Imagining Ethnic Communities: Resource Conflicts and Development in Thailand

4

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION: CREATING
“WITHIN-STATE” SPACE: IMAGINING
COMMUNITIES AMIDST THE CONFINES OF
THE STATE

As outlined in chapter 1, Scott (2009) has opened a crucial debate on how
ethnic peoples in Southeast Asia have mastered the “art of not to be ruled by
the state” by deliberately rejecting and evading any form of political power.
According to the author, these people actively flee the influence and control
of states through withdrawing into a remote zone of refuge - Zomia - that is
beyond the reach of the lowlands.

In the three study sites, effects of state power are mirrored more or less
manifestly in the everyday experiences of the community members. While
people were unable to physically remove themselves from the influence of
the state, because their communities, land and resources had already been
incorporated into the domain of the state and were controlled by state
mechanisms, laws and regulations, they have - more or less successfully -
developed modes of adjustment, accommodation, negotiation and
cooperation as a response to an undemocratic political system, increasing
economic integration and market pressure. They are attempting to struggle
to create own space within the state to pursue their shared aspirations and
dreams with regard to the future of their community; their imagining
communities (Tanabe, 2008).

In this chapter, first the overall socio-political and development context is
established for each community - Huay Hin Lad Nai, Nor Lae, and Rawai -
including an overview on the geographical and ecological context of each
study site, and the community history from its first establishment to the
present time (A).

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Then, the economic livelihoods activities of each community are outlined
(B). Diverse economic livelihood strategies reflect the way in which the
different ethnic groups are attempting to deal with changing socio-economic
circumstances, new limitations and opportunities. State power and control
influence these activities which, at the same time, mirror the communities’
struggles against the effects of power and challenges posed by a newly
emerging natural and economic environment.

The focus then moves to adaptive strategies adopted by the communities
(C), understood as more or less conscious regulatory efforts and sets of
activities undertaken to manage the impacts of development, land and
resource conflicts and livelihood insecurity. Their everyday practices as a
form of adjusting to state influence and market pressure allow the community
members to cope with restrictions imposed on them.

After exploring community-internal strategies, i.e. strategies that are
primarily operated within the community to strengthen the well-being and
resilience of the community members in the face of development threats,
the study has looked at externally-directed negotiation strategies used in
the interaction with community outsiders (D), i.e. processes through
which the three communities have more or less successfully established
relationships with those in power in the context of land and natural resource
conflicts. This includes everyday life activity of communities in dealing with
the authorities in order to assert their rights and interests. The community’s
negotiation and cooperation practices to restrict the influence and power of
the state and to develop an “art of being governed” are understood as
attempts to realize their shared visions, envisaging, and intentions.

4.1 Huay Hin Lad Nai

A. Geographical/Ecological Context and Community History

Ban Huay Hin Lad Nai, located in Moo 7, Ban Pong sub-district, Wiang
Papao District, Chiang Rai Province in Northern Thailand, comprises 4
hamlets - Huay Hin Lad Nai, Huay Hin Lad Nok, Pa Yuang, and Huay Sai
Khao - on a total forest area of 3702.88 ha (23,143 rai).

Findings and Discussion 37

Figure 1: Loaction of the Huay Hin Lad Nai community

The sub-village Huay Hin Lad Nai, an ethnic Karen Sgaw community, covers
an area of more than 1644.64 ha (10,279 rai), with a total population of 108
people (56 women and 52 men), or 23 households. The small settlement is
nestled in a valley on an elevation of 800-900 meters above sea level.
Huay Hin Lad Nai is located in a hill evergreen forest, within a mixed
deciduous forest, i.e. a tropical seasonal forest. There are three seasons in
the tropical monsoon climate, a dry summer season from around end of
February to May, a rainy season from May to October, and a dry cold, winter
season, when temperatures in the village can be quite low, even below 10
degrees Celsius.
The forest around Huay Hin Lad Nai has a high diversity of flora and fauna,
with lush vegetation and various tree and plant species. 14 streams run
through the area, ensuring all year round water supply.
The village is about 2 km from the main road connecting Phrao and Wiang
Papao25. A dirt road leads into the community, lined by different kinds of
large trees and plants. The village is surrounded by a number of other ethnic

25. The village is some 30 kilometers from the Chiang Mai-Phrao road, and around
20 km from the Chiang Mai-Chiang Rai Road.

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communities26. The distance to the nearest town, Wiang Papao, is around
20 km.

All Huay Hin Lad Nai villagers practice agroforestry27, based on their
traditional knowledge, rituals, and regulations. They have several agricultural
production systems: they cultivate hill rice in rotational fields and wet rice
in flooded fields. In addition, they have tea and kitchen gardens and raise
chicken, ducks and pigs both for consumption and ritual use. The villagers
collect and sell forest products, mainly wild tea, which can be harvested
throughout the year, and honey and bamboo shoots according to season.
Their traditional ecological knowledge is centered on the forest on which
their life greatly depends. The forest, considered as the beginning and end
of all life, provides for their basic needs, including food, herbal medicine,
firewood, building material, and clothes, and also serves as a source of
family income.

The community is located in a Forest Reserve, a protected area under the
management of the Royal Forest Department (RFD) in which, by law, it is
illegal to hold, possess, or clear land, or to collect and use timber or forest
products. Nonetheless the Karen of Huay Hin Lad Nai are still able to
maintain their traditional shifting cultivation practices (in Thai: Rai Mun
Wian)28 and to use their land in line with their customary land law and
practices. The land use system of the Huay Hin Lad Nai community is rather
complex; each land plot is utilized in different ways and serves as a source
of various kinds of food and resources. The system mirrors the Karen’s in-
depth knowledge of the environment as well as their holistic approach to
resource management.

The agroforestry of the Karen community is marked by an abundant
biodiversity. The arborous area near the residential area is called the “tea
garden” since wild tea trees grow in the shade of the multi-tiered forest.
Adjacent to the tea garden are the shifting cultivation fields and the

26. To the North, Huay Hin Lad Nai borders Pa Teung village, an ethnic Lisu community;
to the East, the Karen community of Huay Hin Lad Nok; and to the West the Lahu
village Huay Sai Kaew. Khun Chae National Park is located in the south of Huay Hin
Lad Nai.

27. Agroforestry is a natural resource and land use management system in which trees are
combined with agricultural crops on the same land-management units.

28. Throughout this text, the terms “shifting cultivation” and “rotational farming” are used
interchangeably. They both refer to rotational cultivation in which land is cleared by
fire and left to regenerate for several years. In contrast, “Pioneer” shifting cultivation
refers to a system of clearing new areas of forest for fields which are cultivated for too
long and left in a degraded state.

Findings and Discussion 39

conservation forest, an area with particularly high tree density and thick
vegetation. The stream Huay Hin Lad which runs through the village gives
the community its name.

Conflict over Access to Land and Natural Resources

Over the past decades, the Huay Hin Lad Nai villagers have faced various
land- and resource-related challenges, including conflicts with outsiders -
illegal loggers, poachers and hunters. The granting of a logging concession
to a private logging company in 1985 and subsequent large-scale deforestation
posed threats to the natural resources and the community forest.

The major conflicts are with the Forest Department. The living area of the
Karen in Huay Hin Lad Nai was declared as Forest Reserve in 1983. Use
rights within Forest Reserves are continuously questioned. Furthermore, a
watershed29 and Khun Chae National Park are located nearby, both protected
areas in which the use or change of the forest is prohibited, threatening the
eviction of forest “encroachers”. Currently, the state is planning to expand
Khun Chae National Park to include the Huay Hin Lad community in the
protected zone. Villagers thus face land tenure insecurity and threats to
their access to natural resources. Nonetheless, so far, despite the conflict
over rights and titles, as well as the prejudices of forest officials and the
wider public about rotational farming, the villagers are still able to maintain
their traditional shifting cultivation practices. They have found ways to
negotiate with the local authorities, and use different methods to create
understanding of their land use among the officials. They are able to
demonstrate that they protect and maintain their community forest and its
biodiversity and keep the forest and natural resources intact, while
benefitting from the use and sale of forest products.

Community History and Development Context

1. On the Move: Relocating in the Forest (1889-1969)

Over decades, the community members have moved their settlement
looking for suitable land and water sources near to what is now Huay Hin

29. In 1985, a cabinet resolution promulgated a National Watershed Classification to
determine the importance of watershed quality. For a watershed area class 1A (Huay
Hin Lad Nai is located in a watershed 1A area), the Cabinet Resolution strictly prohibits
the use or change of the forest in any form, and requires the strict conservation of the
area. For watershed areas in lower classes (1B etc.) a reducing scale of restrictions
applies.

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Lad Nai. The origin of today’s village can be traced back to 1889, when a
young Karen man from Khun Nam Chaem in Chiang Mai Province decided
to start a new family in Wiang Papao District, Chiang Rai Province, and
moved there together with some of his relatives. Huay Hin Lad Nai villagers
refer to this first group of settlers as “Suka Papa and his relatives”. By the late
1920s, more Karen families had joined the first group, and the settlement
had grown into a community of 30 households, relying on shifting cultivation
of hill rice, the collection of forest products, hunting, and trapping. The
current ritual leader, or Hi Hko, recalls that in this period the group moved
9 times, mainly because of difficulties and challenges they faced in different
locations. Choice of location was driven by 3 key factors:

1. Geographical features and the availability of natural resources: Karen
usually look for a wind-free area with access to flowing water throughout
the year. On one occasion they discovered that the settlement area was
repeatedly hit by strong winds, so they decided to move. In other cases
there was either no reliable access to water throughout the year, or the
soil quality was too poor to produce enough food, or wild animals
repeatedly destroyed their crops. Each time they moved further towards
today’s location.

2. Disturbance from community outsiders: In 1947, ethnic Hmong lived and
planted opium nearby and hired Karen from different communities to
help in the poppy fields. They also introduced opium to the group, a
number of whom became addicted. At the same time, a growing number
of Yunnanese Chinese were migrating into Thailand due to the ongoing
Chinese Civil war, and Chinese traffickers increasingly transported
opium from the border further inland. One route led through today’s
Wiang Papao area, and the traffickers occasionally stayed overnight in
the community. As they did not want to get into trouble with the police
or the drug producers and sellers30, the Karen decided to move again.

3. Epidemics: After another move, many villagers got sick and died from a
contagious disease, so they decided to move again. They assumed that
the disease was caused by spirits. In 1961, Suka Papa, their first Hi Hko,
had passed away, and no successor had been found. In line with their
traditional belief, the Karen concluded that the lack of a spiritual leader
was the main cause for the spread of illness and death among the

30. The police knew and secretly collected information about the opium plantations, but
they did not interfere. Once they fired warning shots in the air, but there were no open
clashes between the cultivators, traffickers and the authorities.

Findings and Discussion 41

villagers31. So as well as choosing yet another new location, they hurried
to select a new Hi Hko (Tadu Papa).

Besides practicing rotational agriculture, during this time, the Karen relied
on trapping and hunting and collecting forest products for their own
consumption. They gathered wild honey in the forest, and tea leaves, which
grew naturally there, were collected for domestic consumption. The forest
products were also sold in small amounts in the local market in Wiang
Papao, but the revenue was very limited. Even though ethnic Karen do not
belong to the ethnic groups known to be producers of fermented tea (Miang
in Thai), some of the families around Suka Papa were pickling tea for their
own consumption.

The income gained from tea increased after they began to sell fermented tea
in the 1960s. Lowland villagers from Wiang Papao started selling fermented
tea nearby, and the Karen followed their example. Fermented tea sold so
well that they had to hire other villagers and lowlanders to help them collect
the tea leaves. During this period, the sale of fermented tea at Wiang Papao
market formed the main income for the villagers. The community also
exchanged Miang with a broker for salt and other necessities. The families
involved in Miang production were among the better-off families in the
community. In this decade, the villagers also began raising buffalos for their
own use.

In the 1960s, there were the first sporadic contacts with community
outsiders, such as government representatives32 and missionaries33. The
Karen were being blamed by government representatives for destroying the
forest, but continued to practice their traditional rotational farming
nevertheless. However, the Thai state was as yet hardly present in the area,
and contact with lowland people and the outside world remained limited
and mainly concentrated on the sale of fermented tea.

31. The villagers consulted a medium, whose words are still recalled by some older villagers:
“If a community has a fence, tigers and dangerous animals cannot enter. Likewise, if
there is a Hi Hko, evil spirits cannot enter. The spiritual leader will perform a ritual to
keep them away. Also before rice cultivation and farming, we need a ritual conductor.
But this village (Sow Suw Kola) does not have a Hi Hko. Your community has no barrier.”

32. In 1964 and 1965, a District Medical Officer visited the community to offer vaccinations
against smallpox for the first time.

33. In 1968, the first missionaries distributed Christian literature in the community. The
later leader of the village, Preecha Siri, allowed them to talk to the community about
their beliefs, and used the opportunity to practice his Thai with them. However, none
of the villagers was interested in engaging more deeply with Christianity.

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This period saw not only the beginning of the sale of Miang, but also its end:
the families involved decided to give up producing fermented tea which is
strenuous and time-consuming work34. In comparison to producing Miang,
selling dried or roasted tea leaves was much easier. Thus, from the end of
the 60s onwards, the villagers began selling dried and roasted tea leaves
instead; however, the sales were small in quantity and so were the returns.
Sometimes tea leaves were exchanged for other items (e.g., salt).

During the 60s and 70s, “hilltribe” policies in Thailand focused on national
security, particularly the threat of communism and the fight against
suspected communist insurgency. In 1970, Mr. Prayad Samarnmitr, Chiang
Rai’s Provincial Governor, was killed, and the Government assumed
communists were behind the murder. The state withdrew Thai ID cards
from a number of ethnic groups in Chiang Rai Province, including the
Karen in Huay Hin Lad Nai, accusing them of supporting communism.

Over this period the number of families was fluctuating. Some families
decided to move to other areas, because they wanted to engage in wet rice
cultivation. The Karen had contact with the local market and government
representatives, but still continued to rely on subsistence cultivation and the
acquisition and use of natural resources to cover their needs. Interaction
with outsiders remained limited, partly due to the lack of road connections
which meant they had to travel on foot to other villages or the local market.

2. Permanent Settlement, Land Use Changes and Growing Contact to
outsiders (1971-1984)

This period was marked by the establishment of a permanent settlement,
changes in agricultural production and increasing interaction and exchange
with lowland Thais and government representatives.

In 1971, the Karen settled down permanently in the area of today’s Huay
Hin Lad Nai, and the community was officially registered as a village cluster
in line with the Thai government house registration system. The villagers
continued to rely on rotational farming and collecting forest products, and
were also hunting and trapping wildlife and raising chickens and pigs.

34. The production of Miang involves many steps (e.g., searching for fire wood, collecting,
steaming, and fermenting tea leaves), that take several months. Moreover, not much
Miang could be obtained during each production, and transport was difficult as ponies
were needed to carry the goods, and only a few families owned ponies.

Findings and Discussion 43

An important change with far-reaching implications for the community was
the decision of some families to engage in paddy cultivation35. In 1971, they
hired lowlanders to teach them how to convert part of the traditional area of
rotational farming near the stream into wet rice fields. With the help of the
outsiders they set up terraced rice fields, i.e. water-filled rice paddies
constructed in gradual steps or terraces, along a steep hillside (the shifting
cultivation and wet rice fields have a slope of around 35 degrees), with a
system of water flowing from the stream to the field. These wet rice fields
were allocated to individual households, all of whom still continued their
rotational hill rice cultivation as well. By now the community had around 50
water buffalos which they used as draft animals in their fields.

After helping in the wet rice conversion, the lowland Thai people began to
rent buffalos from the Karen since there were not enough draft animals in
the plains. Renting out buffalos brought income to some community
members36. The adoption of paddy cultivation and the transactions with the
buffalos indicate an increased interaction with community outsiders. The
Karen also began to raise cows for sale.

Besides producing wet rice and hill rice from shifting cultivation, the
villagers still sold small amounts of honey at the local market. There were
not many buyers though, and the price remained very low. The sale of dried
tea leaves increased, fostered by the settling of Yunnanese Chinese people in
the vicinity. They started buying tea from the Karen to sell in the market,
and also picked tea leaves in the forest themselves. The Karen allowed them
to stay, because they played an increasing role in transporting and selling tea
at the market, and because of their profound knowledge of tea production37.

A Yunnanese Chinese middleman, responsible for communication between
the villagers and buyers, began to buy tea leaves for a good price38. He also
set up a tea roasting facility and began roasting tea leaves in the village.
Selling tea brought the Karen a steady albeit modest income from the 1970s

35. Traditionally, ethnic Karen practice dry hill rice cultivation, not wet rice paddy
cultivation.

36. At first, the rental fee was 150 THB per time. A few years later, the rental fee was
increased to 300 THB. Many lowlanders rented the animals for several days.

37. The Chinese settled between 1970 and 1971 close to the Karen community. The Karen
villagers did not want to have any problems with the Chinese and shared parts of the
area with them. The new Chinese settlers also asked the Karen to pick tea in their
shifting cultivation farms, and some of the farms were converted into tea gardens for
the Chinese (in the area of some of today’s tea gardens).

38. In 1973, 5 THB per kilo.

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to the early 1980s. The large tea trees had many leaves so the families had to
hire wage laborers from neighboring communities and the lowlands. A few
families owned ponies which were used to carry rice and tea. In 1982, the
Yunannese Chinese stopped buying tea from the community and left,
because the production was not very lucrative and transport was still
difficult. The Karen, however, continued to collect and sell tea leaves to two
community members, Noi Vejakit and Preecha Siri, who resold fresh and
dry tea leaves to lowland Thai and Chinese people in Wiang Papao. Dry tea
was also sold to nearby communities. At that time, the sale of tea formed the
main source of income for the villagers, and some of the Karen involved
were able to save39. However, it was not until the late 1990s that they began
to sell their forest products, mainly because of an increased need for cash
income.

From the early 1980s onwards, after completing the annual shifting
cultivation cycle, usually in November, some of the villagers began to work
as laborers in neighboring communities, mainly helping friends and relatives
in construction work. These temporary arrangements were based on
personal relations and not primarily aimed at income generation - unlike in
other villages in Northern Thailand where in the early 1980s villagers began
increasingly to move to urban areas to work as wage laborers.

Besides changes in agricultural production and increasing engagement in
tea production, interactions between the Huay Hin Lad Nai communities
and the state also began to intensify. Besides national security, Thai “hilltribe”
policies in the 60s and 70s placed a particular focus on the elimination of
opium and the improvement of economic status and living conditions in
highland communities. In 1973, as part of a larger plan to eradicate opium
production among ethnic highlander communities, the Department of
Public Welfare, Ministry of the Interior, sent staff into the Huay Hin Lad
Nai community to encourage cash crop and coffee cultivation. The
community decided not to accept these suggestions, but to maintain their
subsistence activities. They had enough rice for their year-round
consumption, earned some income from the tea production, and made their
own clothes. They were able to produce the food they consumed, and could
visit the market in Wiang Papao to buy other items for daily use, such as
soap, oil, or salt.

39. In 1984, Noi Vejakit, a villager who had successfully been involved in the sale of tea,
was the first to buy a second-hand pick-up truck in the community, to transport tea
leaves to the various locations for sale.

Findings and Discussion 45

Other development activities were launched in the area, coordinated by
4 key ministries - Public Health, Interior, Education and Agriculture. The
state aimed to develop road connections between different districts in the
northern region. National Highway No. 1105 (connecting Wiang Papao and
Phrao District) was built in 1974, and 5 years later, in 1979, a dirt road was
built from the main road to the entrance of the Huay Hin Lad Nai
community. This made traveling between the village and nearby towns
much easier. Contacts with lowland Thai people had already gradually
increased from the early 1970s onwards, while the new road access led to a
growing stream of visitors out of and into the community. But some visitors
were unwelcome - poachers and smugglers looking to extract natural
resources (e.g., timber) from the forest. An increasing number of outsiders
were cutting wood illegally. The Karen villagers felt more and more
threatened by intruders and became aware of the importance of resource
protection and conservation.

In 1975, Preecha Siri decided to organize an informal meeting, called the
bonfire council (Sapa Gong Fai)40. Mr. Siri, born in 1954, was the informal
leader of the community. The meeting allowed members to discuss ways to
protect the community from resource exploitation by outsiders as well as
about other community issues, e.g., community structure, lifestyle, livelihood
practices, and rules and regulations for sustainable resource use. It provided
space for them to jointly reflect upon the adverse development impacts they
had witnessed in other Karen villages and to draw lessons for their own
community. From 1977 onwards, the meeting was held regularly on the
10th of each month. At the same time, other government agencies began to
operate in the Huay Hin Lad Nai community and to conduct surveys on the
health and socio-economic status of the villagers41.

In the 60s and 70s, policies towards highlanders were dominated by their
being perceived as a threat to national security as well as being drug
producers and consumers, but these issues lost their urgency in the 80s.
Instead, forest and nature conservation became the major issues which, in
many places, largely turned into resettlement policies.

40. During cold season, Karen often gather around a bonfire, so this meeting was used as
an opportunity to discuss challenges. At that time, the population of the village was
60 people, or 12 households.

41. The Department of Public Welfare assessed the quality of life of highlander groups in
the mountains, and visited Huay Hin Lad Nai in 1984. Local government authorities
also examined the incidence of malaria in the village. After that, the Highland Research
and Development Project, a public funded organization to assess and ensure food
security and poverty alleviation in mountainous areas, started visiting the community.

46

In the late 70s the Thai Government returned the ID cards to the Huay Hin
Lad Nai villagers when it turned out that they were not involved in the
Governor’s murder, nor in the Communist movement. In 1983, Huay Hin
Lad Nai was declared a National Forest Reserve. Government authorities
did not share any information with the villagers before the announcement,
which put the residential area, the farm land and the shifting cultivation
fields all under the protection of the state.

At this time there was as yet no school in Huay Hin Lad Nai. Boys had the
chance to study with monks in Wiang Papao district, while they also learned
from Mr. Siri in the community. He frequently traveled on foot to the district
market. Because he had managed to teach himself Thai, he was able to
establish good relationships and friendships with lowland Thai people.

3. Increasing Development Impacts and Joining Hands with other Ethnic
Groups (1985-1996)

Between the mid-80s and mid-90s, the community was faced with growing
threats to their forest resources through development and the impacts of
national conservation policies.

A crucial event that marks the beginning of this period was the granting of
a logging concession in 1985 to a private company (Chiang Rai Logging Co.
Ltd.) in the forest area around the community. Company staff began to
conduct surveys, to mark trees for removal, and finally, to cut down trees in
large numbers. Mr. Siri, who was fluent in Thai, together with a group of
villagers, engaged in negotiations with the company42, urging them to
preserve the forest and its resources. District Forestry Officers were sent in
to discuss with community members and to distribute second hand clothes
among the Karen. In the end, all the villagers’ demands were ignored, and
the company continued cutting down trees on a large scale. The owners
were paid only small compensation43. Outsiders continued to fell trees and
smuggle timber out of the village, some of them claiming to own a
concession. As a result, large parts of the forest were damaged or destroyed.
The company extracted large pieces of timber and left branches and

42. The Karen wanted the company to cut trees selectively, not to clear the area altogether.
The village elders recollect that they were asking the company to spare a few trees
(i.e. to cut only 3 out of 5 trees, not all of them), to defuse the conflict. The company
declined the villagers’ requests, explaining that some parts of the revenue had to be
given to the government.

43. The compensation was around 1,500 THB (at that time, around 42 USD) per Rai
(0.0016 km2).

Findings and Discussion 47

undergrowth on the ground, creating optimal conditions for the outbreak of
forest fires. The villagers started to construct fire breaks, and at the same
time, to set up rules for managing resources.

In 1988, flash floods and uncontrolled torrents of logs caused hundreds of
casualties and the destruction of numerous houses in Nakhon Sri Thammarat
Province, Southern Thailand. As a result, the government decided to end all
logging concessions in the country in the following year. The logging in the
forest around the Huay Hin Lad Nai came to halt, but only about 10% of the
big trees remained. Sacred forests were destroyed, streams dried up, and
many animals had disappeared. The government held the traditional
farming practices of the Karen responsible for the forest destruction.
A number of outsiders were still illegally extracting wood from the village
forest. The villagers set up a forest patrol to protect the area.

The community saw itself being exposed to growing development pressure,
both from the private and public sector. This included increasing attempts
to introduce cash crop cultivation. A private company recommended the
villagers to replace their upland rice cultivation with cash crops, particularly
flowers. Many villagers joined negotiations with the company and the local
government, but finally the villagers rejected the proposal44. The neighboring
community, Huay Hin Lad Nok, accepted.

Despite facing various kinds of outside pressure, the villagers continued
practicing shifting cultivation, while some families also engaged in wet rice
cultivation. They were still using the forest to cover their basic needs, and
were weaving their own clothes. In this period, however, they ceased using
buffalos and began to rely on motorized plows which allowed them to
prepare the fields more easily and quickly. They still rented out buffalos to
lowland farmers which brought them additional income.

From 1987 onwards, the cash crop economy was increasingly developed in
the lowland area around Wiang Papao, resulting in a high demand for labor.
As a result, it was difficult for the Karen to find laborers to pick tea leaves.
The price of fresh tea leaves increased up to 9-12 THB per kilo45, while the
price of roasted (cured) tea leaves was as high as 20 THB per kilo. Fresh tea

44. This company aimed to introduce the production of marigolds. The villagers were
aware that cash crop cultivation would enhance their dependency on the market. Most
importantly, they realized that rice could ensure their food security, but marigolds
could not, if they weren’t able to sell them. As. Mr Preecha Siri explained: “This way
is not our way of life. We don’t want it”.

45. In 1987, 1 THB was around 0.026 USD.

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leaves were sold to a Yunnanese buyer in Khun Chae. In the early 1990s, a
few villagers began to work temporarily as wage laborers outside the
community. However, wage labor did not play an important role for income
generation in the community.

In 1987, with the establishment of a primary school up to grade 6, supported
by the Ministry of Education, access to education for both male and female
villagers began to improve. After finishing primary school, young community
members were able to attend the non-formal education system up to grade
13 in the municipality.

In 1994, a small Buddhist pavilion was built for religious activities, and in
1995, a monk from Chainat Province, Central Thailand, settled in.

Thai conservation policies and regulations were revised with a focus on
environmental sustainability as part of the country’s 7th National Economic
and Social Development Plan (1992-1996). Under this plan, the protection
of the environment was declared a key priority. Thailand’s protected area
system had continually expanded since its establishment in 1962. This
development was also clearly felt at the community level. In 1995, 56
kilometers from the community, Khun Chae National Park was declared.
Subsequently, plans were announced to incorporate the area of the Huay
Hin Lad Nai community into the protected area which would require the
villagers’ eviction from the forest. The community strongly objected.
Villagers of the four hamlets of Ban Hin Lad46 gathered to discuss potential
impacts of the proposed inclusion into the National Park. In the same year,
the Watershed Management Division, Department of National Parks,
Wildlife and Plant Conservation, Ministry of Natural Resources and
Environment, promoted the demarcation of village boundaries. The
community committees of adjacent villages were granted permission to
jointly survey the area. As a response to the development of national
conservation policies, between 1991 and 1993, research on community
forestry was initiated in many ethnic communities in Northern Thailand,
aiming to support legal recognition of the rights of local people to natural
resource management in accordance with their customary rules and
traditions. In 1994, ethnic groups, academics and NGOs jointly presented
the draft of a Community Forestry Bill, a draft that differed considerably
from the Community Forest Act proposed by the Forest Department in
1989; but it was rejected, redrafted, and finally dismissed.

46. i.e. Huay Hin lad Nai, Huay Hin Lad Nok, Pa Yuang and Huay Sai Khao

Findings and Discussion 49

In 1992, the Huay Hin Lad Nai community for the first time received an
award, as “an outstanding democratic community”, from the Matichon
Newspaper Company under the Department of Welfare, Government of
Thailand.

In 1995, the Thai state launched a policy aimed at evacuating ethnic groups
from the highlands to the lowlands, based on the notion that the forest had
to be free from human occupation and interaction. The authorities also
started classifying forests according to the quality of watersheds within them
and to relocate many communities out of watershed areas classified as 1A47.
This Cabinet Resolution caused great concern among the Karen in Huay
Hin Lad, because the community was located in a watershed area 1A and
fulfilled the criteria for eviction. At the end of 1995, today’s village chief
Chaiprasert Pokka heard on the radio that a government meeting on the
declaration of protected areas was to take place in Chiang Mai City Hall.
Communities were asked to send representatives, so the Huay Hin Lad Nai
villagers decided to join the protest rally staged in front of the conference
venue. This was the first time for the villagers to encounter and join hands
with the Assembly of the Poor48 and other ethnic groups facing similar
problems related to their land, and to advocate for their right to live in the
forest. This event also marked the beginning of the setting up of networks
and alliances between the Huay Hin Lad Nai community, other affected
ethnic groups and various social groups, including academics.

The Huay Hin Lad Nai community began cooperating with Chiang Mai
University. Before that, they had already established contact with Kasetsart
University in Bangkok, and some students had visited the community. In
1996, Huay Hin Lad Nai joined the Northern Farmers’ Network (NFN), a
network established by Karen people and other ethnic groups to protest
against the forceful eviction of communities from the forest, and to defend
the rights of people to co-exist with the forest, i.e. rights to land and to
natural resource use and management49. Some villagers actively joined larger
protests in Bangkok, particularly Chaitawat Jomthi and Kriengsak Papa.

47. The Cabinet Resolution of 1st September 1995 on “extending criteria for action” as
stipulated by the Cabinet Resolution of February 21st, 1995. This Cabinet resolution
had great impacts on a number of Karen and other ethnic communities, because they
often settle in watershed areas classified as 1A (see footnote 27).

48. The Assembly of the Poor (Samatcha Khon Jon, สมชั ชาคนจน) is a Thai non-governmental

organization supporting communities adversely affected by large-scale development.
49. The network launched campaigns for the Community Forest Bill, for drafting the 1997

“People’s Constitution” and the Community Land Title movement.

50

A number of villagers planned to join a protest march in Bangkok. They
were stopped on their way to the capital50, but the incident created greater
awareness among the wider Thai public of the issues and concerns of Huay
Hin Lad Nai and other ethnic groups living in the forests. In the following
year, the joint efforts and protest movements of the different ethnic groups
and their allies caused the government to revoke the eviction policy, and the
villagers were allowed to remain.

This period highlights the increasing development pressure and impacts of
national policies experienced by ethnic highland communities, which did,
however, lead to the creation of opposing alliances and networks between
the villagers and other ethnic and traditional communities, and scholars.

4. Youth Participation, Consolidation of Networks and Alliances, and
Increasing Commercialization of Forest Products (1997-2019)

This first half of this period was marked by an increasing engagement of the
youth in the national environmental movement and their struggle for their
rights to live in the forest. In the second half, the networks became less
active, and the Karen villagers started to increasingly commercialize their
forest products, based on social entrepreneurship principles.

From 1997 onwards, the community youth51 and leaders of Huay Hin Lad
joined hands in various events, together with the network of ethnic groups
and NGOs, aiming to raise awareness, to promote and protect community
rights, and to advocate for their traditional way of life and resource
management system. A broad range of activities was organized by the
Northern Farmer Network, including training on manual mapping and
spatial modeling, and the creation of crop calendars and kinship charts.
Every week, different aspects of Karen culture were taught. Many young Hin
Lad Nai villagers joined the movement, among them Chaiprasert Pokka,
today’s village headman, Chaitawat Jomthi and Nan Kriengsak.

50. The Minister who stopped them (in Lamphun province) promised to solve all problems
and issues of the villagers if they returned home the same day. According to the village
leader, the villagers agreed to go back on the strength of this promise. But afterwards
the villagers’ demands remained unanswered, and the government did not change its
policy in any way.

51. Between 1996 and 1998, youth groups in different watershed areas were set up with
the support of the Northern Farmer Network. The Huay Hin Lad Nai community
had established their own watershed youth group in order to strengthen traditional
resource management and conservation practices.

Findings and Discussion 51

The Huay Hin Lad Nai youth group set up a monthly meeting with other
youth organizations52. During their meetings, young Karen from different
groups discussed ongoing issues and challenges and learned about Karen
culture, e.g., the Te Na khu (a Karen musical instrument), or the traditional
Karen sword dance. The idea of bringing together the youth from many
areas came from senior members of the Northern Farmer Network. Some of
the young villagers also became actively involved with outsiders, particularly
NGOs and academics. They frequently joined large protests in front of
Chiang Mai City Hall. At the same time, NGOs and academia campaigned
for the Community Forestry Bill, and the media paid increasing attention to
forest maintenance, and the protection of villagers. Many workshops and
seminars were organized with Huay Hin Lad Nai at Chiang Mai University,
for example about platforms for discussion and direct exchange between
villagers and State representatives53.

In 1997, the Karen farmers of Huay Hin Lad Nai joined the Assembly of the
Poor. In the same year, the Assembly organized a 99-day mass protest in
Bangkok. From the Huay Hin Lad Nai community it was mainly Chaitawat
Jomthi who took part in the large demonstrations. However, the community
as a whole supported the protesters with food and donations. The movement
proposed an extension of community rights which was finally included the
1997 Constitution54. The networks of Karen and other ethnic groups
intensified their collaboration with academics and NGOs to push for
legislation that recognizes community rights in line with that Constitution.

Different development projects were suggested to the Huay Hin Lad Nai
community once again in 1997. The Highland Agricultural Development
Program recommended the Karen villagers to grow Oolong tea, the Royal
Project tried to promote the cultivation of temperate fruits, and other
projects suggested included pulp production as well as banana and flower
cultivation. Private companies proposed planting corn. The community

52. Each youth group within the Northern Farmer’s Network, a network advocating for
the rights of highland communities, created its own name. The Huay Hin Lad Nai

group was called “Watershed Look Don” (ลุม น้าํ ลูกโดน). At that time it was not easy for

the groups to contact each other, and the most important communication channel was
the radio. Usually, Preecha Siri listened to the radio to receive information and news
from the network.
53. A number of academics from CMU supported the villagers’ movement, for example,
Dr Chayan Vaddhanaputi.
54. For the first time, this Constitution acknowledges the rights of local communities to
manage, conserve and use natural resources - Articles 46 and 47 (see chapter 1).

52

members declined all these suggestions as they considered the cultivation of
cash crops incompatible with their traditional way of life, their rotational
farming system and organic agroforestry production.

Through joining protest movements for the promotion of community rights
as well as networks with other ethnic groups and NGOs in the mid/late-
1990s, the villagers were increasingly exposed to outsiders. In collaboration
with NGO staff and academics from different universities, ways were
discussed to increase income from the forest, but at the same time, to
demonstrate to the wider public that the villagers’ life in the forest was
sustainable and environmentally friendly.

The villagers implemented a natural resources conservation project, namely
the revival and strengthening of community rules and regulations for the
sustainable management and extraction of resources. This included the
construction of fire breaks which were now also constructed around the
hamlets and village boundaries, not just around the shifting cultivation
fields. In addition the villagers strengthened the performance of various
rituals which reflected their deep reverence for the forest, e.g., tree
ordination55, or a worshipping ceremony for the spirit of the river source.
The youth group realized that the community had to communicate their
activities to the outside world and began to invite government representatives
to witness and understand the community’s conservation efforts.

In 1997, amidst the struggle for their public recognition as forest stewards,
not destroyers, and of shifting cultivation as an environmentally friendly
form of agriculture, the villagers opened a community learning center to
exchange knowledge with outsiders. The learning center aimed at creating a
deeper understanding among government representatives and the wider
public of the Karen traditional way of life, particularly Rai Mun Wian (see
section A for Huay Hin Lad Nai), and at the same time to learn from visitors
about the situation outside the community. Academics from different
universities increasingly visited the community56.

On 30 June 1998, a policy was enacted to guarantee the rights of people who
had lived in an area before its declaration as a protected zone, requiring
communities to provide a map. Hin Lad Nai had one, created in 1941, but

55. This ritual originated from a movement against environmental destruction, unsustainable
economic development and harmful national development projects in Thailand that
emerged from the early 1990 onwards.

56. For example, in 1997, the first group of students from King Mongkut’s University of
Technology North Bangkok (KMUTNB) visited and built a library for the villagers.

Findings and Discussion 53

the quality was not good enough, so in 1999, the villagers produced a
community map manually57.

From the late 1990s onwards, tea production further increased, and some of
the Karen started expanding their tea gardens. Women gained some
additional income by selling woven products (e.g., clothes, bags). The
villagers also began to sell bamboo shoots to community visitors in small
amounts, but Forestry officials accused the villagers of depleting natural
resources and told them to refrain from all economic activities in the
protected zone. As a consequence, only a very limited quantity of bamboo
shoots was sold, and at a very low price. In 1999, an MA student from CMU
conducted research in close collaboration with the villagers on how to
harvest bamboo shoots in a sustainable way58. Based on the research, the
villagers jointly developed clear harvesting rules to ensure the long-term
sustainability of the bamboo. The villagers used this research to explain to
the Forestry staff the sustainability of their resource management approach
and harvest practices. The authorities welcomed the insights from academia
and lifted their restraints. Thus, the villagers were able to grow more bamboo
near their houses and in the tea garden, and to sell larger quantities to
visitors. From the late 1990s onwards, bamboo shoots were sold more to
middlemen.

In 1999, the Huay Hin Lad Nai villagers set up a community fund for forest
maintenance and protection. At first, contributions were on a voluntary
basis, but later on allocations of personal income were made mandatory.

The Huay Hin Lad Nai community received another important award in
1999 - the PTT Public Company Limited59 Green Global Award for
innovative ways of conserving and managing the forest. A community car
was bought with the award money. The award made the community better
known among the wider public. It increasingly served as a study area for
universities. The Karen further intensified their connections to various
groups and agencies working on resource management, e.g., forestry staff
and NGO workers. For example, in 2001, the villagers, National park staff,

57. An MA student from Chiang Mai University, Mr. Suebsakul Kitnukon, supported the
villagers in preparing a paper model of the community.

58. Mr. Kitnukon from CMU conducted research in close collaboration with the villagers
on how to use bamboo shoots in a sustainable way.

59. Since 1999, the Green Globe Award of the PTT Public Company Limited, a state-owned
oil and gas company, aims at supporting and encouraging the conservation of natural
resources and the environment, and publicly rewards individuals and groups for being
positive role models.

54

district and provincial forestry staff surveyed the boundaries together, with
GPS, to determine the boundaries of different land use areas, e.g., the farm
land and the residential area.

In 2000, the formal leadership structures in the community were changed: 4
hamlets60 were officially recognized as Huay Hin Lad with Huay Hin Lad
Nai as the main village. The headman was elected from within the Huay
Hin Lad Nai community for the first time.

Shortly after the Thai Rak Thai Party61 won the elections in 2001, the
government implemented a number of development initiatives in rural
areas, including the “Village and Urban Community Fund Project”, widely
known as the “Village Fund program,” or the “one village, one million THB”
policy. The program made available 1 million THB62 for each village
nationwide, to stimulate the growth of local communities and boost the
local economy. The Huay Hin Lad Nai community decided not to participate
because the loan had to be paid back with interest, which would increase the
community’s dependency on the government, and limit its relative local
autonomy.

In 2002, the government tried to promote the community area as a tourist
destination under their “Small Houses in Big Forests” policy63. The villagers
rejected the idea to engage in cultural tourism since it would force them to
present cultural performances to visitors while at the same time Rai Mun
Wian, an integral part of Karen culture and livelihood, continued to be
blamed for forest destruction, and the majority population still lacked
understanding of this form of traditional agriculture. Rather than inviting
tourists, the Karen decided to welcome visitors interested in their livelihoods
and traditional lifestyle.

Under Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra solar panels were distributed
among rural villages as part of a national policy. The Huay Hin Lad Nai
villagers accepted the installation of solar cells in 2005, and for the first time

60. Huay Hin Lad Nai, Pa Yuang, Huay Hin Lad Nok and Huay Sai Khao; under the
administration of Moo 7, T. Ban Bong

61. Thai Rak Thai was a political party in Thailand, founded in 1998 by Thaksin Shinawatra,
prime minister of Thailand from 2001 to 2006.

62. At that time, 1 USD was around 43 THB, so 1 million THB was around 43,000 THB.
63. Coordinated by Forestry Department, Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment

and the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives, the project “Small Houses in Big
Forests” (Baan Lek Nai Pah Yai) was initiated by Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, and sought
to promote the co-existence with mutual dependence of people and forests.

Findings and Discussion 55

the community had access to electricity. The electricity was used mainly for
lighting at night rather than to power electric/electronic devices. The
villagers still did not use electrical goods like fridges, washing machines, or
rice cookers, and only a few families have a TV.

The Northern Peasant Federation (NPF) was formed in 2002, a farmer
organization that unites different groups and networks (including the
Northern Farmer Network). In 2005, the Huay Hin Lad Nai community was
awarded the PTT Green Global “5 year Sustainability Award”, and Preecha
Siri became a committee member of the foundation. Supported by different
funding sources, e.g., the Northern Peasant Foundation, the Hin Lad Nai
community constructed a specific building for the learning center to
facilitate more visits. In their struggle for the recognition of their community
rights, the villagers also continued to engage in mapping. In 2006, the
Poverty Alleviation and Rural Development Center bought a map from the
Land Department, needed to determine the village boundaries in
combination with the GPS-based map. In 2007, the villagers engaged in
mapping with the support of the Northern Development Foundation, an
NGO working on natural resources, forest management, land rights and
land reform, and in 2008, completed a GPS map which clearly depicts land
use and boundaries, and different forest types, as defined by the government,
such as the Rai Mun Wian fields, wet rice fields, a conservation forest and
the residential/housing area64.

Later in this period, the community began to increase their honey
production. This development was fostered by a Japanese researcher working
in the Huay Hin Lad Nai community on bees and beekeeping65. The
researcher helped the villagers to learn from successful examples of
apiculture, and introduced bee houses for the Pueng Prong (Eastern Honey
Bee). The villagers gained experience through observation and adaptation
which, in turn, enabled them to harvest more honey. From mid-2000
onwards, the villagers began to sell more and more wild honey to community
visitors. The University of Keisen in Japan sent interns who stayed for some
weeks in the community and helped the villagers with packaging the honey.
Over the following years, Japanese academics who had been visiting the

64. This map covers a broad area around the community, including the other hamlets.
Chaitawat Jomthi used this map to propose community title deeds for Huay Hin Lad
Nai.

65. Dr. Tatsuya, involved with the Mae Fa Luang Foundation, had come to Thailand
to support local communities in bee cultivation from 2007 onwards. The Japanese
researcher also supported the construction of a meeting room and a guest room for
visitors to stay overnight.

56

community annually from the early 2000s became middlemen and connected
the community with Japanese customers. Villagers sold part of their stock to
Japanese customers, and kept the rest for sale in Thailand66.

A Cabinet resolution “Restoration of the Traditional Practices and
Livelihoods of Karen People” was promulgated on 3rd August 2010, leading
to the declaration of selected communities as “Special Cultural Zones”. Huay
Hin Lad Nai, together with 3 other Karen communities, were selected as
pilot areas. Huay Hin Lad Nai was chosen due to its best practice of
maintaining traditional shifting cultivation practices in a sustainable way.
The declaration as a Special Cultural Zone was meant to provide support for
the maintenance and revival of customary practices. However, villagers
report that in the following years there were no changes or impacts at
community level on account of the announced Special Cultural Zone status.
They were also unsure about the exact meaning and implications of a Special
Cultural Zone. The Cultural District Office Wiang Papao had, however,
visited the community, and an annual budget for cultural promotion was
provided67.

At the same time, Chaitawat Jomthi revived and strengthened the Northern
Farmer Network’s youth group. He organized various activities with young
villagers from different communities, including the promotion of Karen
culture. In 2011, P-move was created, comprising different Civil Society
Organizations68 (see chapter 1). Chaitawat Jomthi joined the activities
organized by the network69. In 2013, nothing having happened in Huay Hin
Lad Nai after the announcement of the Special Cultural Zone, Chaitawat
decided to try to raise awareness and to promote community rights among
the villagers. He organized information events on the Special Cultural Zone
and the right to live in the forest in an attempt to mobilize the community
as in the late 1990s. He also invited others to join the events - NGOs,
academics (e.g., Chiang Mai University, Mahidol University), and local
government (e.g., Forestry Department).

66. The community members explained that they wanted Thai people to have the chance
to enjoy honey from Huay Hin Lad Nai.

67. This budget was used, for example, for the organization of a yearly Karen youth camp
during Thai New Year.

68. The Southern Peasants’ Federation of Thailand (SPFT), the Esaan Land Reform Network
(ELRN), the Four Regions Slum Network (FRSN), the Northern Peasant Federation
(NPF), the Land Reform Network of Banted Moutain Range (LRB), and the Community
Network for Social and Political Reform

69. For example, the submission of petitions to the Prime Minister to resolve land rights
cases throughout Thailand.

Findings and Discussion 57

Over the past decade, while the influence of the movement for community
rights had become less active in Huay Hin Lad Nai, despite its revival
through Chaitawat Jomthi, the villagers became more entrepreneurial and
increasingly engaged in selling their forest products. In particular, a social
enterprise in honey production was created, and part of the income gained
was fed back into the community fund. The villagers began to label their
honey as local honey under their own brand name, enabling them not only
to sell their products, but also to tell the story of the products and the
relationship between the Karen and the forest, and to raise awareness of
their situation among the wider public. They increased connections with
urban consumers and niche markets, due to links they had set up with
visitors at the learning center.

The villagers also collaborated with an NGO to illustrate the connection
between community forest management, climate change and food security.
The collaborative research project demonstrated that Rai Mun Wian was
environmentally friendly and able to absorb large amounts of carbon
dioxide70.

An important change for livelihoods during this period was the increase of
the tea price due to a growing demand for organic tea in China. Organic tea
traders from China discovered that the locals collected wild tea in the forest
without using chemicals71. At the same time, the villagers gave up raising
and renting out buffalos, because the demand for the draft animals had
decreased among the lowland farmers who increasingly used tractors and
motorized ploughs. They also ceased selling cows.

The junta government under Prayudh Chan-o-chan launched a number of
new stimulus measures for low-income earners and farmers. For example,
in 2017 and 2018, organic fertilizer was distributed to rural communities in
Thailand to promote organic crop production, to improve soil quality and
to maintain soil fertility. Huay Hin Lad Nai’s agricultural production is
already organic, but the villagers did not want to offend the local government,
so they accepted the fertilizer and then sold it on to other communities. In
2018, as part of a national policy designed for the poor, the government
introduced a welfare card scheme for low-income earners who had to

70. 20,000 tons of carbon dioxide, and, if combined with the forest managed by the
community, even up to 270,000 tons of carbon dioxide (The Northern Development
Foundation & the Huay Hin Lad Nai Community, 2011).

71. In 2016, the price for the tea was increased from 20 THB to 80-100 THB per kilogram.
During rainy season, when the quality of tea decreases, the price dropped to 50 THB
per kilogram (In 2016, the exchange rate THB to USD was around 35).

58

officially register as “poor” in order to receive an electronic “smart card”
with which they could purchase goods in designated shops. In order to
avoid open conflict with the authorities, the villagers officially registered as
requested, but did not accept the cards, and thus, any money. However, in
the following year, 5 younger community members decided to accept the
card. Even though Preecha Siri allowed them to receive the cards, this
caused tensions between the younger and older generations.

Besides the two awards from PTT, over the past two decades the community
has won a number of other awards from different government agencies and
international organizations72. Most importantly, in Istanbul, Turkey, in 2013,
Preecha Siri accepted the UN “Forest Hero Award” for the community’s
sustainable resource management.

Today, the villagers earn a relatively stable income from selling wild tea,
bamboo shoots, and honey. Although they gain revenues from the sale of
forest products, they strongly adhere to principles of forest conservation and
follow the rules for collecting and selling. In sum, this period has witnessed
a gradual transition towards a market economy, rooted in social
entrepreneurship. While the youth increasingly joined the movement for
the recognition of community rights, and the community made their nature
conservation measures publicly known and accessible, from the late 1990s
onwards, activities shifted from participation in protest movements towards
an increasing commercialization of forest products. The villagers became
more and more entrepreneurial, gaining increasing returns from the sale of
tea and honey. Community funds ensured that a proportion of personal
income went back into the community, towards the maintenance and
protection of the forest and of common property and thus, community food
security. The villagers were able to add value to their products through
branding. In this way, their products have been turned into a means of
making their situation and culture known, and to convince policy makers
that their life in the forest is sustainable.

72. The youth of Hin Lad Nai received an award for the transgenerational transmission of
heritage. In 2019, the community received the “The Value of Land” prize (Kha kong
Paendin) from the Office of the Prime Minister for their achievements in preserving
the environment, as well as the “Good Person Phaya Sri Lanna” (Khon Dee Phaya
Sri Lanna) award from the National Science and Technology Development Agency
(NSTDA) for their sustainable resource and environment management.

Findings and Discussion 59

B. Economic Livelihood Activities in the Study Site

An Integrated and Holistic Land Use System

Self-sufficient Production and Food Security
The Huay Hin Lad villagers do not use forest land for monocropping, or
cash crop production, but have created an integrated system of shifting
cultivation, paddy rice production, and a multiple-use strategy for the forest
which integrates bee-keeping, native tea gardens, and bamboo cultivation,
eschewing the use of harmful synthetic fertilizers and insecticides. Their
organic agroforestry and short cultivation/long fallow shifting cultivation
system allow the regeneration of flora and fauna, and promote biodiversity
conservation and sustainable food production. They ensure community
food security and provide stable income, and enable the production of a
large variety of crops for domestic consumption. More than 90% of the food
consumed in the community is produced there. The villagers’ livelihood is
inextricably linked to the forest and its resources. They can meet most of
their needs from the forest and there is not much that they need to buy
outside73.
They classify their land (1644.64 ha) in different categories according to
their livelihood activities. The land is divided into plots used by particular
households but that remain owned by the whole community, and other
community areas that are held in common for shared use.

73. Such as, cosmetics; everyday clothes (the villagers still produce their traditional clothes,
but usually only wear them on special occasions); farming equipment (shovels, lawn
mowers); accessories (e.g., phones); certain foods, (particularly fish, meat); spices; and
health care products which cannot be made from plants (e.g., plasters, pain killers).

60

Figure 2: Land Use Classification in the Huay Hin Lad Nai Community

• Tee Tam Gin (“area make food”) areas for cultivation e.g., of rice, vegetables.
• Tee Ha Gin (“area find food”) areas where villagers can collect wild tea,

bamboo shoots and honey; comprising a small area located near the
residential area (122.24ha) which provides for the daily needs of the
villagers; and the Conservation Forest (1384 ha) which is rather far from
the residential area so the villagers don’t usually collect forest products
there.
• Residential area: the residential area comprises 18 plots and 23 households
on a total of 1.92 ha. Each family owns a house made of solid wood. Over
the past 20 years, several houses have been constructed or repaired with
concrete. Nowadays, most of the buildings have tiled roofs and are raised
on piles, with space under the house. Pillars are made from cement and
iron, with only a few houses using wood. All buildings are well maintained,
and there are no major differences in the conditions of the houses. Each
house contains a fireplace which is considered sacred. The majority of
households possess only items needed for everyday use. The small
monastery is nearby74, and the community has its own nursery/primary

74. The villagers adhere to Theravada Buddhism and, at the same time, uphold beliefs in
supernatural powers and ancestral spirits.

Findings and Discussion 61

school75. The community also has a small rice mill, a meeting room, a
shared dining area, a library, and a youth meeting house. A small cemetery
is located near the tea garden. The villagers use solar power. There is no
cell phone signal and no internet connection76 in the residential area. The
community has reliable access to drinking water all year round, since
clean mountain water is diverted to the village through PVC pipes. There
are 14 streams in the area, and water is always available.

Land Use Management System

Tee Tam Gin: After settling at their present site in the early 1970s, the
villagers allocated land to each family, which was then passed down by
inheritance. Every household has at least 7 plots of upland rice fields. Each
year, plots that have lain fallow for 7 years will be selected for the next
cultivation period77. The paddy fields are held as household property. 14
families own wet rice fields. Even though plots are owned by households,
other villagers can collect products there for their own consumption. If they
sell products from a plot owned by another family, however, the revenue has
to be shared 50/50 with the owner.

Tee Ha Gin: The entire remaining forest area is where the villagers can
collect products for consumption and sale. It covers all areas except the
paddy fields and shifting cultivation fields, and provides the three products
which provide stable income for the villagers: honey, bamboo and wild tea.
The small Tee Ha Kin nearby provides for daily needs, including wood, and
includes the tea garden which is communally owned but where each family
has its own plots, held as household property. Ownership of the tea gardens
can be traced back to the time of settlement, and is inherited within families.
The Karen develop their tea gardens in different ways: they either rely on
wild animals, such as birds and rats, to help with plant reproduction by
dispersing digested seeds, or they collect and sow seeds, or they buy and
transplant tree seedlings.

In the much larger area, far from the residential area, the villagers do not
collect food or forest resources even though they are allowed to do so. In

75. The school has 24 students, 3 teachers, 1 school director, 1 administrator and 1 janitor.
The majority of children come from the Huay Hin Lad Nai community itself; other
children are from nearby villages.

76. A weak signal can be received in the area of the school.
77. The Karen farmers agree among themselves in which order the fields will be prepared,

depending on the time and availability of family members. The field of the ritual leader,
the Hi Hko, will always be cultivated first.

62

line with the terminology used by the Thai government, they call this
section “Conservation Forest” (in Thai: Pa Anurak). The term underlines
that the villagers do not use the resources but protect and conserve them.
Moreover, it implies that they practice shifting cultivation only within the
boundaries of the designated area, and don’t intrude into other parts of the
forest.

Restricted/Prohibited Areas: For the whole community forest, the villagers
rely on community rules and regulations that ensure the protection and
maintenance of the forest and sustainable use of resources. For example,
throughout the forest it is prohibited to cut big trees, and it is not permitted
to convert Tee Ha Gin into Tee Tam Gin. There are also some areas which
are classified as specific zones of restricted use. For example, within a radius
of approximately 1 km around the housing area, a no-hunting, or wildlife
protection zone, has been created where the villagers are allowed to catch
only small animals. Other prohibited areas include the cemetery, located
nearby the residential area, as well as the watershed area (in Karen: Hti
Hkwav Hki) where farming is forbidden, no forest products can be collected,
and wood cannot be cut. The cemetery is avoided by the villagers as it is
believed to be the dwelling place of ancestors and spiritual beings. Single
trees and the area surrounding them are also considered sacred, and sacred
trees cannot be disturbed in any way.

Community forest (Pa Chumchon): In the understanding of the Huay Hin
Lad Nai villagers, the community forest is the entire forest area managed
and protected by the community (covering the residential area, Tee Tam Gin
and Tee Ha Gin). Except for certain areas, it can be used by the villagers for
the collection of wood for the construction or repair of houses, and of food,
plants, herbs and animals.

Since the livelihood of the Karen greatly depends on the forest and the forest
is perceived as the source of all life, the whole area is managed by principles
of conservation, and the villagers jointly protect and take care of it. According
to the villagers “when the community members are able to benefit from the
forest, they will also take great care in its conservation and maintenance.”

All disputes related to access to land are addressed at the monthly community
meeting (Sapa Gong Fai), where cultivation of the fields will also be planned.
However, smaller issues that arise related to access to land (e.g., a villager
wishing to use plots of another family) can be clarified directly between
community members.

Findings and Discussion 63

More than Rice Production: The Livelihood System Rai Mun Wian (Quz)

In the traditional rotational farming system of the Karen, fields are cultivated
(rice intercropped with other vegetables) for a short time (1 year), and then
are allowed to lie fallow for 7 to 10 years. The short cultivation/long fallow
periods allow the regeneration of the soil, fauna and flora, prevent land over
use and contribute to the maintenance of biodiversity.

The Huay Hin Lad Nai shifting cultivation cycle starts in February and ends
in November. At the end of February, the farmers will start preparing the
fields. Trees are cut around 1 meter above ground, so that they can regrow
in the following year. In March and April, the farmers will make a fire break
around the plots. Plots are burned after Thai New Year (Songkran), usually
in the hot season, i.e. Mid-April. The fire removes plant debris from the
field, and the ash serves as a fertilizer. After burning the plots for around
1-2 hours, the farmers will leave the field for one day and then start sowing
(unless it rains in which case the field has to rest for 3 days). A variety of
seeds will be sown (e.g., wheat, lettuce, chili, tomatoes, taro, yam etc.). In
May, the farmers will plant hill rice relying on their traditional labor
exchange system; families mutually supporting each other in the fields. The
first vegetables and mushrooms can be harvested and consumed. The
rotational field will be weeded three times, in June, August and September.
In June and July, crops such as lettuce, wheat, mushroom, cucumbers,
chilies, and tomatoes can be harvested. From July to August, the villagers
harvest bamboo shoots for sale, and a small amount for their own
consumption. In September, the rice starts to produce grains. In October
other crops will be harvested (e.g., pumpkin, eggplants, tomatoes and
pepper) and seeds will be stored for the following year. At the end of the
month, villagers will harvest the hill rice, helping each other in the fields.
The rice will be threshed, and dried in the sun. In November, other crops
can be harvested such as taro, yam, beans, and sesame. In early December,
the rice will be stored in the farmers’ homes, and the villagers will gather
firewood during this and the following month.

64

Figure 3: The Hin Lad Nai Shifting Cultivation Circle

Shifting cultivation is of high importance for the life of the Karen villagers,
whose life and work center around the annual cultivation cycle. The
rotational field is a socio-cultural sphere - not just an area for food
production. The complex livelihood system allows community members to
build and foster transgenerational relationships, and to acquire and exchange
local knowledge. Throughout the year, the shifting cultivation cycle is also
deeply embedded in spiritual traditions, and various rituals will be
performed, based on the lunar calendar. At the end of January or beginning

Findings and Discussion 65

of February, there will be the Karen New Year. After New Year, the Karen
start to choose land for cultivation (Tee Tam Gin), and community elders
will perform a divination ceremony with chicken bones to predict if a
certain area is suitable. After burning of the rotational plots, the Karen will
begin to sow a large variety of seeds in the fields, and perform the shifting
cultivation ceremony: an unmarried man digs 7 or 9 holes to plant the seeds
clockwise in a square frame while praying for the seeds to prosper and bring
a good harvest, and the women then sow seeds into all the holes that the
men have made. In the same month, the villagers conduct another ritual
before releasing water into the fields in which offerings are made to the local
spirit of the weir, to ensure that the water can flow. After the rice has
sprouted there is a ceremony to thank and ask forgiveness for the animals
who lost their lives in the burning. There is a celebration for Karen half
year; a ritual in November or the end of October for the new rice; and (at
the end of November/early December) a post-harvest ceremony when local
spirits and sacred powers are asked to protect the harvest. These are just
some of the various rituals which express the villagers’ respect for nature
and their place within it, as well as the close and symbolic human-nature-
spirits relationship. The cosmological dimension is a crucial element of the
Karen’s system of forest use and conservation.

In 2018, each household had at least 7 plots for shifting cultivation. Not
everyone practices hill rice cultivation each year, but usually more than half
the households do. Rice is produced for domestic consumption, and only
rice surplus to need will be sold. If a family does not practice hill rice
cultivation in one year, e.g., due to a lack of labor if male family members
are away, another household can use the field. Many different kinds of
vegetables are grown organically in the rotational field. In 2018, the
community youth documented 73 different types of plants and vegetables
that grew there (see table). In the understanding of the villagers, any
community that collects at least 35 seeds is able ensure food security. They
have an in-depth knowledge of how rotational farming can ensure
community food security, as well as ensuring seeds for the coming planting
periods.

66

Table 1: Different kinds of plants, vegetables and herbs found in the shifting
cultivation farm in 2018

Plants, vegetables and herbs in the shifting cultivation farm

English Name (Karen Name), edible/usable parts

1. Garcinia gracilis Pierre (bauv baf), fruits 32. Yam variety (Reed grass, Oo) (nwaif

2. Red beans, black beans (s’bei), seeds s’hkoo)

3. Chili (mujsaf); fruits and young leaves 33. Yam variety (Finger yam, New) (nwaif

4. Bitter eggplant (s’kauz hkaf); fruits cunez); head

5. Eggplant (s’kauz); fruits 34. Cassava (nwaif seif); heads, tops

6. Flat bitter eggplant (s’kauz hkaf bif); 35. Yam/Jicama (nwaif hse); heads

fruits 36. Lemongrass (hauf wauz t’poj); stem,

7. Violet eggplant (s’kauz luv); fruits leaves

8. Green eggplant (s’kauz la); fruits 37. Sugar cane (peij hse bo); stem

9. White eggplant (s’kauz wa); fruits 38. Lettuce (s’baf dauv); whole plant

10. Long eggplant/Aubergine (s’kauz hpav 39. Coriander (hupof); whole plant

htau); fruits 40. Lamiaceae (Sodon ternifolius)(hauf

11. (Thai) Round eggplant/green brinjal wauz); leaves

(s’kauz cgauv); fruits 41. Variety of spring onion (Hom Choo)

12. White sesame (nif so wa) seeds (s’klev) eat the whole plant

13. Black sesame (nif so soo) seeds 42. Small variety of spring onion (Hom

14. Holy basil (hauf hpgi); young leaves Choo Pan Lek) (iv klev); eat the whole

15. Red Cockscomb/Chinese Wool Flower plant

(hpaugauz), used in ceremonies 43. Wheat (buhkeisaf); fruits

16. Yellow Cockscomb/Chinese Wool 44. Pumpkin (Looj hkei bau); fruits; tops

Flower (hpaubau), used in ceremonies 45. Cow pea (Leguminosae) (p’htauv saf);

17. Rice variety of Black Sticky Rice ‘Phaya fruits

Khao’ (buplaj); used in a ritual in 46. Wax gourd (looj saf); fruits

shifting cultivation field 47. Striped gourd (t’ko kwei); fruits

18. Marigold flower, gold (hpauhtoo), and 48. Sweet gourd (t’ko), fruits, tops

white (hpaucei); used in ceremonies 49. Luffa acutangula (deirei); fruits

19. Amaranthaceae (hpau kif mai); used in 50. Winged bean (bauv baf p’wiv); fruits

ceremonies 51. Cucumber (dihplaiv); fruits

20. Vetiver (hpaugij); used in ceremonies 52. Cantaloupe (dimuj); fruits

21. Sedge (hpaux); used in ceremonies 53. Tomato (s’kauz hsif); fruits

22. Turmeric (s’yau); heads 54. Luffa/Dishcloth gourd (hsiv hpodei);

23. Ginger (s’ei); heads and leaves fruits

24. Perilla (nau); seeds 55. Bitter gourd (sauhkasaf) eat fruit with

25. Sweet basil (Ocimum canum Sims) the shoots

(hauf wauz sei); leaves 56. Coriander variety (Hom Yae)

26. Sweet basil (Ocimum basilicum Linn) (hpauqaiv), eat the whole plant

(hpau s’looj di); leaves 57. Variety of Job tears (bef), used for

27. Brinjal (Solanum indicum L) (s’kauz clothes

hkaf wiv cu); fruits 58. Wild rice (Oryza minuta)(swi), to

28. Taro (hkuf); heads and leaves decorate the field, eat the seeds

29. Sweet potato (nwaif cauz paz); heads, 59. Black sugar cane (k’hti soo); fruits

top 60. White sugar cane (k’hti wa); stem

30. Purple potato (nwaif luv saf); heads 61. Paracress, Spotflower paracress leaves

31. White potato (nwaif wa); heads (hauf tej dauv), tops

Findings and Discussion 67

Plants, vegetables and herbs in the shifting cultivation farm

English Name (Karen Name), edible/usable parts

62. Tobacco (nyasoov); leaves 69. Yellow sticky rice (piv iv bau); fruits
63. Snake gourd (dav guj); fruits 70. Rice variety Ivory (Nga Chang) (bu
64. Rice (bu); fruit
65. Black rice (busoo); fruits k’hsau mai); fruits
66. Yellow rice (bubau); fruits 71. Black corn (buhkei soo); fruits
67. Rice variety Sun (Tawan) (bumuj); fruits 72. Baby corn (buhkei qaiv); fruits
68. Black sticky rice (piv iv soo); fruits 73. Yellow corn (buhkei bau); fruits

The following illustration shows the large variety of fruits, vegetables, herbs
and animals that can be found throughout the community forest, e.g., in the
rotational plots, fallow fields, and tea gardens during different seasons of the
year. In Huay Hin Lad Nai, there is enough to eat for all community
members throughout the year.

Figure 4: Forest products in the Huay Hin Lad Nai community in different seasons
(number of different varieties in parentheses)

68

For wet rice cultivation, the villagers start with the planting of seedlings in
rainy season, i.e. at the end of June/beginning of July. During dry season in
November, they collect and thresh the rice. The total amount of rice
harvested in 2018 was 1,855 bags (30 kg per bag = 55,650 kg; 358 bags of hill
rice and 1,497 of wet rice).

Even though the formal education level in the community is low78, the Huay
Hin Lad Nai villagers have a rich body of knowledge of the forest and the
eco-system. The villagers’ knowledge centers on how to live in harmony in
and with the forest and nature and how to use forest resources sustainably.
The villagers have profound knowledge on the collection and storage of
native seeds, on plants and vegetables, including their practical use (e.g., as
food, medicine) and their symbolic use (in rituals), as well as cultivation
times and methods. In addition, they have profound knowledge of natural
and biological indicators and crop protection strategies79, and on when,
where and in which order to plant different kinds of vegetables in the
shifting cultivation field.

This in-depth ecological knowledge comes from respect for the forest and
the aim to ensure ecological balance. In the perception of the Karen, the
forest is the key source of life. This worldview guides their land use and
resource management practices, and inextricably interlinks them with their
livelihood system. The Karen villagers have been able to use and preserve
this local knowledge across generations, despite pressure to the contrary.
The Rai Mun Wian system is perceived as part of a larger whole that
encompasses humans, nature, animals and supernatural powers; rotational
rice production is not only for the villagers’ own domestic consumption, but
also takes into account other living beings80.

78. Most village children study in the non-formal education system until grade 12, and
only a small number (7 students) in the formal school system [Non-formal education
encompasses educational activity provided for all out-of-school individuals, aiming
to equip people with knowledge and skills necessary for their living and performing
their occupations]. Young children attend the kindergarten and primary school in the
community. Only 2 villagers have graduated with BA degrees; 3 more are currently
enrolled in BA programs. Most of the older villagers have completed 12 years of school.
The young generation prefers to stay in the community and work on their parental
farms rather than attending the formal education system.

79. For example, the height of certain flowers (“buplaj”) indicates the anticipated height
of the rice crop. When another kind of flower (“Soo Leij Bauv”) blossoms, the villagers
know that it is time to stop cutting grass in the field. For crop-protection famers plant
a particularly colorful flower in the rice field in order to distract the birds.

80. For example, after the rice harvest, the Karen farmers will leave rice on the field for
the birds.

Findings and Discussion 69

Sale of Forest Products: Sustainable Entrepreneurship
Before the mid-1990s, the villagers collected forest products mainly for their
own consumption and sold only small amounts for a very low price.
From the late 1990 onwards, the sale of forest products became more
commercialized, operated on principles and values rooted in social
entrepreneurship. Income is not earned for personal benefit, but rather for
the common benefit of the community - an economic approach that is not
individualistic, but based on community solidarity and mutual support.
In Huay Hin Lad Nai, there are no major economic disparities between
families, even though their annual income from the different forest products
varies considerably. This is because not all families decide to collect and sell
all three kinds of forest products each year; their choice depends on the
availability of workers (e.g., male family members are needed for the
collection of honey, but they might be absent for education, or be sick).
In 2017, the overall annual household income from all different sources
varied between 21,000 and 393,000 THB81. Large families often have a
higher income than smaller ones. Most of the families have accumulated
savings. Personal income is used for daily necessities, such as transport costs
(e.g., to the hospital), additional food, accessories (e.g., phones) and
education fees.

81. In 2017, 1 THB was around 0.034 USD.

70

Table 2: Overall picture of the forest economy

Key Forest Products

Tea Bamboo shoots Honey

Annual income/ 10,000 - 50,000 THB 1,000 - 30,000 THB 2,000-20,000 THB
family

Time of harvest Throughout the Mid-July to end of February to May

year, with different August

seasons for different

leaves

Division of Labor All villagers are Families collect Honey will be
involved and each shoots, sell them to collected by
household owns an a community community
area where tea member who peels, members, and then
grows chops, boils and resold to one of
packs them. The three community
shoots will be sold groups/buyers who
on to another fill, pack and label
villager who the honey bottles.
transports and sells
the boiled bamboo
shoots to
middlemen

Other Forest Produce

Ma-khwaen (s’kauz Luk Ko (mountain Rattan fruits, rattan,
hkaf wiv cu) (a chestnuts) palm leaves. Indian
medicinal plant) Gooseberry, black
sticky rice, as well as
surplus rice

Annual income per 500-4,000 THB 500-3,000 THB 2,000-3,000 THB
family

Additional Sources of Income

Wage labor (during Activities with Sale of honey soap,
around 3 months community visitors vegetables and
per year) fruits, pigs, coffee,
woven fabrics (e.g.,
clothes and bags),
handicraft utensils
from bamboo

Income below 1,000-2,000 THB per year per family

Findings and Discussion 71

The main income in the community is from selling tea. Over the year the
return varies depending on the month and the weather. From the sale of
both young and old tea leaves, families earn between 10,000 and 50,000
THB per year. Tea leaves are harvested and preserved in a sustainable way,
allowing new leaves to shoot for future harvests.

Bamboo shoots yield an annual household income of around 1,000 to 30,000
THB per year. Those who earn well are usually larger families. Bamboo is
harvested in a sustainable way: during the rainy season, the villagers collect
shoots on only 45 days out of the 90 day season, and the Karen farmers will
leave the youngest shoots in the ground to allow the regrowth of the bamboo.

Selling honey provides families with an income between 2,000 and 20,000
THB per year. Most community members engage in honey production,
though some have very few hives. There are three different bee species in
the community, Pueng Luang (Giant honey bee), Pueng Prong (Eastern
Honey Bee), and Pueng Chan Rong (Stingless Bee). For all types of bee,
honey is collected from two sources: mainly from bee yards/bee houses set
up in the forest, and to a much smaller extent from natural nests on trees.
The honey collected by community members will be sold to one of three
community enterprise groups that manage and market it, i.e. the youth
group, the village head Chaiprasert Pokka, or Chaitawat Jomthi.

While tea is collected and sold equally by men and women, more men than
women collect and sell bamboo shoots. Honey is gathered and sold only by
men. Women earn extra income from weaving. Men have a higher overall
income. However, women are in charge of household money, and men
usually hand over their income to their wives who manage the expenses.
Looking after and taking care of the shifting cultivation farm is mainly the
task of the women.

Other Sources of Income

The villagers sell some other forest products, for modest revenue, including
Ma-khwaen (s’kauz hkaf wiv cu), a medicinal plant used in Thai traditional
medicine (Zanthoxylum limonella), Ma-khwaen, and Luk Ko (mountain
chestnuts), rattan fruits, rattan, palm leaves (Livistona speciosa), Indian
Gooseberry (Phyllanthus emblica), black sticky rice, as well as the surplus of
rice not required for consumption (see Table 2). Some community members
also have other sources of income, yielding 1000-2000 THB per family at
most, including wage labor such as construction work (for maybe 3 months

72

per year); activities with community visitors (e.g., academics, chefs82); selling
honey soap (youth group); sale of vegetables and fruits, e.g., persimmon;
raising and selling pigs; selling coffee; weaving, natural dying of fabrics, e.g.,
traditional clothes and shoulder bags, and production and sale of handicraft
utensils from bamboo, sold irregularly to community visitors. Some of the
older community members receive monthly social welfare, and some
villagers earn a monthly salary in their regular employment (e.g., the school
janitor, the teacher, and the assistant village head).

A few villagers have taken a loan (e.g., for the construction of a house) from
other community members. However, their debts are not high and these
villagers engage in different kinds of income-generating activities in order
to pay back their debts quickly.

The Concept of Community Funds

The idea to create a community fund was developed in 1999 when the
community faced more expenses for extending their fire breaks and
intensifying forest care. The fund is now also used in preparing events to
communicate and present their traditional way of life and forest and resource
conservation to community outsiders. In the beginning, villagers contributed
on a voluntary basis. Later, the villagers opted for an obligatory payment for
those who gained income from forest products, i.e. a certain proportion was
deducted from the each household’s revenue.

From the sale of tea, the villagers do not have to contribute anything to the
fund, because each family is looking after its own tea trees. From the income
from bamboo shoots, a small amount will be allocated to the fund83.

For the production of honey, there are three community funds. The youth
group has set up their own fund, used for the organization of a yearly youth
camp. If profits are high, the youth group will support students from Huay
Hin Lad Nai who attend school outside the community. The other two
funds, set up by Chaitawat Jomthi and Chaiprasert Pokka, will be used for
forest maintenance, fire protection (e.g., a per diem for the helpers in the
creation of fire breaks), and construction/maintenance of the village (e.g.,

82. This included, for example, the invitation to chefs/owners of top restaurants from
Bangkok and other big cities into the community to learn from village households
about local herbs and plants used in traditional cooking, to create new dishes with
added value.

83. 10 Satang per kilogram sold.

Findings and Discussion 73

repair work on streets, communal buildings), as well as expenses for
meetings, for example with other ethnic groups, NGOs, and networks.

In sum, data gathered in the community show that the Huay Hin Lad Nai
villagers make great efforts to maintain their traditional lifestyle based on a
holistic land use system, forest conservation and a market approach based
on social entrepreneurship values and concepts. They manage land, forest
and natural resources in an integrated local system, based on their local and
indigenous knowledge, traditional beliefs and values. Parts of the villagers’
personal revenues from the sale of forest products will be allocated to a
common fund to be used for village protection, forest and fire management.
This illustrates their willingness to refrain from personal gain in favor of
collective community interests and well-being.

Their livelihood activities mirror the villagers’ shared imaginations, desires
and intentions, as a response to development threats to their imagining
community (Tanabe, 2008); to sustain relative local autonomy in accessing
and using natural resources; to maintain their traditional lifestyle, based on
customary practices, their holistic land use and forest conservation system,
which ensure community food security; and to remain largely independent
from the market.

C. Adaptive Strategies and Responses to Development Challenges

As outlined in Section A, the Karen community of Huay Hin Lad Nai has
been encountering repressive state conservation policy over the past four
decades. For example, in 1983, the area of Hin Lad Nai was declared as a
Forest Reserve by the government. Between 1993 and 1997 the community
further faced a policy aiming at evicting forest communities from watershed
areas classified as 1A, in line with the dominant conservation paradigm,
based on ‘Western’ ideas and concepts, which promotes the establishment of
protected areas without human inference. Through this policy, the state has
been seeking to extend forest reserves and to prohibit communities from
living in these areas. It is still the plan to expand the area of Khun Chae
National Park to include the Karen community, leaving them to face
considerable insecurity in using land and natural resources. At the same
time, the Hin Lad Nai community has been exposed to changing socio-
economic landscapes and rapidly growing development pressure, with their
traditional lifestyle threatened by the commercialization of agriculture and
the promotion of cash cropping through development projects and
government agencies. While many communities in Thailand felt compelled
to follow this course of development, or were even keen to be involved in

74

the market economy, the Karen of Hin Lad Nai have been vigilant and
selective in their engagement in development activities. In the face of
growing market pressure and the government’s conservation approach,
which drastically restricts activities of forest-dependent people in protected
forest areas, the Karen villagers have developed various adaptive strategies
that allow them to counter development threats and land conflicts, and to
strengthen internally the community members’ well-being.

According to Scott (2009), highlanders who live outside the reach of the
government in distant and inaccessible areas are able to uphold their
autonomy and freedom from control and invasion by an appropriating state.
The Hin Lad Nai villagers have developed ways to live within the constraints
of the state, using their everyday practices as a form of adjusting to state
influence and market pressure, allowing them to develop ways to cope with
the restrictions. Their coping strategies in the form of every day practices
mirror their shared imaginations, desires and intentions (Tanabe, 2008), the
imaginative and reflexive processes that constitute their community. In
other words, they are attempting to pursue their shared aspirations and
dreams for their community in the face of threats from state policies and
development (Tanabe, 2008).

Multiple Use Strategy of the Forest

As outlined in detail in Section B, the Karen in Huay Hin Lad Nai have
adopted a sustainable approach to land and forest use planning which
enables them to counter negative impacts of state policies and development.
The farmers have deliberately chosen not to use forest land for monocropping
or cash crop production, but to make use of an integrated system of shifting
cultivation of hill rice, paddy rice farming, beekeeping, and the collection of
wild tea and bamboo shoots. Other than single crop plantations, their
holistic agroforestry farming does not require the use of agrochemicals, and
thus does not put pressure on the forest and wider ecosystem.

Through their integrated approach of forest use and conservation, the
villagers have been able to ensure livelihoods and community food security.
Their sustainable ecosystem management and land use system does not
only provide a large variety of different plant crops and diverse diet and
nutrition, but the villagers can also get all essential supplies for their needs
from the forest. While the Karen villagers have decided to avoid full
engagement in the market economy, their livelihood diversification and
mixed farming approach generates stable income all year round. Their
various streams of revenues through the sustainable use of different local

Findings and Discussion 75

forest products allows them to gain independence from market demands
and fluctuations. At the same time, their commercialization of forest
products is based on social entrepreneurship values, and income is not
earned for personal benefit, but rather for the shared benefit of the
community.

In this way, the villagers’ integrated approach to forest use and conservation
provides a high degree of self-reliance and self-sufficiency. At the same time,
it enhances the resilience of the community against external risks and
uncertainty.

Worldview and Values: Harmonious Co-existence with the Forest

For the villagers, a life in the forest refers to a lifestyle in harmony with
nature as well as a sustainable use of forest resources. The forest provides for
their basic needs, - food, herbal medicine, firewood, building material,
clothes - and also provides family income84. At the same time, the forest is
regarded as a dwelling place of supernatural powers and spirits, including
ancestor spirits. The villagers respect, protect and manage the forest with
great care; they have been jointly preserving the land, forest and its resources
for more than a hundred years in line with their philosophy “we live with
the forest, so we preserve the forest; we live with water, so we preserve the water”.

Self-Governance, Community Rights and Common Property Resource
Management

Communal Ownership: The Huay Hin Lad Karen consider themselves as the
collective owner of natural resources, with both the right to use and the
duty to protect and maintain. Land, other than private property, cannot be
sold to community outsiders. The villagers jointly maintain communal
property through various conservation activities, e.g., the collective creation
of firebreaks. Thus, the concept of collective ownership fosters forest
maintenance and protection, and contributes to ensuring community food
security. Besides land, some amenities are collectively owned by the villagers,
e.g., some community buildings85. There is also a community car86 that
every villager can use for a small fee.

84. Even though the community has a high degree of self-reliance, they still depend to
some degree on the outside, where they buy necessary products and items for their
daily life.

85. e.g., the library, the meeting room.
86. bought from the Global Green Award which the community received in 1999.

76

Collective Exchange and Decision-Making: The monthly community meeting
(“Sapa Gong Fai”) provides space for all community members to assess the
current community situation. The meeting has played an important role in
developing countermeasures to different kinds of challenge. It has facilitated
collective decision-making by allowing every community member to be
part of decisions that affect the community.

Collective Community Funds: The community funds set up initially with
voluntary contributions, later with a mandatory allocation of personal
income, ensure that revenues from personal income flow back to the
community, and into forest and fire management, ensuring the maintenance
of communal property.

Reinforcing Community Solidarity through Community Land Governance:
Social cohesion and community solidarity in Hin Lad Nai are high, created
and reinforced through the villagers’ communal land management, their
socio-cultural traditional shifting cultivation practices, and their continued
adherence to traditions. Ritual performances also contribute to creating and
strengthening feelings of common identity, social group cohesion, and
community participation, and promote commitment to shared beliefs and
values. Social cohesion, in turn, forms the basis for the community’s
communal land and resource management.

Community Practice: Traditional Rules and Regulations for Forest
Conservation and Sustainable Resource Use

In the 1980s and 90s, the community has increasingly experienced impacts
of national conservation policies and development agencies trying to
implement projects in the community (see section A for Huay Hin Lad
Nai). In the light of these growing threats, the villagers of Huay Hin Lad
have initiated a revival and strengthening of community rules and regulations
for forest fire protection, to ensure sustainable management and extraction
of resources - bamboo shoots, tea leaves and honey - and to establish
prohibited zones. These regulations must be followed by all community
members and outsiders who live in the village, otherwise they face
sanctions87.

Rules for Sustainable Harvesting and Resource Conservation: The villagers
have established rules that ensure the sustainability of resource use (see
Section B). For example, during rainy season, they collect bamboo shoots

87. e.g., exclusion from certain community activities, or fines at various rates.

Findings and Discussion 77

only for a short period of time, and to a limited amount, to avoid
overexploiting resources. Also tea leaves are harvested and preserved in a
way that ensures the future productivity of the tea trees. Moreover, honey is
gathered only during a few months per year, and in a way that does not
disrupt natural pollination work. While the villagers are able to earn income
and to sustain social benefits from it, they use forest products without
harming the environment and by avoiding the depletion or degradation of
natural resources. They do not produce according to market demand, but
rather based upon the capacity of nature, i.e. in line with what nature allows
them to use in a sustainable way.

Zoning: The villagers have declared some areas as prohibited zones which
cannot be used (see Section B). For example, they have established a non-
hunting zone around the village. Also, the cemetery and the watershed area
nearby the community are prohibited to use. Zones of restricted use
contribute to safeguard biodiversity and ecosystem balance, and help
preserving habitats and water quality.

Fire Protection Measures: Since the late 1990s, during hot season, the villagers
have made firebreaks around the village hamlets and their rotational fields,
which serve to prevent the spread of wildfire and contribute to the protection
of vegetation and wildlife.

Spiritual Traditions and Ritual Practices - Consolidating Cosmological
Interconnectedness: The Karen have also maintained and revived a variety of
traditional ritual performances reflecting their reverence for the forest and
devotion to nature, the embedding of their lives and livelihoods in the larger
spiritual and cosmological context, and the significance of human-nature-
spirit relationships. Their agricultural calendar revolves around spiritual
traditions and ritual practices, expressing respect to nature spirits. Rituals
foster a close and respectful connection of community members to nature.
For example, during the ceremony of Deipauz Htoof, the villagers tie a
bamboo container with the umbilical cord of a newborn to a tree88,
symbolizing that the spirit of this person is living in this tree. Accordingly,
umbilical cord trees are considered sacred89. When a community member
has passed away, his/her tree is maintained because it is believed that the
spirit continues to dwell in the tree. The tradition of Deipauz htoof underlines
that each community member is part of the forest, will be affected by harm

88. Only trees will be used that bear fruits.
89. In Hin Lad Nai, these single trees are spread in the forest nearby the residential area,

and the villagers are well aware which tree is linked to which community member.

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done to it, and thus, helps maintaining and protecting nature. According to
the Huay Hin Lad Nai villagers, this and other rituals mirror their ecological
awareness and their intimate relationship with the forest. The various rituals
instill and constitute respect for nature and moral values among the
community members through practice. They foster a learning process in
which the young generation acquires knowledge-practices from community
elders, including traditional worldviews and values.

The revival and strengthening of community rules, adapted from the Karen’s
traditional lifestyle and beliefs, ensure that the community uses and manages
land and resources in a sustainable way. Thus, the villagers are able to
prevent development-induced impacts on their community, such as soil
erosion, human health hazards, and environmental quality deterioration
through the commercialization of agriculture. The revitalization of such
practices places an emphasis on the collective maintenance and care of the
land and resources, and thus, is vital for fostering community cooperation
and solidarity. At the same time, the villagers have created various ways to
present their system of preserving nature and taking care of the forest to the
wider public and authorities, to demonstrate e.g., how they protect the forest
from fire, and how their lifestyle actually enriches biodiversity (see section
D for Huay Hin Lad Nai).

Transmission of Knowledge-Practices across Generations

The older generation in Huay Hin Lad Nai - from the age of 55 onwards -
did not study in the formal education system, but have an in-depth
knowledge about nature, life in the forest and Karen culture. The middle
group, aged between 30 and 55, started attending the modern education
system. During their childhood they witnessed threats through state-led
policies and market pressure, e.g., the granting of forest concessions to
private companies in the community forest (see section A for Hin Lad Nai).
They joined other ethnic groups, NGO workers and academics in the
country-wide movement for environmental protection and land rights. The
third group comprises the current community youth aged between 15 and
30 years, most of whom have attended school least until elementary level.
They choose to stay in the community and practice shifting cultivation
rather than attending the formal education system and seeking employment
outside. They have greater opportunities to interact with outside society,
and some of them have attended training and study visits outside the village.
Thus, the young generation knows the different worlds of their own
community as well as the wider Thai society. They speak both languages

Findings and Discussion 79

fluently, and most of them use mobile phones and computers, and are
familiar with internet and communication technology. At the same time,
they remain very conscious and confident about their traditional Karen
identity, and do not wish to become urbanized or assimilated into Thai
culture. While they share a strong interest in actively learning about their
own culture and in passing it on to subsequent generations, they are not as
politically active as the second generation.

Knowledge-practices and values related to living in the forest are being
passed down between the different generations. Transferring local knowledge
and traditional rules to the younger generation contributes to forest
conservation and protection as well as to the maintenance of a body of
indigenous knowledge and cultural traditions. The Karen youth acquire
knowledge through practical activity as well as by more abstract transmission:
for example, they learn through observation and participation in rituals and
the work of their parents and kin. Besides apprentice-based learning and
learning-by-doing, the youth acquire knowledge through Hta-verses, i.e.
traditional Karen sung or spoken poems which are handed down through
generations and which convey Karen values and perceptions towards nature
and society.

Apart from transgenerational learning within the family, the Huay Hin Lad
Nai community has established and fostered a youth group since the 1990s
(see section A for Huay Hin Lad Nai). Regular activities are organized,
including a weekly meeting of the community youth and older generations
on various aspects of Karen culture (e.g., on Karen language, traditional
sword dance, or weaving). Also, there are meetings among Karen youth
groups from different communities on a regular basis during which the
young villagers learn about traditional Karen culture.

Through the transgenerational transfer of knowledge, the community builds
and strengthens the capacity of its youth, not only to preserve their
traditional lifestyle in harmony with nature, but also to empower and equip
the young villagers with knowledge to defend their traditional knowledge
and lifestyle towards the government and the wider public (see section D for
Huay Hin Lad Nai).

Strong and Experienced Leadership: Powerful Lead Figures

Huay Hin Lad Nai’s formal and informal village leaders (1. Chaiprasert
Pokka, 2. Chaitawat Jomthi, 3. Preecha Siri) are highly respected, charismatic,
visionary villagers, committed to natural resource conservation. They have

80

all built relations of trust with different social forces, facilitate interactions
between visitors and community members and maintain contact with locals
and outsiders. All of them are interested in securing some economic benefit
for the community.

Chaiprasert Pokka, the village headman, is cultivating and maintaining
good relationships with the local government (see section D for Huay Hin
Lad Nai). Chaitawat Jomthi, the assistant headman, is a member of the
Subdistrict Administrative Organization (SAO), and has engaged in
negotiations with the forestry department about not expanding the National
Park. He has been actively joining political movements over the years,
particularly with regard to the Special Cultural Zone where he organized a
celebration in the community, and is an important figure in the struggle of
ethnic and indigenous communities for the recognition and protection of
their rights. Both Chaitawat and Chaiprasert have regular meetings with the
local authorities. They are also in charge of community internal affairs,
conflict resolution and interactions with community outsiders, such as with
government officials at the local level.

Preecha Siri has been an influential, yet informal village leader over the past
decades who, in 2013, was awarded the United Nations Forest Hero Award
(see section A for Huay Hin Lad Nai). He is an eloquent, well-connected,
well-traveled leader. In contrast to the other two leaders, Preecha Siri is
mainly engaged within the community, rather than being involved in the
protest movements. He has managed to establish friendly relations with
lowland Thai and local government officials and fosters peaceful and
harmonious co-existence with different interest groups. He agreed to join
the committee of the Green Global Award of the PTT foundation as a
member, a move that demonstrates his willingness to collaborate with
different social forces and with the authorities, rather than seeking
confrontation and conflict. Preecha was also able to initiate a wide range of
community conservation projects, and plays an important role in the
maintenance of social cohesion among members.

Besides the three key leaders, the traditional leader, or Hi Hko (Patti Nu) is
considered the spiritual protector of the community. He is advanced in years
and nowadays mainly responsible for all ritual performances, centering
around the shifting cultivation cycle and the Karen’s living in the forest.

The three secular and the religious leader are playing crucial roles in
different community affairs, each with his personal style and unique
strengths. They are all particularly knowledgeable in their area of work. In
their involvement within the community and with the outside world, they

Findings and Discussion 81

are able to complement each other well, i.e. to maintain intra-village
harmony, as well as to establish strong social support systems with the
outside world (see section D for Huay Hin Lad Nai).

Social Capital: Community Cohesion and Vigorous Commitment

Sustaining Cultural Traditions and Ethnic Identity

The community members share a strong sense of unity and reciprocity. All
community members are related, and their common ethnic background,
language and shared history over generations seem to provide favorable
conditions for mutual support and commitment among all members. The
Karen of Huay Hin Lad Nai strongly uphold their ethnic identity as Karen;
they maintain a secure and confident sense of their own ethnicity, appreciate
their cultural traditions, and find means to preserve and consolidate them.
Pride in their traditional culture and a strong shared ethnic identity is likely
to have protective and stabilizing effects on their resilience to development-
induced stress.

In sum, despite restrictive state conservation ideology and increasing
development pressure, the Karen are able to use their land in accordance
with their customary land management, and to self-determine their own
path of development in line with their traditional worldview and values.
They uphold their traditional agricultural practices, in particular shifting
cultivation, a livelihood system embedded in rituals enabling community
members to build and foster relationships and ties between villagers and
across generations, as well as to acquire and exchange knowledge. Local
leadership is strong and experienced, and functioning community structures
are in place. Natural resources remain under collective management, guided
by revived traditional rules and regulations. The sustainable resource
management system of the Karen ensures their food and livelihood security.
Their rules and regulations secure the conservation and sustainable
extraction of natural resources, including care and maintenance of the
forest.

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D. Negotiation Strategies with State Actors

The previous sections have traced how the forest-based livelihood of the
Karen villagers has been significantly challenged, and how the Thai
government continues to claim that the community land belongs to the
state. To defend their rights as “people co-existing with the forest”, the Huay
Hin Lad Nai villagers have been actively engaging in various forms of
negotiation with state actors. They have developed ways to free themselves
to a certain degree from the restrictions imposed on them and to create
their own space within the state, while, at the same time, limiting its
influence on their community.

Strengthening Negotiation Positions through Allying with Other Social
Forces

Setting up Networks with Ethnic Groups, Peoples’ Movements, NGOs, and
Academia

As a response to increasing threats to their forest resources from development
and the impacts of national conservation policies, particularly between mid-
1980 and the mid-1990s, the Huay Hin Lad Nai community established
broad and diversified networks with other ethnic communities and CSOs to
negotiate state policies. They have had the opportunity to exchange
experiences with other ethnic communities, especially related to community
rights, and have learned how to negotiate with market and state policies.

They joined the Northern Farmer’s Network (NFN) in 1994, an alliance that
has played a key role in advocating for the rights of highland communities,
their traditional way of life and resource management systems. Campaigns
were initiated against evictions of forest communities, for the Community
Forest Bill, for the 1997 People’s Constitution and the Community Land
Title movement. The NFN played an important role in negotiating the
recognition by the state of Karen rights over land. Joining forces with the
NFN allowed the Huay Hin Lad Nai community to increase their visibility
and strength when dealing with the authorities. Through the network, many
activities were organized at the community level, particularly with the youth,
who became increasingly aware of community rights, the Karen traditional
way of life and natural resource management systems. The young Karen
villagers also joined protests in the city and learned from other actors,
including NGOs, academics and ethnic communities, about resource
conservation and community forestry management.

Findings and Discussion 83

The Hin Lad Nai community has also joined the National Assembly of the
Poor, a Thai non-governmental organization supporting communities
affected by development projects, and P-Move, the People’s Movement for a
Just Society. They have set up many other networks with other CSOs and
NGOs90 (see also section A for Huay Hin Lad Nai).

The villagers have established a wide network with universities and academic
institutes in Thailand (see section A for Huay Hin Lad Nai). Since they first
received the PTT Green Global Award, more and more academics and
students91 have developed an interest in the community - to conduct research
on different topics, or just to learn about Karen village life. The support
from different networks and social forces that have declared their solidarity
with the Huay Hin Lad Nai Karen has substantially enhanced their voice
and representation at different levels. Through their links to a wider range
of network partners, they were able to take collective and coordinated action
for the promotion and protection of their community rights. Forming
associations, alliances and networks with institutions, NGOs and other
ethnic groups, has increased their bargaining power.

Protest Movement as Form of Political Participation

The Karen of Huay Hin Lad Nai were able to make themselves visible to the
government by joining broad protest movements to defend their rights. The
protest movement played a crucial role in enhancing the recognition of the
Karen traditional way of life and their traditional management practices. In

90. For example, with the Northern Development Foundation (NDF), Asia Indigenous
Peoples Pact (AIPP) the Northern Farmer Network (NFN), later renamed as the
Northern Farmer Federation (NFF); the Pgakenyaw Association for Sustainable
Development (PASD), the Indigenous Knowledge and Peoples Network (IKAP);
Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP); Karen Network for Culture and Environment
(KNCE); Inter Mountain People Education and Culture in Thailand (IMPECT); The
Northern Karen Youth Group; Assembly of the Poor (formerly); People’s Movement
for a Just Society (P-Move), (includes many members of the now-defunct Assembly of
the Poor, e.g., the Anti-Pak Moon Dam Network, the Four-Region Slums Network, the
Northern Farmers Federation, the Northeastern Land Reform Network, and others),
as well as INGOs, e.g.: Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and
Ecosystem Services (IPBES), the International Fund for Agricultural Development
(IFAD), the Institute for Global Environmental Strategies (IGES), OXFAM, Centre
for People and Forests (RECOFTC).

91. e.g., Rhajabat University Chiang Rai, Naresuan University, Thammasat University,
Kasetsart University, Mae Jo University, Khon Kaeng University, Mahasarakham
University.

84

this way, they were able to raise awareness of their situation at national and
international level.

Capacity Building and Empowerment through Partnership

Through their collaboration with different social forces, particularly CSOs
and academia, the capacity of the Huay Hin Lad Nai villagers has been
strengthened in various ways. Numerous training workshops conducted by
NGOs and academia have built up their capacity to claim their rights. Some
universities have conducted training for the villagers on data collection and
research methods. Chiang Mai University has created platforms for
discussion and direct exchange between villagers and state representatives,
e.g., of the Forest Department and the Department of National Parks and
Wildlife Sanctuaries, giving community members the chance to explain
their traditional lifestyle and resource management practices to different
stakeholders, and thus to create a deeper understanding of their traditional
livelihoods, including rotational farming techniques. The community has
also received public recognition mirrored in the different awards they have
won over the past decades (see section A for Huay Hin Lad Nai).

Legitimization through Research and Scientific Evidence: Creating a
Counter Discourse

The Hin Lad Nai community has been studied by various international and
Thai academics92, demonstrating that the Karen’s resource management
systems and their traditional shifting cultivation practices are sustainable
and able to ensure community food security.

Also CSOs and NGOs have explored the villagers’ traditional knowledge
system through research. For example, in 2011, the Northern Development
Foundation conducted a study with the villagers on forestry management
and climate change mitigation in the light of wide-spread accusations that
ethnic highlander groups contribute to climate change through their
traditional agricultural practices. The research demonstrated the
environmental friendliness of Karen rotational farming, and underlined its
sustainability. With the support of NGOs, CSOs, and academics, also printed
material has been produced (e.g., booklets, reports, posters), illustrating the
harmonious co-existence of the Karen with nature, their local knowledge,
sustainable resource management and customary practices.

92. E.g.; Kawasaki, Takahashi, & Scheyvens (2016); Trakansuphakorn & Kampholkul
(2010); Wongvarn & Amnuay-ngerntra (2018).