Imagining Ethnic Communities: Resource Conflicts and Development in Thailand

Findings and Discussion 85

Through research, the villagers are able to legitimize their knowledge-
practices in the struggle for their right to choose their traditional way of life
in the forest, gaining bargaining power to defend their lifestyle against
negative stereotypes and misrepresentations, and to demonstrate that their
system has been marginalized based on false accusations and misconceptions.
Research has supported and strengthened the villagers in their struggle for
the legal recognition of their right to natural resource management, in
accordance with their customary rules and traditions, and has helped to
raise public awareness of the situation of the Karen villagers and of the state’s
negative attitude towards models of human-forest co-existence.

Reconciling and Balancing State Power and Relative Local Autonomy

While some of the Huay Hin Lad Nai villagers have joined large protest
movements for their community rights, they have, at the same time, always
sought to adopt a conciliatory, accommodating and balanced approach to
interactions with the authorities, rather than risking open conflicts and
confrontations. To some extent, they have adopted and accepted state policy,
but without compromising their relative local autonomy (see section A for
Huay Hin Lad Nai). They have thus found ways to balance state control and
influence with their own local sovereignty.

Cultivating Friendly Relations with the Local Government

Chaitawat Jomthi is member of the sub-district administration, with whom
Preecha Siri and Chaitawat Jomthi in particular have cultivated a good
relationship. Officials of the Royal Forest Department (RFD) and Department
of National Parks, Wildlife and Plant Conservation (DNP) visit the
community from time to time to inform them on policy-related issues. The
villagers also regularly invite government staff to their community, e.g., to
ritual performances, celebrations, or guided forest tours.

Adoption of the Conservation Discourse and Terminology of the State

The villagers have adopted certain elements of national and international
discourse into their negotiations, to communicate their knowledge in widely
understood contemporary terms. Thus, in the discourse on the environmental
impacts of shifting cultivation, they make links to climate change issues.
They have produced community maps classifying areas using the language
and concepts of the government rather than their own Karen terms.

86

Using Culture as a Political Tool: Presentation of Traditional Knowledge to
the State and the Public

The youth group realized that the community had to explain their activities
to the outside world. They invited government representatives to witness
the community’s conservation efforts and respect for nature. As Mr. Preecha
Siri summarized it, “we implement fire protection measures every year. We
should let others know that we do this”.

The Huay Hin Lad Nai villagers have made constant efforts to engage in
dialogue with state representatives, particularly at the local level. The
community has undertaken a number of measures to demonstrate and
prove to the public that their way of living is not harmful, but beneficial to
the eco-system, or in Mr. Siri’s words: “The government is not our enemy,
but we apprehend it as our friend. We have to find ways to create trust and
to make them understand our way of life.”

The community regularly extends invitations to state representatives. For
example, whenever local government staff (e.g., the head of the National
Park) changes, the villagers invite the new officers to share information
about community life in the forest. They have organized meetings with
forestry staff, the Park Chief, academics, and NGO staff, in order to create a
deeper understanding and awareness of their traditional way of life. In face
of the eviction threat in the 1990s, the villagers sent booklets to officials
explaining their lifestyle and asking not to be included in the National Park.
To create a deeper understanding of their traditional livelihood and
sustainable resource management systems among the public, the community
continues to receive and invite visitors from all over the world to promote to
a wide audience their local knowledge and their ability to live with and
protect the forest. National and international popularity provides them with
additional support and back-up to negotiate with the authorities. The village
has also been officially recognized by the Thai government and national
agencies for its sustainable resource management practices and
environmental restoration efforts, e.g. through the declaration of the
community as a Special Cultural Zone under the 2010 Cabinet Resolution,
and has received national and international awards.

The community has developed different ways of presenting their traditional
lifestyle in the forest to a broad audience:

A Learning Center to present their specific local knowledge through an
apprentice-based learning approach, e.g., through guided walks through the
forest. The center also serves as a connecting point for a wide range of

Findings and Discussion 87

different social groups, including academics, state representatives and civil
society and gives villagers the chance to share experiences with people from
different cultures and countries.

Ritual Performances to present their respect for nature and the forest through
the public display of certain rituals (including, for example, the Deipauz
Htoof ritual, see section C for Huay Hin Lad Nai), the construction of
firebreaks, and various rituals that express respect to supernatural powers,
the forest and nature. They have also adopted widely known rituals from
lowland Thai people, e.g. a tree ordination ceremony (see section A for
Huay Hin Lad Nai).

Social Media and Broadcast Media are made increasing use of, by the youth
in particular, especially Facebook, to present their community activities and
conservation practices to audiences around the world. For example, they
have shared pictures of the community’s successful suppression of forest
fires during the burning season93 in Northern Thailand. The community has
also collaborated with media representatives (e.g., Thai PBS) to communicate
their messages and create greater understanding among the wider public.
A number of short documentaries and reports on the villages have been
produced and broadcast.

In sum, over the past decades, the Huay Hin Lad Nai villagers have
successfully entered into negotiations with state actors, and have set up
networks with other interest groups, particularly other ethnic groups, CSOs,
NGOs and academia. Based on their support networks and the protest
movement, they were able to enhance their visibility, to create awareness
among the wider public of their situation and their role in conserving the
ecosystem, and to have an influence at the policy level. They have further
been able to foster a sense of solidarity and collectivity in the struggle for
their local autonomy and community rights. In their negotiations, mainly
aiming at maintaining their self-determination and relative local autonomy,
the Karen have developed means to use their traditional culture and their
role as stewards and caretakers of the forest as an effective political tool to
legitimate their co-existence with the forest. Alliances and networks
increased the villagers’ bargaining power, strengthened them in various
ways and influenced their choice of negotiation strategies and tools (e.g.,
production of maps, films and printed materials, revival of rituals). They
have been able to demonstrate the revival and maintenance of their cultural
practices to the authorities, and thus, to create an alternative discourse to

93. around February to May

88

misrepresentations in the public discourse on their role in resource
conservation and management. In this way, they have found ways to
advocate for their rights by legitimizing their land and resource use based
on the sustainability of their way of life, customary practices, their intimate
relationship with the land and natural resources, and their cultural identity
as Karen. The Huay Hin Lad Nai have managed to selectively and strategically
respond to outside involvement; they have constructed their own space
within the state and developed an “art of being governed”, through their
everyday struggle amidst and against domination and control, based on
their shared visions, envisaging, and intentions - their imagining community
(Tanabe, 2008) - to preserve their traditional way of life and their relative
local autonomy to use their land and natural resources in line with their
customary law and practices.

4.2 Nor Lae

A. Geographical/Ecological Context and Community History

Nor Lae village is a Dara-ang (Palaung) community, located on Angkhang
Mountain, Mon Pin Sub-district, Fang district, Chiang Mai Province, in the
Thai-Burma borderland. The Dara-ang are relative newcomers to Thailand,
unlike other ethnic groups (e.g., Akha, Lahu or Lisu) who began entering
the country in the early twentieth century, and increasingly after the Chinese
revolution. In contrast, many Dara-ang fled to Thailand quite recently due
to political unrest and conflict in Burma.

Nor Lae village was founded in 1981 after the first group of Dara-ang people
migrated from Myanmar, to escape ongoing violent conflict in Shan State.
Their leader, Mr. Namo Man-Hueng, the 50-year-old village chief of Na
Laeng, Chiang Tong District, Muang Nai Province, Shan State, led the group
across the mountains in search of a safe area to stay. They first reached the
Thai-Myanmar border some 2 kilometers away from today’s location of Nor
Lae, with the aim of reaching Thailand, even though at this time Mr. Namo
did not know much about the kingdom. Above all, he wanted to escape the
hardships of his hometown.

In 1981, he learned from villagers in the area that King Bhumibol Adulyadej
was planning a visit to Doi Angkhang, and decided to ask for an audience.
At the hearing, Rama IX granted the Dara-ang permission to settle
permanently in Thailand. The area of Nor Lae was suggested since it is
connected to a bigger road, and thus more accessible for the authorities who

Findings and Discussion 89

offered to support the community. Finally, the Dara-ang took over land
from Chinese who had deserted the area, and began cultivating opium along
the border. When other Dara-ang in Shan State heard about the group
having settled in Thailand, more Dara-ang began to migrate to Nor Lae, and
are still arriving there even now.

Figure 5: Location of Nor Lae village

Today, 1,191 Dara-ang (579 men, and 612 women, or 267 households) live
in Nor Lae94. The great majority of the Dara-ang in Nor Lae refer to
themselves as “Red Dara-ang”. A smaller group belongs to the “Black Dara-
ang”. Most of the villagers (215 households) strongly adhere and are strictly

94. Approximately 12,000 other Dara-ang people are scattered in other villages in Thailand,
as well as in larger cities, such as Bangkok.

90

devoted to Theravada (Yuan) Buddhism, amalgamated with ancestor
worship. Within their families, the villagers use Dara-ang as their main
language95.

The area is approximately 1400 meters above sea level, and the community
is surrounded by limestone mountains, with alternating high and low areas.
Due to the high altitude, the annual average temperature is around 17.7
degrees, and the maximum temperature around 32 degrees. Because of the
cool weather all year round, the area is suitable for the production of
temperate fruits and crops, including opium.

The Thai-Burma borderland has been highly contested by different interest
groups struggling for power and control, including the Burmese and Thai
armies, ethnic armed groups (e.g., the Wa, Khun Sa), and outlaws (such as
drug traffickers and smugglers). In line with the enforcement of a nation-
wide opium ban, the Royal Project Angkhang began promoting alternative
occupations among the Dara-ang in the late 1980s to gradually reduce
opium production. In the 1980s and 90s, groups of Dara-ang continued to
migrate from Myanmar. After fighting had ceased at the border, military
bases were established on both sides, with a joint border patrol.

Today, Nor Lae is the largest Dara-ang community in Thailand. Because of
its location on the border most Dara-ang immigrants en route for other
Dara-ang communities or other locations in Thailand will pass through the
village. Dara-ang people from Thailand or from Myanmar can cross the
border to visit relatives on the other side. Cross-border trade flourishes,
with mostly ethnic groups crossing the border to buy or to order products
in shops in Nor Lae. Sports events are regularly organized between both
countries, involving soldiers and villagers.

For 80% of the Dara-ang villagers in Nor Lae, the main source of income is
agriculture under the Royal Project Angkhang. Most of the remaining 20%
are later immigrants without identity documents, who grow rice and
vegetables on the Burmese side of the border, around 2-10 kilometers inside
Burma.

95. Red Dara-ang and Black Dara-ang only partially understand each other’s languages,
so in their daily interactions they use Shan. The younger generation communicate in
Thai, which most of the young and middle-aged groups are able to speak well.

Findings and Discussion 91

Figure 6: Nor Lae and its surroundings. This map is based on a survey by the
Mae Phoe Watershed Management Unit, Department of National Parks, 2019

The left side of the main road in the community belongs to Myanmar, while
the right hand side is in Thailand (see map: red line). Nor Lae sits in a
Forest Reserve (on the map, the purple line depicts the borderline between
the Forest Reserve “Watershed Fang”, and “Doi Pha Hom Pok” National
Park. The Forest Reserve is on the left hand side and the National Park on
the right side of the line). Approximately 5-6 kilometers south of Nor Lae,
the Royal Agricultural Station Angkhang and Royal Agricultural Research
Centre have been established as an initiative of His Majesty King Bhumibol
Adulyadej. The project was founded in 1969 as the first agricultural research
station, with the aim to promote agricultural research and the cultivation of
temperate fruits, vegetables and flowers, in order to improve the living
standards of ethnic highlander groups. The Nor Lae community is a member
village of the Royal Project Angkhang96.
The total area of Nor Lae covers 3.35 km2 (2,091.21 rai) (see map: yellow
line), divided into a forest area of 2.54 km2 (1,584.54 rai), a residential area
(blue) of 0.10 km2 (63.45 rai), a sustenance forest of 0.03 km2 (20 rai), and

96. There are 5 other member villages: Luang, Khum, Pang Ma, Bha Kha, and Khob Dong,
inhabited by 4 ethnic groups - Tai Yai, Black Lahu, Palaung and Chinese Ho.

92

an agricultural area of 0.65 km2 (406.27 rai) under the supervision of the
Royal Project which has obtained permission from the Forestry Department
to use the area for agricultural research and experiments. Arable land is
extremely limited in and around the community, and all the available land
around the village is used by the Royal Project. Out of 267 households in
Nor Lae, 206 work for the Royal Project, in 8 occupational groups (fruit
trees, flowers, strawberries, tea, organic vegetables, herbs, livestock, and
Portobello mushrooms).

The Royal Project has allocated 0.0016 km2 (1 rai) to each Dara-ang family.
The community has organic vegetable plots (green), rose and strawberry
plantations (orange), and a large tea plantation (pink). An area outside Nor
Lae is used for the cultivation of herbal tea, such as Pu Thao Ting Mai97 and
Jiaogulan98 (red). However, the arable land allocated to the Dara-ang is not
enough to meet the villagers’ needs, and a number of them cross the border
into Myanmar to grow vegetables there. In addition, 0.014 km2 (8.81 rai) are
used as a public village area, and government agencies have been set up on
an area of 0.013 km2 (8.14 rai).

The infrastructure in the residential area of Nor Lae is well-maintained, and
roads are in good condition. Houses are both single- and two storey, made
from cement and wood. Due to land scarcity, many married couples live
together with their parents, so some houses are crowded. A school is located
in Khob Dong village, an ethnic Lahu village around 4 kilometers south of
Nor Lae. Even though both girls and boys can study at the elementary
school nearby, parents frequently let their male children ordain as novices/
Buddhist monks in temples in larger cities (e.g., Chiang Mai) so that they
can access high school or higher education. Girls usually study at lower
levels in an occupational school. There are 4 grocery shops and a small
nursery in the community. A monastery and village pillars99 have been set
up in the middle of the village, and a cemetery is located in the south. A
Thai military base has been set up within the village by the Thai border
troops - the border cavalry. From Nor Lae, a Burmese military base is visible
on the Myanmar side of the border. Close to the community is a viewpoint
and the camping area Mon Son under the supervision of the National Park.

97. Pu Thao Ting Mai, or Aspidistra tea, is an herbal tea to which different health benefits
are attributed, such as lowering blood pressure and cholesterol.

98. Jiaogulan, or gynostemma pentaphylla, is often consumed as herbal tea and used in
traditional medicine.

99. A kind of memorial pillar symbolizing the origin of the village

Findings and Discussion 93

Unclear Demarcation of Boundaries

For years, it was unclear which parts of the village overlap with the National
Park, and thus, which areas fall under whose responsibility, the Department
of Forestry, the Angkhang Royal Agricultural Station, or the National Park.
In 2019, National Park staff surveyed the area, and it was decided that Nor
Lae village falls under the Forest Reserve, but is separate from the National
Park. It is still unclear where exactly the Thai-Burma border is located, and
the villagers still have no information on future land use planning. Different
institutions and agencies, e.g., the military, Department of Forestry and the
Department of National Parks interpret the borderline differently, and use
different maps. According to a satellite map, one part of the community
(Moo 1) is located on the Burmese side of the border. However, the villagers
there have Thai ID cards and house registration certificates showing that
they live in Fang district, Chiang Mai Province, Thailand. Nevertheless,
Myanmar claims that Moo 1 is within its territory and Burmese soldiers
continue to collect taxes from the residents.

Lack of Citizenship

Out of the total population of 1,191, only 300 are Thai citizens. The first
Dara-ang immigrants did not receive Thai ID cards, but only a Thai “Alien
ID card” or a pink ID card100. Around 400 Dara-ang hold pink ID cards
which allow them to stay temporarily in Thailand for living and working,
but only in designated areas. Around 150 people hold “white cards”, i.e.
identity cards that are not officially registered. Around 250 Dara-ang hold

100. In the past, the Thai State has issued different minority ID cards with different colors.
Holders of these cards are not recognized as Thai citizens. The complex Thai nationality
law includes both principles of jus sanguinis and jus soli. Non-Thai nationals can
hold two types of identity cards in accordance with the Law on Civil Registration:
A pink card - an identity card for a person without Thai nationality; or a white card
- an identity card for a person without registration status. The names of persons
holding a pink card are centrally registered under TR13 (used for the registration of
non-Thai nationals who stay in Thailand, who have lawfully entered the country and
stay temporarily); or TR14 (used for the registration of Thai nationals and foreigners
with official residency and permanent residence rights). Those with a ”white” ID
card for persons without registration status reside in Thailand, but do not have any
house registration or entry in the central register (TR 13 and TR14), or other civil
registration documents. Holders of both types of cards can apply for Thai nationality.
But they need proof that they have lived in Thailand for at least 5 years, need to be
of legal age, hold a residence certificate or non-Thai identification certificate with a
name in the civil registration, and practice an honest profession.

94

Burmese passports, while 91 have no identity documents at all101. The lack
of Thai citizenship is linked to many restrictions of basic human and civil
rights, e.g., the right to occupation, and rights over land and farmland, and
thus, poses problems to the official inclusion into natural resource
management and community forestry activities. Those in Nor Lae without
Thai ID-cards have limited choices and cannot freely choose their work
place; most of them work for the Royal Project.

Around 125 Dara-ang children under 18 do not have Thai citizenship: 95
have pink ID cards, and 35 are stateless, i.e. they do not have any identity
documents at all. With a pink card, these children are not eligible for
government scholarships and later on will be unable to work in the public
service system. Stateless children often do not go on to high school102 after
finishing primary school103. Even though children are entitled to study for
free, parents have limited income and they would still have to pay school
maintenance fees, transport costs, food, and living expenses. Many children
are afraid that they will face disadvantages or be looked down on in the
school system because they are not Thai. After graduation, they will not be
able to work in such good jobs as Thai citizens104. Some children who were
born in Thailand had the required documents to request nationality – a
time-consuming and cost-intensive process that also requires the ability to

101. Nowadays, holder of pink and white cards have similar rights and face similar
limitations, for example, they cannot travel outside the province, and can only work
restrictedly. They are entitled to some form of health service. However, this is a rather
new development after NGOs lobbied for enhancement of rights of white card holders.
Different colored cards were issued following different government surveys: the pink
cards were provided to the Dara-ang after a survey in 1999, white cards after a survey
in 2005, so the white card pointed to a later arrival of the holder. After 2005, no more
identity documents of any color were issued, so that those in Nor Lae without any
papers are the latest migrants. Also, a number of Dara-ang ID-less villagers did not
take part in the government surveys; they were either not aware of the survey at all,
or were absent, or afraid of the military and intentionally did not show up.

102. Children without Thai ID card have the right to study in the formal education system
until grade 12. If Dara-ang children in Nor Lae want to continue their education after
primary school they have to attend a school outside the community.

103. In Thailand, primary education (grade 1-6, or Prathom) is from age 6 to 11. From
the ages of 12-18, children attend secondary education (Matthayom 1-6), with the
6 years being divided into lower and upper secondary education, and only the first
three years being compulsory.

104. For example, a male Dara-ang villager, with a pink ID-card, a BA degree and a strong
command of English and Chinese cannot work as a government teacher or official
tour guide, but has to work as an unlicensed guide for a very small salary in Chiang
Mai.

Findings and Discussion 95

communicate in Thai. A number of Dara-ang decided to hire others to carry
out the application process for them, and some were cheated.

Lack of Land Rights and Restricted Access to Natural Resources, Lack of
Self-Determination

In the 1960s, Thailand faced increasing deforestation. The National Reserved
Forests Act was passed in 1964, to protect forests by stipulating punishments
for anyone damaging and destroying forest resources. An area covering
today’s village of Nor Lae on Doi Angkhang was designated as a Forest
Reserve (“Fang Watershed Forest Reserve”) by the Thai Ministry of
Agriculture in 1967. In 2000, the “Doi Pha Hom Pok” National Park was
declared, overlapping with parts of the Forest Reserve. The villagers in Nor
Lae do not have land titles and face land tenure insecurity and restricted
access to natural resources. Because Nor Lae has only recently been set up,
i.e. after the announcement of the protected zones and the establishment of
the Royal Agricultural Station Angkhang, the Dara-ang do not have any
rights to land or to use farm land, unlike ethnic groups who have lived in an
area before it became protected. However, they can cultivate the surrounding
vegetable plots and farms in line with the policies and prescriptions of the
Royal Agricultural Station.

In the past the villagers used water from a stream nearby, but then the Royal
Project took over the water supply in 1996 and water access is now
insufficient for farming during the hot season (March to June). The villagers
added access to mountain water from Myanmar to use and consume in the
village all year round, but there is still not enough for irrigation of their
farm lands. They are thus not able to cultivate crops, and many community
members have no choice but to work as laborers outside the community
during the hot season.

96

Community History and Development Context

1. The Dara-ang’s Migration to the Thai-Myanmar Border and Settlement
in Contested Borderland (1967-1988)

Because of its high altitude, Doi Angkhang Mountain is suitable for opium
cultivation, and the hills were once covered with poppy plantations on both
sides of the border. In line with Thailand’s opium eradication policy, the
government had started substitution programs in the 1960s, aiming to
replace opium with cash crops and to integrate opium cultivators into the
domestic economy. Thailand’s royal dynasty had begun to show an interest
in the ethnic highlander groups. His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej
travelled across the kingdom to meet and talk with local populations, and to
collect information needed for the formulation of political, social, and
economic reforms. For the fight against opium, the King had realized the
importance of providing alternative sources of income for the highlanders.
Accordingly, he founded the Royal Projects to foster the substitution of
opium, but, at the same time, to improve the socio-economic conditions
and living standards of ethnic minorities, and to promote their integration
and assimilation to Thai culture.

In 1969, near what is now Nor Lae, His Majesty founded a research station,
today known as the Royal Project Doi Angkhang, to counter opium
cultivation and production in the area. At that time, the Dara-ang who
settled first in today’s Nor Lae had not yet migrated to Thailand, but still
lived in Burma where they subsisted on hill rice and opium cultivation. The
former leader, Mr. Namo Man-Hueng, recalls the adversity and hardship the
Dara-ang faced in Shan State in the 1970s, before they decided to leave.
They were caught in violent clashes between the Shan and the Tatmadaw.
Soldiers from both armies demanded rice, pigs, and chickens from the
villagers, and when the Dara-ang refused, they were maltreated and abused.
Sons were forced to join the army or to work as porters, and daughters were
raped. The story of the Dara-ang resembles that of many other ethnic groups
who have fled Burma over the past decades.

In 1979, the 8 Dara-ang families crossed the border into Chiang Mai
Province to seek refuge from further persecution. At that time, there was no
clear border demarcation, so the group was not aware that they had entered
Thailand. In Burma, before they settled permanently in Nor Lae, the Dara-
ang were free to choose which crops they wanted to plant, and mainly
cultivated opium and practiced shifting cultivation. While rice was grown
for their own consumption, they produced opium both for sale and their

Findings and Discussion 97

own use. From Nor Lae a number of Dara-ang began working as wage
laborers in poppy fields on the Myanmar side. As new immigrants to
Thailand without land or legal status under Thai law, and because they were
unable to speak Thai fluently, the Dara-ang had no choice but to accept very
low pay. They had little contact with people outside their own group, except
for their Chinese and Shan employers. Contact with the authorities was
limited to occasional encounters with Thai border military when the Dara-
ang were sometimes driven back across the border into Burma.

Due to the environmental and climatic suitability for opium cultivation on
Doi Angkhang Mountain, the area was highly contested among different
stakeholders. At that time, the Thai military base had not yet been set up in
the area. Soldiers from both the United Wa State Army, an ethnic armed
group, and troops of Khun Sa, a Shan drug lord, frequently appeared, forcing
the Dara-ang to work for them.

His Majesty King Rama IX visited the area again in 1984, and explicitly
appealed to the Dara-ang to give up their opium cultivation, and to grow
temperate crops instead. A royal donation of 5,000 THB105 was given to the
villagers for the construction of a monastery. Although the government’s
opium ban, enacted in 1959, was not strictly observed at that time, some
Dara-ang began to reduce their opium production and turned to the
cultivation of other crops; after the repeated involvement of King Rama IX
as well as the ethnic armed groups, government agencies began to increase
their presence on Angkhang Mountain. Between 1984 and 1985, the Thai
authorities became more active in suppressing opium cultivation. The Office
of the Narcotics Control Board (NACC) together with Thai border troops
and the Border Patrol Police conducted a survey on opium fields in northern
Thailand from 1984 to 1985, and shortly afterwards started destroying
opium plantations in the area of Nor Lae. At this time, however, there were
no alternative income-generating activities for the Dara-ang, so many
families continued to grow poppies in Myanmar. While the opium fields
still brought good yields, the rice harvest started to gradually decrease.

Besides being perceived as opium producers and traffickers, ethnic
highlander groups were considered a potential threat to national security,
susceptible to the influence of communism. The Thai government had
increased efforts to build schools in remote border villages from the mid-
1950s onwards. The idea was to teach highland children Thai language

105. In 1984, 1 THB was around 0.024 USD.

98

through the Border Patrol Police (BPP)106. In 1985, the Thai government
built a Border Patrol Police school in the area of today’s military base in Nor
Lae. The new school opened opportunities for Dara-ang children and adults
to study Thai and establish relations with the authorities who helped protect
the area.

The security situation along the border remained unstable, and struggles
over control of the area continued. In 1986, conflicts re-escalated between
Khun Sa and the Wa army. The Dara-ang settlement was burnt down, and
the villagers decided to move deeper into Thailand. Another group of
villagers decided to move back to Myanmar. Eventually, Khun Sa’s troops
were defeated by the Wa army, and the Wa soldiers set up a base at the area
of today’s Nor Lae monastery. Clashes erupted again when the Burmese
army attacked the Wa military base. Finally, they defeated the Wa in 1987.
During this period, the Thai military set up a training base in Khob Dong
village, near today’s location of Nor Lae, and negotiated with the Myanmar
military to withdraw forces. After the conflicts defused, staff of the Angkhang
Royal Agricultural Station asked the Dara-ang who had fled the village to
move back to Nor Lae. Since King Rama IX had granted them permission to
settle down in the designated area, government agencies collaborated closely
to bring them back to Nor Lae, especially the family of the leader.

The migration of Dara-ang from Burma occurred in several waves, the
ongoing conflict in Shan State causing a continuous exodus of families.
After the first group led by Mr. Namo, a second group arrived in 1983,
comprising some 550 people. A third group of around 60 people arrived in
1993. After that, only individuals or small groups moved to Nor Lae.

Due to the scarcity of arable land, in 1987, some Dara-ang families decided
to move further into Thailand to work as wage laborers, some of them in
fruit orchards, or forest plantations, following an invitation from forest
officials in Chiang Dao District. They set up a temporary settlement, but the
area was located in a watershed 1A zone, where any kind of human
interaction and settlement is prohibited. Thus, the same villagers who had
been invited to work in the forest were arrested by the police for trespassing
in the forest and disturbing it. Forest officials did not intervene. In 1989,
when they were released from jail, they set up a settlement in a different

106. A special Thai forces unit under the Royal Thai police in charge of border security.
The establishment of schools had some key strategic objectives, such as to improve
the opportunities and welfare of highlander communities, to gather information and
set up surveillance systems in border villages, and therefore to build trust between
police forces and villagers.

Findings and Discussion 99

area, outside the watershed 1A zone, but were arrested again for invading
the forest and illegally entering the country. The Dara-ang moved and
settled down elsewhere in the National Park area, where they were detained
once again.

2. Amidst Border Tensions and Crop Substitution Schemes: Protection by
the Thai Military and Friendly Relations with the Royal Project (1989-
2002)

After the Thai military base was set up near the community, and more Thai
soldiers were deployed in the area, the Dara-ang felt less threatened. Thai
soldiers began to increase control and surveillance of the entry and exit of
people and goods across the two sides of the border. One of the key changes
during this period was the growing involvement of the Royal Project with
the Dara-ang. From 1989 onwards, the suppression of opium cultivation
was enforced with greater intensity, and the Royal Project began to promote
agricultural activities among the villagers. The Project asked the Forest
Department to grant land to the villagers, by then a community of 50 to 60
households. In 1989, the head of the Royal Forest Department allocated 0.04
km² (250 rai) arable land on the Thai side to the Dara-ang. Villagers were
permitted to plant crops in the area, which was not yet arranged into plots.

Between 1989 and 2002, the Royal Project implemented various crop
planting programs and introduced a number of new seeds and crops, more
or less successfully. At first, they promoted new hill rice seeds to replace the
traditional varieties. Since arable land in Nor Lae is very limited, some of
the villagers planted the new rice seeds in Myanmar. Even though the Dara-
ang attempted to improve their rice production through an increased use of
fertilizers and pesticides, the new seeds led to low harvests, and the grains
were small. Starting in 1999, the Royal Project encouraged planting
temperate crops, such as persimmon, plum, Asian pear, and peach, in order
to keep the villagers from cultivating hill rice and opium on the Myanmar
side. Some farmers agreed to grow temperate fruit trees107, but the trees did
not bear any fruit in the first years, and, when the farmers were finally able
to harvest, the Royal Project was unable to buy the fruit as they did not
meet the required quality standards. In order to earn some income, many
Dara-ang people went back to cultivating opium in Burma. The Royal
Project began to promote other crops, such as roses (1992) and strawberries
(1996). Starting from 2000, the plantation of tea was encouraged and
supported, and the Royal Project prepared a separate plot to grow tea trees.

107. The Royal Project distributed 25 tree seedlings to each family.

100

It took around six years for the tea plants to grow. Meanwhile, some of the
villagers raised income by planting vegetables under the tea trees.

Over this period, the Royal Project did not impose strict rules or regulations
on the villagers, and there was as yet no rigid management system in place.
The Project provided comprehensive help to the Dara-ang farmers, and the
staff and the villagers had a close relationship. The villagers felt supported
and taken care of by the Project. When the Dara-ang chose to plant certain
kinds of crop, the Royal Project supplied seeds, fertilizer and pesticides
through the Royal Agricultural Research Center. The costs for these inputs
had to be covered by the farmers108, but the Royal Project provided transport
for the products, and some plants, for free. A number of Dara-ang became
volunteers for the Royal Project, assisted its development, and encouraged
other Nor Lae villagers to participate. During this period the Royal Project
also promoted the cultivation of flowers by allocating land to 14 families.

After their rice farms again yielded a poor harvest in 2002, the Dara-ang
decided to give up growing rice and started buying it from the district
market. Around 10 families were unable to afford this109 without continuing
to grow opium.

Soon after the Royal Project began its operation in Nor Lae, infrastructure
development was promoted. In 1991, the community was connected to the
electricity grid, and road connections were improved to enable Royal Project
staff and villagers to travel and transport agricultural products more easily.
In 1996, the Royal Agriculture Station built a reservoir and community
households were connected to tap water. Water was also provided for
agriculture by the Royal Project110, but the supply turned out to be insufficient
during the dry season.

Since conservation had become a top priority of the Forest Department, the
designation of National Parks and other protected zones formed an integral
part of the state’s forest management practice. Already back in 1981, the
Royal Forest Department had approved the establishment of a Forest Park

108. After the Royal Project purchased all crops from the villagers, the farmers received
50 percent of the income, with 50 percent deducted to cover the costs of seeds and
chemicals.

109. In that time, the price for one rice bag was around 250 to 300 THB. A family with 5
to 6 members had to buy at least two bags of rice per month. Thus, they needed to
earn at least 600 THB to cover the costs (In 2002, 1 THB was around 0,043).

110. Before 1996, the Nor Lae villagers used water from a small river near the village, on
the Thai side of the border.

Findings and Discussion 101

on the area of today’s community, called Fang Hot Spring Forest Park111.
Forest Parks are frequently turned into National Parks. In line with the
national conservation trend, in 2000, the area around Nor Lae was declared
as National Park No. 97, named “Mae Fang National Park”, located in a Class
1A watershed area. Accordingly, supervision and control over the community
area and some of the farmland fell to the Park authorities. The Dara-ang
were unaware that their living area had been declared as both a Forest
Reserve and a National Park; they assumed that all land was under the
responsibility of the Royal Project.

The situation along the Thai-Myanmar border remained insecure. In 2001,
heavy clashes broke out between the Shan army and Burmese troops. Bombs
reached the Thai side of the border, causing wide-spread forest fires. The
Thai army evacuated the Dara-ang villagers to Pang Kwai village, around
40 kilometers away from the border. When the situation eased around a
year later, the villagers began to return.

In late 2002, the Burmese army started charging the Dara-ang fees for using
land in Myanmar112 after it became evident that the Dara-ang people earned
income through cooperating with the Royal Project. In the past, the soldiers
had just asked the Dara-ang for labor in exchange for using land on the
Burmese side.

During this period, Je, a Yunnan Chinese woman, born in Fang District,
who had married an officer at the Royal Project Angkhang, began to gain
influence in the Nor Lae community. Because of her good Burmese language
skills, she acted as a mediator between Thai and Myanmar soldiers, as well
as the villagers who crossed the border to use farmland in Myanmar. With
the Dara-ang villagers, she established relationships similar to a patron-
client arrangement, by helping them in different situations through her
status and wealth (e.g., sending them in her car to the hospital or market),
at the same time securing their loyalty.

111. (In Thai วนอทุ ยาน, Wannauttayan). Forest Parks are conservation areas, often protected

because of their beautiful scenery, that are too small to be designated as a National
Park.
112. The Myanmar soldiers collected between 30,000 and 50,000 THB per year from the
farmers (In 2002, 1 THB was around 0.043 THB).

102

3. A New War on Drugs, Nor Lae’s Counter-drug Image Cultivation, and
Souring Relationships with the Cooperative: Community Struggles and
Responses (2003-2014)

In 2003, the Thai government under Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra
launched a zero-tolerance “war on drugs” to eradicate supply and demand
for narcotics. Due to its location in the border area, the Nor Lae community
faced increasing pressure. A number of Thai drug dealers were arrested, and
the Dara-ang were no longer able to grow and sell opium. Opium-addicted
villagers were sent to a drug rehabilitation center in Mae Rim District in
Chiang Mai Province. The Dara-ang decided to undertake measures to
demonstrate to the authorities and the wider public that they were not
involved in drugs. The Security Department and military officials requested
75 male Nor Lae villagers to be trained as Civil Protection Volunteers in
2003, to support the fight against drugs in the community; the Nor Lae
villagers willingly joined in. Between 2004 and 2007, every house in Nor Lae
raised a white flag, a practice promoted under the Thaksin Shinawatra
regime to declare that the household was drug-free.

Over this period, the initially friendly and supportive relationship with the
Royal Project began to change. One key development was the change of the
Royal Project’s management and operation system from 2003 onwards.
A cooperative was established, which gradually set up more restrictions.
The cooperative requested all Dara-ang to return the allocated farm land,
except those plots assigned for the cultivation of flowers and tea, to promote
the planting of organic vegetables, herbs and animal husbandry.

Around 0.002 km2 (1 rai) of land was equally re-distributed to families with
Thai identity documents113, with a total of 0.24km2 (150 rai) allocated for
vegetable plots. Since the cultivation of organic vegetables was promoted,
chemical fertilizers could not be used, and it was no longer permitted to
grow vegetables under tea trees because the trees needed chemical fertilizers.
In 2004, strawberry plantations were set up on an area of 0.016 km2 (10 rai).
The cooperative purchased all the villagers’ produce at the full price. At that
time, a transportation service was also offered between the village and the
cooperative. Villagers just collected the harvest and then waited for a car to
pick up their products twice a day. From 2005 onwards, the Royal Project

113. In order to use land, the Dara-ang were required to hold a document issued by the
Thai government which clearly identifies the person as living in Thailand. They also
needed to be without any criminal record. Not all Dara-ang fulfilled these criteria.
For example, despite his important role and position, no land was allocated to the
former leader (Mr. Namo Man-Hueng) because he did not have identity documents.

Findings and Discussion 103

began to promote the cultivation of strawberries and roses in large quantities.
Villagers without Thai identity cards started paying rent for land on the
Myanmar side to grow taro and snow lotus, then sold the produce to
middlemen in the community.

Between 2005 and 2007, the cooperative set new rules for crop cultivation
and product purchase. For example, they fixed a certain purchase quota; if a
villager produced more than the required quota, the Agricultural Station
did not buy the surplus. If farmers were unable to produce the required
quantity, they had to find ways to fulfill their quota, e.g., by buying in crops
from other villagers. In addition, the cooperative introduced a classification
and pricing system according to product quality, and delivery times were
changed so the villagers had to pick vegetables between 3 to 4 am in the
morning to send their products in in time. The villagers also now had to pay
a delivery fee of around 3 THB per basket114. A number of Dara-ang farmers
began to feel that they were being taken advantage of, but they had no
choice but to continue working for the cooperative. They were unable to
determine selling prices, even though they had invested labor in their
plantations, as well as paying for seedlings, cultivation houses, and fertilizer.
If there was not enough labor in the family, they also had to hire other
community members to help. Most of the farmers were not able to earn
enough and lost money. A number of families began accumulating debts.

The villagers were still allowed to cultivate some crops without being
restricted to a certain farming area. For example, a few villagers started
planting Jiaogulan115 near the village in 2007. Jiaogulan achieved high
market prices that year due to an increasing nationwide demand, so the
authorities permitted the villagers to grow it.

From 2007 onwards, the Royal Project became formally the “Doi Angkhang
Royal Agricultural Cooperative”. The cooperative began to provide seeds,
fertilizers, production technologies, and purchase plans to the villagers, but
also set up new rules for investment, requiring the villagers to buy shares in

114. During this time, the exchange rate from THB to USD was between 31 and 41.
115. Jiaogulan is a plant that grows wild in southern China and other parts of Asia. The leaf

is used to make medicine. Jiaogulan is sometimes referred to as “Southern Ginseng”
because it grows primarily in south central China and is used in similar ways as
ginseng.

104

order to receive permission to plant116. This marked a turning point for
villagers’ livelihoods, because the cooperative now began to share its
investment risk with the farmers. All groups were required to become
members of the cooperative through buying shares, and a fund was set up
to enable members to borrow money in order to invest in various crops. At
the same time, they were obliged to sell almost exclusively to the cooperative.
Many farmers increased their efforts and engagement in crop production to
regain their investment, but due to lack of experience, wrong planting
techniques or natural disasters, poor harvests caused financial loss, and a
number of villagers became indebted.

As a response to the changed rules, the Dara-ang began to take their own
initiatives. For example, in 2011, the cooperative refused to purchase
Jiaogulan from the farmers due to low market prices, even though they had
previously encouraged the villagers to grow it. Jiaogulan growers set up their
own group to manage production, sale and access to markets, registered in
2013 as the community enterprise “Dara Ang Herbal Community Enterprise,
Doi Angkhang”.

Beginning in 2014, the Upland Holistic Development Project (UHDP), a
Christian NGO, started assisting the Nor Lae Dara-ang to create kitchen
gardens, forest, soil and water conservation based on traditional knowledge,
as well as in efforts to secure their legal status and to support their struggle
related to land. However, since the cooperative was already playing a key
role in agriculture promotion in Nor Lae, and addressing citizenship and
land issues in the restrictive socio-political context of the community proved
to be challenging, UHDP soon placed its key focus on the creation of
cultural networks and the promotion of the rights of women and children.
In 2005, supported by UHDP, the Dara-ang of Nor Lae joined the Dara-ang
cultural network which aims to interconnect Dara-ang communities in

116. All participants had to buy 50 shares initially, as a registration fee (total price 500
THB, at 10 THB per share. In 2007, 1 THB was around 0.035 USD). The cultivation
of different kinds of crops required the purchase of different numbers of shares. For
example, to plant tea, Jiaogulan, and vegetables required the purchase of 10,000 shares,
roses around 20,000 shares and strawberries 30,000 shares. When the villagers are
paid by the cooperative, 50% is deducted to cover the costs of seeds, fertilizers, and
pesticides. And in order pay for the shares, another 5% is deducted until the shares
are fully paid up. If the villagers have enough money, they can buy shares outright,
but usually they don’t, so they have to take more and more loans, even though they
may have no income.

Findings and Discussion 105

Thailand117. Two years later, the Dara-ang became part of the Network of
Indigenous Peoples of Thailand118.

From 2007 onwards, the Nor Lae villagers undertook measures to change
their community management and administrative system to be in line with
the Thai system, even though their community had not been recognized as
an official village. This marked a turning point for the community’s village
organization and representation. They elected their own village leader,
created a new village committee of 30 representing different sections of the
village, as well as a committee of people using land in Myanmar. The setup
of the different committees opened space for the participation of the villagers
in decision making. They also founded a women sales group and adopted a
new community constitution. In a collaborative effort in 2009, budget was
collected from all villagers to build a meeting hall. Likewise, all villagers
contributed to the construction of a temple and a sports field. They also
looked for alternative, independent sources of income. Tourism in the area
opened up great opportunities for the villagers. Starting in 2007, tourism
was promoted at Doi Angkhang by the Royal Project and the Department of
National Parks. Dara-ang women began to sell products to visitors and soon
were able to gain substantial income from the sales. From 2012 onwards, the
Community Development Department, Ministry of Interior, and the
cooperative in collaboration with the Dara-ang of Nor Lae began to further
develop and promote tourism in the community area. Villagers were
encouraged to set up homestays. This development was well-received by the
Dara-ang people. Villagers opened up the community as well as the
strawberry, tea and rose plantations for visitors and erected stalls for clothes
and other ethnic products. The tourism business ran well. Particularly
during the winter season, large numbers of both Thai and foreign tourists
visited Doi Angkhang, and the women group increasingly engaged in selling
goods to tourists, such as traditional attire, accessories, and snacks.

117. One Darang from Nor Lae is the president of the Darang network, alongside the
leaders of other Dara-ang communities in Chiang Dao District, Fang District, and
Mae Ai District

118. This coalition in Thailand has been promoting a sub-national social movement of
indigenous peoples. Ten groups from the North initiated the movement, among
them the Dara-ang (also the Akha, Hmong, Mien, Kachin, Karen, Lahu, Lisu, Lua
(Lawa), and Shan (Tai-Yai).) The movement aims at protecting basic rights to land,
citizenship and distinct identities, and to enhance participation in Thai Society, e.g.,
in education and the labor market. The network is pushing for the legal recognition
of these groups as Indigenous Peoples with their distinctive identities and rights,
through campaigns and lobbying.

106

Under the government of the National Committee for Peace and Order
(NCPO), however, a policy was enacted aiming to “return the forest” in
2014. In line with this new policy, operating a homestay in Nor Lae was no
longer permitted, and a lawsuit was filed against 10 families who had each
opened one on charges of forest encroachment and unauthorized house
construction. The villagers in Nor Lae were bewildered about this
development, because the cooperative itself had explicitly promoted tourism
in the community. Nevertheless, the Forestry Authorities took steps to
prosecute the villagers.

In this period, border demarcations remained unclear and disputed. Between
2014 and 2015, a joint boundary survey was conducted by staff from the
Fang District Office, Forestry Department and National Park Staff and
soldiers from both Thailand and Myanmar. Since it was found that the left
side of the road belongs to Myanmar, the Thai and Myanmar soldiers came
to an agreement that the Thai military would not interfere with a homestay
located on the left side of the road, but the owner had to pay taxes to the
Myanmar military. The tax was demanded repeatedly by Burmese soldiers,
until the owner decided to give up. The Nor Lae villagers accepted the left
side of the main road as part of Burma. However, they still felt uncertain
and anxious as the residents’ house registrations on that side were from
Fang District, Chiang Mai Province, and they held Thai ID cards.

Based on their new community organization, the Dara-ang in Nor Lae
began to engage increasingly in negotiations with the cooperative. The new
village leader119 (Mr. Bunn) and the community committee began to play an
increasing role, the latter consisting of the younger generation born and
raised in Thailand. The younger generation in particular began increasingly
to feel exploited then by the cooperative and sought ways to negotiate, in
particular demanding rights for the villagers to establish some rules by
themselves. The committee proposed to the cooperative that they should set
up their own community rules for dealing with drug abuse120, so that the
Royal Angkhang agriculture officials would only be in charge of managing
and supervising the agricultural production. The officers accepted. In

119. As village head he is not officially elected, but respected by the Thai government.
120. For example, according to the previous regulations, if an officer discovered that a

member of the Royal Project had been involved with drugs, the project staff would
confiscate the allocated land and prohibit the whole family from working for the
Royal Project, without prior warning. The villagers regarded it as unfair that a whole
family could be punished for the behavior of one member.

Findings and Discussion 107

addition, the committee debated with the Myanmar military to set up
regulations for the payment of rental fees for land on the Burmese side.

Since the Dara-ang are devoted Buddhists, many of them sent their male
children to be ordained as monks in a temple in the province or beyond. It
has enabled a number of the young villagers to study in the higher education
system and to graduate with a Bachelor’s degree.

In 2011, cross border trade increased under the leadership of Yunnan
Chinese Je. A number of villagers began working as carriers of goods across
the border. During this period, Je played a key role in developing the border
area and border trade routes which allowed her to expand her own trade
across the border. She was able to secure the opening of a border gate in Nor
Lae, and persuaded the Dara-ang villagers to build a path to the Burmese
military base, suitable for motorcycles. She also assisted in discussions and
negotiation on business-related issues, and acted as an intermediary
connecting the Thai and the Myanmar military.

4. Unclear Border Demarcations, Arbitrary Taxes and Tourism Closure:
Increasing Livelihood Insecurity and the Search for Alternatives (2015-
2019)

Nor Lae was now big enough to be classified as an official village with its
own headman. However, according to Thai law, a new village has to be
located at least 6 kilometers away from the original village it emerged from,
and Nor Lae is only 4 kilometers away from Khob Dong village. Thus, when
the state provided development assistance to the community (e.g.,
infrastructure development, such as streets, meeting halls), the Dara-ang in
Nor Lae usually received only part of the budget which is allocated to Khob
Dong village first.

Over this period, many Dara-ang continued struggling to find alternative
livelihoods outside the Royal Project. A number of them, often newcomers
without identity documents, continued to cross the border to plant taro,
snow lotus, persimmon, plum or other fruits in Burma. The cultivation
requires a heavy use of chemicals. A villager estimates that in 2015, the
Dara-ang villagers used around 432 ha (2,700 rai) of farm land in Myanmar,
including their former opium fields. Besides rental fees, Burmese soldiers
requested payment of arbitrary taxes when the farmers crossed the border.

Newcomers from Burma arriving at Nor Lae were no longer fleeing violence
and political conflict, but seeking employment opportunities and economic

108

prospects on the Thai side of the border. During check-ups, Thai soldiers
were unable to distinguish newcomers from long-term settlers.

From 2015 onwards, the herbal group was led by a younger generation with
new ideas, trying to find options independent from the Royal Project. The
“Dara Ang Herbal Community Enterprise, Doi Angkhang” officially started
selling their products in 2015, with the investment group buying fresh herbs
from group members. After that, they processed, packaged, and sold retail
to customers, both online and in general stores.

In 2015, the Council of Indigenous Peoples in Thailand was established to
push for policy change for the protection and rights of ethnic groups, and
the Dara-ang became members. Over this period, a number of NGOs and
INGOs became involved in the community, such as Plan International
Thailand, and the Inter Mountain Peoples Education and Culture in
Thailand Association (IMPECT).

In 2017, the Nor Lae youth participated in training in ethnic youth
development and sustainable development, organized by the Center for
Ethnic Studies and Development, Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai
University. This led to the establishment of a youth group in 2018. In
particular, the youth group has attempted to address alleged exploitation by
the agricultural cooperative, but most of the elders disagree with this
approach because they fear conflict, that their land could be confiscated,
and that they could be permanently excluded from the agricultural station.

The year 2018 marks an important change in the lives of the Dara-ang: the
Royal Forest Department and Royal Agricultural Station Angkhang released
a policy to close all guesthouses and resorts on Doi Angkhang, as well as the
tea and strawberry plantations, a change that dramatically decreased the
villagers’ livelihood security. Tourists were no longer allowed to the view
point at Khob Dong village, and the Nor Lae villagers lost permission to sell
their products in the area. It was announced that the land on Doi Angkhang
would be arranged in a new way to expel private investors. Officers stated
that the Royal Project was originally created to support agriculture,
employment, and research to improve the quality of life of ethnic highlanders.
However, according to the authorities, over recent years, the Project had
changed its objectives, mainly because of a corrupt administrative group
which had promoted tourism and invited investors to the area. This group
was laid off and a new administrative group was set up, according to which
the Royal Project would return to its original purpose and objectives. Due
to the new policy the number of tourists dropped, which greatly affected the
Dara-ang vendors. In September 2018, a group of around 60 villagers,

Findings and Discussion 109

including the women group, gathered and negotiated with the National Park
staff to obtain sale spaces. A few families obtained permission to sell at
nearby Mon Son Viewpoint on Doi Angkhan Mountain, causing dissent and
conflict with the rest of the villagers who felt treated unfairly. Without a
sales area, many families were in trouble because their income mainly came
from sales during the cold season. Since the area was closed down, a large
number of villagers were in great need of cash. Some moved to sell their
products in other touristic areas in Northern Thailand.

At the same time, the Myanmar military increased their taxes which made
it impossible for a number of families to use land on the Burmese side of the
border, as farmers using land there had to pay fixed rental fees for the
farmland as well as arbitrary fees when crossing the border. Thus, out of the
137 families, only 57 were able to continue planting on Burmese soil in
2019, most of whom were not members of the Royal Project, and did not
hold a card issued by the Thai government. Increasing financial hardship
forced more and more Dara-ang to look for other employment opportunities,
often as insecure and low paid wage laborers outside the community. Those
without identity documents mostly worked as daily laborers in villages
nearby, due to their restricted ability to travel. Younger villagers with ID
cards sought work in other districts or provinces.

During this period, the Royal Project promoted the cultivation of Portobello
mushrooms, but faced problems due to insufficient cultivation space.
Different groups, including growers of mushrooms and strawberries, became
more indebted and suffered great losses due to changing weather conditions,
not suitable for the cultivation of temperate fruits.

In 2018, Christian missionaries from Hong Kong began to promote
Catholicism in Nor Lae village. The elder Dara-ang in particular strongly
disagreed with these activities, fearing that community members could turn
away from Buddhism, an important element of Dara-ang culture. The
village committee decided to no longer allow Christians to carry out any
kind of religious activities in the community. As a consequence, the
Christians among the Dara-ang did not dare reveal themselves, but
continued their practices secretly at home or in a neighboring village.

Border demarcation remained ambiguous, despite an additional survey
conducted by the authorities. This posed more challenges to the villagers,
who, due to their legal status and limited choice of livelihood alternatives,
found themselves squeezed between protected areas and tenure insecurity.
In 2017, the confusion of the Dara-ang grew when National park officials
started accessing the community. Many villagers began to worry about the

110

security of their homes and farmland. Previously, the villagers did not know
exactly where the National Park was located, but when they learned that
parts of the community overlapped with the park, this caused great anxiety.
Confusion about the border location remained even though, at the beginning
of 2019, staff from Mae Phoe Upstream Management Unit of the Department
of National Parks conducted a household survey and measured the living
area and farmland of the villagers via GPS. An official agreement was made
between officials and villagers that there would be no further encroachment
on forest areas, and that the use of the forest had to be in line with the
regulations and laws of the responsible agencies. However, the villagers still
do not have clear information regarding the purpose of the survey. Some
villagers understood that based on this survey officials would issue land
titles for the villagers, others thought that they might obtain a community
land title for farmland. Thus, many villagers consented to the survey and
willingly provided information to the authorities. Others were concerned
that park officials would seize their land or relocate them. After the survey,
officials from the Mae Phoe Upstream Unit have shared the survey data and
produced a map. It became clear that the left side of the road belongs to
Myanmar.

In the face of growing economic hardship and livelihood insecurity in this
decade, the Nor Lae villagers made great efforts to demonstrate their
willingness to cooperate with the authorities. For example, in 2019, almost
the whole Nor Lae community participated in a Royal Volunteer Project in
accordance with a royal initiative to honor and express appreciation and
gratitude to King Rama IX. At the same time, the young generation played
an important role as mediators and coordinators between the villagers and
external agencies and organizations. For example, when the park officials
surveyed the area, this group of around 10 mostly male villagers under 35
years negotiated with the authorities to prevent eviction or seizure of land,
and supported the elders, communicating in Thai. They regularly informed
the community about developments outside and drew lessons for their own
community. The young villagers promoted the idea of liberating the
community from the agricultural cooperative, e.g., through the herbal tea
enterprise. This caused tensions among different generations of villagers in
Nor Lae, as many of the older Dara-ang did not want to challenge or have
conflicts with the cooperative, being afraid of losing permission to stay in
Thailand and of having to return to Burma.

Findings and Discussion 111

B. Economic Livelihood Activities in the Study Site

Members of the Royal Project

Out of the 267 households in Nor Lae today, 206 work for the Royal Project
and have engaged with the project in an arrangement similar to contract
farming. They cultivate cash crops on farm land allocated to them, while the
agricultural cooperative sets the conditions for production and marketing.
They work under many restrictions. Many of them face large financial losses
and increasing debts, and have increasingly felt the cooperative’s rules and
prescriptions to be unfair: they became both investors and producers, with
no say in the pricing and the selection of crops. Most villagers are unable to
earn enough to cover their daily needs, and almost every household has
accumulated debts to the cooperative. Those who have invested a lot in their
production, and then experienced crop loss due to changing weather
conditions or other unexpected impacts, are facing the highest debts.
Strawberry, rose and mushroom growers, for example, face debts of between
100,000 to 400,000 THB (between 3,000 and 12,500 USD).

With increasing debts to the cooperative, many farmers have made efforts
to find alternative ways of generating income in and outside the community.
Members of the younger generation in particular increasingly express
concerns that the Dara-ang are being taken advantage of, and no longer
want to work in agriculture. Many have started to look for work outside of
the community. Since most of the Dara-ang face debts and economic
hardship, one of their most urgent wishes, across generations, is to achieve
economic security for themselves and their families. The majority of the
Dara-ang wish for their future to have economic opportunities and freedom
to choose an occupation.

Farmers Using Land in Myanmar

57 families regularly cross the border to grow vegetables in Burma; only 8 of
the families are members of the Royal Project; 49 are not. They sell their
crops to middlemen or at the market. They have to pay the owners of the
horses/mules used to transport their products, as well as wages for helpers
in the field, and “taxes” imposed by the Burmese soldiers. The “taxes” pose
a key problem, since the amounts depend entirely on the soldiers’ arbitrary
decisions: they fix a price and the villagers have to share it out, with those
using larger plots of land paying a bigger share. In some years, the farmers
were charged more than once. If the villagers refused to pay the soldiers
would just close the border and prohibit the transport of products to

112

Thailand. The farmers are heavy users of agrochemicals, pesticides and
chemical fertilizers, which pose health hazards for them and the wider
environment. In total, after paying for chemicals, transport, labor and
“taxes”, the farmers earn between 40,000 and 100,000 THB per year121.

Cross-Border and Tourism Business

Cross-border Trade: Some villagers engage in cross-border trade: 4 families
(1 Dara-ang, 1 Chinese, 1. Tai Yai/Shan, 1 Northern Thai) have opened
grocery stores in the village and send goods to Myanmar as well. The main
products are dried food, bakery products and various kinds of seasonings.
Products that it is forbidden to sell include fuel and agricultural products.
Villagers involved in border trade earn an average annual income of around
200,000-300,000 THB. One male Dara-ang community member works as a
middleman and buys agricultural products cultivated by villagers on the
Myanmar side as well as products that do not meet the standards of the
Royal Project. With an estimated annual income of around 500,000-
1,000,000 THB, he has the highest economic status in the community.

Porters: Some Dara-ang work as porters, transporting goods across the
border to the Myanmar military base, a distance of around 2 kilometers
(about 45 minutes walk there and back). Most of them are older farmers
without access to arable land and not working for the Royal Project. Their
average daily income was around 500 THB, average annual income around
70,000-80,000 THB. Even though the work does not yield a high income it
gives those concerned an opportunity to earn additional income
independently of the Royal Project, and to take advantage of the specific
border situation.

Sale of Goods to Tourists: As explained above, for a time tourism did provide
the Dara-ang, especially the women, with additional income, particularly
during the winter season when large numbers of tourists visited. Women
were able to achieve high returns. At first, they learned selling techniques
from the Lahu of the neighboring Khob Dong village. Subsequently, they
invented a number of new products themselves. Some of them made use of
their ethnic background, for example, by wearing traditional Dara-ang
dresses, to sell their goods as ‘ethnic products’ (even though many products
were actually acquired from markets in the city). Older women in particular
acted in ways that aroused sympathy among the tourists (e.g., by explaining
that they were not good at selling and that they were poor) thereby managing

121. In 2018, 1 THB was around 0.032 USD.

Findings and Discussion 113

to sell particularly well and make a lot of money. The profit that the villagers
gained before the closure of the area for tourists compensated for the losses
made when planting for the agricultural cooperative. The sellers even
managed to save income to spend during low season when the villagers
usually do not work. But then the authorities decided to put an end to
tourism and this income dried up.

The women were greatly affected; during the cold season their main income
was from sales of goods to tourists. Before the new policy there were 78
sellers in Nor Lae. The most common products they offered were clothes,
scarves, shawls, fake and genuine jewelry, forest products, and snacks.
During the dry/winter season, they used to buy accessories from Mae Sai,
the border crossing between Thailand and Myanmar, and garments and
ornaments from a local market in Chiang Mai. Each seller invested 5,000-
10,000 THB per year and had a yearly income or around 40,000-50,000
THB. Sellers of forest products were among the groups with the highest
income, around 100,000 THB per year. From 2017-2018 onwards, however,
the border controls became stricter and trading in certain wildlife products
(e.g., the very profitable tiger skins) was prohibited. Some of the sellers
moved their stalls to other tourist hotspots in mountainous areas, e.g., the
Pong Hot Springs in Fang District, and Phu Kradueng, a mountain in Loei
Province; the products of the Dara-ang are promoted as products from
ethnic groups residing in the hills, so they sell well in these areas.

Herbal Tea Enterprise

This group was established in 2011 when the Royal Project was unable to
buy the Jiaogulan herbal tea. In 2013, the group registered as “Dara Ang
Herbal Community Enterprise, Doi Ang Khang” and looked for markets.
They officially started selling their products in 2015, buying fresh herbs
from 29 group members. With 29 members investing around 70,000-100,000
THB per year, the herbs were processed, packed and delivered to retail
customers both online and for sale in stores. The income without deduction
of investment from 2018 to 2019 was around 80,000 THB. Neither herb is as
yet well-known in the market, nor is the marketing very advanced as the
group lacks experience and knowledge. The group has tried to improve
product quality in order to meet the standards of the Food and Drug
Administration (FDA), but as the villagers are located in a National Park the
group has no legal address and so far the products have not been registered.

114

Wage Laborers

Households with lower socio-economic status and lower education level
often combine agricultural activities with laboring jobs outside the
community, both within and outside the agricultural sector. Men work in
construction, as porters, or on farms or orchards (pruning lychee and longan
trees). In the past, they left Nor Lae for a limited time, such as a few weeks
during the winter season, but in 2019, they began to stay away for longer
periods (for several months). A few female Dara-ang work as cashiers in
convenience stores in the district. Newcomers from Burma usually work as
wage laborers within the community, e.g., strawberry/taro picking. They
earn a very low wage of around 100 THB per day122. Often, these newcomers
stay for only a short time before they move on to other places in Thailand,
e.g., to work in large orchards and/or to stay with relatives.

In 2019, the border was closed, because of an alleged theft by Burmese
citizens of a car belonging to a Chinese, which was brought across the
border to a village near Nor Lae. Since the closure goods cannot cross
anymore, porters are no longer needed. Cars wait at Nor Lae every morning
to pick up villagers for wage labor, and the Dara-ang are increasingly
competing for seats123.The wages are around 200 to 300 THB per day. The
Royal Irrigation Department is currently building a large reservoir at a
village nearby, and they hire many workers for a daily rate of 375 THB.
Around 8 younger villagers, aged between 20 and 45 years, have left Nor Lae
to find work in industrial zones in Bangkok or Chonburi Province, Central
Thailand, for a monthly salary of around 9000 THB. A number of Dara-ang
employed as wage laborers in restaurants and hotels in other provinces find
jobs for their relatives and friends. During the 2019 dry season, many
villagers could not plant due to a severe water shortage. This caused even
more members of the young generation to leave and seek work elsewhere.

At the beginning of May 2019, more than 30 people were employed in
Lampang Province, Northern Thailand as wage laborers in construction
work, and an increasing number of villagers is working in delivery and
transport in Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai Provinces. It is also expected that
more villagers will seek work as fruit pickers in longan and lychee farms in
Lamphun Province, where the demand for cheap labor is high. Many Dara-

122. In 2019, the average exchange rate for THB was 0.032 USD.
123. The car, owned by a Chinese, can take only 10 people per day. A forest officials’ car

also picks up villagers in the morning, but also accepts not more than 10 people.

Findings and Discussion 115

ang want to leave Nor Lae due to the increasing economic hardship they
face there.

In sum, while the Dara-ang were hoping to find a better life in Thailand, in
peace and with economic stability, today most of them are indebted and in
economic difficulties. The Dara-ang in Nor Lae have been drawn into the
market economy; most of them work for the cooperative, with the obligation
to invest in their own production. The farmers have to bear the costs of crop
failure or of products not meeting the required standards. Vulnerable to
unstable and fluctuating market prices, the Dara-ang as main investors and
producers do not benefit from the farming arrangement, with middlemen
earning the lion’s share of the profits. At the same time, the villagers’ desire
for and spending on consumer goods have risen substantially along with
their increasing involvement in the market economy. Many have borrowed
money from middlemen or other lenders, e.g., to buy a car, and have become
indebted.

Due to the lack of citizenship, the Dara-ang have no legal security, and their
choices for economic activities are greatly restricted. Moreover, important
sources of income have been lost due to changes of policy affecting their key
livelihood sources, in particular, tourism.

Over the past two decades, the villagers have diversified their income
sources, with some of them responding with new livelihood strategies to
meet their daily needs. Increasing numbers of villagers were forced to
migrate to other areas and to engage in wage labor, often in underpaid and
unstable jobs. Due to their insecure legal status, they are at risk of exploitation
and discrimination. A number of farmers have been trying to find ways to
create alternative means of subsistence, avoiding the controls and influence
of those in power. Young community members in particular look to engage
in work outside agriculture. In terms of their imaginings (Tanabe, 2008), the
majority of Dara-ang in Nor Lae, across generations, wish for economic
stability, rights to livelihood and freedom to choose their own professional
future, which requires the possession of Thai citizenship.

C. Adaptive Strategies and Responses to Development Challenges

The Dara-ang have little option but to engage in contract farming style
arrangements, where they have become dependent on conditions set by
forces that lie beyond their control. Government policies prohibiting tourism
in the area have deprived them of once valuable alternative sources of
income. Unlike the Karen of Huay Hin Lad Nai, they face drastic constraints

116

to their self-determination, their choice of livelihood, and the direction of
their own development path. Against all adversities and despite restricted
alternatives, the Dara-ang in Nor Lae have been active in seeking new ways
to make a living, and livelihood diversification practices to secure their
needs and well-being.

Livelihood Diversification and the Search for Alternative Source of Income

The villagers working under the Royal Project have demonstrated remarkable
flexibility and adaptability. The Project has introduced a variety of new
crops, including temperate crops, such as plum and peach, roses, flowers
and mushrooms, none of which the Dara-ang traditionally cultivate. The
farmers have had to learn numerous new techniques, and independently of
the support and advice of the Project have experimented with the available
crops and inputs and taken account of climatic changes to improve
production. But these achievements have not provided them with sustainable
livelihoods; they are nearly all in debt, often heavily, to the project and other
lenders.

Many Dara-ang farm land across the border in Myanmar; despite the costs
of renting land, Tatmadaw taxes and transport, this proved a useful source
of food, and some income, until the border was closed in 2019.

The Dara-ang have created alternative income opportunities by developing
or combining different activities. For example, despite marketing challenges,
setting up a community enterprise for the sale of herbal tea outside the
control of the Royal Project has allowed them to develop a degree of
independence. Before the closure of the area for tourism they took advantage
of many other income-generating activities, until policy changes put a stop
to these strategies at Nor Lae, although some vendors took their wares off to
other parts of the country where traditional ethnic products find a tourist
market.

Many have turned to wage labor arrangements to meet their families’ basic
needs, or to ensure bare survival. This strategy, however, is usually not a
sustainable long-term solution, as it allows the villagers little control over
their lives. Often the wages paid are not enough to maintain a decent living
standard, and many work in insecure and sometimes unsafe arrangements,
without benefits like welfare, retirement pensions, or social security.

Both the Karen in Hin Lad Nai and the Dara-ang in Nor Lae have diversified
their activities, but based on different motivations, and with different
outcomes. The Dara-ang have limited options due to their marginalized

Findings and Discussion 117

situation. They have diversified not by choice, but for reasons of necessity.
They have become more and more dependent on off-farm activities and
sources of income. The Karen, on the other hand, diversified their portfolio
of agricultural activities by extending and commercializing traditional farm
activities (e.g., selling organic tea), and by developing new farm activities
(e.g., production of honey and honey soap), which provide stable income
throughout the year.

Adherence to Buddhism, a Pathway towards Education

The Dara-ang in Nor Lae (as other Dara-ang communities in Northern
Thailand) are well-known in Thailand for their strong devotion to the Yuan
form of Theravada Buddhism, their strictness and commitment to Buddhist
practices, as well as their determination and perseverance in meditation and
study of the Buddhist doctrine. Their strong adherence to Yuan Buddhism
and Khruba monks plays a role in the maintenance of their identity, and
facilitates their accommodation into the wider society.

Most parents decide to ordain their boys as monks, a common practice
among Buddhists in Thailand, considered a great merit for the child and his
family. It also offers educational opportunities to young male villagers who
can get access to secondary education at monastic schools in more urban
areas. A number of young men who ordained as monks have gone on to
earn a Bachelor’s degree; many have disrobed after finishing school to find
outside work, free from some of the community’s restraints. While the
access to education is a strong motive for parents to send their boys to the
temple, economic considerations also play a role: novices or monks receive
food and sometimes money which they can send back to their families.

Strengthening Community Management: A New Community Constitution

The Dara-ang have undertaken measures to improve their community
organization and management, particularly after relationships with the
cooperative deteriorated in the mid-2000s. They changed their community
management system to align with the Thai administration system, even
though their community had not been recognized as an official village. In
2007, they arranged their own elections of a new community leader for the
first time (see section A for Nor Lae). A new young community member
was chosen who played an important role in the subsequent transformation
of the village administration and governance. Particularly among the young
generation, anger and frustration at the cooperative’s treatment of the

118

villagers had grown, and they were looking for ways to improve their
bargaining power.

A village committee with 30 members was set up, in charge of supporting
the community leader in different areas of work. A women group was
founded to supervise and regulate the trade of goods to tourists. Also a
community constitution was established, i.e. a set of rules regulating different
community affairs. All community members were asked to participate in
formulating these rules, and after discussions and modifications, 30 points
were adopted related, for example, to traditional culture, environment,
youth, temple management, and the cultural network of the Dara-ang. The
establishment of the committees and the constitution enhanced the
participation of community-members in decision-making processes and
problem solving. The newly adopted set of rules and regulations resulted in
a community management system that allowed members to address internal
problems among themselves and thus to contribute to greater self-reliance
and stability. This was not only an attempt to reduce the influence of the
authorities in community affairs, but also served as a basis to engage in
negotiation processes with the agricultural cooperative and the authorities.
In their function as a representative body, however, the actual influence of
the committee remained limited, due to their dependence on the Royal
Project and their insecure status as newcomers.

The villagers launched initiatives to improve their community and establish
their own facilities. They found ways to collect the required budget for the
construction of a meeting hall, with contributions from all members124.
They also jointly built a temple and a sports field from their own budget.

However, in comparison to the Karen community of Hin Lad Nai, group
cohesion and solidarity among the villagers is weak. In the small community
of Huay Hin Lad Nai, all members have the same ethnic background and
common history, uphold communal land management and traditional
shifting cultivation practices, and thus share a strong sense of solidarity and
reciprocity. In contrast, the Dara-ang community is composed of migrants
from different parts of Burma and Thailand, with newcomers still flowing
in. Nor Lae village consists of different clusters based on different waves of
migration. The Dara-ang thus do not share to the same extent the common

124. In that year, a community project was launched to grow vetiver, and the villagers were
able to gain over 200,000 THB from the sale of the produce to the Royal Project (In
2007, 1 THB was around 0.033 USD). They used this money to buy building material,
including tiles, bricks, stones, and sand, and many of them joined hands to build the
hall.

Findings and Discussion 119

roots or collective resource management practices of the Karen. They live in
fragmented groups, a trend that is reinforced by the individualistic mode of
cash crop production. Despite the community’s heterogeneity and existing
intra-generational dissent, the majority of the Dara-ang share the wish for
citizenship rights and freedoms, most of whom having no Thai ID-card.
Thai citizenship would also give them the freedom to become more
independent, and to freely choose their profession and direction of
development.

In sum, within the limited possibilities they face due to restrictions imposed
by their natural, socio-economic and political environment, the Dara-ang
have been trying to find ways to meet their basic needs and to bring greater
stability to their lives. However, since the majority of the Nor Lae villagers
are not Thai citizens, their strategies have to aim first and foremost at
securing their stay in the host country which, theoretically, can exclude
them at anytime. Within this very confined space, the Dara-ang have been
trying to adapt in various ways. They have managed to develop a number of
strategies to create some degree of self-regulation, shared decision-making
power, and mechanisms for solving problems, and to secure a feeling of
legitimacy and reassurance related to their existence in Thailand. Even in
face of their limited opportunities and the all-powerful cooperative, they
have still been able to create some alternative income-generating occupations,
e.g., a self-initiated enterprise, or land use on the Burmese side of the border.
However, their efforts have had limited success, and they have been less able
to develop effective strategies to cope with development than the Karen of
Huay Hin Lad Nai: the Dara-ang are constrained by forces over which they
have little control, such as citizenship regulations, strict Lèse-majesté law,
and the arbitrariness of the authorities, and many are trapped in debts.
Their imagining community (see Tanabe, 2008), i.e. their shard aspirations,
wishes and hopes for secure rights to livelihood and freedoms as citizens,
guide the villagers’ all-day-life practices and struggle against the control of
the state and other external forces.

D. Negotiation Strategies with State Actors

Limitations imposed by the political and socio-economic context,
particularly their marginal legal status as newcomers and their lack of basic
human and civil rights, have restricted the Dara-ang’s ability to negotiate
with the authorities. Nevertheless, within their small window of opportunity,
they have attempted to raise their concerns and assert their interests towards
the authorities and other interest groups. In particular, they have struggled

120

to develop measures to reduce the precariousness of their situation, to
increase their opportunities, and to enhance stability and security in their
lives, in line with their imagining community (Tanabe, 2008), their shared
wish and desire for the right to land and subsistence, and for civil rights and
freedoms.

Presentation and Demonstration of Being “Good Residents” in Thailand

The Dara-ang have adopted diverse strategies that can be best described as
attempts to demonstrate to the state and the wider public that they are “good
Dara-ang”, or “good residents”. As such, they emphasize that they pose no
kind of threat to the state, but actively display loyalty and respect for
Thailand, and its three constituent pillars - the nation, the religion
(Buddhism), and the monarchy - which represent the foundation of “Thai-
ness” (“khwam pen Thai”).

Settlement Narrative: Being Devotees of His Majesty the King Rama IX

The Dara-ang in Nor Lae actively demonstrate their loyalty and gratefulness
to the Royal family in interactions with community outsiders, reiterating the
narrative of their settlement being owed to the generosity of King Rama IX.
The story of their being given refuge is omnipresent - e.g., the image of Mr.
Namo Man-Hueng during his audience with his Majesty the King can be
found all over the community as well as on the website and public relations
documents of the Royal Angkhang Agricultural Station. The villagers
repeatedly stated that they are trying to “act good” in Thailand, in return for
the King’s generosity. Their narrative emphasizes that the Dara-ang are
indebted to the King, and need to be grateful devotees and “good citizens”,
and reminds them of the fragility of their refuge. At the same time, it
highlights the role and significance of Buddhism for the Dara-ang who
handed over Buddha images to the king, and, in return, received financial
support from him to construct a Buddhist temple. This story underlines the
legitimacy of the Dara-ang existence in Thailand, based on their Buddhist
belief, and loyalty to and acceptance by the monarchy. The public display of
the kings’ permission in various forms makes visible to the wider public and
the state that the existence of this community has been authorized and
approved by the highest moral authority in Thailand. The majority Thai
population is well-aware that King Rama IX visited and supported various
ethnic highland communities during his reign. By establishing links to the
King’s approval of their community and their adherence to Buddhism, the

Findings and Discussion 121

Dara-ang build on an existing shared understanding among the public to
demonstrate the rightness of their existence.

Compliance and Cooperation with the Authorities

In order to display that they are “good citizens” in Thailand, the villagers
have also emphasized the need to be compliant to the King and the
authorities, and to engage in volunteer work to give something back to the
country. For example, particularly at the beginning of the Royal Project’s
operations, the majority of the Dara-ang willingly agreed to suggestions
made by the project. They did not question the methods of the Royal Project
until relationships with the management started to change in the mid-2000s.
As one of the villagers put it: “We are allowed to stay here, so we have to
follow the rules. Also, because we would like to stay here longer”. Older
villagers explained that if they were not satisfied or disagreed with the
authorities, they deliberately chose not to express this openly, but rather
kept it to themselves for discussion within the community. Every year the
villagers voluntarily help forest and park staff in various ways, e.g., by
creating firebreaks and planting trees. They have also supported the Thai
military by building a path from their Nor Lae base to the nearby military
station. They have helped Royal Project staff to develop the project and
agricultural production areas, all on a voluntary basis. In 2019, almost the
whole Nor Lae community participated in a Royal Volunteer Project in
accordance with a royal initiative to honor and express appreciation and
gratitude to King Rama IX.

During the Thai New Year festival (Songkran) or other holidays, the villagers
show their respect to Burmese and Thai soldiers. For all kinds of different
community events (e.g., Dara-ang New Year), the Nor Lae community
members regularly invite soldiers as speakers or chairmen, to take part in
the activities. The Dara-ang attend the annual “two countries”- sport festival
organized by Fang District and local administrative organizations in which
the Thai and Myanmar military, the villagers and government officials
compete in different sports.

In this way, the Dara-ang provide services and other kinds of support to
those in power in return for acceptance and the use of the officials’ influence
in their favor. In other words, they restate and substantiate their relationship
to the authorities, by symbolically expressing and reconfirming good will,
loyalty, and existing power differences.

122

Religious Affiliations and Alliances

The Dara-ang are strongly dedicated to Yuan Buddhism, and the majority of
the Dara-ang of Nor Lae are followers of Khruba Thueang, a charismatic
monk with well-advanced meditative practices and spiritual attainment,
who has supported Nor Lae village in various ways, e.g., through funding
the construction of Nor Lae temple and connecting the community with
different groups of outsiders from across Thailand125. The Dara-ang regularly
join events to pay respects to Khruba Theuang and frequently volunteer for
activities in the temple (e.g., maintenance, such as repairing and cleaning,
through dedicating labor and money). Being part of a larger religious group
is not only fostering a sense of belonging and cohesion even across borders,
but their affiliation with the Khruba has given the Dara-ang a more favorable
position vis-à-vis the authorities. For example, even though most of the
Dara-ang do not have citizenship, they get special permission to travel
during religious festivals: for example, twice a year the Dara-ang can attend
the Ban Den Temple festival in Mae Taeng District, Chiang Mai Province.
This is possible because Khruba Thueang is an influential person who is
able to negotiate with the authorities so that the soldiers allow people from
various ethnic communities to participate in his activities.

Besides forming an important part of their identity as Dara-ang in Thailand
and across border, being Buddhists offers a number of advantages, including
a more favorable reception by the state and the Thai majority. In comparison,
non-Buddhist minority groups (e.g., Christians and Moslems) have often
been associated with “otherness”, strangeness and primitiveness (Ashely,
2013, p. 6).

Public Display of Being a Drug-free and Secure Village

Due to its location on the border, the community found itself on drug
transportation routes. A young assistant community leader developed the
idea that the community needed to proactively engage in protective measures
to avoid serious problems and open conflict. Thus, the villagers undertook
several attempts to demonstrate to the state that they were not involved in
drug trafficking, and fostered the public display of their village as a secure,
drug-free community in order to underpin the legitimacy of their stay in
Thailand. 75 young and middle-aged male villagers were trained as Civil
Protection Volunteers on how to prevent danger in the community, how to

125. Among them students who have brought various kinds of donations to the community
and who constructed an alms house.

Findings and Discussion 123

educate the villagers about drug abuse, as well as how to change the attitudes
of the villagers related to drugs. During the rule of Prime Minister Thaksin
it was recommended that each house should raise a white flag to show that
it was drug-free. In 2004, the community leaders were handed white flags,
and between 2004 and 2007, each house in Nor Lae symbolically put up a
white flag. It was publicly announced that Nor Lae was a drug-free village.

Strengthening Community Self-organization and Representation

Creating and Consolidating Community Rules and Regulations

The villagers’ adoption of a constitution and establishment of a governance
structure similar to the Thai system aimed not only to strengthen the
community internally, but also to demonstrate to the Thai state that the
members had taken measures to keep their village safe. For example, the
constitution contains sections on the strict community-internal treatment
of drug-related issues: “anyone living in Ban Nor Lae who is involved in
drugs is a security threat. If there is clear evidence, this person has to be
punished as required by Thai law and in accordance with community
regulations. That person has to return the farm land and housing area to the
community committee who will take over control...126” It also stipulates
rules for new immigrants including a prohibition on involvement with
drugs. The community sought to underline that formal measures were in
place against misconduct and inappropriate behavior. By setting up their
own rules and regulations, they regained some degree of self-governance
and decision making power. The community constitution was designed as
an alternative draft to rules imposed on them.

Establishing Representative Bodies

Village Committee: In light of the ongoing conflict with the agricultural
cooperative, the Dara-ang established a village committee that enables
members to resolve problems and community affairs among themselves,

126. It further says that “…They will release arable land to new immigrants or those who
do not yet have land, for around 5,000 THB per year. The budget will be allocated
to a community fund. If this person returns to the community, he/she has to prove
that they will not be involved in drugs anymore (…) until the committee and the
community member accept that they can re-establish themselves as good members
of the community. (…) However, if more violations and infractions of the law occur,
this person will be excluded from the community, and the committee will remove
the name from the list of community members.”

124

and thus aims to strengthen the community internally. At the same time, it
facilitates communication between the authorities and the villagers. In its
function as a communication channel, this body has, to some degree,
enhanced the representation and participation of the Dara-ang in
negotiations with authorities, for example, the agreement to dealing with
drug offenders under their own rules. Numerous aspects of the Dara-ang’s
involvement in the cooperative, however, cannot be negotiated, such as
product pricing, or investment requirements; the committee can only submit
proposals to the Royal Project staff.

Women Group: A women group was founded to supervise and regulate the
trade of goods in the community. After sale areas were limited due to the
policy changes in 2018, the women group proactively engaged in dialogue
with Forestry staff and Thai soldiers for sale space, but without success.
Some of the older women were at the forefront of the negotiations. Even
though their attempts were in vain, the women actively sought discussions
with those in power.

Committee for the Land Use in Burma: A new Land Use Committee was set
up to coordinate land use in Burma with the Myanmar soldiers. The
negotiations failed, the committee resigned after a year and was not replaced.

Youth Group: A youth group was founded which has since sent representatives
to meetings on various problems facing ethnic communities in Thailand.
The group has also attempted to address exploitation by the cooperative.
However, most of the community elders disagreed with an open discussion
on that situation because they feared being penalized, e.g., through the
confiscation of land or repatriation to Burma.

Even though the community established a number of representative groups,
their actual influence and negotiation power has remained limited. The
village committee was able to achieve some success in negotiations with the
Royal Project staff, but their main concerns remain unaddressed. The
women group and the committee of people using land in Burma were largely
unsuccessful. The youth group is the only body that has directly tried to
question the dominance of the cooperative, and has been seeking options to
liberate the villagers from the imposed constraints. Their success, however,
has remained limited.

Findings and Discussion 125

Establishing Affiliations and Networks with other Social Forces

In the light of the various restrictions they face, the Dara-ang have
undertaken efforts to increase bargaining power through affiliations. They
have made use of their relationships with powerful individuals. For example,
when villagers who rely on the land on the Myanmar side of the border
need to discuss with the Burmese soldiers, they call on Yunnan Chinese Je
for support. Je not only speaks different languages (including Burmese), she
is also an important and powerful figure with good relationships to various
key actors in the area, including government representatives and military
officers, particularly through her involvement in cross-border trade. Based
on her patron-client style relationships with the villagers, she is able to give
the villagers some degree of support and protection.

The villagers have also joined networks with other Dara-ang groups across
Thailand, and have worked with national and international NGOs. The
Christian NGO Upland Holistic Development Project (UHDP) has been
playing a key role in co-founding and maintaining the Dara-ang cultural
network, comprising 12 Dara-ang villages in Thailand. Created in 2005, this
network aims to connect Dara- ang communities across the country by
organizing regular meetings, exchanges and festivals127. For this purpose, a
shared fund has been created, to which each network member contributes
12 THB per year128. Dara-ang Cultural Network Thailand relies on existing
social networks between Dara-ang families and kinship across the country
and the border. These interconnections are further facilitated by Buddhist
monks and the Dara-ang’s practice of religious activities. The identification
of distinctive features of the Dara-ang traditional culture has been

127. Mr. On Sunanta, president of the Dara-ang Cultural Network of Thailand, stated:
“nowadays, every Dara-ang community in the north of Thailand has joined the network.
The purpose of the group is, 1. to preserve Dara-ang culture, customs and traditions,
2. to advocate and push for citizenship and the recognition of rights, 3. to collaborate
with other organizations to create awareness and acceptance of the Dara-ang Identity
and culture among the wider Thai society. Nowadays, modern technology and media
are influencing and changing the traditional culture of Dara-ang, such as dress and
language. Leaders thus have to get together to develop ideas for each community in
order to create awareness and to promote the preservation and revival of traditional
culture. Then, information has to be passed on to members of the new generation,
because younger people do not know much about the Dara-ang traditional way of
life. Today, there are approximately 8,000 Dara-ang in northern Thailand. In every
community, the main problem is citizenship and the lack of rights in various areas,
such as access to education, health care, land and farmland. To address and resolve
these issues forms the basis for the creation of the network.”

128. In 2005, 1 USD was around 40 THB.

126

encouraged to enhance their representation and visibility in the wider Thai
Society, but overall the main activity of the network remains focused on the
promotion of Dara-ang cultural events and exchanges, rather than on
strengthening their rights and addressing conflicts and citizenship issues129.
Even though the network has not been able to address citizenship issues nor
to protect and promote the Dara-ang’s rights as an ethnic group in Thailand,
joining the network and regular get-togethers with other Dara-ang groups
in Thailand has helped to make Dara-ang culture better known, and for
them to be identified as one of the country’s ethnic groups.

The Nor Lae community has also been involved with other CSO and NGO
networks, such as Plan International, the Inter Mountain Peoples’ Education
and Culture in Thailand Association (IMPECT), and the national Network
of Indigenous Peoples of Thailand. Plan has worked on children’s and
women’s rights and citizenship, mainly through providing training, and
supporting the preparation of documents and communications in the
citizenship application process. IMPECT has invited the Dara-ang to the
yearly International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples. On this day,
ethnic and indigenous groups reconfirm their relationship with government
and the state and communicate their messages to the international
community, to celebrate their cultures, and to push for the recognition of
their rights in Thailand. While the work of the NGOs has enhanced the
villagers’ knowledge about their rights and the legal system, none of the
networks has worked successfully on land rights and tenure security.

In sum, in their negotiations with state authorities, the Dara-ang of Nor Lae
mainly rely on strategies to gain and secure “outside” recognition, and to
underline that they are “good” and loyal residents in Thailand, strongly
devoted to Buddhism, not posing any threat to the state, and willingly
collaborating with the authorities. They are seeking acceptance and
recognition by the Thai state and the wider public by trying to create a
positive image of their community, mainly through the adherence to the
three “pillars” of Thainess: the nation, the religion (Buddhism), and the
monarchy (McKinnon, 2005; Renard, 2000). In this sense, they are also
attempting to use their acceptance by the Thai King Rama X and their
settlement history to legitimize their presence in the area. Their common
efforts to achieve acceptance by the Thai authorities and wider public

129. Occasionally, it has organized meetings with NGOs, academics or lawyers, and visits
to members who face citizenship problems or land conflicts. However, there have not
been direct disputes or arguments with the government; rather it is network members
raising issues among themselves or with CSOs.

Findings and Discussion 127

mirrors their shared wish to belong, and to have the same rights and
freedoms as Thai citizens. However, as small-scale farmers and late arrivals
in Thailand with insecure legal status and high debts, they have, unlike the
Karen, a weak baseline from which to engage in negotiations with the
cooperative and the authorities, and they are unable to claim their rights
and determine their own path of development.

4.3 Rawai

A. Geographical/Ecological Context and Community History

The Chao Ley130 community of Rawai is located in the South of Phuket
Island, a well-known tourist destination in Southern Thailand. The V-shaped
village sits in an urban area on the Andaman Sea, bordered by Rawai beach
in the South, a large road (Viset Road) to the West, a small Thai settlement
to the North, and an area belonging to a private company (Baron World
Ltd.) to the East.

With a total of 1373 people, or 249 households, the Chao Ley community
comprises two ethnic groups, Moken and Urak Lawoi’131: 202 households
are Urak Lawoi’, and 47 are Moken.

If one approaches the Chao Ley community from the nearby intersection at
Viset Road, the maritime landscape on the right hand side of the street is
picturesque: the intense blue of the ocean immediately catches the eye.
Brightly colored fishing boats sway on water that can change its color from
deep blue to bright turquoise. The sun glistens on the water, and groups of
children play in the waves, their voices and laughter filling the air. A few
sun-tanned Chao Ley men are sitting on the white fine-grained sand beach,
repairing their fish traps and nets. Some Chao Ley women, mostly corpulent,
in brightly colored dresses, sit and chat in small groups on the beach near
the fish stalls and small seaside restaurants. When they see visitors walking
by, they often greet them with a friendly smile, or start a little conversation.
Visitors to Rawai usually enjoy walking along the promenade and the pier

130. The term “Chao Ley” is used in the report when it refers to both ethnic groups -Moken
and Urak Lawoi’- together. Most of the Rawai villagers, both Moken and Urak Lawoi’,
chose the term “Chao Ley” when speaking about their community.

131. Only 85 households are officially registered. Only the first houses built on the land
were able to obtain formal registration. 20 houses are inhabited by Thais. However,
the study focuses only on the ethnic Urak Lawoi’ and Moken.

128

next to the beach and eating in one of the small restaurants that offer fresh
fish and sea food on the beach front. Further down the promenade is a
touristy area full of resorts, hotels, bars, and restaurants, and shops.

However, if one turns left at the intersection of Viset Street, one will witness
a sharp contrast to the idyllic beach scene: this is where the Chao Ley
community lives. They live under poor, unhealthy and unhygienic conditions
- in an urban slum. The small battered single-storey houses and huts, built
from concrete, tile and corrugated metal, are often overcrowded, with 2 to 4
generations living under one roof. For example, parents sharing their hut
with their married children and their extended families. Many Urak Lawoi’
households have around 10 to 12 members. On top of that, numerous
smaller houses have been built around the registered houses, so that a total
20-30 family members live jammed together in a confined space. The
community is a chaotic assembly of buildings, constructed without
systematic planning. Houses stand close to each other, causing poor air
circulation. The streets are in bad condition, surrounding pathways are
dirty. The village has a rudimentary infrastructure and lacks a functioning
waste disposal and management system, causing waste to accumulate and
pollute the environment. A number of small waste dumps have been
established in the community, but they are insufficient to deal with the large
amounts of garbage that appear daily.

The government has set up a water pump, but the area is regularly flooded.
Houses and streets are full of mud and fecal matter mixed with floodwater.
Due to the lack of a reliable drainage system rain and household waste water
flow from the higher to the lower village areas and stagnate there, increasing
the spread of mosquito-borne diseases, particularly dengue fever. The
community does not have a reliable sanitation service or water supply. A
number of households have no toilet or shower132, nor access to the public
water pipe system. Many inhabitants suffer from hygiene-related diseases,
such as diarrhea and leptospirosis.

Only registered households are connected to the electrical supply grid, while
those without official registration have to obtain power through illegal
connections to registered buildings, usually those of family members or
neighbors, often paying higher connection and usage fees because of the
way the tariff system works133. Some houses have only one room, with no

132. They use the beach and sea next to the community for their personal needs.
133. i.e. users pay different amounts for different consumption levels.

Findings and Discussion 129

kitchen or toilet; others have separate rooms, with the kitchen behind or
under the house.

Figure 7: Rawai is located in the South of Phuket Island, in the Andaman Sea,
Southern Thailand

130

Figure 8: The Rawai Community and its 4 sub-villages: red: “West village”;
yellow: “Middle village”; blue: “East village”, green: “Upper village”

With a total area of around 0.2 km2 or 19,200m2 (12½ rai), the community
is divided into 4 sub-villages which are named after their geographic
location: West, Middle, East, and Upper. The “West village” is mainly
inhabited by Moken; Urak Lawoi’ live in the other three villages134.
Even though the living conditions are poor in all village sections, the Upper
village is the cleanest part of the community; being elevated, flood water can
drain away, and trash will be washed down to lower areas. The majority of
houses in the Upper village are permanent buildings made from cement
with tiled roofs. Houses are neat and well-organized, and many have a
separate bedroom. The education level in this village section is also slightly
higher than in the other sections.
Most of the water from the other sections flows into the East-village, where
as a result waist-high water, mixed with rain, trash and toilet waste, often
stagnates. Some durable houses can also be found in this section, many of

134. Due to intermarriage, however, there are some exceptions to this separation of the
two ethnic groups.

Findings and Discussion 131

them with corrugated tin roofs. There is a Balai, a sacred shrine and
ceremonial space of the Urak Lawoi’ for ancestor worship and ritual
ceremonies on the eastern beach, an area that is claimed by the real estate
enterprise Baron World Trade Co Ltd.

Some inhabitants of the “Middle-village” live in solid houses, but many
reside in flimsy wooden ones. A ceremonial ground, a Lobong, a spiritual
pole of the Moken135, a small Christian church and a public meeting space
(used for weddings, funerals and other gatherings) can be found in this part
of the community.

The West-village is directly adjacent to the main Viset Road. Inhabited by
the Moken, it is particularly overcrowded. Compared to the other sub-
villages, houses are slightly smaller, and the area is dirtier and more polluted,
with large piles of trash and stagnant water all year long. Most of the small
and shaky houses with moldy tin roofs lack a toilet. However, it is the only
village section with tap water, while the other three sections use well water136.

Along the beach, there are around 30 fish stalls and restaurants, offering
fresh fish and seafood. They enjoy popularity among tourists, particularly
Chinese visitors. Only two of the stalls are owned by local Chao Ley. There
is one Chao Ley-owned restaurant that prepares fresh fish which customers
can select and buy from the adjacent stall.

Within the Rawai community, there are a few shops, including some small
grocery stores, restaurants, and shops that produce food for vendors to sell
in the community137.

A small public health center has been established around 500 meters north
of the West-village. Despite its proximity few villagers visit the station,
which regularly sends staff to the public meeting space in the community to
provide basic health services. There is a graveyard around 2.5 km to the
north of the community.

A temple with a school is located around 1 km west of the Rawai community.
Even though the school is only walking distance from the community, not

135. The Lobong, containing faces of protective spirits, is a spiritual space for making
offerings, as well as a geographical marker.

136. They used to have tap water, but it was cut off for non-payment.
137. 5 small grocery shops, 3 owned by Chao Ley and 2 by Thais. There are three small

restaurants (selling fried rice, noodles and other food), operated by Chao Ley, and
4 Chao Ley shops that produce food (spring rolls, meat balls, or fried chicken) and
hire 2-3 vendors to walk around in the community to sell it.

132

many Chai Ley children attend it. The education level in the community is
low, most of the villagers having left school after the 6th grade138.

Most of the Chao Ley adhere to Buddhism and traditional beliefs and
practices. Around 150 have converted to Christianity, more than half of
them Moken. Only 10 families are Moslem. In fact, a complex amalgamation
of belief systems and practices can be found in the community. Many
families occasionally adopt Buddhist, Islamic, Taoist and traditional animist
practices. For example, a number of those who are registered as Buddhists
on their ID cards practice Islamic traditions in their every-day life. However,
religion plays a rather subordinate role in the daily life of those who identify
themselves as Buddhists. For the Christians, regular church meetings and
services form an important part of their life.

While the elder generation use their ethnic languages, Moken and Urak
Lawoi’, younger people communicate with each other in Central Thai. All
community members can speak Thai.

The community has three leaders, the village chief (an informal, but
respected elder leader), Ngeem Damrongkaset, or Lung (Uncle) Ngeem, and
two further leaders, Nilan Yangban and Sanit Saezua, the first being formally
elected as the assistant to the Thai mayor; his colleague is an informal
representative with good communication and advocacy skills). Apart from a
religious (Christian) youth group that has regular meetings and organizes
group activities, there are no particular social organizations in the
community (e.g., for women or youth) (see section C).

Conflicts over Land and Resources

Even though the Urak Lawoi’ and Moken have subsisted and settled at their
current location for decades, they do not possess any legal land titles139.
They face severe land-related challenges, including land tenure insecurity
and conflicts over land ownership. Restrictions in the surrounding Marine
National Park, increasing commercial fishing, environmental pollution and
an over-exploitation of natural resources have also greatly diminished their
access to natural resources and their traditional livelihood practices.

138. Many children drop out of school at primary level. Only 3 community members have
achieved BA degrees.

139. Apart from one Urak Lawoi’ man who was able to save money and to buy community
land in the disputed area along the beach. He earns good income from two fish stalls
(one where he sells fish himself, the other rented out for around 30,000 THB/920
USD per month).

Findings and Discussion 133

Land Conflicts: For decades the Rawai villagers have been facing a series of
land conflicts with both companies and private individuals related to public
space as well as the residential area and fish stalls along the shore. The
private land developer Baron World Ltd has title deeds over public space,
and plans to build villas for tourists on the beach front where the Chao Ley
of Rawai perform their traditional rituals at their sacred shrines. A second
private company (Ban Raya Travel and Tour, which has a resort on a nearby
island to which it offers day-trips) holds land title deeds over community
land, and started claiming land plots in the East village after the tsunami
disaster in 2004. In addition, the community is facing conflicts with private
individuals who own land certificates for plots on the West side of the
community as well as parts of the East, covering the food stalls along the
beach. The Chao Ley were asked to pay high rental fees to sell fish in this
area. Since they were unable to do so, they have lost their stalls, an important
source of income. At the time of the data collection, there were 9 cases
related to public and residential land pending in court, some filed by
companies and private individuals, some filed by the villagers, with most of
them taken to appeal. The land conflicts affect all areas of the Moken and
Urak Lawoi’s life. The lengthy legal processes pose great financial,
organizational, and psychological burdens on the residents. Moreover, they
are not permitted to construct or upgrade anything on community and
public land. Without secure land rights, the community members live under
the persistent threat of eviction.

Limited Access to Natural Resources: The Moken and Urak Lawoi’ have lost
space for their livelihood and (semi-) nomadic lifestyle and access to natural
resources due to the declaration of protected zones, a rapidly developing
tourism industry and increased commercial fishing. Due to the demarcation
of protected areas (Marine National Park and Wildlife Sanctuary), they can
harvest marine resources only in restricted areas, and all their activities are
strictly controlled and monitored by park officials. The Department of
Fishery has issued more and more regulations on the protection of
endangered fish species which again limit the types of fish the Moken and
Urak Lawoi’ are allowed to catch140. The Department is monitoring potential
changes of the local fish population and claiming that certain species have
decreased in numbers, and thus need protection - the Chao Ley frequently
disagree, based on their own monitoring and intimate knowledge of the
Marine ecosystem.

140. For example, a catching ban has been issued for Bla Nok Kaew, Parrot fish, or Scaridae,
a brightly colored fish, edible but not of high economic importance and popular
among tourist divers.

134

The rapid growth of the tourist industry, with the development of numerous
hotels and resorts, has also had a number of adverse impacts on the lives of
the Urak Lawoi’ and Moken: environmental pollution of the sea and shores,
and a growing demand for seafood, that have contributed to an over-
exploitation of shrinking natural resources. Private land ownership further
restricts the use of natural resources. For example, in the past, the Urak
Lawoi’ and Moken were able to grow rice on the shore and the island nearby,
but nowadays these areas are in private hands, and access has been
prohibited. An expanding fishing industry and large commercial fishing
vessels equipped with new technological advances contribute to
environmental pollution, as well as a depletion of fish population and
aquatic life.

Over the past decade, the Moken and Urak Lawoi’ in Rawai have been less
and less able to fish. Even though some of them are able to earn substantial
income in the tourism sector during the high season, livelihood insecurity,
economic hardship and indebtedness remain major challenges for all
villagers, in particular for those working as fishermen.

The Moken and Urak Lawoi’ also face a number of other severe socio-
economic problems. The community is struggling with alcohol and drug
abuse/trafficking. According to the village headman, around 20% of the
Urak Lawoi’ youth and around 80% of young Moken drug addicted. The
consumption of tobacco and betel is high, the latter even among young
children. Domestic violence, widespread illegal gambling, sexual misconduct
among teenagers and premarital pregnancies are pressing problems. Within
the community conflicts are smoldering between villagers over scarce living
space and existing economic inequalities, particularly conflicts between the
two culturally, linguistically and ethnically diverse groups: the Moken
minority has a lower socio-economic status and less decision-making power
than the Urak Lawoi’.

The lack of education is a pressing problem in the community: most
teenagers drop out after finishing primary school and look for work outside
the community. Many parents don’t encourage their children to attend
school, partly because of fears of discrimination and stigmatization in the
public school system. Asked for the reasons for high dropout rates, the
community members explain that they are often looked down upon as non-
Thai, that they perceive themselves as disparate and different from the
majority Thai society, and that the curriculum is not suitable for their needs.
Some families cannot afford fees for school supplies (uniforms, school
lunch, or extracurricular activities); others are unwilling. Also, there are