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College-for-All: Alternative 19
Options and Procedures

James E. Rosenbaum, Caitlin Ahearn,
and Jennifer Lansing

Abstract 19.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses how the status attain-
ment model has been integral to our under- As Durkheim (1961) emphasized, society faces a
standing of the factors affecting average serious challenge in ensuring the next generation
educational attainment, but it poorly describes of youth is able to assume productive adult roles.
institutional procedures and individual strate- This is obvious, but it doesn’t happen automati-
gies that lead to academic success. We pose cally. Although stable traditional societies do this
new issues for understanding the experiences easily, it has become problematic in a dynami-
of the growing populations of disadvantaged cally changing society where the labor market
students in open-admissions 2-year colleges. demands higher skills. Many individuals lack
We describe the experiences of individuals requisite skills; therefore, they get excluded from
from a small study to provide evidence of how decent jobs, and social and economic inequality
disadvantaged students manage to beat the dramatically increases.
odds and attain educational success. While we
cannot address issues of generalizability, we In recent decades, our society has made col-
describe alternative sequences and pathways lege access a central component of preparing
to educational attainment, institutional sup- youth for adult roles and reducing poverty
ports and procedures, and their self-identified (Goldrick-Rab 2016, chapter 10). College is seen
sources of direction, despite the major obsta- as the most dependable route to a promising
cles and setbacks. We situate our cases in prior financial future for both individuals and society.
extensions of the status attainment model to The United States has a deep faith in the “educa-
consider alternative mechanisms to educa- tion gospel,” where college is expected to fulfill a
tional attainment. These analyses are crucial if variety of societal needs, including economic
we are to understand the dynamic processes prosperity, improved health, and reduced crime
that drive educational attainment despite (Grubb and Lazerson 2004).
major obstacles.
Assuming that high educational plans lead to
J. Lansing · J. E. Rosenbaum (*) high educational achievement, reform organiza-
Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, USA tions, educators, and policymakers heavily pro-
e-mail: [email protected] mote college plans for all students. This college
emphasis has reached all corners of society, and
C. Ahearn students have responded. By the 1990s, over 90%
University of California, Los Angeles, CA, USA of high school seniors planned to attend college,
e-mail: [email protected] 80% of high school graduates actually attended

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018 431
B. Schneider (ed.), Handbook of the Sociology of Education in the 21st Century, Handbooks
of Sociology and Social Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76694-2_19

432 J. E. Rosenbaum et al.

college, and Black, White, and Hispanic high youth. Yet completion remains low, while aspira-
school graduates attended college at similar rates tions remain high. Many students entering col-
(Adelman 2003). The upward trend in college lege have vague plans about completing graduate
enrollment has continued, and 90% of the gradu- degrees, but very few accomplish that goal
ating class of 2004 enrolled in college within (Bailey et  al. 2015). In contrast, some students
8 years (Rosenbaum et al. 2016). If we consider do, in fact, manage to exceed expectations and
enrollment in this extended window, White, even complete graduate degrees after enrolling in
Black, and Hispanic high school graduates con- 2-year programs in open-access colleges. We
tinue to enroll at similar rates (ibid.). must wonder: How do they do it?

Despite high levels of enrollment, large dis- The usual way sociologists analyze these
parities in graduation occur. College degrees are issues, the status attainment model, identifies
less likely for students who are low-income, predictors of educational and occupational status.
belong to a racial minority group, are academi- But, it fails to consider many important alterna-
cally underprepared, or begin in less selective tive options, procedures, and sources of direc-
colleges (Ahearn et al. 2016). For those who start tion, so it conveys a narrow conception of
at 4-year colleges, one-third of students fail to get opportunity. To broaden the perspective, our
BA degrees, including over 50% of students in research identifies three alternative processes.
the bottom third of SES.  For those who enter First, while the status attainment model focuses
community colleges, success is more rare: only on a few credential options and event sequences,
21% get BA degrees and only 14% of low-SES we identify many alternative college options and
students do so. As the costs associated with strategies. Second, while the status attainment
attending college rise, low-income and even model ignores operational practices in colleges,
middle-­income students and their families strug- we identify alternative institutional procedures
gle to make it through (Goldrick-Rab 2016). including non-standard programs and practices.
Third, although driven by student choices, the
Consistent with the status attainment model, status attainment model does not consider alter-
research finds that student characteristics native ways to inform direction about education
(achievement level, socioeconomic status, racial and career. Students need to see alternative
privilege, and age) and student choices (major, options, alternative procedures, and well-­
college type, work, enrollment intensity, and conceived plans to translate vague educational
extracurricular engagement) contribute to com- goals into tangible occupational attainments
pletion rates and earnings of community college (Schneider and Stevenson 1999). Models that
students (Dougherty 1994; Buchmann and stress “free choice” often ignore how students
DiPrete 2006; Hout 2012; Goldrick-Rab and can make “informed choices” among alternatives
Pfeffer 2009; Schudde and Goldrick-Rab 2014; that are often unseen. Together, these elements
Jacobson and Mokher 2009). Others have studied pose new perspectives to improve our under-
social, economic, and psychological motivations standing of education’s role in social mobility,
for “cooling out” (lowering) and “warming up” and how youth, especially disadvantaged youth,
(increasing) educational plans in 2-year colleges can succeed despite facing major obstacles.
(Clark 1960; Deterding 2015; Alexander et  al.
2008). Students with academic or economic dis- Going beyond the numbers and correlates, we
advantages are especially at risk of dropping out need to understand what strategies help students
of college (Taniguchi and Kaufman 2005). These in non-selective colleges overcome the usual dis-
various lines of scholarship have been critical to advantages and attain high educational success.
understanding the obstacles to student success in This chapter will describe alternative processes
open-access 2-year colleges. that respondents find to have helped them. Instead
of blaming students’ difficulties on personal defi-
Despite all we know about the predictors of ciencies, we explore how research can identify
college attainment, community college is the alternative social contexts that can enable success
main avenue for opportunity for disadvantaged

19  College-for-All: Alternative Options and Procedures 433

for disadvantaged students. We are not the first to access institutions. We then outline three

examine students who beat the odds of educa- extensions to traditional attainment models that

tional attainment (Newman and Winston 2016; broaden our understanding of how students

Attewell and Lavin 2007). While some of these achieve high educational success despite large

topics have been addressed in prior educational challenges. While traditional explanations view

attainment research, we discover alternative students’ personal disadvantages as causing their

options and procedures which extend traditional outcomes, we describe features of the college

models and open new avenues for opportunity. context that  shape students’ opportunities and

Although rarely considered, these alternatives outcomes, even for students who face many

suggest student and school strategies that can obstacles.

reduce or avoid the usual obstacles. We consider

these as extensions of the status attainment
model. These alternatives are overlooked in the 19.1.1 Poverty Creates Obstacles
to Opportunity
literature, but respondents describe how they sup-

port their persistence and degree completion

despite obstacles they face as non-traditional A recent study by Jennifer Silva (2013) provides

students. focus on key issues that we must consider. Silva

We discover these strategies in interviews presents a detailed analysis of working-class

with non-traditional students who completed an emerging adults, describing with disheartening

associate degree, and then went on to complete clarity the modern obstacles to escaping poverty

bachelor’s and master’s degrees. These graduates and the relentless barriers confronting low-wage

are taken from a larger sample of 160 associate earners in the United States. Extending and

degree graduates from private and public 2-year updating an extensive body of prior research

colleges. To consider individuals who are clearly (Borman 1991; Sennett and Cobb 1972; Newman

educational successes, we focus on a small sub-­ 1999, 2006), Silva elaborates how young

sample (11 respondents) who are remarkable for working-c­ lass adults have redefined adulthood as

their attainment of a master’s degree within the attainment of traditional markers (marriage,

7  years after attaining an associate degree. stable employment, and home ownership) have

Despite their small number, we also see similar become increasingly elusive. She describes how

strategies in the larger group who attained BA many young adults have tried and repeatedly

degrees (n  =  60). Moreover, their experiences failed to gain traction in the labor market or in

provide some insight into the experiences of non-­ completing a college degree. She explains that

traditional students with the odds against them, they took initiatives towards self-improvement,

and how alternative strategies enable disadvan- made sacrifices, and withstood significant hard-

taged students to succeed. Open-admissions col- ships pursuing their goals, but their efforts rarely

leges have grown rapidly, and they offer many worked as intended because of powerful social

new credentials and majors. If we wish to under- and structural forces working against them. A

stand how low-income individuals manage to few isolated cases achieved success, she argues,

succeed in these new contexts, we must study because they had unusual advantages rarely

individuals’ experiences and strategies. While the available to low-income youth, such as social

status attainment model describes the traditional capital in the form of a wealthier or well-­

attainment process, we suspect that these exten- connected friend or relative. Silva’s study shows

sions grew out of new college-for-all policies and the destructiveness of compounded disadvan-

the new college reality that has emerged. tages, which pose challenges at every turn, and

The chapter begins with an overview of tradi- which prevent temporary successes from turning

tional educational attainment research. We into permanent improvements. Her descriptions

emphasize literature that has improved our under- are heartbreaking and repeatedly contradict com-

standing of non-traditional students and open-­ mon myths about how initiative and effort are

434 J. E. Rosenbaum et al.

rewarded in U.S. society. From Silva’s account, outcomes (ibid.; Blau and Duncan 1967; Sirin

we get an understanding of the reality that 2005). It has been particularly helpful in a few

working-c­lass young adults cannot always  suc- applications.

ceed from their own efforts. First, the status attainment model has allowed

Silva’s qualitative work and that of others researchers to examine differential outcomes

before her reinforces what we know from prior based on student attributes and experiences.

research. It shows the many ways failure occurs, Gender differences provide a relatively straight-

but it says nothing about successes. However, forward example. This has been an area of great

quantitative research using the status attainment interest since the 1960s when Sewell and Shah

model provides a more complicated picture of demonstrated that women had lower educational

social mobility. American society is complex and plans and completion than men (1967). That

diverse, and quantitative research indicates that, early research described a baseline that permitted

while it is difficult and less common, some low-­ later research to see dramatic change. Recent

SES individuals do manage to attain educational research has demonstrated a dramatic reversal of

and economic success. In fact, quantitative work this trend. Social and political factors have led to

not only reminds us that such success is possible, female students outperforming their male coun-

but also that disadvantaged students may have terparts in K–12 education, and women now have

more to gain from educational success than their a greater likelihood of college completion

advantaged peers (Hout 2012). Unfortunately, (Buchmann and DiPrete 2006). However, women

such quantitative studies do not typically con- continue to receive lower earnings, especially

sider what allows these unlikely successes to after accounting for their higher educational

occur, making their replication even more diffi- attainment. The model further allows research to

cult. Moreover, despite her close examination of analyze racial–gender interactions, and studies

individuals’ experiences, Silva does not examine have found that Black and Hispanic women are at

the options and procedures within colleges which particular disadvantage in the labor market

impact students’ outcomes. When they fail, she (Browne and Misra 2003).

rightly blames the college, but it is not clear what Second, the status attainment model has been

the college is doing that contributes to failures or important for understanding the growing need for

what alternatives exist that might lead to success. higher education to achieve economic success. In

We seek to understand how a sample of working-­ the past 12  years, bachelor’s degrees have

class individuals achieved educational success. increased by 44% and associate degrees and

college-­level certificates have increased by 78%

19.1.2 T he Status Attainment Model (Kena et al. 2014). In addition, all college creden-

and Traditional Educational tials, including college-level certificates, now

Attainment Models have significant economic payoffs relative to a

high school diploma (Rosenbaum et  al. 2016;

Belfield and Bailey 2011). Sociologists and econ-

Created at the University of Wisconsin in the omists have noted that the returns to education

1960s, the original status attainment model have been growing for decades, and there is

argued that father’s education and occupational abundant evidence that society more generally

status, and son’s cognitive ability predict the benefits from a more educated population

son’s educational attainment and subsequently (Oreopoulous and Petronijevic 2013; Hout 2012;

adult occupational prestige (Sewell and Hauser Goldin and Katz 2008). A high school diploma,

1975). A simple model, it has nonetheless been on the other hand, commands low earnings and

important to the sociology of education in pro- poor career trajectories (Rosenbaum et al. 2016).

viding a framework to explain how socioeco- Indeed, many high school seniors who planned

nomic background interacts with individual not to attend college later decide to attend college

attributes to predict educational and occupational after a few years in the labor market (ibid.). This

19  College-for-All: Alternative Options and Procedures 435

line of research has been instrumental in the time, raised by single parents, or GED-holders

expansion of college-for-all and emphasized the (Horn and Carroll 1996). Non-traditional stu-

need to study educational attainment processes. dents, especially those enrolled part-time or who

Finally, and most important for our purposes, have young children, are much less likely than

the model asserts that more privileged youth their peers to reach degree completion (Bean and

(higher parental education and occupational sta- Metzner 1985; Taniguchi and Kaufman 2005).

tus) attain the most education (Warren 2001). The Non-traditional students are often low-income

extent to which this occurs has fluctuated since and minority students, and, like them, they are

WWII, with some periods of more opportunity. more likely to be enrolled in 2-year colleges,

Recent decades have seen increasing influence of making up 45% of public 2-year colleges and

social background on educational attainment 58–65% of private 2-year colleges (Rosenbaum

(Bills 2004; Gamoran 2014). Even with high col- et al. 2016; Kena et al. 2015; Holland and DeLuca

lege enrollment, first-generation college students 2016). In fact, beginning at a 2-year college has,

and students with working-class parents continue in and of itself, been called a “non-traditional

to be thwarted in their attempts to attain college pathway” (Gerber and Cheung 2008). Although

degrees, facing social, financial, and institutional only a minor segment of higher education

barriers to completion (Rosenbaum et  al. 2016; 50 years ago, open-access colleges (public 2-year

Armstrong and Hamilton 2015; Goldrick-Rab colleges, private for-profit colleges, and some

2016). Disadvantaged high school students who not-for-profit 2- and 4-year colleges) have grown

are coming from poor or working-class homes do in recent decades. These sectors now enroll close

not receive adequate preparation, advising, and to 50% of all undergraduate students (NCES

resources to succeed at 4-year bachelor’s degrees 2015, table 303.70). Although they don’t resem-

(Deil-Amen and DeLuca 2010; Lareau 2000). ble our idyllic vision of college, these colleges

are a typical choice for many disadvantaged stu-

19.1.3 N on-traditional Students dents. Yet the dramatic growth in non-traditional

in Non-traditional Pathways students raises further questions about how they

cope with these 2-year open-access institutions,

especially if they use traditional procedures.

Educational attainment research has also dis- Most students in the non-selective college sec-

cussed the disadvantage of being a “non-­ tor are in public community colleges, which

traditional” student. When most Americans enroll 37% of all undergraduates who are recent

picture a college student, they imagine a young high school graduates (ibid.). Community col-

person living on a beautiful 4-year university leges were created to provide more accessible

campus, participating in social clubs, attending and affordable higher educational opportunities,

sporting events, and taking advantage of many and they have succeeded impressively. Students

educational opportunities. Yet, residential stu- flock to community colleges for their low tuition,

dents enrolled full-time at 4-year colleges make local campuses, flexible schedules, and open

up only one quarter of all students enrolled in admissions. For these reasons, community col-

higher education (Tinto 2012). This means that leges disproportionately serve non-traditional,

the vast majority of college students are, in some low-income, and underrepresented students.

way, “non-traditional,” for whom we must ques- Non-traditional students in community colleges

tion our traditional assumptions. may have full-time jobs or dependents, and they

Educational attainment models generally con- appreciate the low-cost, convenience, and low

ceptualize students as non-traditional if they are barriers to enrollment at community colleges

older, or take time off between high school and (Rosenbaum et al. 2006; Stephan and Rosenbaum

college. However, research has considered many 2009; Perna 2010). Community colleges serve

other groups who are non-traditional—enrolled students with a range of goals, offering both asso-

part-time, financially independent, working full-­ ciate degrees and certificates, as well as

436 J. E. Rosenbaum et al.

­single-c­ ourse options for students with no degree most primarily offer 1- or 2-year credentials. In

goal. Students have a variety of program options, this chapter, we refer to these colleges and com-

from academic BA-transfer programs to occupa- munity colleges collectively as 2-year open-­

tional programs. Occupational programs prepare access colleges.

students for immediate employment in a wide Non-traditional students face many barriers,

range of high-demand fields such as computer and non-traditional college pathways are often a

technology, business, auto mechanics, and common choice because they reduce such barri-

healthcare. ers. In our interviews with highly successful non-­

Non-selective private colleges, including both traditional students in 2-year open-access

for-profit and non-profit, are a second type of colleges, we discover alternatives to traditional

open-access college. The number of students in attainment models. All respondents completed

non-selective private colleges has grown dramati- degrees at non-selective 2-year colleges, some

cally in the past two decades, from 2% to cur- are older, some have children, none live on cam-

rently 10% of total undergraduate enrollment pus, and many combine full-time work with full-

(Deming et al. 2012). While they serve a similar or part-time college. Most are from working-class

population of students as community colleges families, many did not do well in high school,

(Stephan and Rosenbaum 2009), private non-­ and many are racial minorities.

selective colleges serve greater numbers of older However, while we note that their circum-

and minority students and their students are more stances make it difficult for them to complete tra-

likely to be enrolled full-time (Kena et al. 2015; ditional higher education, we emphasize that

Deming et al. 2012). With aggressive marketing non-traditional is not synonymous with uncom-

techniques and convenient, often online, courses, mon. The new college-for-all reality is that “non-­

private non-selective colleges have attracted stu- traditional” students are a majority (Deil-Amen

dents with appealing career promises, which 2016). Their experiences are typical of a major

community colleges often don’t emphasize. segment of higher education, and their success is

Although mired in controversy, and some con- critically important to the success of college-for-­

victed of fraudulent claims, some private non-­ all. Being a non-traditional student is not a devi-

selective colleges have a strong reputation in the ant factor that must be overcome, but rather a

labor market. Prior research indicates that some different student identity that colleges are now

private non-selective colleges use innovative pro- serving, although colleges have often had narrow

cedures designed to meet the needs of disadvan- traditional ideas about how to serve these stu-

taged students (Rosenbaum et  al. 2006). These dents. Nor is it clear how these students manage

procedures are often “sociologically smart,” to cope with these colleges (Perna 2010). The big

adjusting demands, schedules, advising, and job question is what alternative processes colleges

search to meet students’ needs, not adhering to can use that will better address the needs and

traditional college norms. Indeed, they focus on capabilities of a new majority of non-traditional

expanding students’ options, providing support- college students.

ive procedures, and leading not just to higher

earnings but also to rewarding careers
(Rosenbaum and Rosenbaum 2013). Private non-­ 19.1.4 Alternatives to the Traditional
Model in Open-Access
selective colleges have higher completion rates Institutions

for associate degrees and certificates than public

community colleges (Deming et  al. 2012;

Stephan et al. 2009). The status attainment model allows researchers

The distinctive approaches to student success to build an understanding of the typical predic-

in these colleges are examples that other colleges tors of educational attainment. Quantitative

and researchers can learn from. While some non-­ research has advanced the notion of maintained

selective private colleges offer 4-year degrees, inequality through educational institutions.

19  College-for-All: Alternative Options and Procedures 437

Qualitative research has provided valuable and indeed they face major obstacles (full-time

insights into the mechanisms that drive educa- work, child-care, family emergencies, financial

tional inequality (Silva 2013; Armstrong and difficulties) that accompany working-class lives.

Hamilton 2015; McLeod 2008). Educational However, their educational success in spite of

attainment research has helped scholars under- such obstacles makes their experiences worthy of

stand who is unlikely to graduate from college, investigation. We use these cases to bolster prior

and why. literature in extending and developing strategies

This research tends to focus on student defi- of studying student success. Of course, these

cits: What student attributes or choices make it individuals were hard-working and dedicated to

difficult to complete more education? While their studies, but those qualities alone were not

valuable, this research typically overlooks that sufficient. We noted ways these individuals used

some students beat the odds: students who man- alternative options and procedures that they con-

age to succeed in community college, bachelor’s sidered important for their successes.

degrees, and even graduate programs (Kena et al.

2014). When they succeed, research tends to Three Extensions
to Educational Attainment
credit individuals’ personal attributes. These 19.2 Models

individuals are often characterized as hard-­

working or lucky, without much further discus-

sion. They are exceptions, and the emphasis is

usually on the vast majority who don’t make it. The rest of this chapter is devoted to discussing

Yet rare events can be very revealing. three extensions to the traditional educational

Qualitative research is particularly useful in attainment model. Elements of these can be seen

understanding what might set the successes apart. in prior literature on educational attainment.

These students might have additional assistance However, they remain largely at the margins of

in the form of financial support, a highly-e­ ducated prior models. We bring them into the foreground

or connected family member, or membership in a to show that they are strategies students and

selective college program designed for high-­ schools can and do use that enable disadvantaged

achieving students from low socioeconomic students to cope with typical college challenges

backgrounds (Silva 2013; Armstrong and and succeed at completing college credentials.

Hamilton 2015). However, our sample mostly Improving non-traditional student persistence

lacks such features, so they demand further study. and attainment requires identifying alternative

Such research can be instrumental for policy options and procedures that are available but

reforms. Qualitative research can explore ways rarely seen, understanding the processes by

that individuals leverage institutions and personal which non-traditional students can successfully

experiences to succeed despite poor odds. This see and use these alternatives, and learning about

knowledge can lead to policy initiatives to further what institutions can do to support them. We

support disadvantaged students and to diminish describe three broad strategies that are useful to

the power of the obstacles they face. This is of students who share the constraints and circum-

critical importance as we attempt to “move the stances of non-traditional students. Our sample

needle” on college completion, which has provides insight into potential strategies that are

remained stubbornly low for years (Bailey et al. rarely noticed as important for students’ college

2015). Studying student deficits alone cannot success. We briefly describe the three extensions

improve student chances at educational attain- here before going into more detail.

ment. The options and procedures in the college First, alternative options and strategies can

context must also be examined. overcome obstacles that prevent progress in the

Our sample highlights individuals who beat orderly transitions from high school to college to

the odds. Traditional models would predict low careers. Blau and Duncan (1967) recognized the

odds for this group to achieve even BA degrees, problems with linear pathways from school to

438 J. E. Rosenbaum et al.

work. Researchers have criticized traditional trajectories. Roksa and Velez (2012) assert that
models’ simplification of reality, which excludes the negative outcomes for individuals who follow
rich variation in college options, job outcomes, non-normative sequences of life events occur
and life events sequences (Kerckhoff 1995; Pallas because students’ adult roles inhibit their ability
2003; Bills 2004). We discuss alternative options to complete degrees. They argue that with greater
created by non-traditional colleges, and we access and enrollment in higher education, non-­
describe an incremental success strategy that normative decisions should not be dismissed, but
reduces risks and increases degree attainment for rather examined because of their growing preva-
non-traditional students. lence and the possibility that better decisions can
have beneficial impact in overcoming obstacles.
Second, alternative institutional procedures
can reduce obstacles and provide support for We find that respondents specifically address
non-traditional students seeking to cross college many alternatives—alternative college choices,
transitions. Various types of colleges work differ- degree choices, and degree sequencing. We
ently, and some offer procedures to assist stu- describe the incremental success model that inte-
dents who are older, work many hours, or have grates these three aspects, reduces risks of no
families (Kasworm 2010). Research has increas- payoffs, supports smoother transitions and
ingly noted the importance of non-traditional col- greater success, and promotes further opportuni-
lege practices as higher education becomes more ties in education and careers for non-traditional
diverse, and suggests that non-standard programs students.
and structures need to be studied (Rosenbaum
et al. 2006; Karp 2011). We provide evidence of 19.2.1.1 Alternative College Choices
the importance of alternative institutional struc- Educational attainment literature often considers
tures and how they shape and support student simply enrolling in an open-access institution as
success at every level of education. a non-traditional action, and a large body of
research has explored the implications of enroll-
Third, alternative ways to inform direction for ing in various types of colleges (Gerber and
education and careers can aid in non-traditional Cheung 2008). Generally, students who enroll in
students’ success. Students must find direction to community colleges are less likely to complete
enter specific programs, remain motivated in any degree. Since 80% of entering college stu-
those programs, and successfully transition into dents plan to earn BA degrees, it is especially dis-
the workforce. Students must translate vague turbing that few students attain them (Long and
educational goals into tangible occupational Kurlaender 2009; Bailey et al. 2015). Bachelor’s
attainments. Research has shown the difficulties degree attainment is further stymied for low-­
students have in finding direction, translating income and underrepresented minority students,
their aspirations into specific goals and actions who have the least success at making the transi-
(Schneider and Stevenson 1999). Our respon- tion from community colleges to 4-year colleges
dents describe how they find direction as they (Goldrick-Rab and Pfeffer 2009). Private non-­
combine college and work, and how direction is selective college students are more likely to com-
crucial for their success. plete a credential than community college
students, even after comparing matched students
19.2.1 Alternative Options (Stephan et al. 2009; Deming et al. 2012).
and Strategies
Educational attainment research has increas-
Perna (2010) notes that the linear college pipeline ingly examined non-normative pathways. Many
from high school to BA degrees to careers is no students transfer not just from community col-
longer the norm of higher education. Moreover, leges to 4-year colleges (and the reverse), but also
she argues that educational research should not laterally between institutions, and research has
devalue those who deviate from that expectation, noted the importance of creating models that
but it should better understand those students’ account for these moves, sometimes referred to
as “swirling” (Andrews et  al. 2014; Goldrick-­

19  College-for-All: Alternative Options and Procedures 439

Rab and Pfeffer 2009). Horn and Carroll (1998) research consistently finds that the higher the

examined the predictors of student decisions to degree, the higher the earnings payoffs. A certifi-

return to higher education after early failure. cate completer has higher average earnings than a

Calcagno et  al. (2007) found that common pre- high school graduate, an associate degree gradu-

dictors of success (credit milestones, passing ate has higher earnings than a certificate com-

“gatekeeper classes,” and avoiding  remedial pleter, and so on (Rosenbaum et al. 2017; Hout

courses) are less important for older students. 2012).

Prior research by the authors has indicated that However, students can and do combine various

among young students, associate degrees and credentials. Twenty-five percent of individuals

certificates are no less readily attained by stu- who complete certificates go on to complete higher

dents with low test scores and low-SES back- degrees (Carnevale et  al. 2012), and the rate is

grounds than by average students, and these higher for associate to BA degrees (Rosenbaum

credentials confer significant labor market pay- 2012). Therefore, the highest degree attained at

offs compared to high school, even for students one point, especially for sub-baccalaureate gradu-

who have low test scores or low-SES back- ates, may only be one step towards the highest

grounds (Rosenbaum et  al. 2016; Wells 2008). final degree attained. Open-access institutions

Kalogrides and Grodsky (2011) identified the offer certificates and associate degrees in overlap-

community college as a potential safety net, or a ping fields, which may count towards a bachelor’s

second chance institution, for those who drop out degree. Of course, we are used to students doing

of a 4-year college, although this requires such this for graduate degrees; no one can get a mas-

students to have time and resources to return to ter’s, a doctorate, or a professional degree without

college, despite prior failures. first completing a lower level bachelor’s.

Open-access institutions can provide second When a student completes increasingly ambi-

chances for students who have previously not tious educational goals, beginning with a certifi-

been successful, and their low-cost convenience cate or associate degree and going on to higher

often make them the only option for many non-­ degrees, we call this incremental success.

traditional students. Other students are drawn to Incremental success allows students at risk of

occupational programs’ promises of a quick job having college interrupted to have higher odds of

payoff despite high costs (Holland and DeLuca completing a credential, earn immediate payoffs,

2016). It is therefore important to consider how and then continue to the next degree, perhaps

alternative educational sequences that include after an intermission. Essentially, it builds

open-access institutions might differentially “backup options” into educational plans. It also

serve students. does not require high ambitions from the start.

19.2.1.2 Alternative Degree Choice “Degree ladders” or “stacking” credentials,

and an Incremental Success are procedures that increase students’ options.

Strategy They permit credits for lower credentials auto-

matically to count towards the higher credential

Students who find themselves in non-selective (Rosenbaum et  al. 2017; Ganzglass 2014).

colleges have greater success at completing cer- Goldrick-Rab (2016) urges all public colleges to

tificates and associate degrees than bachelor’s offer associate degrees, so that students at risk of

degrees (Rosenbaum et  al. 2016; Deming et  al. dropping out can at least get some credential. But

2012; Choy 2001). Most studies of status attain- students can create incremental success strategies

ment use highest degree attained as the outcome even where degree ladders don’t exist, although

and key educational variable. Students complete they are rarely informed how to create such

a certificate, an associate degree, a bachelor’s strategies.

degree, etc. and that is used to predict their occu- To provide insight into the potential process of

pational outcomes. This makes analyses simple, incremental success for non-traditional students,

and allows models to examine degree attainment we turn to our sample of master’s degree gradu-

or earnings of specific credentials. Attainment ates, all of whom began with a modest goal of

440 J. E. Rosenbaum et al.

associate degree or less, and finished with at least Asha saw an associate degree as a way of

a master’s degree. Their circumstances included achieving greater workplace status, and was not

many complications—children, full-time jobs, initially considering a bachelor’s or higher

returning to school after a long break—all of degree. While some respondents had differing

which made the achievement of a quick creden- reasons for entering the associate degree, from

tial seem more attainable than a “4-year” degree. specific career goals, to an interest in a field, to

After their initial success, these respondents more respect at work, all felt that the associate

developed increasingly ambitious goals with degree was a plausible starting point. Like Asha,

each educational achievement. Their experiences many continued to work full-time while pursuing

embody our model of incremental success. their schooling.

19.2.1.3 A n Example of Incremental After her associate degree, Asha did earn more

Success respect from her boss, but there was more. Her

success in that initial degree gave her confidence

Like many of their non-traditional peers, the to pursue a bachelor’s degree and beyond.

financial pressures of our sample led them to seek

occupational programs within their open-access Interviewer: Ok, and then how did your plans

institutions (Laanan 2000; Holland and DeLuca change while you were at

2016). They were eager for a labor market payoff Midwest Private College?

to support themselves and their families. All Asha: Well it changed, because I saw that

respondents but one identified a specific occupa- I wasn’t dumb. And I was kinda

tional goal they had in mind when beginning smart. And I’m like, “Hey, I can do

their degree and their reasons for choosing it. this!” And so uh after a while I’m

Although they had not previously aspired to a like, “Yes, I’m going for my bach-

higher degree, after achieving the initial goal, elor’s” and went for a master’s.

their successes at school and at work gave them

confidence to push themselves forward. Although social science models usually

Asha, a mother of six, who was 41 at the time include a variable for “ability,” this is regarded

of the interview (34 when she graduated with her as an unchanging attribute that shapes stu-

associate degree 7 years earlier), provides a clear dents’ success and plans. For Asha, and many

example of how success can be achieved with other respondents, “ability” is a new discovery,

incremental success. While working in a non-­ inferred from a new and surprising success in

profit center for the homeless with a high school college. While many non-traditional students

diploma, Asha pursued an associate degree in are channeled into demanding BA-transfer pro-

hopes of receiving more respect from her boss. grams at which most fail, Asha and many of

our respondents aimed for an associate degree

Interviewer: When you first entered Midwest that had lower academic demands at which she

Private College, what were your succeeded. Although the status attainment

career plans? model treats “ability” as an individual attribute

Asha: When I first entered Midwest that precedes college, Asha’s experience led

Private College, it was just to her to discover abilities that were unknown

obtain that associate degree. I prior to college.

thought that, you know, hey let’s With her newfound confidence, she completed

just go for the associate to start off. her bachelor’s degree in business administration,

Interviewer: Right. Did you have a particular and then she decided to go on to pursue a mas-

career interest? ter’s. As she completed each degree, she moved

Asha: I didn’t. I just wanted to prove to up the ranks of her small non-profit organization,

my boss that I wasn’t as dumb as from operations director to human resources

he thought I was. director, and finally the chief operating officer.

19  College-for-All: Alternative Options and Procedures 441

As streamlined as Asha’s trajectory through her Interviewer: And was it [the associate degree]
programs seems, it does not follow the traditional
trajectory through higher education. Using com- as long as you expected?
mon sociological models and data, her success
would not likely be apparent to researchers, since Cindy: N o. Actually I—it was shorter
she began college at age 34 (so she wouldn’t be in
any of the usual surveys that end at age 26–30) and than I expected. That’s why I
took time off from college between credentials,
which might be interpreted as dropout in research always encourage people to go to
that didn’t follow her for a longer time. Educational
research should seek to learn from, not discount, Midwest Private College, espe-
the positive and reinforcing experience Asha and
others like her can achieve by following a model of cially if you are a working adult
incremental success. Moreover, newly discovered
“ability” is a potentially important process, which with a family. And you don’t
may contribute to students’ success in the incre-
mental success process. really have time to spend four

There are potential downsides to incremental years at a university. You get the
success. Most notably, while it allows students to
attain interim credentials and still aspire to higher same education with less time
degrees, it may take longer than following a more
traditional pathway. A few respondents discussed and probably less money.
the exhaustion they experienced and the sacri-
fices they had to make in their personal lives in Although we can argue whether she would
order to attend college for so many years. have saved money by choosing a low-cost com-
However, this is the case for many students, even munity college instead of her pricey private non-­
those who begin straight out of high school selective college, shorter timetables represent
(Goldrick-Rab 2016). Moreover, there is no guar- fewer opportunity costs (earnings sacrifices) and
antee that credits will transfer (Roksa and Keith lower risks of interruptions. Cindy clearly appre-
2008), and 4-year colleges can be unpredictable ciates the quick win she achieved there. Cindy
in whether they accept specific credits for spe- went on to complete her bachelor’s degree in
cific majors (Rosenbaum et al. 2017). Because of healthcare management and a master’s in juris-
this issue, many of our respondents chose to com- prudence at a semi-selective university. Despite
plete their bachelor’s degrees in programs that her clear success, she took time off from college
accepted prior credits. so she could work between each of her degrees.
Most importantly, she does not believe that she
Private occupational colleges often make could have completed her degrees had she
incremental success strategies the usual model. attempted to complete four straight years.
Although their credits may not count in public
4-year colleges (depending on negotiated agree- We cannot know whether Cindy, Asha, and the
ments), they make all credits count for their own other respondents would have succeeded at a tra-
bachelor’s degrees. The respondents in our sam- ditional 4-year program, but we believe it is
ple often felt these colleges gave them depend- unlikely, considering their hectic schedules and
able progress and success, where they did not life demands, and their fair to poor high school
waste their prior coursework. Cindy, a Black achievement. For these respondents, the smaller,
mother of two, who had to drop out of college at more manageable starting point may have been
18 because she was pregnant with her first son, the difference between educational success and
already had her EMT certificate from a commu- educational failure.
nity college.
19.2.1.4 S tudying the Model
of Incremental Success

Scholars have noted the restriction imposed by
the one-directional sequences in traditional mod-
els of educational attainment, i.e., the onset of
work signals the end of education. Blau and
Duncan’s (1967) original conception of the status
attainment model was a three-stage process that
constrains the variability of pathways within each
stage. Most educational attainment research fol-

442 J. E. Rosenbaum et al.

lows this model and emphasizes degree comple- students should broaden its approach to allow for
tion as the end point of schooling (Bills 2004). As more complex interactions between school and
a result, it dismisses at the outset the possibility work. More flexible models could address the
that educational sequencing may be tied with possibility of incremental success in a systematic
experiences in the labor market. way. We know that this is not a rare occurrence
(Carnevale et al. 2012). But how this happens and
Kerckhoff (1995) has argued that in order to whether it is actually beneficial, as it seemed to
“understand the intergenerational continuity and be from our cases, remains to be examined.
mobility, we must recognize that the structural
locations in the social organizations involved in In an attempt to keep the discussion within the
[educational and occupational attainment] are dif- realm of college and degree choices, this chapter
ferentially linked with each other and that those does not address other aspects of non-traditional
linked locations have cumulative effects on the student identities that may also play a role. In
stratification process” (p.  326). Research must particular, dependent versus independent status
recognize the interrelationships among institu- and family formation can all occur in non-­
tions, such as education and the labor market, normative ways that have implications for stu-
because those relationships are relevant to the dent attainment. We also only briefly address
success of individuals. Pallas (2003), following work as it relates to student sequencing choices.
Elder (1985), similarly asserts that research on For those interested in this topic, Perna (2010)
educational attainment should expand its focus to focuses on findings specifically related to stu-
include other life events, social roles, and institu- dents who work.
tional responsibilities, such as work. Moreover,
Pallas identifies a general lack of understanding 19.2.2 Alternative Institutional
of alternative combinations of school and work, Procedures
and how transitions among them can shape future
achievements. He calls for further research to After a student has decided on a degree, student
study individuals’ actions and experiences in learning and degree progress are not equal across
greater detail as they pursue higher status. institutions. In recent decades, researchers have
recognized that institutional differences are likely
We have provided one possible model of educa- to impact student outcomes. Some of this research
tional attainment, the incremental success model, is related to the type of institution (2-year, 4-year,
which allows education and work to interact as stu- or private non-selective), as discussed above. A
dents attain higher credentials. The incremental large body of sociological literature has also
success model maintains the importance of creden- examined other institutional differences.
tials, rather than years of education, for labor mar- Specifically, scholars have largely emphasized
ket outcomes. Individuals who take four  years to elite institutions, selectivity, and characteristics
get associate degrees do not necessarily get higher of the students at an institution (see Gerber and
earnings than those who take two years for an asso- Cheung 2008).
ciate degree, nor do they get as much earnings as
individuals who get a BA in four  years. But the These differences are important, and are a
incremental success model also does not treat any natural extension of the early status attainment
particular credential as an end point. Instead, stu- models. However, as colleges and the popula-
dents use incremental success to complete a tions they serve have become more complex,
sequence of degrees. In this model, these interme- education researchers have begun to pay more
diate credentials are steps, rather than the final attention to the impact of institutional proce-
landing. For students who follow this path, creden- dures. In this chapter, “institutional procedures”
tial attainment may occur simultaneously with is the way a college creates (or doesn’t create)
career development, and the typical modes of ana- transitions, structures, and supports that shape
lyzing outcomes would not be sufficient. how students move into, through, and out of col-
lege, via credential completion and career attain-
Educational attainment research that seeks to
capture the true experiences of non-traditional

19  College-for-All: Alternative Options and Procedures 443

ment. Although most colleges merely adopt mistakes. With so many students dropping out of
traditional procedures used in selective colleges, college, colleges are starting to reconsider the
alternative procedures are possible, and colleges common practice of placing the burden of figur-
can choose procedures around such issues as aca- ing out how to “do” college on the student.
demic and career advising, course sequencing
and scheduling, support services, summer pro- In After Admission: From College Access to
grams, placement testing, transfer agreements, College Success, Rosenbaum et al. (2006) argued
and job placement, to name a few. that that the procedures used by private open-­access
colleges can promote student attainment and suc-
Institutional procedures are crucial for student cess. The overarching characteristic of these vari-
retention, persistence, and graduation. As Tinto ous procedures is increased structure. While
(2012) explains, “to improve retention and grad- students in community colleges face a bewildering
uation, the institution must begin by focusing on abundance of choices and have little information or
its own behavior and establishing conditions help for making decisions, private open-access col-
within its walls that promote those outcomes” leges give students fewer options of majors and
(p.  6). In high schools, greater access to school course-taking, mandate frequent meetings with
guidance counselors, specialized college success advisors, monitor students’ progress and difficul-
coaches, career entry assistance for vocational ties, pose the same dependable class time sched-
students, and an emphasis on being “on track” in ules every semester, and connect students directly
the freshman year have all been shown to improve to employers. Such structured procedures may be
student outcomes (Lapan et  al. 1997; Hurwitz particularly useful for non-t­raditional students,
and Howell 2014; Stephan and Rosenbaum 2013; who do not have time to spend poring over course
Rosenbaum 2001; Roderick et al. 2014). catalogs, deciphering complex requirements, and
coping with accidentally chosen courses that don’t
There have been efforts to determine effective meet the program requirements.
procedures in higher education as well. Research
demonstrating the importance of social and aca- There has been some research on the possible
demic integration on student retention spurred value of procedures that lend more structure to the
numerous intervention programs to improve stu- community college experience as well. Hoffman
dent engagement in and out of the classroom. et al. (2007) noted lack of alignment between high
Although many such programs have been per- schools and colleges, and encouraged these insti-
functory, school supports to improve student tutions to create procedures that make the transi-
engagement can have important positive impacts tion to community college more accessible to
on student retention (Tinto 2007). In community disadvantaged students. These might include sum-
colleges, research has focused on the value of mer programs, curricular alignment, and college
remedial sequences, which are at best diversion- visits. Similarly, more intensive guidance counsel-
ary, and at worse active obstructions to student ing programs can help students succeed academi-
success (Scott-Clayton and Rodriguez 2012; cally (Bahr 2008). The state of Florida mandated a
Rosenbaum and Rosenbaum 2013). reform which administers the state’s community
college placement exam to nearly all high school
College procedures, even in community col- juniors, and then provides a compulsory “college
leges, are often based on those of traditional readiness” course in senior year to help students
4-year schools and traditional students. The gen- meet expectations (Ahearn et al. 2016).
eral theme of these procedures is to leave it up to
students and their families to make decisions Despite the influx of interest in procedures in
about school. However, non-traditional students both 2- and 4-year colleges, research on college
might not have the know-how to complete school procedures continues to be relatively rare com-
quickly, or the time and money to support pared to the study of student and family character-
extended years of college if they make mistakes. istics. We discuss three procedures that we believe
Moreover, in a 2-year program, this lack of struc- are particularly effective at promoting educational
ture can be especially harmful since students attainment for non-traditional s­ tudents. While these
inherently have less time to smooth over early are just three of many procedures that colleges can

444 J. E. Rosenbaum et al.

implement, they address serious problems that stu- et al. 2006). The private school had structured all
dents often confront while seeking sub-BA degrees. of its programs so that all students took a pre-set
In other words, these are relatively general proce- course sequence. While this could feasibly be det-
dures that can help students who do not have time rimental for students who are not sure of their
and money to explore. Research must continue to occupational plans (Holland and DeLuca 2016), it
examine such procedures and college practices was highly useful for respondents, who report they
across the board. Moreover, our master’s sample were eager to finish quickly and gain occupational
provides insight into how students experience these skills. Surprisingly, the most valuable aspect of
institutional procedures. pre-set course pathways for this group appears to
have been the lack of “exploration” that was
19.2.2.1 Pre-set Course Pathways encouraged or even allowed.
If community college students are to succeed,
colleges must be innovative in creating proce- Interviewer: How was your experience at
dures to help non-traditional students to cross Private Midwest College differ-
these transitions. Our earlier research showed ent from what you expected?
that colleges can structure curricula to prevent
student mistakes and failures. In 2006, we criti- Tanya: It was more professional. People
cized the “cafeteria” model, which gives students are more focused there. You’re not
free choices of courses, but often leads to poor allowed to get off on the wrong
progress (Rosenbaum et al. 2006, p.118), and we track, take classes that you don’t
noted the advantages of “dependable pathways” need for your degree.
that give more structure to curricular choices
(ibid., p. 16). Curriculum pathways remove some These structured pathways meant that Tanya’s
of the difficulty in choosing aligned coursework expectations, an associate and a bachelor’s degree
that will dependably lead to a degree. Since then, in three  years, were readily met. Respondents in
leading researchers and reformers have joined in occupational programs in community colleges also
criticizing the cafeteria model and elaborating sometimes enjoyed the structure of pre-set course
curriculum pathways (Bailey et al. 2015; Wyner sequences. Formal pathway requirements may be
2014; Venezia et al. 2012). Although curriculum weaker in these programs, but students like Lynn
pathways began in community colleges, Richard (see below) appreciate the focus nonetheless.
Arum and Josipa Roksa, two prominent sociolo-
gists, have advocated structured pathways in Interviewer: So now did you ever have any
4-year colleges as well (2012).
problems figuring out like which
Recent research has shown how colleges can
combine procedures into a wrap-around path- classes you had to take or any-
ways model that keeps students’ progress on
track. These guided pathways provide students thing like that?
with limited curricular choices, clarify an other-
wise overwhelmingly complex system, and Lynn: No because it was pretty laid-out
closely monitor students’ progress, frequently
advise students’ choices, and make mistakes less in the book. And then the teacher,
likely (Rosenbaum and Rosenbaum 2013; Bailey
et al. 2015; Complete College America 2013). once I got into the track to do the

Our respondents provide some insight into how substance abuse [degree program],
students perceive a structured pathway. Those who
were offered a pre-set course sequence universally he was very helpful. I mean like
appreciated the structure it provided, just as we
found that most current students do (Rosenbaum even as when we were ending a

class, he was telling us what

classes we would be taking next.

Interviewer: OK, so this was a professor and

not an advisor?

Lynn: Yeah, yeah.

Interviewer: OK. Now did you have any prob-

lems with scheduling, like schedul-

ing conflicts or anything like that?

19  College-for-All: Alternative Options and Procedures 445

Lynn: No, I actually lucked out and was placed in a cohort from the outset, and they take
able to get things that I needed most courses with their cohort through the entire
when I needed them. first year. Peers provide information, support, and
even tutoring that many students report are valu-
Lynn acknowledges that there was an element able in helping them persist through difficulties.
of uncertainty in the process, but also remembers
a specific teacher who helped her plan her When students move together through guided
­coursework. While some community college stu- course sequences, they will naturally fall into a
dents flounder in trying to figure out what courses cohort structure because they take many of their
to take (Rosenbaum et  al. 2006), her relatively classes together over multiple terms. Some
structured program and conscientious professors research has shown that a one-semester peer
appear to have alleviated some of that difficulty. cohort structure improved outcomes for that short
time, but did not have discernable impact after it
As research and practice continues to examine ended (Weissman et al. 2011).
the benefits of course sequencing, we must con-
sider the potential for differential benefit from In discussing the social benefits of structured
these procedures. A student with few external course sequences, our respondents felt that their
responsibilities and lots of time to devote to peers provided a support network. Juliana was in a
scheduling may marginally benefit from pre-set particularly demanding program for her associate
course sequences. Yet, highly structured and degree, which met four  days a week and also
dependable offerings might be particularly bene- required an internship. She had children and was
ficial for non-traditional students like those in our working full-time, and she frequently thought
sample, who want to attain the credential and about dropping out because of her demanding
move on. At the private college, students are schedule. Despite these difficulties, she felt sup-
encouraged to complete their original degree ported by the other students in her cohort, who she
plan, even if their plans change. The college connected with in her pre-set course sequences.
stresses that the first degree increases their eco-
nomic value in any job, and the college has ways Juliana: They told us, we basically went as
to do “mid-course corrections” to alternative a cohort. And it was like ok you
fields for their next degree. take this class at this time, you
take this class at this time, it was
19.2.2.2 P eer-Cohort Supports already pre-scheduled, we just
A second procedure colleges can implement to knew when to show up, and where
assist non-traditional students is a peer cohort. basically.
Persistence is higher if students are socially inte-
grated, that is if they participate in extracurricular Interviewer: Ok. [What] was so good about
activities or live in dormitories (Tinto 2012). that?
However, most students in open-access institu-
tions do not live in dormitories, and most of their Juliana: I’m a big fan of cohorts because
interaction with the college occurs in the class- you’re going with the same group
room, so colleges’ main opportunity to capitalize of people, and you’re all going
on integrating students is through coursework through the same thing. You kind
(Rosenbaum et  al. 2006). Open-access institu- of bond with these people. You
tions that serve non-traditional students therefore become like, it’s like a family type
need to be particularly purposeful about creating of situation, when one gets tired,
opportunities for students to have social interac- the other one like tries to get you
tion with one another. together, you know cause you’re
all going through the same thing.
Schools can actively ensure the creation of So, I’m a big fan of cohorts.
cohorts, as Guttman College in New  York City
has done (Rosenbaum et al. 2016). Students are Juliana feels that the cohort supports she
received were instrumental in her persistence
through a demanding program. It is possible that

446 J. E. Rosenbaum et al.

such benefits are more widely felt by non-­ (Rosenbaum  et  al. 2017; Ganzglass 2014).

traditional students in structured occupational Degree ladders simplify the typically complex

programs. The cohort advantages may add to transfer process by guaranteeing credit transfers

those of pre-set course sequences, but creating a and clarifying requirements.

cohort in this way requires little additional efforts We suspect that the process of incremental

by the school. success described earlier is greatly facilitated by

Educational attainment research should try to the existence of stackable credentials. We believe

identify where cohort procedures exist, and when it is not a fluke that most of the respondents in our

they might be most useful. It can further attempt highly successful sample completed degrees in

to identify whether course sequencing and cohorts the business and health fields. These fields are

lead to compounded advantages, considering the more likely to provide opportunities for stackable

two are likely to co-exist without much additional credentials (Deming et  al. 2012). Students can

effort. Colleges can encourage peer cohort sup- complete one degree or credential and take time

port by various activities, like group projects. to work if they need to, without worrying that

19.2.2.3 D egree Ladder Procedures transfer requirements will change or their next

college will not accept their earned credits. This

Our final structured procedure is to streamline the can facilitate quicker degree completion when

process of attaining multiple degrees in the same they make the decision to return to college.

educational or occupational field. Transferring

from a 2-year institution to a bachelor’s degree
program is usually a convoluted, uncertain, and 19.2.3 Alternative Ways to Inform
Direction for Education
bureaucratic process. Many 4-year colleges have and Careers

arbitrary or highly selective procedures for accept-

ing credit from 2-year colleges, and they often
change their requirements without notice, making 19.2.3.1 Educational
and Occupational Plans
it difficult to predict transfer chances at college

entry. This has been true for a long time Student educational expectations, or the highest

(Dougherty 1994), and community college staff level of schooling a student expects to attain, is a

report that it remains an issue (Rosenbaum et al. major consistent predictor of educational attain-

2017). There are two possible procedures a school ment research (Sewell and Hauser 1975).

can take to combat this issue. One is to create However, as students’ aspirations have risen

agreements between 2-year colleges (usually (Schneider and Stevenson 1999), this association

community colleges) and bachelor’s degree- has declined in recent decades (Jacob and Wilder

granting institutions. Although that requires the 2010). In 2002, more than 80% of high school

difficult collaboration of two separate institutions sophomores in 2002 expected a bachelor’s degree

(Roksa and Keith 2008), our recent research has (Goyette 2008). The ways these expectations are

discovered community colleges that have taken related to SES or academic achievement have

on the responsibility to negotiate transfer agree- declined since the 1970s (Reynolds and

ments with 4-year colleges, instead of leaving stu- Pemberton 2001). Such trends are of special con-

dents at the mercy of complex and ambiguous cern because the newly ambitious students are

rules (Rosenbaum et al. 2017). also dropping out of college at high rates. Instead

A second solution is to develop what we call of promoting more success, the increasing educa-

“degree ladders.” Sometimes called “stackable tional plans of students have contributed to a

credentials,” degree ladders have gained attention larger gap between expectations and reality-

in recent years as the numbers of sub-BA degrees more students are expecting to complete a degree

have increased. These institutional procedures than actually graduate (Jacob and Wilder 2010).

allow students to sequentially and relatively eas- Moreover, these dropouts lead to enormous costs

ily combine certificates, associate degrees, and in time, tuition, and self-confidence, and “some

bachelor’s degrees in the same field college” with no credentials has no earnings pay-

19  College-for-All: Alternative Options and Procedures 447

offs and minimal nonmonetary rewards only are high school students’ expectations mis-
(Rosenbaum et  al. 2016). In light of these aligned with their career goals, but also that stu-
changes, it is important that sociologists continue dents are often unclear about specific steps they
to examine student plans and their implications. need to take to achieve a goal. Their plans were
uninformed and misdirected.
Despite the significance of plans in educa-
tional attainment literature, how students form Having direction can be a motivating factor in
their educational expectations has remained rela- school (Oyserman et al. 2001), and well-directed
tively underexplored (Goyette 2008). Where students are more likely to meet their expecta-
research does consistently examine the formation tions when they enter college. As Braxton et al.
of educational expectations, it usually assumes (1995) explain, “when students’ expectations and
that educational plans are tied to occupational experiences are appropriately aligned and match
expectations (see Reynolds et al. 2006; Schneider the reality they encounter, students are more
and Stevenson 1999). Occupational outcomes are likely to be satisfied with their college experience
especially important to low-income students in and to persist to graduation” (p. 32). It seems that
open-access institutions, for whom the stakes for the formation of direction can have a major posi-
economic success are higher (Choy 2002). In a tive impact on student persistence in college, but
study of over 10,000 community college stu- the most vulnerable students in our systems lack
dents, Laanan (2000) finds that the majority direction more often than not (Morgan 2012).
report that getting better employment is an
important reason they are in school. This aligns Despite the value of direction, research on
with the rhetoric of college-for-all, which empha- educational attainment has done little work to
sizes the economic necessity of higher education understand its formation. Schneider and
for all students, as well as the declining returns to Stevenson (1999) suggest proper guidance is crit-
a high school diploma (Goldin and Katz 2008). ical to the formation of direction (see also
Mortimer et  al. 2002). There are generally two
As with educational expectations, students’ main sources of guidance that research has
occupational expectations have become increas- viewed as having a major impact on student
ingly optimistic, and decreasingly tied to social plans: families and schools. Disadvantaged stu-
and academic background (Goyette 2008). More dents have been shown to have less access to
students have goals for jobs that require bachelor’s high-quality guidance from both sources. Their
degrees, but most are highly unlikely to achieve parents often have less experience with college or
those goals, especially in community colleges middle-class workplaces, and their schools have
(ibid.; Rosenbaum et  al. 2016). Schneider and fewer resources for curricula and postsecondary
Stevenson (1999) explored in great detail student advising (Lareau 2000; Stephan and Rosenbaum
understandings of the educational requirements of 2013; Armstrong and Hamilton 2015).
their chosen occupations. In both educational and
occupational expectations, youth have become Non-traditional students and students from
more, some might even say overly, ambitious, with disadvantaged backgrounds may have even fewer
unclear conceptions of their direction. Therefore, sources for high-quality guidance. For example,
it seems that college-f­or-a­ ll has increased student Holland and Deluca (2016) discuss how a group
ambitions and even enrollment, but not credential of low-income, Black students in private open-­
completion rates or career success. access colleges often choose short-term programs
without serious consideration, often because of
19.2.3.2 A lternative Ways to Inform peer influence. If non-traditional students have
Direction been out of school for a long time, they may have
families of their own, and they are also unlikely
Schneider and Stevenson (1999) expanded stan- to receive guidance on direction from their par-
dard practice of identifying students’ goals to ents (Zapata-Gietl et al. 2016). They also no lon-
also consider the pathways by which students ger have access to the major sources of guidance
plan to achieve those goals. They found that not for forming direction, their high school counsel-

448 J. E. Rosenbaum et al.

ors and teachers. It would follow, then, that non-­ understanding of their direction, and how they

traditional students are likely to suffer a distinct are progressing toward it. These meetings are not

lack of direction from parents and schools, which very expensive or time-consuming since they are

might hinder their ability to persist. group meetings, and they are often scheduled

If they cannot get direction from high schools immediately following a required class to opti-

or parents, non-traditional students would likely mize attendance and time-efficiency.

benefit from receiving informed direction and As discussed earlier, community colleges

guidance from their colleges. This section tend to leave most choices up to students, and

explores how both schools and work provide that includes their degree goals and major

direction for non-traditional students, and whether choices. While we found little evidence that

open-access colleges can more systematically community college students received formal

support the formation of direction for this group. assistance in developing direction from coun-

19.2.3.3 H ow Colleges Can Shape selors, they do report receiving informal guid-

Direction ance from professors, who help them construct

and revise their educational and occupational

Some research indicates that student direction is plans.

malleable in college. While most educational One respondent, Susan, explains how a spe-

attainment research considers expectations and cific teacher pushed her and her classmates to

plans as relatively fixed traits, this is not a realis- aspire to a master’s degree. She was 36 when she

tic assumption. Jacob and Wilder (2010) found entered Midwest Community College, and, as a

that students readjust educational plans after recovered addict, aspired to an associate degree

high school, often in response to their academic that would lead to work in addiction therapy.

achievement in college. There is also growing

interest in how students form occupational direc- Susan: Well when I first entered, my

tion while they are in college, specifically how career plans was to get my associ-

they choose their major (Morgan et  al. 2013; ate in addiction, or in substance

Zafar 2013). However, there is very little evi- abuse counseling, and to be

dence of community colleges helping students certified.

form educational or occupational direction. This Interviewer: Were you ever considering any

is not surprising, since community college coun- other field? You were talking

selors advise over 1000 students, so they can do about social work.

very little to assist students with direction. Susan: Not really. That’s what I went in

Our sample provides insights to how these stu- saying that I would do. This com-

dents formed direction while in college. Private munity college changed my mind

occupational colleges have more structured immediately.

course sequences, and their counselors have fre- Interviewer: Ok, how did they change your

quent mandatory meetings with students on how mind?

higher education might help them achieve those Susan: Dr. S. really...encouraged us,

goals. From the time of admission, students meet especially those of us like me,

with career advisors who explore students’ inter- the older students. That if we

ests and abilities, and suggest occupational pro- were coming in this field that we

grams that match. Students have career direction needed to have a master’s degree.

from the outset, with clear ideas about job tasks They just told us to come into

and job rewards, and what the college will pro- this field and to be able to make a

vide to support their direction. After classes living to take care of your family,

begin, students have frequent mandatory meet- you know and to, just to be able

ings with advisors, often in peer cohort group to survive at our age with our

meetings. These meetings reinforce students’ experience, with our longevity of

19  College-for-All: Alternative Options and Procedures 449

already working possibly, you degrees. As Bills (2004) writes, “rather than a

know that we just really need not single ‘education–work’ relationship in any given

to just stop at associate degree. biography, there may be many” (p.  135). The

So I think, …all of us thank labor market experiences that many non-­

Midwest Community College for traditional students have may be valuable for the

that because we really got that formation of educational and occupational direc-

word of encouragement, and I tion. For example, unpleasant labor market expe-

know it was like a group of riences may cause students to eliminate certain

maybe like ten of us that defi- possibilities for their occupational futures, and

nitely through that have achieved thus might influence their educational plans

and got our master’s. (Mortimer et al. 2002).

Our respondents provide insight into direction

Susan credits this specific professor and pro- formation in the labor market. Although we

gram for giving her and others she knows the found little evidence of how careers shape educa-

motivation to push through two additional tional plans in prior literature, everyone in this

degrees, even as she approached middle age. She sample had worked prior to enrolling in school,

was open and ready to hear guidance on her edu- and most continued to work on and off while in

cational and occupational direction, and was school, as well as between degrees. Their inter-

happy to receive it. views reveal that work experiences—successes,

College personnel with occupational expertise failures, or new and interesting opportunities—

can help propel students in the appropriate direc- provided a source of direction for many

tion based on their interests and abilities. It is dif- respondents.

ficult to know how many students would like this Carol is a Chinese immigrant who began her

type of guidance, or would be open and willing to college career hoping to be a medical secretary, a

altering their courses of direction. Schneider and goal she accomplished soon after her associate

Stevenson (1999) suggest that direction is deter- degree graduation. While working as a medical

mined in high school, prior to entering college. secretary, she completed her bachelor’s degree

However, many students report that they do re-­ and was expecting to be promoted, but she sus-

evaluate their goals and pathways while in col- pects that her accent and poor spoken English

lege, and many report they get faculty help in limited her chances. Below, she explains why she

determining next steps. This is especially the case has returned to a master’s program in elementary

for students who might be interested in pursuing teaching:

graduate programs. The area of direction forma-

tion is one that researchers should be exploring, Carol: That is one reason I go for a college edu-

despite the difficulty in obtaining accurate infor- cation at Midwest Graduate School.

mation on the process. At the very least, research Because I had my bachelor’s degree in

on community colleges should take note of col- healthcare management, but when I

leges that are designing programs to help stu- work at Physician Reimbursement

dents develop and adjust the paths to their goals. Department at the hospital, when they’re

19.2.3.4 C areers Also Shape Direction looking for leader, they never talk about

me. None of them had associate degree,

For non-traditional students, school is just one none of them had bachelor’s degree. I

aspect of varied and complex lives (Perna 2010). am the only one have those qualifica-

We cannot expect these students to form and tion. They never talk about me. I’m

update their direction only in the counseling thinking it’s because my English, my

office or classroom. Most students have spent communication skill is what’s not that

years working before returning to college, and good. That’s why they never talk about

they continue to work while completing their me. So, I decided to go back to school.

450 J. E. Rosenbaum et al.

She later decided that she wanted to become a more with a law degree than I

pharmacist, and at the time of the interview was could with a business degree.’’

completing pre-requisites for that degree. Carol

provides an example of how labor market experi- In Cindy’s case, her experiences at work and

ences can drive educational choices. Had she her experiences in the classroom helped her con-

received that promotion, she may not have con- tinually readjust her goals and reformulate her

tinued on to her master’s degree, and her goals direction. Time spent working can provide indi-

and plans may have changed. viduals with information on what they like and

We return to Cindy, the mother of two who dislike about certain jobs. If we want to under-

had dropped out of her first college after she stand how non-traditional students can succeed

became pregnant. Below, she describes her tra- not only in completing a degree, but also in trans-

jectory from her medical assisting degree through lating that degree to occupational success, we

her bachelor’s in healthcare management and must consider the formation of their direction.

into law school. This requires not only research on how colleges

can help students form direction, but also how

Interviewer: And what made you decide to adult students respond to work needs to make

move from the medical assisting decisions about future education.

to the different fields you’ve gone

through?

Cindy: While working at the Community 19.3 C onclusion

Health Center, it’s in a very

impoverished area where people While policymakers focus on traditional students

were either uninsured or under-­ in traditional 4-year colleges, the new college-­

insured. And…I felt bad. I for-a­ ll policy has brought new kinds of students

couldn’t help these people. I into a variety of colleges and programs. We have

could help them from a clinical described students from non-traditional back-

standpoint. But I couldn’t [help] grounds, many with modest high school records

them with regards to understand- who are pursuing sub-BA degrees in 2-year non-­

ing their benefits or helping them selective colleges. These students need a differ-

attain benefits. So I wanted to ent research perspective. The findings of the

learn more about the b­usiness status attainment model are still relevant and

world and Medicare. So I decided important, and family background and academic

to go back to get my bachelor’s. achievement are important, but we have proposed

Interviewer: And then you had a bachelor’s of extensions and further questions that can raise

Healthcare Management? new questions about the new college students.

Cindy: Bachelor’s in Healthcare They face alternative options and procedures,

Management, yep. which affect the ways they move through institu-

Interviewer: Ok. And then so what made you tional structures and the ways they form their

decide to move to get a law goals and direction.

degree? Students choose from colleges that are pub-

Cindy: During the bachelor’s of Business lic and private, 2-year and 4-year, selective and

Administration program, I took a non-­selective. Some students have solid aca-

class. It was called Health Law demic skills and an eagerness to learn, and

and Administration where I was many others are there because they have been

exposed to torts, medical mal- told that college is their only chance at success

practice and all the legally issues in adulthood. Some have the support of their

for Medicaid and Medicare. And families and others support parents or children.

I realized, “Hey I can do even Some are older or working full-time, and most

19  College-for-All: Alternative Options and Procedures 451

do not have a good grasp of their options and 3 . Alternative ways to inform direction about
odds of credential completion. While sociolo- education and career.
gists who study social stratification using the
status attainment model help us understand In contrast with the traditional single-minded
what prevents success and social mobility, it is pursuit of BA degrees in colleges with traditional
also important to see how individuals who do procedures, and posing career direction from pre-
not fit the standard mold of “college student” existing knowledge of careers, these respondents
make the system work for themselves. In order describe how they chose alternative credential
to do this, we must dig deeper than the usual options and strategies that combined credential
status attainment analyses to examine alterna- options (often in incremental success sequences),
tive ways that colleges and work experiences benefitted from non-traditional college proce-
shape students’ direction. dures, and developed direction from their experi-
ences in college and careers. These alternatives
While the status attainment model implies that support their persistence and degree completion
success depends on individuals’ choices and despite obstacles they face as non-traditional
actions, we find this is only partially the case for students.
our respondents. Extending prior work critiquing
the limitations of the status attainment model, we As researchers, we need to include these com-
have described a variety of sequences and combi- plexities in our uses of the  status attainment
nations of non-traditional credentials, alternative model to allow for the inclusion of such pathways
institutional procedures, and sources of direction and better understand how non-traditional stu-
that working-class individuals experienced in dents navigate the attainment of higher
making college fit into their lives. education.

Educational attainment is far from static, If we focus narrowly on the status attainment
and it is crucial for achieving labor market suc- model, we will fail to account for these difficul-
cess. Sub-BA credentials in new fields are ties. We often assume that, after students enter
instrumental to careers, but they operate by college, the only obstacles are their own abilities
entirely different rules, requirements, and job and determination.
outcomes. At the same time, education does not
necessarily guarantee career advancement, as However, the status attainment model does
many college graduates are unable to find not typically consider institutional procedures as
steady and reliable employment (Silva 2013; inputs to educational and occupational success.
Roksa and Arum 2012). An increasing number Our respondents report that they benefited from
of students are choosing non-normative path- structured programming and peer cohorts, and
ways to educational and occupational attain- prior research has indicated that college proce-
ment, via community colleges, returning to dures can help students acquire certifications,
school as adults, working while in college, industry experience, and good jobs. Students’
enrolling part-time, and balancing work, individual attributes (intelligence, work ethic,
school, and family responsibilities. We have and background), choices, and actions are impor-
shown how some working-class individuals tant, but institutional procedures can reduce mis-
combined work and college in non-normative takes and improve progress regardless of
ways to achieve educational success. individual attributes and choices. The decentral-
ization of our education system leads to dramati-
We describe three alternatives that our respon- cally different procedures in every college, and
dents use to increase their success: sometimes even between campuses of the same
college. Simply controlling for selectivity, sec-
1. Alternative options and strategies. tor, and level of the school is not sufficient to
2. Alternative institutional procedures. capture this variation. Models of status attain-

452 J. E. Rosenbaum et al.

ment can include information on college proce- References
dures, such as cohorts and mandatory advising.
As we have noted, the status attainment model Adelman, C. (2003). Principal indicators of student aca-
rarely measures college procedures, so it only demic histories in post-secondary education, 1970–
has variation in individual attributes as explana- 2000. Washington, DC: Department of Education,
tory variables. We can broaden our research to Institute of Education Sciences.
build alternative options and procedures onto
that model. Ahearn, C., Rosenbaum, J. E., & Rosenbaum, J. (2016).
The new college-for-all policy: What educators need to
Finally, we described how individuals find know about community college credentials. PhiDelta
direction to make and plan for educational Kappan, 97(5), 49–53. http://bit.ly/1QwaQZa.
goals. Like human capital theory in economics,
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dents make informed choices about occupa- up, cooling out, or holding steady? Persistence and
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The Future of Higher Education: 20
What’s the Life Course Got to Do
with It?

Richard A. Settersten, Jr. and Barbara Schneider

Abstract can also be reimagined by reaching potential
Recent decades have brought dramatic students who are in midlife and beyond. These
changes to both human lives and higher edu- goals are necessary if higher education is to
cation. This chapter examines what changes in have both stronger effects on the life course as
the life course mean for higher education, and well as a bigger place in the life course.
vice versa. We address the relevance and vital-
ity of higher education in the contemporary The last half century brought dramatic changes to
life course, as well as its potential for offset- both human lives and higher education. This
ting the life-course risks and discontinuities chapter examines what changes in the life course
faced by the diverse populations it now serves. mean for higher education, and what changes in
We describe how higher education can play higher education mean for the life course. We ini-
more significant roles in responding to the tiate an agenda for the reform of higher educa-
vulnerabilities of students, strengthening the tion. This vision is built on our research (e.g.,
transition to adulthood through stable path- Schneider et al. 2016; Settersten 2015a) and that
ways to jobs and careers, fostering relation- of others, which has raised concerns not only
ships and networking opportunities, and about the relevance and vitality of higher educa-
refining the boundaries of personal and finan- tion in the contemporary life course, but also its
cial independence from parents. Higher edu- potential for offsetting the risks and discontinui-
cation can also be reimagined by infusing into ties faced by the diverse populations it now
curricula and learning experiences a broader serves. For young adults, higher education can
set of skills than it now does—skills that are play more significant roles in creating stable
less about securing jobs and salaries, and more pathways to jobs and careers, in fostering rela-
about finding meaning in and managing the tionships and networking opportunities, and in
uncertainties and complexities of adult life. It refining the boundaries of personal and financial
independence from parents. Higher education
R. A. Settersten, Jr. (*) can also do better in nurturing a broader set of
College of Public Health and Human Sciences, skills that are necessary for success in adulthood,
Oregon State University, Corvallis, OR, USA and in reaching potential students who are in
e-mail: [email protected] midlife and beyond.

B. Schneider Before turning to these topics, a few prefatory
College of Education, Department of Sociology, comments are in order. First, given the ­complexity
Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA
e-mail: [email protected]

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018 457
B. Schneider (ed.), Handbook of the Sociology of Education in the 21st Century, Handbooks
of Sociology and Social Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76694-2_20

458 R. A. Settersten, Jr. and B. Schneider

of the ecology of higher education and the life et al. 2011). These vacillating degree paths have
course, we focus on the United States. Many of dramatically altered the prototypical model of a
the issues at stake, however, are equally pressing college student. Although the “inoculation”
in other nations. Second, a note on terms: We will approach to higher education—get it early in life
often use “universities” to represent four-year and you are good for life—may have worked in
institutions (whether colleges or universities), an earlier time, it seems ill suited to lives today.
“community colleges” to represent two-year
institutions, “colleges” to represent all institu- The “tripartite” (Kohli 2007) organization of
tions of higher education, and “broad access the life course—with education heavily and even
schools” to represent those that admit the major- exclusively frontloaded, full-time continuous
ity of their applicants (e.g., community colleges, work in the middle, and retirement from work at
comprehensive public universities, and for-profit the end—has for decades been showing signs of
enterprises; Stevens 2015). disintegration (Angel and Settersten 2012). But
it remains a salient cultural frame that affects
20.1 T he Disconnect individuals’ choices and how they judge them-
Between the Organization selves and others. This basic three-box structure
of Higher Education is still in place, even though the borders of the
and the Lives of Students boxes have changed. That is, the first box is now
in the U.S. longer because of widespread pursuit of higher
education, delays in full-time work, and post-
The traditional status attainment model (e.g., ponement of partnering and parenting (Settersten
Blau and Duncan 1967; Sewell et  al. 1970), and Ray 2010a). Similarly, the third box has
which dominated the sociological literature in the grown longer because of significant extensions
second half of the last century, associated later in life expectancy in the last century, and there
life success with the acquisition of degree mark- are steep increases in retirement rates at 62 and
ers: high school diploma; technical, associate, or 65, which are the current ages for partial and full
baccalaureate degrees; and postgraduate and retirement (National Institute on Aging 2015),
p­rofessional degrees. The education trajectory but which are gradually rising to the age of 67.
was viewed as occurring fairly early in the life Many people are not in a position to retire at
course and, for most individuals, it followed a these ages, and many choose to work beyond
fairly standard progression (Baum et  al. 2013). them. For these individuals, the middle box has
Additional training and professional develop- gotten longer, and the transition to the third box
ment were offered within specific occupations, is more often a gradual process that involves
sometimes in collaboration with colleges and in reduced or flexible work, or new “bridge jobs”
other instances via independent entities in com- (National Institute on Aging 2015). The instabil-
petition with traditional degree or certificate pro- ity of the economy during the “Great Recession”
grams (Butler 2016a). exacerbated the need for many people to work
longer as retirement resources were lost or
Yet, many individuals do not follow the con- undermined (Moen 2016). Work–family dynam-
ventional degree path of high school to college, ics have also strained the conventional middle
often reframing their initial ideas about work and period of work—such as divorce and remarriage,
occupations during or after college, or seeking later fertility, dual careers, child and parent care
different degrees later on. Some college students responsibilities, job relocations or terminations,
leave school without finishing, only to return short-term contracts, and demands for increasing
years later; others start college after working for technological expertise (Angel and Settersten
several years; still others may simultaneously 2012; Christensen and Schneider 2015; Schneider
work and attend school, taking many years to and Waite 2005).
complete their degrees (Kena et al. 2016; Dundar
The tripartite organization of the life course
is reinforced by institutions and policies that

20  The Future of Higher Education: What’s the Life Course Got to Do with It? 459

were fashioned during and inherited from an childrearing. Later ages for partnering and par-

earlier age. To the extent that policies and insti- enting also mean that young adulthood is now a

tutions play significant roles in reinforcing it, period of life spent without a spouse or children

they can also be actively reformed to better (the median age at first marriage is 29 for men

adapt to—and even foster—new life-course pat- and 27 for women). This, in turn, has created new

terns. Indeed, major structural changes are chal- options for how these years are used, with many

lenging the traditional organization of higher young people strategically postponing family

education: Tuition costs have risen more than formation in order to focus on higher education

inflation, and student loan levels and policies and career-building (Lundberg and Pollack

have burdened young people well into their thir- 2013). There is a sense among young adults that

ties and forties (Oliff et al. 2013). Market forces one must finish higher education, gain work

have expanded community college systems experience, and build economic resources before

(Mellow and Heelan 2014), but threatened marriage and parenthood (Settersten 2011a),

smaller four-year colleges with possible c­ losures which are capstones of the process of becoming

(Ward 2016). adult. In addition, increasing proportions of

The demand for education and training beyond Americans are or intend to remain permanently

the young adult years suggests a burgeoning mar- single and/or childless (Livingston 2015; Wang

ketplace for learning—one that needs to be more and Parker 2014). People in these statuses may be

compatible with the great variability in the timing drawn to higher education, as they do not have

and sequencing of work, family, and retirement the same life constraints and may have more dis-

statuses today. Perhaps not surprisingly, the for-­ posable time and money to allocate to educa-

profit institutional market has been quick to tional opportunities, such as continuing education

respond to these opportunities and capitalize on or pursuing advanced or different types of

virtual learning platforms (Deming et al. 2012). degrees, throughout their lives.

Most students in the U.S. expect to enroll in

20.2 H igher Education Has postsecondary school immediately after high
a Crucial Role in Smoothing school graduation, and the share of students who
Discontinuities in the Life follow this path has been steadily increasing over
Course the last decades—and is currently around 70%
(Settersten et  al. 2015). The growth of postsec-

ondary options, including for-profit institutions,

The life course has become more discontinuous. has both responded to and created the rapid

Precarious employment, rapid advances in tech- extension and widespread pursuit of higher edu-

nology, and changes in occupational sectors and cation, especially for those who do not follow

positions have created the need to deepen train- “traditional” pathways as full-time students (Fain

ing or freshen skills; seek better paying or more and Lederman 2015). Increasing proportions of

secure jobs; pursue second careers; continue students in higher education are now simultane-

learning, even when family and other responsi- ously enrolled in higher education while they

bilities are a priority; and serve people who have other major responsibilities. For example,

bypassed higher education earlier in life or sim- 25% of college students in the United States have

ply seek self-enrichment. dependent children, 40% of whom also work

Although contemporary lives have irregular full-time (Knoll et  al. 2017). Although higher

rhythms that interfere with institutional expecta- education is to some extent accommodating stu-

tions, they are longer, and a long life is, in the dents with a somewhat different “age” and “rela-

larger historical picture, a relatively recent reality tional” college profile, these multiple obligations

(National Institute on Aging 2011). When cou- can limit financial aid and scholarships, which

pled with lower fertility, gains in longevity have generally assume full-time student enrollment

resulted in more time in adulthood without active and only intermittent or part-time paid work.

460 R. A. Settersten, Jr. and B. Schneider

For those who delay education after high economic times, like a recession, can prompt
school, there may be a problem in making the innovation in the life course. It can create an
assumption that time is plentiful and that there opening for people to make new kinds of choices,
are few risks in waiting. For example, not invest- or force them to make choices that are different
ing in some form of education or training after from those they would otherwise make. Indeed,
high school is likely to seriously limit one’s life the Great Recession brought more and different
options and outcomes. Perhaps such education or types of students into U.S. college classrooms.
training can be postponed slightly, and in helpful Especially in the broad-access sector, institutions
ways, such as when young people take a year or were filled with increasing numbers of older stu-
two off before beginning college to gain experi- dents who lost jobs as well as traditional-age stu-
ences that can help clarify life goals and purpose. dents with few employment options or the
In some countries, these kinds of experiences are resources to attend four-year institutions. Two-
institutionalized in “gap year” opportunities. year college entrants were sometimes greeted
with new tuition programs that offered some
The pressures of competing responsibilities relief. However, these programs were inconsis-
often deter students from either starting or con- tent across colleges and nonetheless forced some
tinuing their education. Despite the rhetoric of students into the personal loan market, raising the
second chances and the perception that time is question of whether institutional responses such
ample, the reality is that returning to school too as these are meeting the needs of their diverse
much later is difficult both practically and finan- populations.
cially, especially alongside work and family
roles. Some things in life—higher education Some major employers, such as Fidelity,
among them—probably cannot be postponed for Aetna, and PricewaterhouseCoopers, have been
long periods without bringing a host of risks and responding to the problem of student debt by
costs. The rising price tag of college and limited including, as part of their hiring packages, funds
personal and institutional supports (G­ oldrick-Rab to go toward student loans (Friedman 2016).
2016) have also played roles in “de-s­ tandardizing” Although only 4% of employers currently do so,
or “de-stabilizing” the transition to adulthood, all colleges should provide students with infor-
bringing lasting consequences for adult life. mation about private sector jobs that can help
These trends are felt acutely in higher education, repay student loan debt. This type of repayment
especially in broad-access institutions with high has been part of other occupations with labor
concentrations of students whose lives do not shortages. With rising college costs and debt,
match the normative assumptions of four-­year these types of job “perks” can be a real financial
universities. asset for potential applicants. Of course, these
arrangements seem likely to further help those
Uncertainty regarding whether, when, and who are doing well. Still, employer intervention
where to attend college is driven by the question in paying down existing student loans, coupled
of whether a college degree is “worth it.” Students with student loan refinancing and consolidation,
and their families have grown more instrumental can help manage some of the financial conse-
in their decision-making about what a particular quences of college loans. Student loan refinanc-
institution, degree, or major will provide them. ing is not the same as federal student loan
These trends were exacerbated during the Great consolidation, and these variations in loan
Recession, as choices became harder and finances repayment are important options that students of
became tighter for many families. Of course, the every age need to consider in their postsecond-
recession also crippled university budgets and ary experience. High schools and colleges must
put important programs and services on the chop- better equip students with this information so
ping block, just as it forced many institutions to that they will be able to make better choices
reorganize in more efficient ways. about which institutions to attend and fields to
study.
But uncertainty is also something to which
higher education responds. For example, hard

20  The Future of Higher Education: What’s the Life Course Got to Do with It? 461

Another strategy of some two- and four-year the broad-access sector and for parents of first-­

institutions is to more closely tie educational generation college students (see Beattie, Chap. 8,

experiences to occupational opportunities by this volume).

forming partnerships with businesses in  local For students who are “non-traditional” in age,

labor markets in an effort to train and recruit stu- in direct contrast, parents are often irrelevant to

dents for specific jobs in which there are labor the picture, or at least not as relevant as sources of

shortages. Some community colleges, for exam- support as they are to fresh high school graduates.

ple, are creating consortia to examine how they At residential colleges especially, students who

can prepare students for local and regional jobs in are older are acutely aware of the fact that they are

fields such as science, technology, engineering, “off-time” with respect to university policies, ser-

and mathematics (STEM). Four-year institutions vices, and campus life, which are organized

have long had or required internships in many around younger students. For these older students,

programs, and these, too, have grown. The point spouses and other adults (including children) may

to be underscored here is that these collaborative be crucial sources of both support and strain. In

activities are undertaken to develop clearer path- contrast to students who are about to graduate

ways out of postsecondary institutions and into high school, colleges do little to engage the rele-

subsequent employment—just as was once true vant relationships that might matter for the suc-

of the transition from high school to work in an cess of older students, who may be anywhere

earlier era when fewer students were college-­ from their mid-twenties to retirement age.

bound (Rosenbaum et al. 1990). Even though parents are recognized as a force

to be taken into account, colleges often treat stu-

20.3 Institutional Responses dents as if they are autonomous. And yet, stu-
to Differences dents of all ages are embedded in larger networks
and Complexities of family and social relationships that can foster
in Students’ Lives or compete with their success. These complexi-
ties only grow with age, and they affect the

options students have and choices they make.

How might higher education capitalize on the The notion of an autonomous student, or even an

complexities and constraints of student lives, autonomous adult, is therefore somewhat prob-

from those who begin college immediately after lematic. Adult life is constrained by relationships

high school graduation to older students who and responsibilities that are primary sources of

were never enrolled or are returning after degrees meaning. How students relate—or are able to

were disrupted or abandoned? For younger stu- relate—to institutions of higher education

dents, too often the assumption is made that par- depends on the relationships they have with other

ents are both present and involved (even too people and the other roles they are juggling.

involved) in getting their students to college and Rather than design policies and experiences

supporting them once they are there. This is not that place such a strong premium on students’

always the case. In addition, colleges walk a fine autonomy, institutions should recognize the

line of simultaneously drawing in parents and interdependencies that students bring with them.

keeping them at bay, whether through recruit- This is especially true of older students and those

ment and transition processes, parent weekends, in broad-access environments, but it is not exclu-

or notices of failing grades or unpaid tuition and sive to them. Students everywhere, and of all

fees. For traditional-age students, colleges have ages, may have financial or caregiving obliga-

realized that they must involve parents, many of tions to members of their families. They may be

whom are as connected to their children as their providing emotional support to parents and other

children are to them, and many of whom do not family members whose lives have come undone

have the skills or knowledge to help their student by divorce, illness and death, job loss, or other

navigate college. The latter is especially true in h­ardships. A student’s welfare and success is

462 R. A. Settersten, Jr. and B. Schneider

compromised by these things. Educators too dents as adults. One of these signals is that four-­
often assume that the lives of students, especially year residential colleges are designed as if they
young students, are carefree and focused on hold the status of “in loco parentis”—profes-
school, when the reality is that students are often sors, advisors, administrators, and staff track
carrying significant but invisible burdens of many and monitor the academic progress and social
kinds. Not all students take for granted their pres- life of students. Residential campuses are full-
ence in college. Many students allocate their time service institutions: one-stop shops for housing,
and expenditures carefully and have deep com- meals, counseling, banking, health care, fitness,
mitments to learning, even as they are balancing social activities, and career planning. This is not
financial and family pressures. to say that these services are not vital to adult-
hood. But these students have resided under a
20.4 Contradictory Institutional protective umbrella where access to college, the
Messages About Students’ ability to differentiate quality of service, and
“Independence” payment are largely left up to the institution and
parents.
Traditionally, universities are perceived as places
for young people to get ready for adulthood. Another example of contradictory signals of
Those who are young and in school (even in adult status is that colleges require that parental
graduate and professional schools) are often income be used to determine financial aid, under
viewed, and view themselves, as being in a role the assumption that parents continue to be pro-
that sets them apart and even protects them from viders to children well in their 20s. The Affordable
adulthood (Settersten et  al. 2015). To be fully Care Act provision for parents to cover their chil-
adult is to be out of school, and to be in school is dren up to age 26 under their health insurance
to be “not quite adult” (Settersten and Ray was a response to the protracted course to adult-
2010b). We have even heard administrators and hood. At the same time, the Family Educational
professors use the term “kids” in talking about Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) in higher educa-
students, which says something about who we tion gives parents very limited rights to their stu-
think education is for and perhaps the perceived dent’s education records. Policies like these
maturity level of students. An important way to convey mixed messages about students and their
shift dynamics in higher education is to get stu- parents being legally independent, even though
dents to visualize themselves as adults—and for they are generally not independent psychologi-
parents and those working in higher education to cally, socially, or economically (see also
do the same. At the very least, effort in this direc- Schneider et al. 2016).
tion can begin to forge a revised narrative about
who a student is and the agency, autonomy, and Ironically, the reality of interdependence is
accountability consistent with that language especially apparent in the United States, where
(Settersten et al. 2015). In contrast, for those who the government and public place a high premium
are already well into adulthood, being able to on personal responsibility and self-reliance. The
visualize oneself as a student seems an important launching of children into adulthood and the pur-
first step in entering or re-entering higher educa- suit of higher education are considered “private
tion (Schneider and Stevenson 1999), shedding troubles” to be shouldered by families rather than
the idea that being a student means going back- “public issues” that are shared by many and war-
ward rather than forward in life. rant collective investment, to use C.  Wright
Mills’ (1959) famous phrases. Interestingly, this
Although the virtues of autonomy and indi- framing closely parallels the funding debate in
vidual responsibility are evident in many uni- higher education and the historic shift in who
versity practices and policies, institutions send pays—away from the public and toward students
contradictory signals about the standing of stu- and families. It reveals itself in starkly different
political visions from the left and right regarding
access to college as well as cost and debt, as was

20  The Future of Higher Education: What’s the Life Course Got to Do with It? 463

evident in proposals related to college access and tially detrimental strategy today. These are the
financing during the 2016 Presidential election very kinds of students who are more likely to be
debates in the United States. found in families and institutions with limited
resources or in families with limited knowledge
Despite the strong master narrative in the or guidance in how to access resources.
United States about the need for independence,
the reality is that students of all ages are embed- 20.5 Institutions of Higher
ded in matrices of family and social ties that can Education Can Strengthen
help them along or hold them back. These rela- the Transition to Adulthood
tionship interdependencies are part of students’
choices and determine how students are able to Higher education will seemingly always be
interface with institutions of higher education. focused more on the young, not only because it is
Life-course scholarship repeatedly points to the a natural continuation of secondary schooling but
power of social ties in conditioning individuals’ because young people are more “biographically
opportunities and outcomes in every period of available” for full-time higher education, to use
life (Settersten 2015b). Rather than cling to the Doug McAdam’s (1988) phrase (that is, they are
cultural myth of independence as the hallmark of relatively free of responsibilities). Indeed, col-
adulthood, educators might instead rethink higher leges are unquestionably the single most impor-
education in ways that explicitly recognize the tant settings in which rising numbers of young
fact that adult lives are deeply constrained by adults spend time after they graduate high school
obligations to others. (Settersten et  al. 2015). Larger proportions of
young adults aspire to and are enrolled in higher
One of the major sociological contributions to education—and these pursuits are a major driver
the study of occupational success is the impor- of a longer and more variable course to adult-
tance of building wide and strong social networks hood. Getting education takes time. How higher
that can be activated as needed to access opportu- education plays out in early adult life is also a
nities and resources (Granovetter 1973; Coleman major driver of inequality as individuals move
1994). For students from more privileged back- through and out of their twenties. Life-course
grounds, wider and stronger networks of social studies repeatedly show that early life advantage
relationships have been cultivated by parents to and disadvantage accumulate in ways that deter-
ensure their readiness for and access to higher mine options and outcomes in higher education,
education. After graduation, part of the “value” and that these, in turn, accumulate over the many
of a degree from a more elite institution is that it decades of adult life that follow (Dannefer 2003;
buys a deep and well-connected alumni network, DiPrete and Eirich 2006).
which further extends social connections and
opportunities (Alon 2015). In light of the reconfiguration of young adult-
hood, it is no wonder that higher education is
Middle-class parents are more likely to have struggling to respond. The massive evolution of
and to activate people in their networks who can the broad access sector, and especially for-profit
help find opportunities and resources for their outfits, has only heightened the sense that higher
children. In addition, middle-class parents expect education is in flux. This sector has moved rap-
to support their children through college and idly to fill this opening in the marketplace, but it
beyond, and middle-class students expect to have often suffers with low graduation rates and low
that support. This is not as true in working-class transfer rates for students who intended to obtain
and low-income families, where there is a stron- baccalaureate degrees (Stevens 2015). The
ger emphasis on “independence” and encourage- response of two-year environments has in many
ment to achieve it faster (Settersten 2011b). instances been well designed, with the imple-
Being an “adult” in these environments often mentation of stronger advising programs, classes
means making it without the help of others. This
runs counter to the scenario that advantaged
young people take for granted, and it is a poten-

464 R. A. Settersten, Jr. and B. Schneider

that are labeled as remedial but designed to pro- Unbridled exploration in higher education is
mote student success, and tutoring and counsel- clearly problematic and expensive. But strategic
ing services to keep students on track toward exploration is important in helping students find
graduation. degrees and majors that are a good match to who
they are, how they learn, and where they want to
Four-year environments are not exempt from go in the future. Many policies, however, actively
having to rethink their mission and impact for discourage and penalize exploration (e.g., time
whole new generations of students with distinct limits in locking into majors, completing degrees,
learning styles, worldviews, and life preferences. and transferring credits). There are significant
Four-year environments represent just one of and understandable tensions related to having
many types of environments, and efforts to time to explore and being “timely” in degree
remake college must not be blinded by “tradi- progress. But students often have underdevel-
tional” institutions, curricula, and modes of oped (and unrealistic) senses of their futures, and
learning. It is problematic that educators continue they have been told by personnel and parents that
to see elite institutions as the “gold standard” higher education is precisely for figuring that out,
against which other types of institutions are to be especially in the first two years.
judged, and yet elite institutions comprise only a
tiny fraction of the landscape of higher education When students delay declaring their majors,
(Stevens 2015). they also run the risk of being unable to finish
their degrees on time, not only because there may
Many young people might benefit from delay- not be enough time to meet requirements but
ing higher education for a few years, especially if because required courses may not be offered with
it means they will enter with a better sense of who enough regularity. This adds time and therefore
they are and what they want, and with a greater cost to getting the degree. The normative time to
commitment to learning. Many also simply do not a “four-year” degree is now five years, and some-
have the ability, resources, or support to enroll in times longer (Bound et al. 2012). But it is not just
higher education straightaway. In some countries, a problem of money: People who do not finish
such as Norway, Denmark, and Sweden, it is nor- degrees in a timely manner often are judged as
mative for students to take a “gap year” before being unfocused and floundering.
starting college, especially to travel. In other
countries, such as Switzerland and Israel, “civil There is also the problem of information:
service” or military requirements force such a whether information is available, helpful, and
delay. In the United States, where students rarely delivered in the right way or at the right time to
(intentionally) take gap years, even students who help students make decisions. Students often do
enter just a year or two later feel “out of sync” not know what they want and settle on majors
developmentally and socially with their peers. late. But they are also sometimes locked out of
However, growing numbers of institutions, espe- courses because of limited offerings or schedule
cially elite institutions like Harvard and Princeton, conflicts. Only 19% of students in four-year
offer deferred admission for a year or even have degrees finish in that time, and institutions of
“bridge year” programs that mimic gap year-type higher education are increasingly being held
experiences or create travel abroad opportunities accountable for graduating students within four
for students in their first rather than third or fourth years (Akers and Butler 2016). Some, like the
years. In the United States, growing numbers of College of Liberal Arts at Oregon State, are guar-
undergraduate students also seem to have their anteeing that students will finish in four years; if
sights set on immediately enrolling in graduate not, the university will pay additional tuition
programs, but again often without a clear sense costs, as long as certain conditions are met with
(or with a misguided sense) of why or of what it respect to the timing of major declaration, advis-
will do for them. ing, and staying on track with course load and

20  The Future of Higher Education: What’s the Life Course Got to Do with It? 465

tuition payments (Oregon State University 2017). 20.6 H igher Education in the Life
Some colleges are even beginning to guarantee Course: Beyond Young
minimum degree earnings, with the college Adults
­paying all or part of the graduate’s student loan
payments if they do not cross a salary threshold; How might higher education be made more
others are beginning to guarantee job placements, meaningful in the life course? It is not only young
and even jobs in the field of study (Akers and adulthood that is being transformed, but middle
Butler 2016). Indeed, one of the “seismic shifts” age and old age too. These changes should lead to
in higher education today and in the decade ahead sizable demand and interest in higher education
is that the public and policy makers will make in all periods of life, if educators can get creative
ever-s­tronger demands on institutions to demon- about how to design and deliver it. A greater pos-
strate returns on student investment (Selingo sibility of getting education after early adulthood
2016). This issue of accountability of higher edu- hinges on having flexibility in life and whether it
cation is raising critical questions about what is meets the person’s needs and purposes. Being
learned in college and how to measure it (Arum able to step away from other responsibilities to
and Roska 2011, 2014). Higher education is invest in or reinvent oneself through higher edu-
unlikely to be spared the scrutiny and pressure cation is easier to do when one has resources. The
that elementary and secondary schools have risks of departing from normative pathways and
encountered in the past two decades. innovating a life course are also offset when one
has resources to fall back on. “Lifelong educa-
It is also important to rethink the assumption tion” also cannot be primarily for those who are
that students will—or should—finish college already well educated, or it will simply deepen
where they start it. Particular attention must be inequality. It must appeal to those who need edu-
paid to a group of students we might call “swirl- cation throughout life as much as to those who
ers.” More than one-third (38%) of students are willing or able to actually take it up. Although
attend more than one college, and over one-fifth colleges continue to cater to traditional-age stu-
of students who eventually complete a degree do dents, they should begin to think more seriously
so at a college other than the one in which they about how they might be reworked to become
started (Shapiro et al. 2015). How can institutions more age-integrated, especially at undergraduate
best serve students when they may only intersect levels.
with a small portion of students’ pathways? And
are they therefore paying for services that stu- To find a bigger place for education through-
dents do not need? Institutions naturally want to out the life course, people in middle and later life
do what they can to increase retention. In light of must be targets of higher education. Returning to
the surprisingly high percentages of students who school in midlife, for example, poses unique
swirl, colleges must work more collaboratively to challenges and demands and different institu-
ease the process as these transitions are being tional and policy solutions relative to young
made, and must have a willingness to invest in adulthood. For example, in the U.S. leaving full-
the wellbeing of students who will not ultimately time work to pursue study means going without
stay and may even be better served by going else- insurance or needing to be partnered with some-
where. This means that something like “learning one who can provide it; leaving full-time contin-
progress” might need to be advanced as an alter- uous work means long-term losses in pensions
native and appropriate goal for students, rather and Social Security. Stepping into a new career at
than to so exclusively interpret transfer and com- a later age may not leave adequate time for pro-
pletion rates of degree seekers as the only mark- motions and may bring age discrimination. The
ers of success. middle of life is also already tightly squeezed by
work, parenting, and parent care responsibilities.

466 R. A. Settersten, Jr. and B. Schneider

Online educational platforms have been cru- Others are building “universities of the third

cial to reaching place-bound students who have age” that are explicitly and exclusively meant for

significant work and family responsibilities. But retirement-age students in the healthy phase of

for these students, education is generally being later life (for example, see u3a.com). This largely

added onto existing responsibilities, not replac- European movement is composed of groups that

ing them. And although online platforms offer a have formal relationships with local universities,

gateway to new educational opportunities, they while others are groups that rely on the wealth of

also require strong self-discipline, goal-­experience and knowledge of members to create

directedness, and study habits and skills that may informal learning experiences.

be lacking in the very students these platforms These institutions are a response to a large and

hope to reach. growing market niche of “successful agers” who

Similarly, we earlier noted the opportunity in seek personal enrichment and learning communi-

an aging society to intentionally increase the par- ties rather than degrees. The limited time hori-

ticipation of older people in higher education. zons of these students leads them to focus on

Later life is embodied with so much possibility, personal meaning, not labor markets. These ini-

yet it is so contingent on having health, wealth, tiatives are emerging precisely because four-year

and other resources, which can quickly under- settings, in particular, are so focused on the

mine the potentials of the later years. This is the young, which reinforces the segregation of young

difference in what gerontologists call the “third” and old students and misses an important oppor-

and “fourth” ages of later life (e.g., Laslett 1989). tunity to create more age-integrated learning

The third age is a period during which most peo- opportunities. Lessons for four-year universities

ple no longer have childcare or work responsi- can be learned from community colleges, which

bilities but are in good health. The fourth age, in have long served older students and have had to

contrast, involves major encounters with illnesses respond appropriately in designing flexible envi-

and is often followed in short order by death. Any ronments—with student demand for more conve-

educational programming catered to older indi- nient class times (evenings, weekends, or

viduals must come to terms with the fact that intensive spurts), formats (online, hybrid or

there is an optimal window for designing such “flipped” classrooms), part-time enrollment, and

programs and outreach because the physical and lower-cost options. For older students, questions

cognitive challenges of aging can pose challenges about costs of time and money are exacerbated

for learning (for illustrations, see Findsen and because there is little time to “waste” in school

Mormosa 2012; Jovic and McMullin 2011). and there is limited time to recoup or reap any

Some existing campuses, especially residen- economic or other benefits of schooling.

tial campuses, are attempting to become more No matter, the term “non-traditional” should

“age friendly.” Along these lines, the Age-­ be abandoned in an effort to build more age-­

Friendly University Global Network has put for- inclusive campuses. This does not mean that the

ward ten principles to foster the inclusion of needs of students of different ages are the same;

older adults on campuses (Association for they are not. But it is being mindful of the ways

Gerontology in Higher Education 2017). These that such a term, which signals that the presence

principles, which have been adopted by a grow- of students outside of their early 20s is not nor-

ing network of institutions in Ireland, the U.K., mal, can be divisive and create dynamics of seg-

the U.S., Canada, and beyond, include promoting regation and stigma. Even if it is not ill-intended,

the participation of older people in core activities “traditional” becomes a “normative standard

of the university, personal and career develop- against which other kinds of students and col-

ment, intergenerational learning, online learning, leges are easily viewed as lesser approximations”

health and wellness programs, and arts and cul- (Stevens 2015, p.  10). Indeed, the “traditional”

tural activities. college student is an increasingly smaller minor-

20  The Future of Higher Education: What’s the Life Course Got to Do with It? 467

ity of the student population at large (Deil-Amen effects much broader than employment and sal-

2015). Unlike elementary and secondary schools, ary. Over the life course, higher education has

which are age-graded, it is important to not positive effects on health, civic engagement, par-

exclusively design higher education for students ent and child outcomes, social relationships, and

under age 24 when the average remainder of life satisfaction and self-direction (e.g., Cutler

adult life now spans an additional five or six and Lleras-Muney 2014; Goldman and Smith

decades. It is also peculiar that the term “non-­ 2011; Hirshorn and Settersten 2013; Hout 2012).

traditional” is used so exclusively in relation to And yet, these positive effects of college are

age rather than to reference other social groups surely much less about what is learned or experi-

with historically low presence in or access to enced in a mere handful of years, and much more

higher education. about where college takes students after they fin-

ish—into different patterns of family formation,

20.7 The Effects of Higher and into different kinds of professions and work-
Education on the Life Course places, neighborhoods and networks. For this
reason, higher education policy must be recog-

nized as being social, economic, and health pol-

Trying to find a bigger place for education icy too. The effects of higher education carry

throughout the life course is different from the over into other sectors, and are both compounded

effects that education has on the life course—that and underestimated.

is, what it does for the life course. A common In an era where college students and their fam-

refrain among those who work in higher educa- ilies focus on the applicability of credentials for

tion is that it is meant to broadly improve the the labor market, too much priority is placed on

future outcomes of individuals. The outcomes on curricula that emphasize narrow skills with a

which educators, parents, and students are direct link to specific jobs. Many of the goals of

focused, however, are immediate and narrow: on higher education seem misaligned with what

degrees and majors that lead to “better” jobs— people need to be successful in adult life. Chief

which usually means higher wages—in the labor among them are how to (1) adapt and be resilient

market. Of course, these emphases also reflect in the face of change, disappointment, and fail-

the growing costs (and debt) of college, as stu- ure; (2) develop clearer and more differentiated

dents have become consumers and as colleges goals; (3) find a sense of purpose (or a “spark,” to

and universities have become more corporate. (In use the Search Institute’s (2017) phrase) that

the administrative spreadsheets at one university brings meaning and gives shape to plans; and to

with which we are familiar, the column referring build capacity for (4) intimacy and close social

to students was labeled “RGUs”—Revenue relationships, (5) intergroup relationships in our

Generating Units!) The premium on revenue has diverse and multicultural nations, (6) self-aware-

also been heightened in the face of shrinking ness and the ability to take the perspectives of

state budgets and diminishing federal research others, and (7) self-regulation, in being able to

funds. These things are understandable, but they control one’s impulses and emotions in order to

are radically, and dangerously, altering the goals live, learn, and work successfully with others (for

and content of higher education. illustrations, Settersten 2011b). These kinds of

Research must interrogate these assumptions “non-c­ognitive” or “soft skills” have become

from a life-course perspective: Are students increasingly important in determining how young

really being equipped with skills and capacities people fare in higher education (Walton and

that have broad applicability and durability? Are Cohen 2007; Yeager and Walton 2011). These

their credentials truly gateways to long-term skills are important for communicating and find-

opportunities? For example, there is growing evi- ing support in relationships with teachers, admin-

dence that college degrees are associated with istrators, and peers; for accessing resources; and

468 R. A. Settersten, Jr. and B. Schneider

for meeting expectations, handling disappoint- on them, and so many of the challenges in higher
ments, and persisting in the face of setbacks. education relate to not having them (Yeager et al.
2016). These skills are arguably even more
Increasingly, researchers are finding these important in online platforms, where students are
capacities to be predictive of college perfor- unmoored from the press of formal classrooms
mance and completion and later personal, social and the physical presence of professors and peers.
and economic success (e.g., McClelland et  al.
2013). Many would argue that these kinds of 20.8 Conclusion
competencies are prerequisites for entering col-
lege. Many students do not have these skills, Ideas about higher education and jobs are too
which are internalized as personal inadequacies often in the minds of educators and parents based
and reinforced by others who view them as floun- on the worlds they knew when they were stu-
dering. But they are also skills that should result dents. Most administrators and faculty are dis-
from experience in higher education. What might connected from the realities of the job market,
higher education look like if curricula were rede- and most are not knowledgeable about how to
signed in ways that prioritized student competen- navigate careers outside of academia, which very
cies in these areas? What might it mean if we few students will enter. We too often operate as if
asked students to, say, declare a life mission students need to have their lives planned at the
rather than a major, and design curricula around end of high school or in college—yet, the reality
that mission? is that very few of us are doing the work we
imagined ourselves doing when we were 18 or
Several colleges have institutionalized these 22. Even with best-laid plans, adult lives are
skill sets and are in the process of incorporating unpredictable, and work trajectories will be char-
them into orientation programs or into the ser- acterized by multiple employers and positions,
vices students seek out or are sent to when they and even spells of unemployment. Educators too
encounter problems. One example of this is the often assume a strong and direct link between
University Innovation Alliance (UIA), which is particular degrees and majors and particular jobs
constituted by a group of public universities in the market, but the reality is that career dynam-
­dedicated to supporting and improving the social, ics and market forces do not work in a rigid, lock-­
emotional, and cognitive skills of all students step fashion.
regardless of their racial, ethnic, social and eco-
nomic backgrounds (see www.theuia.org). The How then should higher education respond?
UIA model, which also includes a spate of evalu- For one, the curriculum of colleges must accom-
ation strategies, focuses on competencies often modate the needs of a changing workforce, and to
not explicitly targeted for higher education class- recognize that the jobs of today are not necessar-
rooms but which, with the life course in mind, ily the jobs of tomorrow. This means not only
should be targeted. producing graduates who have technical knowl-
edge; they must also have strong writing and
Students from less privileged backgrounds, communication skills and be able to work in
however, are less likely to have these capacities teams, make decisions and solve problems, and
upon entry, which only exacerbates their risks. plan, organize, and prioritize their work. Indeed,
This makes the wide array of student services and these are skills that many bosses say their new
resources offered in higher education all the more college graduates do not have (Strauss 2016), and
important to successful outcomes for at-risk stu- reports continue to question whether college
dents so that they are able to “crack the codes” of graduates are prepared for the demands of a cre-
these environments. In seeking to improve expe- ative and innovative workforce (Tierney and
riences in higher education, it seems crucial to Lanford 2016; Obama 2015). Recent evidence
foster these kinds of skills in primary and second- reveals a dramatic difference in the views of busi-
ary school students. The model of learning in
higher education assumes that these skills are
present; success in higher education is dependent

20  The Future of Higher Education: What’s the Life Course Got to Do with It? 469

ness leaders and those of chief academic officers Arum, R., & Roska, J.  (2011). Academically adrift:
of colleges with respect to whether college
g­raduates are properly equipped for the work- Limited learning on college campuses. Chicago: The
force—fully 96% of academic officers believe
their graduates are work-ready, and yet only 11% University of Chicago Press.
of business leaders think so (Butler 2016b).
Arum, R., & Roska, J.  (2014). Aspiring adults adrift:
There is intense pressure for colleges to inno-
vate and reform, and they can expect to see Tentative transitions of college graduates. Chicago:
decreased funding, especially in public four-year
universities whose budgets are heavily bound to The University of Chicago Press.
state legislatures and where average operating
costs rose by 17% between 2000 to 2012 Association of Gerontology in Higher Education. (2017).
(U.S.  Department of Education 2014). Even
though recent attempts in the Obama administra- The Age-Friendly University (AFU) global network.
tion to tie federal financial aid to institutional rat-
ings on access, affordability, graduation rates, Retrieved from https://www.aghe.org/resources/
and earnings of graduates were met with strong
resistance and ultimately dropped, we can expect age-friendly-university-principles
higher education to become increasingly suscep-
tible to accountability initiatives, much as it has Baum, S., Kurose, C., & McPherson, M. (2013). An
been in primary and secondary schools.
overview of American higher education. Future of
The issues treated in this chapter point to the
need for a bold reimagining of higher educa- Children, 23(1), 17–39. Retrieved from http://www.
tion—of what is learned, of when it should occur
and what it is good for, the processes and mecha- jstor.org/stable/23409487
nisms through which it affects a wide variety of
life outcomes, and how researchers and policy Blau, P., & Duncan, O. D. (1967). The American occupa-
makers should in turn measure the success of
students, professors, and institutions. This tional structure. New York: Wiley.
requires an equally bold agenda of research
questions, and methods and data to support it. Bound, J., Lovenheim, M.  F., & Turner, S. (2012).
The future of higher education, and of the human
life course, rests on remaking college in revolu- Increasing time to baccalaureate degree in the United
tionary ways.
States. Education Finance and Policy, 7, 375–424.
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Part V
Sociological Perspectives on
Accountability and Evaluation

Accountability, Achievement, 21
and Inequality in American Public
Schools: A Review of the Literature

Joel Mittleman and Jennifer L. Jennings

Abstract sion, Hoffer discussed the incomplete and incon-
In this chapter, we review the existing social sistent system of accountability governing
science literature on the impacts of account- American education. Surveying the policy land-
ability systems in American schools. We begin scape, he found that the standards for student out-
by providing a brief history of accountability comes, as well as the consequences for not
systems in American public education. We meeting those standards, varied across states, dis-
then review the impacts of these systems in tricts, and even across schools within districts.
three domains (instructional consequences,
student outcome consequences, and policy In hindsight, the landscape that Hoffer
feedback consequences), focusing on the lit- described was on the verge of a seismic shift. The
erature that has been produced since the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB)
implementation of No Child Left Behind. We sought to address precisely the inconsistencies
consider the evidence on alternatives and that Hoffer identified. The law instituted the first
complements to test-based accountability sys- federal mandate that all public schools be judged
tems that have been proposed, and close by according to their proficiency rates on annual
discussing directions for future research. tests of reading and math. Moreover, the law tied
these outcomes to the first national system of
21.1 Introduction sanctions, inaugurating an era of “accountability
with teeth” (Stecher et  al. 2010). Unlike most
In his chapter for Hallinan’s Handbook of the state accountability systems that preceded it,
Sociology of Education, Hoffer (2000, p. 533) NCLB was intended not only to increase achieve-
concluded that, in most American schools, ment in reading and math, but also to close racial
accountability “consists largely of informal feed- and socioeconomic “achievement gaps.” The law
back mechanisms whereby…performances are set the ambitious goal that, by 2014, all students
evaluated against commonsense conceptions of should reach proficiency on state standardized
appropriate behavior.” In reaching this conclu- tests, eliminating any remaining difference
between advantaged and disadvantaged groups.
J. Mittleman (*) · J. L. Jennings This goal was not met, but the law nevertheless
Princeton University, Princeton, NJ, USA had profound impacts on students, educators,
e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] schools, and the national education policy debate.

In this chapter, we use the term accountability
to refer to systems in which federal, state, or local
governments set performance criteria that schools

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018 475
B. Schneider (ed.), Handbook of the Sociology of Education in the 21st Century, Handbooks
of Sociology and Social Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76694-2_21

476 J. Mittleman and J. L. Jennings

must meet in order to avoid negative sanctions. In Succeeds Act, which overturned many aspects

the U.S., these performance criteria have been of NCLB and signaled a new era in accountabil-

defined primarily using proficiency rates on state ity policy.

standardized tests. For this reason, we focus most As Hoffer explains, American schools have

of our attention on the test-based accountability always faced some form of accountability.

systems literature. Schools, as public institutions, rely upon the sup-

We begin by providing a brief history of port of their communities. This dependency

accountability systems in American public edu- requires teachers and administrators to act in

cation. We then review the impacts of these sys- ways that are consistent with community expec-

tems in three domains (instructional tations. Still, this form of accountability is funda-

consequences, student outcome consequences, mentally informal. No one is required to measure

and policy feedback consequences), focusing on performance against codified standards and inter-

the literature that has been produced since the vene when performance is found to be

implementation of No Child Left Behind. Next, substandard.

we consider the evidence on alternatives to test-­ Meyer and Rowan (1977, 1978) offered an

based accountability systems that have been influential explanation for this system. They

proposed: market-based accountability, profes- argued that the lack of monitoring in schools was,

sional accountability, and process-based in fact, essential to their reliable functioning. The

accountability. We close by discussing direc- outcomes that citizens expected from schools

tions for future research. were diverse, contested, and difficult to measure.

Moreover, the technology required to produce

21.2 A Brief History these outcomes was uncertain and subject to con-
of Accountability stant local adjustments. Therefore, “to manage
in American Education the uncertainty, conflict, and inconsistency cre-
ated by this pluralistic situation,” schools buff-

ered their work through “loose coupling” (1978,

In many ways, NCLB marked a historic depar- p. 100). Each level of the system was granted a

ture in American education policy. At the same good deal of autonomy and the system as a whole

time, though, it also built directly upon state was held together by a “logic of confidence.”

accountability policies that had already begun to This logic would soon come under sustained

reshape schools. Indeed, when NCLB was pressure. A new period of accountability was

passed, 49 states had already initiated some ushered in by the release of 1983’s A Nation At

form of standards-based reform (Mehta 2013). Risk. Coauthored by a panel appointed by

In this regard, the law is better understood as an Secretary of Education Terence Bell, this

“evolution” rather than a “revolution” 36-page report warned that America’s schools

(McDonnell 2005). faced a “rising tide of mediocrity that threatens

In this section, we chart that evolution. We our very future as a Nation and a people” (the

document the steady shift from what Hoffer National Commission on Excellence in

(2000) called informal accountability to the sys- Education 1983, p. 5). The report linked eco-

tem of formal accountability we have today. nomic competitiveness with educational excel-

Following Mehta (2013), we highlight the sig- lence, marshaling an array of statistics to suggest

nificance of three events: the release of A Nation that American schools were failing at the exact

At Risk, the resultant standards-based reform moment in history when their success was more

movement, and the passage of NCLB. Then, we crucial than ever. A Nation At Risk argued that

extend this history, addressing accountability “learning is the indispensable investment

reforms undertaken by states and districts dur- required for success in the ‘information age’ we

ing the Obama administration. We conclude by are entering” and that America’s human capital

providing an overview of the new Every Student stock was perilously low (p. 7).

21  Accountability, Achievement, and Inequality in American Public Schools: A Review of the Literature 477

The reaction to the report was “instantaneous based reform. The meeting adjourned with a joint
and overwhelming” (Mehta 2013, p. 296). Within statement declaring that “the time has come…to
one  year of its release, the U.S.  Government establish clear, national performance goals”
Printing Office had distributed more than 6 mil- backed up by “a system of accountability that
lion copies of it, The Washington Post had pub- focuses on results” (Bush 1989). Bush’s volun-
lished an average of two articles a week on it, and tary national standards legislation was ultimately
more than 250 state task forces had been assem- rejected by Congress, motivating President
bled to discuss it (ibid.). The report’s impact was Clinton to focus instead on state-level standards.
quickly felt in the states. In Utah, for instance, the In 1994, Congress passed two pieces of legisla-
state’s 1982 curriculum plan declared that its tion that promoted state standards: The Improving
schools should promote “the growth of each indi- America’s Schools Act (IASA), a reauthorization
vidual as he searches for meaning and builds com- of the Elementary and Secondary Schools Act,
petencies” in eight diverse areas of life (Mehta conditioned states’ receipt of Title I funding on
2013, p. 302). Although intended to remain in their commitment to establishing state standards
place until 1988, this plan was quickly reformu- and assessments; the Goals 2000 act provided
lated after A Nation At Risk’s release. In 1984, the additional money to states working to design
state issued “action goals” for education that were such systems.
articulated in a single sentence: “The Utah State
Board of Education sets as its primary goals the And so, by the time that Hoffer (2000) was
attainment of excellence in education and the writing, the patchwork system of accountability
improvement of productivity” (ibid.). he described was already on its way to being
replaced. He acknowledged as much, noting the
A Nation At Risk did not, in itself, advocate for emergence of a “significant formal apparatus of
test-based accountability. Nevertheless, the pol- student assessments that is increasingly turned to
icy paradigm that it promoted made accountabil- for indications of system, school, and teacher
ity a natural solution. This paradigm forcefully effectiveness” (p. 533). What Hoffer could not
resolved the plurality of goals identified by anticipate was the magnitude and the rapidity of
Meyer and Rowan, elevating a single goal: edu- the shift about to occur. Although IASA had
cational excellence for economic competitive- required all states to develop standards-based
ness. By narrowing the range of relevant school reform plans, only 17 states actually had their
outputs and shifting the locus of responsibility assessment systems in place by 2001 (McDonnell
for their production squarely onto the schools 2005). Moreover, IASA had mandated only that
themselves, A Nation At Risk also promoted the these new tests be administered to Title I students
idea that school productivity could be usefully and only once at each level of schooling: elemen-
measured, ranked, and subjected to reward or tary, middle, and high (Stecher et  al. 2010).
sanction. With the national crisis in education Finally, although IASA had required states to
expressed almost entirely in test score trends, take corrective action against schools that persis-
raising test scores became a national imperative. tently failed to meet standards, it granted states
great flexibility in how they chose to intervene
A movement for test-based accountability was (McDonnell 2005).
launched. Texas and North Carolina led the way,
followed by other states such as Kentucky, NCLB changed each of these facts. For the
Maryland, and California. During the 1980s and first time, NCLB mandated that states test all stu-
early 1990s, these states adopted new curricular dents in both math and English language arts in
standards, designed student tests based on these grades 3–8 and once again in high school.
standards, and instituted incentive systems based Beginning in 2007–2008, states also had to
on test results (Hamilton et al. 2008). These state administer tests in science at least once in ele-
initiatives found growing support at the federal mentary, middle, and high school. The law
level. In 1989, the first President Bush convened required states to use students’ performance on
the nation’s governors for a summit on standards-­ these tests to determine whether the school was

478 J. Mittleman and J. L. Jennings

making “adequate yearly progress” (AYP) toward Initiative 2016). However, a rising political back-

universal proficiency in 2014. To meet AYP, lash drove at least nine states to later repeal their

schools had to meet grade-level proficiency tar- participation (Academic Benchmarks 2016). The

gets for their students overall and for each of their effort to extend accountability pressure to teach-

numerically significant student subgroups (stu- ers has been less centralized and more varied.

dents in major racial and ethnic groups, low-­ Across the country, 24 states and 19 of the 25

income students, students with disabilities, and largest districts have introduced new teacher

limited English proficient students). The result- evaluation systems designed to be more differen-

ing AYP status had to be reported publicly for all tiated, consequential, and closely tied to student

schools. For schools receiving Title I funding— achievement (Steinberg and Donaldson 2016).

about 67% of elementary schools and 29% of As before, both of these efforts were initiated by

secondary schools at the time of the law’s pas- states and districts but received substantial sup-

sage—failure to make AYP would set off an esca- port at the federal level. Through its Race to the

lating series of federally defined consequences Top competition and selective granting of waiv-

(U.S. Department of Education 2002). ers from certain NCLB mandates, the Obama

In later sections, we review the empirical lit- administration incentivized states to adopt

erature assessing the impact of NCLB. For now, Common Core and reform teacher evaluation.

we note two tensions within the law itself that This status quo was expected to persist

have motivated further accountability reform indefinitely. With a gridlocked Congress, pol-

since the time of its passage. First, NCLB fol- icy analysts were warning that the prospect for

lowed IASA in avoiding a fight over national an overhaul of NCLB was “dim” and that a

standards. Instead, the law allowed each state to makeshift system of waivers “will be law for at

define its own standards, exams, proficiency cut least several years” (Polikoff et  al. 2014, p.

points, and schedule for improvement before the 45). It came as a surprise, then, when the Every

2014 deadline (Davidson et  al. 2015). Second, Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) was signed into

the system of interventions put in place by NCLB law on December 10, 2015. Although many

largely exempted individual teachers from the details of the act will be worked out in the reg-

threat of sanction, focusing instead on school-­ ulatory process, it is clear that the law is “in

level interventions. NCLB prescribed staffing many ways a U-turn from its predecessor”

changes only after a school had failed to meet (Education Week 2016).

AYP for five consecutive years. Even then, staff- Although ESSA maintained a commitment to

ing changes were one of six options available to standards, testing, and accountability, it also

schools and, in practice, they were rarely introduced new flexibility and diversity into each

attempted (Stecher et al. 2010). of these elements. For instance, although states

These have been the central areas of account- must still adopt “challenging” standards, they

ability reform in recent years: the promotion of now are allowed to choose their own goals based

national standards and the extension of account- on those standards. Similarly, although states

ability to individual teachers. The push for must still test their students annually in grades

national standards has taken the form of the 3–8 and once in high school, these tests must now

Common Core State Standards initiative, a proj- play a smaller role in their system of school rat-

ect begun in 2009 by the National Governors ings. School ratings must now be based on at

Association and the Council of Chief State least four indicators, one of which must be a non-

School Officers. These new “college and career traditional measure of school quality, such as

ready” standards are intended to promote rigor “student engagement” or “school climate and

and consistency in English language arts and safety” (Education Week 2016). Finally, although

math nationwide. As of 2016, 42 states and the the law still requires states to intervene in poorly

District of Columbia had initially adopted the performing schools, it removes the federally

standards (Common Core State Standards mandated schedule of specified interventions.

21  Accountability, Achievement, and Inequality in American Public Schools: A Review of the Literature 479

Instead, at least once every 3  years, states are appear to have affected teachers’ job satisfaction
required to identify the bottom 5% of schools. or desire to teach until retirement (Grissom et al.
These schools will then be subject to a locally- 2014), it did lower their sense of job security
designed, state-monitored turnaround effort. (Reback et  al. 2014). Teachers’ fears are not
unfounded. Although formal school staffing ini-
With all of these changes going into place tiatives were rare under NCLB (Stecher et  al.
starting in 2017/18 and a new president who has 2010), accountability pressure nevertheless
championed a return to local control of schools, it seems to have increased schools’ propensity to
is clear that we, like Hoffer, are writing on the fire teachers (Sun et  al. 2014; Loeb and Cunha
verge of another major shift in the accountability 2007). As teachers have sought to respond to this
systems governing American education. To better new pressure, there are three areas, in particular,
anticipate the possible consequences of these in which they appear to have strategically shifted
changes, we now turn to reviewing the existing their practice: Shifts in instructional time between
evidence on the effects of test-based accountabil- subjects, shifts in instructional emphasis within
ity systems. subjects, and shifts in instructional attention
between students.
21.3 Effects of Test-Based
Accountability Systems There is clear evidence that test-based
accountability pressure has caused teachers—
In this section, we conceive of the effects of often at the behest of school leaders—to shift
accountability systems more broadly than is typi- time away from non-tested subjects in order to
cal in the public policy literature on this topic. We focus on reading and math. This fact was first
argue that the direct impact of accountability reported in nationally representative surveys of
policies on student test scores can only be under- district officials (Center on Education Policy
stood in the context of a broader evaluation of 2006, 2007) as well as in surveys of teachers in
how accountability affects teachers, students, California, Georgia, and Pennsylvania
school systems, and public perceptions of and (Hamilton et  al. 2007). Still, one may worry
support for public education. This broader focus that directly asking how high stakes testing has
not only highlights the tradeoffs associated with affected instruction may elicit biased responses.
test score gains, but also critically investigates Therefore, two studies (Dee et al. 2013; Reback
the nature of the gains themselves. Specifically, et al. 2014) address this question indirectly by
we address three groups of consequences: combining teacher responses on the Schools
instructional consequences (impacts on teaching and Staffing Survey with measures of NCLB
practice), student outcome consequences pressure. Despite their differing identification
(impacts on student achievement, attainment, and methods, both studies reach the same conclu-
identity), and policy feedback consequences sion: Pressure to meet AYP caused teachers to
(impacts on popular understanding of and sup- reduce instructional time devoted to social
port for public education). studies and science. Rouse et al. (2013) observe
the same effect in their survey of Florida princi-
21.3.1 Instructional Consequences pals: After receiving an “F,” these principals
reported less instructional time dedicated to
Understanding how accountability pressure science. Other studies have found accountabil-
affects teacher practice provides the essential ity pressure has caused schools to dedicate less
background for any evaluation of student out- time to other dimensions of schooling like gym,
comes. Existing evidence suggests that teachers recess, art, and music (Beveridge 2009;
are closely attuned to accountability pressure. Murnane and Papay 2010).
Although the introduction of NCLB does not
On their own, it is not clear how to evaluate
these shifts. One could reasonably argue that
tested subjects constitute the core basic skills that

480 J. Mittleman and J. L. Jennings

students need for future success. If this is true, instruction towards these predictably tested
then reallocating attention toward these subjects skills.
is one of the benefits of accountability policy
(e.g., Hannaway and Hamilton 2008). A more Moreover, many studies suggest that students
clearly unintended impact of accountability pres- are unevenly affected by test-specific instruction,
sure has been the instructional shifts that have with such instruction being used more heavily in
taken place within subject areas. Convergent schools serving lower-income and non-Asian
forms of evidence suggest teachers respond to minority students (Diamond and Spillane 2004;
test-based accountability pressure by “teaching Jacob et al. 2004; Ladd and Zelli 2002; McNeil
to the test”: that is, focusing instruction on pre- 2000; Taylor et  al. 2002). For example, Shen
dictable test features, both in terms of the content (2008) identified items that were more or less
of questions and in terms of the actual format of “teachable” and showed that schools’ improve-
questions. Moreover, evidence suggests that this ments over time were greatest on teachable items,
response is stronger in schools facing greater a trend that was more pronounced in disadvan-
accountability pressure. taged schools. Similarly, Jennings et  al. (2011),
analyzing data from New  York State, show that
As with the evidence on between-subject Black and Hispanic students received more test-
shifts, initial evidence for “teaching to the test” specific instruction. As a result, the reduction of
came from teacher surveys. For example, in the racial test score gaps in New York State observed
RAND study of NCLB implementation in three in the post-NCLB period was entirely driven by
states, teachers reported that they identified Black and Hispanic students’ improved perfor-
“highly assessed standards” on which to focus mance on predictably-tested content.Achievement
their attention (Hamilton and Stecher 2007). gaps on less predictable content were left
Reback et  al.’s (2014) study of the same data unchanged, and actually grew in some cases. This
found that in schools facing substantial account- discouraging pattern may help explain the multi-
ability pressure (those below the AYP margin), ple other studies demonstrating that disadvan-
84% of teachers reported focusing on topics taged students’ gains on high-stakes tests do not
emphasized on the state test, while 69% of those generalize into gains on other assessments (Klein
in schools at low-risk of failing AYP did. et al. 2000; Jacob 2007; Ho and Haertel 2006).

An alternate way of assessing the preva- Finally, a complementary group of studies
lance of test-focused instruction is by decom- documents not simply “teaching to the test”—in
posing test score gains. If the gains observed terms of question content—but also “teaching to
on high-stakes tests are narrowly constrained the format”—in terms of question design. These
to portions of the tests that are perceived to be studies illustrate how the design of high-stakes
easiest to teach or most likely to appear on tests may lead educators to focus on particular
tests, then we have strong indirect evidence of formats in their teaching that parallel those
strategic instruction. Several studies have con- appearing on high-stakes tests (Pedulla et  al.
firmed this intuition. These studies find that 2003; Shepard and Dougherty 1991). The most
NCLB-era state tests predictably emphasized well-known example of this phenomenon comes
some state standards while consistently exclud- from Shepard’s (1988) finding that students could
ing others: Only a small number of standards effectively add and subtract decimals when they
typically accounted for a substantial fraction of were presented in a vertical format, but struggled
test points (Holcombe et  al. 2013; Jennings when decimals were presented in a horizontal
and Bearak 2014). Analyzing data from three format. While most “teaching to the format”
states, Jennings and Bearak (2014) found that studies pre-date the NCLB era, Reback et  al.
students performed better on items testing fre- (2014, p. 223) found that teachers in higher
quently assessed standards—those that com- accountability pressure schools reported looking
posed a larger fraction of the state test in prior for “particular styles and formats of problems in
years—suggesting that teachers targeted their the state test and emphasize[d] those in [their]