19 173 428
37. Mathematical Sociology 206 12 83 126
38. Section on Sexualities 281 20 382 132
39. History of Sociology 215 4 76 168
12 137
Totals 19,178 5 42 12,496
535 6,147
Table 2
public. As Simpson and Simpson (1994) describe In the last ten years, some significant organiza-
the change: ‘‘ASA reacted to the pressures of the tional changes have occurred. The executive office
1960s and 1970s mainly by absorbing the pressure has been professionalized, with new hires often
groups into its structure. A result has been to having at least a B.A. in sociology. The senior
expand the goals and functions of the association sociology staff direct the core programs (see be-
beyond its initial disciplinary objective. Functions low) and no longer have fixed terms of employ-
are more differentiated now, encompassing more ment. As such, the office is more programmatic
professional and activist interests’’ (p. 265). The and proactive.
executive office grew slightly, with the growth in
Ph.D.-level sociology staff who led these new ven- Key changes in the ASA’s governance include:
tures. In addition to the executive officer, these
sociologists had titles (e.g., Staff Sociologist for • Passage of an ASA mission and goals
Minorities, Women, and Careers) that reflected statement, with six core programs in the
their work. executive office (the six programs are:
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AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION AND OTHER SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATIONS
Minority Affairs; Academic and Profession- which sociologists comprise a significant part of
al Affairs; Public Affairs; Public Informa- the membership. These groups operate in a com-
tion; Research on the Discipline and plementary way to the ASA; some were formed in
Profession; and the Spivack Program), juxtaposition to the ASA to fulfill a need the ASA
was not serving or to pressure the ASA to change.
• The launch of the ASA’s Spivack Program The genres of these organizations are briefly dis-
in applied social research and social policy cussed below.
and a continuous, intentional effort to
bring research to bear on public poli- REGIONAL AND STATE ASSOCIATIONS
cy issues,
In many disciplines, a national association includes
• The beginning, and end, of the ASA’s state and regional chapters. In sociology, those
certification program, regional and state groups have always been inde-
pendent entities, with their own dues, meetings,
• The beginning, and end, of the journal and journals. Nonetheless, the ASA has worked
Sociological Practice Review, collaboratively with these associations. The ASA
sends staff representatives to their annual meet-
• The beginning of the MOST program ings, offers to serve on panels and meet with their
(Minority Opportunities for Summer councils, sends materials and publications, and
Training for the first five years and convenes a meeting of regional and state presi-
Minority Opportunities through School dents at the ASA’s annual meeting. In the 1960s
Transformation, for the next five years, regional representatives sat on the ASA council.
funded by the Ford Foundation), Everett Hughes (1962) provided a sociological
critique of this approach to governance, suggest-
• Greater autonomy for sections and an ing that the ASA was a disciplinary not a profes-
increase in the number of sections, sional association. He argued that the ASA should
not be organized as a federation of such repre-
• New policies on ASA resolutions and sentatives, and this regional delegate format end-
policymaking, ed in 1967. Later, candidates for the Committee
on Committees and the Committee on Nomina-
• Revision of the Code of Ethics, as an tions were nominated by district (not identical to
educative document, which serves as a regional associations) to ensure regional represen-
model for aligned sociological groups, tation. That approach ended in 1999.
• Restructuring of ASA committees to a Twenty-four states (or collaborations among
more targeted ‘‘task force’’ model, states) have sociological associations. Some are
extremely active (e.g., Wisconsin, Minnesota, North
• Addition of a new ‘‘perspectives’’ journal, Carolina, Illinois, Georgia) and have some special
foci that link to their state-based networks. The
• Increased attention to science policy and Georgia Sociological Association, for example,
funding, including collaborations with sponsors a workshop for high school teachers; the
many other groups, association also honors a member of the media for
the best presentation of sociological work. Wis-
• Increased attention to sociology depart- consin sociologists used the Wisconsin Sociologi-
ments as units, and to chairs as their cal Association to organize to defeat a licensure
leaders, as shown in the Department bill that would have prevented sociologists from
Affiliates program, employment in certain social service jobs. The
Minnesota sociologists have made special outreach
• Active collaboration between the ASA and efforts to practitioners and include these colleagues
higher education organizations such as the on their board.
American Association for Higher Educa-
tion and the American Association of
Colleges and Universities.
Members (and nonmember sociologists) have
differing views about the current form of the ASA,
which is discussed at the end of this article.
The ASA is but one organization in a network
of sociological organizations or associations in
152
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION AND OTHER SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATIONS
Regional Sociology Associations
Regional Organization Founding Date # of Members (1999) Journal
Eastern Sociological Society 1930 1,000 Sociological Forum
Mid-South Sociological Association 1975 293 Sociological Spectrum
Midwest Sociological Society 1936 The Sociological Quarterly
New England Sociological Association 1,250 none
North Central Sociological Association 1925 250 Sociological Focus
Pacific Sociological Association 1929 442 Sociological Perspectives
Southern Sociological Society 1935 Social Forces
Southwestern Sociological Association 1923 1,350 Supports Social Science Quarterly
District of Columbia Sociological Society 1934 1,748 none
507
200
Table 3
ALIGNED ASSOCIATIONS POLITICAL PRESSURES ON AND IN ASA:
Many of the aligned associations offer a small, vital FEMINISM AND ACTIVISM
intellectual home for sociologists interested in a
particular specialty. Over time, a few of these Of the many aligned associations, two organiza-
organizations have consciously decided to form a tions provide association missions that the ASA
section within the ASA. The various sociology of does not (or does not sufficiently) satisfy, and have
religion groups did so recently, to have a ‘‘place’’ an agenda to change the ASA.
within the ASA as well as their own meeting and
publications. Many of the aligned groups have Sociologists for Women in Society (SWS),
members from many disciplines including sociology. founded in 1970, has had a two-pronged mission:
to use the tools and talents in sociology to improve
INTERDISCIPLINARY TIES the lives of women in society; and secondly, to
enhance the participation, status, and professional
The most significant interdisciplinary organiza- contributions of feminist sociologists. Most SWS
tion is the Consortium of Social Science Associa- members are also ASA members. Originally named
tions (COSSA), formed in 1980. The budget cut- the Women’s Caucus, the group’s 1970 statement
ting of the Reagan administration served as a of demands summarized the gender issues in the
catalyst for the major social science associations to ASA quite clearly: ‘‘What we seek is effective and
establish this umbrella organization to lobby for dramatic action; an unbiased policy in the selec-
funding for social science research. In the 1980s tion of stipend support of students; a concerted
and 1990s, COSSA, with its own professional staff, commitment to the hiring and promotion of wom-
has become a well-respected voice on social sci- en sociologists to right the imbalance that is repre-
ence policy, federal funding, and the professional sented by the current situation in which 67 percent
concerns of social scientists (e.g., data archiving, of the women graduate students in this country do
confidentiality protection, and support for research not have a single woman sociology professor of
on controversial topics). COSSA is, of course, an senior rank during the course of their graduate
organization of organizations. training, and when we participate in an association
of sociologists in which NO woman will sit on the
In 1997, the ASA offered membership dis- 1970 council, NO woman is included among the
counts with other societies, so that individuals associate editors of the American Sociological Re-
could join several of these groups. The interdisci- view, and NO woman sits on the thirteen member
plinary discounts now apply to: the American committee on publications and nominations’’
Political Science Association, the American Educa- (Roby, p. 24). Over time, as the founding mothers
tional Research Association, the Society for Re- of SWS moved through their career trajectories,
search in Child Development, and the Academy of more and more SWS members became part of the
Management. leadership of the ASA. In 2000, nine of twenty
ASA council members are women. Since its found-
ing, SWS has sought to pressure the ASA in more
feminist directions, and to supplement what the
153
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION AND OTHER SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATIONS
State and Aligned Sociological Organizations
State Associations International Associations
National Council of State Sociological Associations Asia Pacific Sociological Association
Alabama/Mississippi Sociological Association Australian Sociological Association
Arkansas Sociological Association British Sociological Association
California Sociological Association Canadian Sociology & Anthropology Association
Florida Sociological Association European Society for Rural Sociology
Georgia Sociological Association European Sociological Association
Great Plains Association (North and South Dakota) International Institute of Sociology
Hawaii Sociological Association International Network for Social Network Analysis
Illinois Sociological Association International Society for the Sociology of Religion
Iowa Sociological Association International Sociological Association
Kansas Sociological Association International Visual Sociology Association
Anthropologists and Sociologists of Kentucky Sociological Association of Aotearoa (New Zealand)
Michigan Sociological Society Social Science/Interdisciplinary Associations
Sociologists of Minnesota Consortium of Social Science Associations
Missouri State Sociological Association Academy of Management
Nebraska Sociological Association American Association for the Advancement of Science
New York State Sociological Association American Association for Public Opinion Research
North Carolina Sociological Association American Educational Research Association
Oklahoma Sociological Association American Evaluation Association
Pennsylvania Sociological Society American Society of Criminology
South Carolina Sociological Association American Statistical Association
Virginia Social Science Association Association of Gerontology in Higher Education
Washington Sociological Association Council of Professional Associations on Federal Statistics
West Virginia State Sociological Association Gerontological Society of America
Wisconsin Sociological Association Law and Society Association
Aligned Associations Linguistic Society of America
Alpha Kappa Delta National Council on Family Relations
Anabaptist Sociology and Anthropology Association National Council for the Social Studies
Association of Black Sociologists Popular Culture Association
Association of Christians Teaching Sociology Population Association of America
Association for Humanist Sociology Religious Research Association
Association for the Sociology of Religion Social Science History Association
Chicago Sociological Practice Association Society for Research in Child Development
Christian Sociological Society Society for the Scientific Study of Religion
North American Society for the Sociology of Sport Society for Social Studies of Science
Rural Sociological Society Commissions
Society for the Advancement of Socio-Economics Commission on Applied and Clinical Sociology
Society for Applied Sociology
Society for the Study of Social Problems
Society for the Study of Symbolic Interaction
Sociological Practice Association
Sociologists’ AIDS Network
Sociologists for Women in Society
Sociologists' Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Caucus
Sociology of Education Association
Table 4
ASA seemed not to offer. SWS runs its annual SWS proposed that the ASA publish a journal on
meeting program parallel to the ASA’s annual Sex & Gender, but the ASA declined, due to a
meeting. In the earlier years, many sessions con- rather full publication portfolio. SWS entered an
centrated on work in sex and gender, as well as on agreement with Sage Publishers to start such a
informal networking, and mentoring workshops. journal, which has been a successful intellectual
Over time, as the ASA’s section on sex and gender and business venture. At various points in its
has become the largest in the association, the SWS history, SWS has been explicit in its watchdog role
program has downplayed scholarly papers on sex over the ASA. Members came to observe the ASA
and gender, and has emphasized instead informal council meetings; the membership endorsed can-
networking, socializing, and political organizing. didates for ASA offices; and candidates were asked
154
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION AND OTHER SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATIONS
to complete a survey that was sent to all SWS The Society for Applied Sociology (SAS) was
members. formed by a group of colleagues in Ohio, most of
whom are primarily academics, but who engage in
The Society for the Study of Social Problems extensive consulting and applied work. The core
(SSSP), founded in 1951, pursued the insider- of the SAS centers on applied social research,
outsider strategy as well. The SSSP meets prior to evaluation research, program development, and
(often with a day of overlap) the ASA annual other applications of sociological ideas to a variety
meeting. As the name implies, the topics for ses- of organizational settings. The SAS has worked
sions and for the divisions deal with social prob- extensively with curriculum and program develop-
lems, what sociologists know about them, and ment to prepare the next generation of applied
their solutions. The SSSP journal, Social Problems, sociologists. The SAS has also focused on the
is well regarded and well subscribed. master’s-level sociologist much more than other
organizations.
In the 1950s, the ASA centered on positivism
and ‘‘objective’’ scientific pursuits. Twenty years Both of these practice organizations hold an
earlier, a group of ASA members had warned that annual meeting and sponsor a journal. At various
the achievement of scientific status and academic times in the twenty years of each group, members
acceptance were hindered by the application of have advocated a merger to reduce redundancy,
sociology to social problems. The motion read, in strengthen the membership base, and use resourc-
part: ‘‘The undersigned members, animated by an es together. One place where the two groups have
ideal of scientific quality rather than of heteroge- worked in tandem is through their joint Commis-
neous quantity, wish to prune the Society of its sion on Applied and Clinical Programs, which
excrescences and to intensify its scientific activi- accredits sociology programs that meet the exten-
ties. This may result in a reduction of the members sive criteria set forth by the commission. In this
and revenues of the society, but this is preferable sense, these applied sociology programs (usually a
to having many members whose interest is prima- part or a track within a regular sociology depart-
rily or exclusively other than scientific’’ (Rhoades ment) are modeling professional programs such as
1981, pp. 24–25). The SSSP has been a vital coun- social work, which have an accrediting mecha-
terpoint to those views, keeping sociology’s leftist nism. Both societies held a joint meeting prior to
leanings alive. the ASA meeting in 2000, which may portend
future collaboration.
THE APPLIED SIDE
The history of the ASA shows the ebb and flow
In 1978, two new sociological associations formed in interest in applied sociology, certainly going
to meet the needs of sociological practitioners. back to President Lester Frank Ward, and evident
The Clinical Sociology Association (CSA), now again with the election of contemporary Presi-
called the Sociological Practice Association (SPA), dents William Foote Whyte, Peter Rossi, and Amitai
centered on sociologists engaged in intervention Etzioni. Within the ASA, there is an active, though
work with small groups (e.g., family counseling) or not large, section on sociological practice, drawing
at a macro-level (e.g., community development). overlapping membership with the SPA and the
This group emphasized professional training and SAS. The ASA published a journal, Sociological
credentials. Most of the members were employed Practice Review, as a five-year experiment (1990–
primarily outside of the academe; many felt they 1995) but dropped the publication when there
needed additional credentials to meet state licensure were insufficient subscribers and few manuscripts.
requirements or to receive third-party payments, In the early 1980s, in response to member interest,
or both. The SPA established a rigorous certifica- the ASA began a certification program, through
tion program, where candidates with a Ph.D. in which Ph.D.-level sociologists could be certified in
sociology and substantial supervised experience in six areas (demography, law and social control,
clinical work, would present their credentials and medical sociology, organizational analysis, social
make a presentation as part of the application for policy and evaluation research, and social psy-
certification. Those who passed this review could chology). At the master’s level, sociologists could
use the title Certified Clinical Sociologist. take an exam; passing the test would result in
155
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION AND OTHER SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATIONS
certification in applied social research. The certifi- report of recommendations to the council. As a
cation program received few applicants and was spin-off from the committee on teaching, a task
terminated by the ASA council in 1998. force on community colleges made recommenda-
tions to the council in 1997 and 1998 about how to
Since the 1980s, there have been forces push- more actively involve these colleagues in ASA
ing for more involvement of practitioners in the affairs.
ASA, and thus more membership benefits to serve
non-academic members, as the paring down of The ASA council adopted the following poli-
those benefits (as in the case of the Sociological cy in 1997:
Practice Review and certification) when interest
wanes. In part, there is greater ‘‘within group’’ Much of the vitality of ASA flows from its
variance among practitioners than ‘‘between group’’ diverse membership. With this in mind, it is
variance between practitioners and academics. Thus the policy of the ASA to include people of color,
while there is clearly a political constituency for women, sociologists from smaller institutions or
applied work, it is less clear there is a core intellec- who work in government, business, or other
tual constituency. applied settings, and international scholars in
all of its programmatic activities and in the
In 1981, the ASA held a conference on applied business of the Association.
sociology, from which a book of proceedings was
published by Jossey-Bass. That event was a spring- At the same time, the demographics of the
board for the introduction of applied issues within profession have been shifting (Roos and Jones
the ASA. A committee on sociological practice, a 1993). Over 55 percent of new Ph.D.s are women,
section on sociological practice, and an ASA award and about 45 percent of ASA members are female.
for a distinguished career in sociological practice The Minority Fellowship Program, begun in 1974,
were created. In 1999, about 25 percent of ASA has provided predoctoral funding and mentoring
members had primary employment in nonacademic support for minority sociologists. The program
positions; the estimate of the number of Ph.D.s boasts an astounding graduation record of 214
(some of whom were nonmembers) in sociological Ph.D.s; many of these colleagues from the early
practice was higher. The diversity of the nonacademic cohorts are now senior leaders in departments,
membership and their professional needs has been organizations, and in the ASA.
a challenge to the ASA. In a 1984 article in the
American Sociological Review, Howard Freeman and DEMOCRATIZATION OR
Peter Rossi wrote of the significant changes that CONSOLIDATION?
might be needed in departments of sociology and
in the reward structure of the profession to reduce The ASA membership has diverse views about the
the false dichotomy between applied and basic extent to which the current organizational struc-
research. ture and goals are optimal. Simpson and Simpson
argue that core disciplinary concerns have taken a
COMMITMENT TO DIVERSITY back seat at the ASA; they speak of the ‘‘discipli-
nary elite and their dilution’’ (1994, p. 271). Their
The ASA has made concerted efforts to be inclu- analysis of ASA budgets, as a indicator of priori-
sive of women and minorities in its activities and ties, shows shifts from disciplinary concerns (e.g.,
governance. Since 1976, the ASA has undertaken journals and meetings) to professional priorities
a biennial report on the representation of women (e.g., jobs, teaching, applied work, and policy is-
and minorities in the program (invited events and sues). Other segments of the profession allege that
open submissions), on editorial boards, in elec- the ASA leadership is too elite (Reynolds 1998)
tions, and in the governance (committees) of the ASA. and has a falsely rosy view of the field (p. 20).
Demographically and programmatically, the ASA
In 1987, the ASA appointed a task force on has changed in its century of service to sociology.
participation designed to identify ways to more With a solid membership core and generally posi-
fully enfranchise colleagues in two- and four-year tive trends in the profession, the ASA will continue
colleges. That task force held a number of open to sit at the hub of a network of sections and
hearings and met for five years before issuing a aligned organizations.
156
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE AND COVARIANCE
REFERENCES EXPERIMENTAL DESIGN AND ANALYSIS
Collins, Randall 1989 ‘‘Future Organizational Trends of In a classical experimental design, research sub-
the American Sociological Association.’’ Footnotes jects are randomly assigned in equal numbers to
17:1–5, 9. two or more discrete groups. Each of these groups
is then given a different treatment or stimulus and
Freeman, Howard, and Peter H. Rossi 1984 ‘‘Furthering observed to determine whether or not the differ-
the Applied Side of Sociology.’’ American Sociological ent treatments or stimuli had predicted effects on
Review, vol. 49. 4 (August): 571–580. some outcome variable. In most cases this out-
come variable has continuous values rather than
Hughes, Everett C. 1962 ‘‘Association or Federation?’’ discrete categories. In some experiments there are
American Sociological Review 27:590. only two groups—one that receives the stimulus
(the experimental group) and one that does not
Reynolds, Larry T. 1998 ‘‘Two Deadly Diseases and One (the control group). In other studies, different
Nearly Fatal Cure: The Sorry State of American levels of a stimulus are administered (e.g., studies
Sociology.’’ The American Sociologist. vol. 29. 1:20–37. testing the effectiveness of different levels of drug
dosages) or multiple conditions are created by
Rhoades, Lawrence J. 1981 A History of the American administering multiple stimuli separately and in
Sociological Association: 1905–1980. Washington, D.C.: combination (e.g., exposure to a violent model
American Sociological Association. and reading pacifist literature).
Roby, Pamela 1992 ‘‘Women and the ASA: Degendering In all experiments, care is taken to eliminate
Organizational Structures and Processes, 1964–1974.’’ any other confounding influences on subjects’
The American Sociologist (Spring):18–48. behaviors by randomly assigning subjects to groups.
As a result of random assignment, preexisting
Roos, Patricia A., and Katharine Jones 1993 ‘‘Shifting differences between subjects (such as age, gender,
Gender Boundaries: Women’s Inroads into Academ- temperament, experience, etc.) are randomly dis-
ic Sociology.’’ Work and Occupations, vol. 20. 4 (No- tributed across groups making the groups equal in
vember): 395–428. terms of the potential effects of these preexisting
differences. Since each group contains approxi-
Simpson, Ida Harper, and Richard Simpson 1994 ‘‘The mately equal numbers of subjects of any given age,
Transformation of ASA.’’ Sociological Forum, vol. 9. 2 gender, temperament, experience, etc., there
(June):259–278. should be no differences between the groups on
the outcome variable that are due to these con-
CARLA B. HOWERY founding influences. In addition, experiments are
conducted in standardized or ‘‘physically con-
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE AND trolled’’ situations (e.g., a laboratory), thus elimi-
COVARIANCE nating any extraneous external sources of differ-
ence between the groups. Through random
Analysis of variance (ANOVA) and analysis of assignment and standardization of experimental
covariance (ANACOVA) are statistical techniques conditions, the researcher is able to make the
most suited for the analysis of data collected using qualifying statement ‘‘Other things being equal. . .’’
experimental methods. As a result, they have been and assert that any differences found between
used more frequently in the fields of psychology groups on the outcome measure(s) of interest are
and medicine and less frequently in sociological due solely to the fact that one or more groups
studies where survey methods predominate. These received the experimental stimulus (stimuli) and
techniques can be, and have been, used on survey the other group did not.
data, but usually they are performed within the
analysis framework of linear regression or the Logic of analysis procedures. Analysis of vari-
‘‘general linear model.’’ Given their applicability ance detects effects of an experimental stimulus by
to experimental data, the easiest way to convey the first computing means on the outcome variable
logic and value of these techniques is to first review for the experimental and control groups and then
the basics of experimental design and the analysis comparing those means. If the means are the
of experimental data. Basic concepts and proce-
dures will then be described, summary measures
and assumptions reviewed, and the applicability of
these techniques for sociological analysis discussed.
157
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE AND COVARIANCE
same, then the stimulus didn’t ‘‘make a differ- between group means?,’’ the question becomes
ence’’ in the outcome variable. If the means are ‘‘How much of the variation in subjects’ scores on
different, then, because of random assignment to the outcome measure can be explained or ac-
groups and standardization of conditions, it is counted for by the fact that subjects were exposed
assumed that the stimulus caused the difference. to different treatments or stimuli?’’ To the extent
Of course, it is necessary to establish some guide- that the experimental stimulus has an effect (i.e.,
lines for interpreting the size of the difference in group mean differences exist), individual scores
order to draw conclusions regarding the strength should differ from one another because some
of the effect of the experimental stimulus. The have been exposed to the stimulus and others have
criterion used by analysis of variance is the amount not. Of course, individuals will differ from one
of random variation that exists in the scores within another for other reasons as well, so the procedure
each group. For example, in a three-group com- involves a comparison of how much of the total
parison, the group mean scores on some outcome variation in scores is due to the stimulus effect (i.e.,
measure may be 3, 6, and 9 on a ten-point scale. group differences) and how much is due to extra-
The meaningfulness of these differences can only neous factors. Thus, the total variation in outcome
be assessed if we know something about the varia- scores is ‘‘decomposed’’ into two elements: varia-
tion of scores in the three groups. If everyone in tion due to the fact that individuals in the different
group one had scores between 2 and 4, everyone groups were exposed to different conditions, ex-
in group two had scores between 5 and 7, and periences, or stimuli (explained variance); and
everyone in group three had scores between 8 and variation due to random or chance processes (er-
10, then in every instance the variation within each ror variance). Random or chance sources of varia-
group is low and there is no overlap across the tion in outcome scores can be such things as
within group distributions. As a result, whenever measurement error or other causal factors that are
the outcome score of an individual in one group is randomly distributed across groups through the
compared to the score of an individual in a differ- randomization process. The extent to which varia-
ent group, the result of the comparison will be very tion is due to group differences rather than these
similar to the respective group mean score com- extraneous factors is an indication of the effect of
parison and the conclusions about who scores the stimulus on the outcome measure. It is this
higher or lower will be the same as that reached type of comparison of components of variance
when the means were compared. As a result, a that provides the foundation for analysis of variance.
great deal of confidence would be placed in the
conclusion that group membership makes a differ- BASIC CONCEPTS AND PROCEDURES
ence in one’s outcome score. If, on the other hand,
there were several individuals in each group who The central concept in analysis of variance is that
scored as low or as high as individuals in other of variance. Simply put, variance is the amount of
groups—a condition of high variability in scores— difference in scores on some variable across sub-
then comparisons of these subjects’ scores would jects. For example, one might be interested in the
lead to a conclusion opposite to that represented effect of different school environments on the self-
by the mean comparisons. For example, if group esteem of seventh graders. To examine this effect,
one scores varied between 1 and 5 and group two random samples of students from different school
scores varied between 3 and 10, then in some cases environments could be selected and given ques-
individuals in group one scored higher than indi- tionnaires about their self-esteem. The extent to
viduals in group two (e.g., 5 vs. 3) even though the which the students’ self-esteem scores differ from
mean comparisons show the opposite trend (e.g., each other both within and across groups is an
3 vs. 6). As a result, less confidence would be example of the variance.
placed in the differences between means.
Variance can be measured in a number of
Although analysis of variance results reflect a ways. For example, simply stating the range of
comparison of group means, conceptually and scores conveys the degree of variation. Statistical-
computationally this procedure is best understood ly, the most useful measures of variation are based
through a framework of explained variance. Rath- on the notion of the sums of squares. The sums of
er than asking ‘‘How much difference is there squares is obtained by first characterizing a sample
158
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE AND COVARIANCE
or group of scores by calculating an average or every subject in the group and then calculates how
mean. The mean score can be thought of as the much total variation there would be from the
score for a ‘‘typical’’ person in the study and can be grand mean (the average of all scores regardless of
used as a reference point for calculating the amount group membership) if there was no variation with-
of differences in scores across all individuals. The in the groups and the only variation comes from
difference between each score and the mean is cross-group comparisons. For example, in trying
analogous to the difference of each score from to explain variation in adolescent self-esteem, a
every other score. The variation of scores is calcu- researcher might argue that junior high schools
lated, then, by subtracting each score from the place children at risk because of schools’ size and
mean, squaring it, and summing the squared de- impersonal nature. If the school environment is
viations (squaring the deviations before adding the single most powerful factor in shaping adoles-
them is necessary because the sum of nonsquared cent self-esteem, then when adolescents are com-
deviations from the mean will always be 0). A large pared to each other in terms of their self-esteem,
sums of squares indicates that the total amount of the only comparisons that will create differences
deviation of scores from a central point in the will be those occurring between students in differ-
distribution of scores is large. In other words, ent school types, and all comparisons involving
there is a great deal of variation in the scores either children in the same school type will yield no
because of a few scores that are very different from difference. The procedure for calculating the be-
the rest or because of many scores that are slightly tween-groups sums of squares is represented by
different from each other. the following equation:
Decomposing the sums of squares. The total SSBETWEEN = ∑jNj(Y.j – Y..)2 (2)
amount of variation in a sample on some outcome
measure is referred to as the total sums of squares where, Σj indicates to sum across all groups (j), and
(SStotal). This is a measure of how much the sub-
jects’ scores on the outcome variable differ from Nj ( .j − )2 is the number of subjects in each
one another and it represents the phenomenon
that the researcher is trying to explain (e.g., Why ..
do some seventh graders have high self-esteem,
while others have low or moderate self-esteem?). group (Nj) times the difference between the mean
The procedure for calculating the total sums of
squares is represented by the following equation: of each group ( .j) and the grand mean ( ..).
SSTOTAL = ∑i∑j(Yij – Y..)2 (1) In terms of the comparison of means, the
between-groups sums of squares directly reflects
where, Σi Σj indicates to sum across all individuals the difference between the group means. If there
(ī) in all groups (j), and (Yij − Y..)2 is the squared is no difference between the group means, then
difference of the score of each individual (Yij) from the group means will be equal to the grand mean
the grand mean of all scores ( ..= Σij Yij / N). In and the between-groups sums of squares will be 0.
terms of explaining variance, this is what the re- If the group means are different from one anoth-
searcher is trying to account for or explain. er, then they will also differ from the grand mean
and the magnitude of this difference will be re-
The total sums of squares can then be ‘‘decom- flected in the between-groups sums of squares. In
posed’’ or mathematically divided into two com- terms of explaining variance, the between-groups
ponents: the between-groups sums of squares (SSBETWEEN) sums of squares represents only those differences
and the within-groups sums of squares (SSWITHIN). in scores that come about because the individuals
in one group are compared to individuals in a
The between-groups sums of squares is a meas- different group (e.g., What if all students in a given
ure of how much variation in outcome scores type of school had the same level of self-esteem,
exists between groups. It uses the group mean as but students in a different school type had differ-
the best single representation of how each indi- ent levels?). By multiplying the group mean differ-
vidual in the group scored on the outcome meas- ence score by the number of subjects in the group,
ure. It essentially assigns the group mean score to this component of the total variance assumes that
there is no other source of influence on the scores
(i.e., that the variance within groups is 0). If this
assumption is true, then the SSBETWEEN will be
equal to the SSTOTAL and the group effect could be
159
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE AND COVARIANCE
said to be extremely strong (i.e., able to overshad- SUMMARY MEASURES
ow any other source of influence). If, on the other
hand, this assumption is not true, then the SSBETWEEN Analysis of variance procedures produce two sum-
will be small relative to the SSTOTAL because other mary statistics. The first of these—ETA2—is a
influences randomly dispersed across groups are measure of how much effect the predictor variable
generating differences in scores not reflected in or factor has on the outcome variable. The second
mean score differences. This situation indicates statistic—F—tests the null hypothesis that there is
that group differences in experimental conditions no difference between group means in the larger
add little to our ability to predict or explain differ- population from which the sample data was ran-
ences in outcome scores. In the extreme case, domly selected.
when there is no difference in the group means,
the SSBETWEEN will equal 0, indicating no effect. ETA2. As noted above, a large between-groups
sums of squares is indicative of a large difference
The within-groups sums of squares is a meas- in the mean scores between groups. The meaning-
ure of how much variation exists in the outcome fulness of this difference, however, can only be
scores within the groups. Using the same example judged against the overall variation in the scores. If
as above, adolescents in a given type of school there is a large amount of variation in scores
might differ in their self-esteem in spite of the relative to the variation due exclusively to be-
esteem-inflating or -depressing influence of their tween-groups differences, then group effects can
school environment. For example, elementary only explain a small proportion of the total varia-
school students might feel good about themselves tion in scores (i.e., a weak effect). ETA2 takes into
because of the supportive and secure nature of account the difference between means and the
their school environment, but some of these stu- total variation in scores. The general equation for
dents will feel worse than others because of other computing ETA2 is as follows:
factors such as their home environments (e.g., the
effects of parental conflict and divorce) or their ETA2 = SSBETWEEN (4)
neighborhood conditions (e.g., wealth vs. pover- SSTOTAL
ty). The procedure for calculating the within-groups
sums of squares is represented by the following As can be seen from this equation, ETA2 is the
equation: proportion of the total sums of squares explained
by group differences. When all the variance is
∑i∑j(Yij – Yj)2 (3) explained, there will be no within-group variance,
leaving SSTOTAL= SSBETWEEN (SSTOTAL= SSBETWEEN
where Σi Σj indicates to sum across all individuals + 0). Thus, ETA2 will be equal to 1, indicating a
perfect relationship. When there is no effect, there
(i) in all groups (j), and (Yij − )2 is the squared will be no difference in the group means (SSBETWEEN =
0) and ETA2 will be equal to 0.
.j
F Tests. Even if ETA2 indicates that a sizable
difference between the individual scores (Yij) and proportion of the total variance in the sample
scores is explained by group differences, the possi-
their respective group mean scores (Yj). bility exists that the sample results do not reflect
true differences in the larger population from
Both in terms of comparing means and ex- which the samples were selected. For example, in a
plaining variance, the within-groups sums of squares study of the effects of cohabitation on marital
represents the variance due to other factors or stability, a researcher might select a sample of the
‘‘error’’; it is the degree of variation in scores population and find that, among those in his or
despite the fact that individuals in a given group her sample, previous cohabitors have lower mari-
were exposed to the same influences or stimuli. tal satisfaction than those without a history of
This component of variance can also serve as an cohabitation. Before concluding that cohabitation
estimate of how much variability in outcome scores has a negative effect on marriage in the broader
occurs in the population from which each group of population, however, the researcher must assess
respondents was drawn. If the within-groups sums the probability that, by chance, the sample used in
of squares is high relative to the between-groups
sums of squares (or the difference between the
means), then less confidence can be placed in the
conclusion that any group differences are meaningful.
160
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE AND COVARIANCE
this study included a disproportionate number of with an adjustment made for the size of the sample
unhappy cohabitors or overly satisfied noncohabitors, minus the number of groups (DFWITHIN). Since
or both. There is always some probability that the the SSWITHIN represents the amount of variation
sample will not be representative, and the F statis- in scores within each group, it is used in the F
tic utilizes probability theory (under the assump- statistic as an estimate of the amount of variation
tion that the sample was obtained through ran- in scores that exists in the populations from which
dom selection) to assess that likelihood. the sample groups were drawn. This is essentially a
measure of the potential for error in the sample
The logic behind the F statistic is that chance means. This potential for error is reduced, howev-
fluctuations in sampling are less likely to account er, as a function of the sample size. The formula
for differences in sample means if the differences for the MSWITHIN is:
are large, if the variation in outcome scores in
the population from which the sample was drawn MSWITHIN=SSWITHIN / (N-k) (7)
is small, if the sample size is large, or if all these
situations have occurred. Obviously, large mean As can be seen in equations six and seven,
differences are unlikely due to chance because when the number of groups is high, the estimate of
they would require many more extremely variation between groups is adjusted downward to
unrepresentative cases to be selected into the sam- account for the greater chance of variation. When
ple. Selecting extreme cases, however, is more the number of cases is high, the estimation of
likely if there are many extremes in the popu- variation within groups is adjusted downward. As
lation (i.e., the variation of scores is great). Large a result, the larger the number of cases being
samples, however, reduce the likelihood of analyzed, the higher the F statistic. A high F value
unrepresentative samples because any extreme reflects greater confidence that any differences in
cases are more likely to be counteracted by ex- sample means reflect differences in the popula-
tremes in the opposite direction or by cases that tions. Using certain assumptions, the possibility
are more typical. that any given F value can be obtained by chance
given the number of groups (DF1) and the number
The general equation for computing F is as of cases (DF2) can be calculated and compared to
follows: the actual F value. If the chance probability is only
5 percent or less, then the null hypothesis is reject-
F= MSBETWEEN (5) ed and the sample mean differences are said to be
MSWITHIN ‘‘significant’’ (i.e., not likely due to chance, but to
actual effects in the population).
The MSBETWEEN is the mean square for be-
tween-group differences. It is an adjusted version ADJUSTING FOR COVARIATES
of the SSBETWEEN and reflects the degree of differ-
ence between group means expressed as individu- Analysis of variance can be used whenever the
al differences in scores. An adjustment is made to predictor variable(s) has a limited number of dis-
the SSBETWEEN because this value can become crete categories and the outcome variable is con-
artificially high by chance as a function of the tinuous. In some cases, however, an additional
number of group comparisons being made. This continuous predictor variable needs to be includ-
adjustment factor is called the degrees of freedom ed in the analysis or some continuous source of
(DFBETWEEN) and is equal to the number of group extraneous effect needs to be ‘‘controlled for’’
comparisons (k−1, where k is the number of groups). before the group effects can be assessed. In these
The formula for the MSBETWEEN is: cases, analysis of covariance can be used as a
simple extension of the analysis of variance model.
MSBETWEEN=SSBETWEEN / (k-1) (6)
In the classical experimental design, the vari-
The larger the MSBETWEEN the greater the value of able(s) being controlled for—the covariate(s)—is
F and the lower the probability that the sample frequently some background characteristics or pre-
results were due to chance. test scores on the outcome variable that were not
The MSWITHIN is the mean square for within-
group differences. This is equivalent to the SSWITHIN,
161
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE AND COVARIANCE
adequately randomized across groups. As a result, has had. Group differences could then be assessed
group differences in outcome scores may be found after the scores have been corrected.
and erroneously attributed to the effect of the
experimental stimulus or group condition, when This model can be expanded to include any
in fact the differences between groups existed number of covariates and is particularly useful
prior to, or independent of, the presence of the when analyzing the effects of a discrete indepen-
stimulus or group condition. dent variable (e.g., gender, race, etc.) on a continu-
ous outcome variable using survey data, where
One example of this situation is provided by other factors cannot be randomly assigned and
Roberta Simmons and Dale Blyth (1987). In a where conditions cannot be standardized. In such
study of the effects of different school systems on situations, other preexisting difference between
the changing self-esteem of boys and girls as they groups (often, variables measured on continuous
make the transition from sixth to seventh grade, scales) need to be statistically controlled for. In
these researchers had to account for the fact that these cases, researchers often perform analysis of
boys and girls in these different school systems had variance and analysis of covariance within the
different levels of self-esteem in sixth grade. Since context of what has been termed the ‘‘general
those who score high on a measure at one point in linear model.’’
time (T1) will have a statistical tendency to score
lower at a later time (T2) and vice versa (a negative GENERAL LINEAR MODEL
relationship), these initial differences could lead
to erroneous conclusions. In their study, if boys The general linear model refers to the application of
had higher self-esteem than girls in sixth grade, the the linear regression equation to solve analysis
statistical tendency would be for boys to experi- problems that initially do not meet the assump-
ence negative change in self-esteem and girls to tions of linear regression analysis. Specifically,
experience positive change even though seventh- there are three situations where the assumptions
grade girls in certain school systems experience of linear regression are violated but regression
more negative influences on their self-esteem. techniques can still be used: (1) the use of nominal
level measures (e.g., race, religion, marital status)
The procedure used in adjusting for covariates as independent variables—a violation of the as-
involves a combination of analysis of variance and sumption that all variables be measured at the
linear regression techniques. Prior to comparing interval or ratio level; (2) the existence of interac-
group means or sources of variation, the outcome tion effects between independent variables—a vio-
scores are adjusted based upon the effect of the lation of the assumption of additivity of effects;
covariate(s). This is done by computing predicted and (3) the existence of a curvilinear effect of the
outcome scores based on the equation: independent variable on the dependent variable—
a violation of the assumption of linearity. The
Y=a+ b1X1 (8) linear regression equation can be applied in all of
these situations provided that certain procedures
where Ŷ is the new adjusted outcome score, a is a and operations on the variables are carried out.
constant, and b1 is the linear effect of the covariate The use of the general linear model for perform-
(X1) on the outcome score (Y). The difference ing analysis of variance and analysis of covariance
between the actual score and the predicted score is described in greater detail below.
(Yij − Ŷij) is the residual. These residuals represent
that part of the individuals’ scores that is not Regression with dummy variables. In situa-
explained by the covariate. It is these residuals that tions where the dependent variable is measured at
are then analyzed using the analysis of variance the interval level of measurement (ordered values
techniques described above. If the effect of the at fixed intervals) but one or more independent
covariate is negative, then those who scored high variables are measured at the nominal level (no
on the covariate will have their scores adjusted order implied between values), analysis of vari-
upward. Those who scored lower on the covariate ance and covariance procedures are usually more
would have their scores adjusted downward. This appropriate than linear regression. Linear regres-
would counteract the reverse effect that the covariate sion analysis can be used in these circumstances,
however, as long as the nominal level variables are
162
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE AND COVARIANCE
first ‘‘dummy coded.’’ The results will be consis- Values on Dummy Variables
tent with those obtained from an analysis of vari-
ance and covariance, but can also be interpreted Respondent's Race D1 D2 D3 D4 D5
within a regression framework.
White 10 000
Dummy coding is a procedure where a sepa- Black 01 00 0
rate dichotomous variable is created for each cate- Latino 00 100
gory of the nominal level variable. For example, in Indian 00 010
a study of the effects of racial experience, the Asian 00 001
variable for race can have several values that imply Other 00 000
no order or degree. Some of the categories might
be white, black, Latino, Indian, Asian, and other. dummy variable effects. Other dummy or interval-
Since these categories imply no order or degree, level variables could then be included in the analy-
the variable for race cannot be used in a linear sis and their effects could be interpreted as ‘‘con-
regression analysis. trolling for’’ the effects of race.
The alternative is to create five dummy vari- Estimating analysis of variance models. The
ables—one for each race category except one. use of dummy variables in regression makes it
Each of these variables measures whether or not possible to estimate analysis of variance models as
the respondent is the particular race or not. For well. In the example above, the value of a is equal
example, the first variable might be for the catego- to the mean score on the dependent variable for
ry ‘‘white,’’ where a value of 0 is assigned if the those who had a score of ‘‘other’’ on the race
person is any other race but white, and a value of 1 variable (i.e., the omitted category). The mean
is assigned if the person is white. Similarly, sepa- scores for the other racial groups can then be
rate variables would be created to identify mem- calculated by adding the appropriate b value (re-
bership in the black, Latino, Indian, and Asian gression coefficient) to the a value. For example,
groups. A dummy variable is not created for the the mean for the Latino group would be a + b3. In
‘‘other’’ category because its values are completely addition, the squared multiple correlation coeffi-
determined by values on the other dummy vari- cient (R2) is equivalent to the measure of associa-
ables (e.g., all persons with the racial category tion used in analysis of variance (ETA2), and the F
‘‘other’’ will have a score of 0 on all of the dummy test for statistical significance is also equivalent to
variables). This determination is illustrated in the the one computed using conventional analysis of
table below. variance procedures. This general model can be
further extended by adding additional terms into
Since there are only two categories or values the prediction equation for other control variables
for each variable, the variables can be said to have measured on continuous scales. In effect, such an
interval-level characteristics and can be entered analysis is equivalent to an analysis of covariance.
into a single regression equation such as the
following: APPLICABILITY
Y=a + b1D1 + b2D2 + b3D3 + b4D4 + b5D5 (9) In sociological studies, the researcher is rarely able
to manipulate the stimulus (or independent vari-
where Y is the score on the dependent variable, a is able) and tends to be more interested in behavior
the constant or Y-intercept, b1, b2, b3, b4, and b5 are in natural settings rather than controlled experi-
the regression coefficients representing the effects mental settings. As a result, randomization of
of each category of race on the dependent vari- preexisting differences through random assign-
able, and D1, D2, D3, D4, and D5 are dummy ment of subjects to experimental and control groups
variables representing separate categories of race. is not possible and physical control over more
If a person is black, then his or her predicted Y immediate outside influences on behavior cannot
score would be equal to a + b2, since D2 would have be attained. In sociological studies, ‘‘other things’’
a value of 1 (b2D2 = b2 * 1 = b2) and D1, D3, D4, and are rarely equal and must be ruled out as possible
D5 would all be 0 (e.g., b1D1 = b1 * 0 = 0). The effect alternative explanations for group differences
of race would then be the addition of each of the through ‘‘statistical control.’’ This statistical con-
trol is best accomplished through correlational
163
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