Luther and Liberation: A Latin American Perspective

popular heresies, which threatened to organize the people and give them the instruments to oppose the clerical power, above all the Bible.67 It was a true crusade within Christendom, in which the sermon, reserved for the clergy, and sacramental practice, also administered solely by clergy, were converted into true “spiritual” weapons to keep the people connected to the ecclesial institution, centralized more and more in the papacy.68 Through this type of “sacramentalization” and consequent division between clergy and laity, “Christians became captives of a system within which they could not live out Christian freedom.”69 In this context, Luther’s action revealed itself as profoundly liberating. Hoornaert did not hesitate to rebut some of the usual critiques made against Luther. Thus, the return to the “Gospel,” advocated by Luther, is not classified as an expression of a nonhistorical idealism, but as a hope, which “re-historicizes the petrified Christendom, which pretends to be eternal and immutable.”70 Concerning the relationship between Luther and Müntzer, Hoornaert advocated a revision of Ernst Bloch’s presuppositions, which “created an image of a Luther antagonistic to the people, committed to the powerful.”71 Finally, Hoornaert also refuted the accusation that Luther was “a typical expression of modern individualism.” On the contrary, in him we discover “a person who looks at what is happening with the people at the grassroots.”72 Hoornaert therefore concluded: We have to thank Martin Luther for the courage that he had to face the 67. Ibid. 68. Ibid. 69. Ibid., 11. 70. Ibid., 13. 71. Ibid., 14. 72. Ibid. Luther and Liberation 380 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

powerful ecclesiastical machine of his time, certainly life-threatening, to liberate us from captivity or at least having given the theoretical base of liberation from an intra-ecclesial captivity that deforms the face of the church and prevents Christian freedom.73 [. . .] Luther revealed [. . .] a truth too often forgotten among Christians: more than an organized system, Christianity is a ferment, an explosive force in the midst of societies, a continuous reference, and an uncomfortable one, to the gospel, to the poor, to the forgotten and oppressed people. There have always been and will always be attempts to channel and ‘domesticate,’ to civilize or institutionalize this force of the Spirit, which acts in history. But there will always be people, as well, who are inspired by the Spirit, prophets and charismatics, ‘protestants’ in the genuine sense of the word.74 2. Non-Lutheran Protestant Theologians Here we examine José Miguez Bonino and Elsa Tamez. 2.1. José Míguez Bonino: Two Kinds of Righteousness/Justice On the occasion of Luther’s 500th birthday, the Argentinian Methodist theologian Míguez Bonino (1924–2012) published a careful translation of the writing On Two Kinds of Righteousness, adding a commentary.75 He confessed to having chosen this text first, because it is a sermon through which one can “listen to a direct 73. Ibid., 15. 74. Ibid., 16. 75. Besides José Míguez Bonino and Elsa Tamez, referenced below, we mention here the Brazilian Presbyterian Rubem Alves, who ranked Luther as his “favorite theologian,” noting that according to him “God never appears naked, but always masked; where God is not expected. Not in luxury, but in the trash. . .”. See Rubem Alves, “De João 23 a Joãozinho Trinta,” Tempo e Presença 11, no. 239 (1989): 29. He considered that in the Reformation exists “a tradition full of brilliant visions and grotesque mistakes” whose knowledge could be used to learn to avoid errors but also “understand some of the historical developments, our contemporaries, which were generated at that time: from Luther to psychoanalysis, from Calvinism to capitalism, from Müntzer to Marx and Engels.” See Rubem Alves, “As Ideias Teológicas e os seus Caminhos pelos Sulcos Institucionais do Protestantismo Brasileiro,” in História da Teologia na América Latina, ed. Enrique Dussel et al. (São Paulo: Paulinas, 1981), 127. In Dogmatismo e Tolerância (São Paulo: Paulinas, 1982), Alves highlighted the principle of freedom, “the great obsession” of Luther (81), emphasizing that “it represented something deeply revolutionary” (119). See also Rubem Alves, Protestantism and Repression: A Brazilian Case Study, trans. John Drury The Reception of Luther’s Concept of Freedom 381 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

communication” of the Reformer with his people but above all, for the relevance of the theme: righteousness/justice.76 To answer the question of what is justice for a believer in Jesus Christ, the reformer “waged one of the crucial battles,” responding without any hesitation: it is a righteousness which proceeds from God; only and totally from God. We, in turn, undertake another battle. And we are obliged to answer, with equal vigor: It is a righteousness we must place as a deed among human beings. Are these two answers antagonistic to each other? Do they belong to different planes? Are they exclusive from each other?77 Míguez Bonino understood that Luther achieved “a unity” in his sermon, “be it seen ‘from below’—the issue of human conflicts, be it ‘from above’—the redemptive initiative of Christ.”78 As to the central problem of the relationship between the two types of justice, Míguez Bonino made three observations. “In the first place, it becomes clear that Luther seeks to emphasize the absolute priority of that righteousness which God gives to us, out of pure grace, through faith.”79 Christ himself is this justice, classified as external and foreign. With precision, Míguez Bonino observed that “external” and “foreign” have nothing to do with “distant” and “strange,”80 because Jesus Christ himself is not; on the contrary, his justice “is ours just like the common goods in a marriage.”81 The Methodist theologian seemed surprised by the dynamism, which Luther attributes to (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1985), 12–15. They are, however, somewhat loose references and associations, not more comprehensive explanations. 76. We must pay attention to the fact that in other languages than English the word “righteousness” coincides with “justice,” and precisely this concept attracted Míguez Bonino’s attention. 77. José Míguez Bonino, “La Justicia del Cristiano,” in Lutero: Ayer y Hoy, ed. David Arcaute et al. (Buenos Aires: La Aurora, 1984), 36. [Translations by T. Cooper.] 78. Ibid., 49. 79. Ibid., 49–50. 80. Ibid., 50. 81. Ibid. Luther and Liberation 382 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Christ’s righteousness: it penetrates the totality of our life, where it “starts, grows, and finally comes to perfection through death.”82 Second, Míguez Bonino noted that for the second kind of justice we move “into the field of human activity, where the believer is an active subject”83 but not with autonomy and independence, since “our righteousness [justice] is inseparably and intrinsically linked with Christ”84: “origin, content, and power of all righteousness [justice].”85 Third, Míguez Bonino observed that as context for the exercise of justice, Luther indicated “the least of these, the weak, the sick, the poor, with whom Christ identified himself when assuming the ‘form of a servant.’”86 Even though it is not totally clear to whom Luther was referring specifically with these classifications, it is unquestionable that it is for them that all who are or consider themselves to be just, have to follow the example of Christ, assuming in turn the form of servants. In positioning himself on the question of whether Luther’s distinction is adequate from a Latin American perspective, Míguez Bonino responded first by confirming “the constant divine prevenience” not in a formal sense but as “Jesus Christ’s ever anticipated and active presence.”87 For our part, it is not for us to “invent” a righteousness of our own, but to “incorporate ourselves” to this righteousness, which is, ethically, “the space of freedom and hope, into which the human praxis of justice is inserted.”88 Then, Míguez Bonino asked whether he was happy with the classification of “two kinds” of justice. He distinguished here the 82. Ibid., citing Luther literally. 83. Ibid. 84. Ibid. 85. Ibid., 51. 86. Ibid. 87. Ibid., 52. 88. Ibid. The Reception of Luther’s Concept of Freedom 383 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

danger of “three grave deformations”: to relegate human righteousness to a “secondary, optional, and dispensable level”89; to encourage the emergence of a privatized individualism, which relegates public issues to autonomous functionaries (contrary to Luther’s own thinking); to de-Christologize the second righteousness. Finally, without developing the issue, Míguez Bonino made the suggestion of rereading the theme taking as the starting point the world of the poor, the powerless. These should not be invited to selfrenunciation but called “to take upon themselves, with confidence, their quality as ‘children of the Father,’ ‘brothers and sisters in Jesus Christ,’ ‘heirs of God’s wealth.’”90 2.2. Elsa Tamez: Justification by Faith Although she did not aim to examine Luther’s theology, the book by Elsa Tamez (1951–), a Mexican theologian living in Costa Rica, Amnesty of Grace, 91 is the most extensive work on this central topic of Luther’s theology, from Latin American liberation theology. The body of work is a biblical examination of Paul’s doctrine. The context of the research, however, is an attempt at a theological rereading of this topic. It seeks, thus, to contribute to a process already underway in Latin American theological research aiming to point out the importance of social justice also in the doctrine of justification, a step that is “important if one is to overcome the individualism and subjectivism that permeate the life of faith of the churches.”92 Tamez described the attempts of interpretation and re-interpretation done by other Latin American theologians in relation to the doctrine 89. Ibid. 90. Ibid., 53. 91. Elsa Tamez, Amnesty of Grace: Justification by Faith from a Latin American Perspective, trans. Sharon H. Ringe (Nashville: Abingdon, 1993). 92. Ibid., 31. Luther and Liberation 384 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

of justification, highlighting the issue of justice, the dignity of the human being, and the spaces of freedom.93 In these attempts, the aim is to emphasize liberation from sin, the law, and death, “in all of their concrete manifestations.”94 Its novelty consists then precisely in “the consideration of justification and liberation from a historical perspective of oppression, poverty, and struggle.”95 For her part, Tamez managed to underline the relevance of the Pauline doctrine, contributing thus from the outset to break two ingrained prejudices: that Paul would be an unrecoverable conservative and that the doctrine of justification by faith would be detrimental to the task of liberation of the poor and oppressed. The specific angle of Tamez’s research is the relevance of justification by faith for excluded members of society, for nonpersons, representing the recovering of dignity and of space for freedom and action. “All people, not only a few, have the right to live with dignity as subjects, because life is a gift of God.”96 Thus, the author was led to conclude: This allowed us to underline the dynamic inherent in justification, and to hear justification by faith as good news for the excluded. The excluded are not simply human beings who stand forgiven before God, and who are thus empowered to do justice. They are also worthy historical subjects re-created for life, with the power to transform their history that has tended to marginalize the majority of the people. They are persons whose sins are not counted against them, because the will of God in Jesus Christ was precisely to liberate all people for life.97 Justification by faith (understood as the historical action of God that makes concrete the revelation of God’s justice) is good news for the thousands of excluded people of history. There are several reasons behind that conclusion: 93. See ibid., 25-36. 94. Ibid., 35. 95. Ibid., 36 96. Ibid., 165. 97. Ibid. The Reception of Luther’s Concept of Freedom 385 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

—By considering the solidarity of God as the root of justification, the excluded person is aware that God is present in solidarity in Jesus Christ, the excluded person par excellence, and also in all others who are excluded. [. . .] —Insofar as it is by faith and not by law that one is justified, the excluded person becomes aware of being a historical subject and not an object, either of the law or of the system that subjects him and her to marginalization.98 II. Preliminary Conclusions Based on these examples, we can draw some preliminary conclusions. Firstly, there is, obviously, no uniformity among Latin American liberation theologians in the assessment of Luther’s theology and work. The positions vary from a deep aversion (Echegaray) to an extremely laudatory assessment (Hoornaert). While Segundo was primarily critical, Boff was predominantly favorable toward Luther.99 Míguez Bonino attempted to establish a positive dialogue, and Tamez sought to reinterpret and update the central doctrine of justification by faith. Secondly, one can observe, in general, that the stance tends to be more favorable when the authors have dealt with primary texts by Luther (Boff, Hoornaert, and Míguez Bonino), and antagonistic when the judgments were formulated from secondary sources, quite often negative themselves. Indeed, it is to be regretted that there is scarce access to Luther’s works in Latin America, yet it seems that frequently even existing works translated into Spanish and Portuguese were not accessible to those undertaking research in Latin America. 98. Ibid., 166. 99. Less favorable are his references, in sum, to the anthropology of Luther. (See Leonardo Boff, Liberating grace, 42, 140.) In contrast, the reference to Luther in Church: Charism and Power is more favorable, symptomatically in the context of the “Pathologies of Roman Catholicism” (84–86), as already referenced in note 48. Luther and Liberation 386 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

This may perhaps explain some judgments, which, in my view, are frankly wrong. One wonders, for example, if Segundo did not do violence to Luther’s thought, when he understood justification by faith from the doctrine of two kingdoms,100 without considering the extensive theological debate which took place around this issue in Luther research. It also seems evident that Segundo was unaware of the fact that Luther advocated, in the civil realm, the cooperation of the human being with God, although he denied it completely in the realm of salvation.101 As for Echegaray, it is unfortunate that his interpretation, though containing acute observations, was based almost exclusively on secondary sources.102 So he accepted and reproduced uncritically and without sufficient basis either in the texts or in the respective research, the theories of an exclusively inner freedom of the Christian and of the total autonomy of the political realm in Luther. Therefore, he was unable to realize that the critique made by him against Müntzer, can 100. Conversely, the so-called doctrine of the two kingdoms should be understood from justification through faith. Boff, as we have seen, treated this question more adequately. 101. This becomes evident when Segundo addressed the question of “cooperation of humans with God,” relegating Luther to two brief notes. See Juan Luis Segundo, Jesus of Nazareth Yesterday and Today; v. III: The Humanist Christology of Paul, ed. and trans. John Drury (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1986). In the first (206, note 143), Segundo understood that the Reformer Martin Butzer had differed from Luther even in the title of the work That Nobody Should Live for Self Alone, but for His Neighbor (1523). Though Luther never tired of affirming that the meaning of his rediscovery of justification by grace through faith is exactly that the human being was liberated from the compulsion to live for oneself, and may now, as a free being, live for God and for the neighbor. In the second (213, note 184), Segundo generically accused Luther of a “juridical, magical view of justification by faith,” which led to the “thoroughly anti-Pauline” conception of soli Deo gloria, in which “God’s glory is protected all the more, the less human causality collaborates with God’s plans.” He did not include here the distinction, important to Luther, between the order of salvation and of creation. 102. There is direct reference only to Luther’s writings The Freedom of a Christian and On the Christian Nobility of the German Nation, very briefly. As for Müntzer, Echegaray relies mainly on Norman Cohn and Ernst Bloch. The extensive and fundamental work of Walter Elliger is referred to only from a review. As for the battle of Frankenhausen, in which approximately 6,000 peasants died (the total number of 100,000, indicated by Echegaray, 96, corresponds to the number of victims in the entire Peasant War), see the detailed description of Walter Elliger, Thomas Müntzer: Leben und Werk (Göttingen: Vendenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1976), 767–86. The Reception of Luther’s Concept of Freedom 387 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

also be made, at least in large part, from Luther’s own premises—in fact, these criticisms are explicit in Luther’s criticism of Müntzer. Hinkelammert’s analysis is particularly appropriate as a contribution towards the understanding of the similarities and differences between the Reformation period and the Latin American Christian base communities. On wonders, however, whether Hinkelammert did not distribute historical roles too mechanically with respect to the dialectics of “charism—institutionalization,” however worthwhile the distinction might be. Thus, to describe Luther’s role only as one of institutionalizing charism and denying his significant, even decisive, participation in the historical movement of charism does not seem to be totally convincing—an issue, moreover, that Hoornaert judged to the contrary, as we have seen. Leonardo Boff’s position is characterized by great openness of mind and spirit. We can, basically, agree with him, including his final postulate that good works must not be reduced to the “subjective level,” but must, in the socio-political realm, be preceded by “an analysis of the mechanisms that produce oppression” and a definition of the “concrete steps toward liberation.”103 Our only reservation is in the sense that the very distinction between the religious and sociopolitical realms, as consummate separation, is the fruit of the development of modernity and Enlightenment and thus it cannot be so easily projected backwards to Luther’s time, as Boff has done. In this sense it would be necessary to develop, more intensively than Boff, the socio-political implications of the religious revolution recorded in Luther and his movement as well as to reflect on the possibilities of rescuing its liberating potential within the changed circumstances today. Eduardo Hoornaert’s position impresses with how open-minded it is. Without doubt, it also captures precisely the particularities of 103. Boff, “Luther, the Reformation, and Liberation,” 212. Luther and Liberation 388 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Luther’s stances, such as his undeniable courage in difficult and dangerous situations, the sharpness of his argumentation, and his language shaped according to the peculiarities and needs of the people. The caveat we raise is that Hoornaert may have also been betrayed by his fascination, to a certain extent, setting aside the dark sides that Luther undeniably had. Tamez’s re-reading of the doctrine of justification by faith is an outstanding example of the effort towards rescuing a traditional Protestant doctrine for the context of liberation theology. Since it is a biblical work, however, it did not enter into dialogue with Luther. In Míguez Bonino we find a beautiful example, though brief, of positive and critical theological conversation with Luther by someone who classifies himself as one of his “brother-sons.”104 The emphasis, from many angles, is heavier on the liberating impact of Luther with regard to ecclesiastical structures, to the extent that they hamper the believer or the community in their own responsibility. In some cases, they adopt the thesis of Luther’s contribution towards the development of subjectivity and the freedom of conscience. The liberating impact of these specific emphases is also recognized for society as a whole. In some cases, for example in Hinkelammert, we note that the subsequent historical development has created new contradictions that force a return to the issue on new terms. With regard to social liberation, the voices are critical or, at least, reticent. The critical revision of Luther’s stances is advocated or, in the more positive cases, the necessity of a re-reading from the social and historic conditions in Latin America. 104. Míguez-Bonino, 53. The Reception of Luther’s Concept of Freedom 389 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

III. Luther’s Hidden Influence in Latin American Liberation Theology At this point I would like to draw attention—tentatively and briefly—to the possible remote influence of Luther’s theology in Latin American theology, as well as of the systematic relation between both theologies. Otto Hermann Pesch on a certain occasion referred to Luther’s anonymous presence as “Junker Jörg” in current theology, also and particularly in Catholic theology.105 Something similar could also be contemplated in relation to Latin American liberation theology, although it might be even more difficult to detect the identity of this unknown guest. Latin American liberation theology has been developed predominantly by Catholic theologians, with relatively peripheral contributions on the part of Protestant theologians.106 I propose to collect the first traces of this anonymous presence of Luther. First, let us remember that Vatican II welcomed concepts and grievances that can clearly be traced back, in part, to Luther. Vatican II was, in the Catholic Church, the culmination of a process of Church renewal both in its internal structures as well as its relation 105. Otto Hermann Pesch, “Estado Atual do Entendimento,” Concilium, special edition: Lutero ontem e hoje, no. 118 (1976), 125. “Junker Jörg” was the pseudonym under which Luther remained hidden in Wartburg Castle from May 1521 to February 1522, after being condemned and outlawed by the Diet of Worms, a legal status under which he remained for the rest of his life. 106. A different approach to what I proposed here also could be to think of the certain indirect and remote influence of Luther through the Latin American Protestant movements and theologians, such as ISAL (Church and Society in Latin America) and Richard Shaull in the 1960s or, at the same time, through the inspiration of the prophetic testimony and theology of Dietrich Bonhoeffer. See, however, the critical assessment of Bonhoeffer as an example of “bourgeois theology” in Gustavo Gutiérrez, “The Limitations of Modern Theology: On a Letter of Dietrich Bonhoeffer,” in The Power of the Poor in History, trans. Robert R. Barr (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1988), 222–34. The other possibility of examining the remote eventual influence of Luther in Latin America would be through the historical analysis of the coming and presence of Protestantism to that continent. The observations are customary, there, that Protestantism, principally of the mission type, came in the wake of a wave of modernity and yearning for progress on the part of the bourgeois contingent of the Latin American population. Luther would be present there as the precursor of this subjectivity and modernity. My own inquiry goes decidedly in another direction. Luther and Liberation 390 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

to the world in which it operates. By aggiornamento, the Catholic Church sought to reconcile with the modern world, a process in which Protestantism had preceded it. This renewal included not only the official acceptance of ecumenism, in the Decree on Ecumenism (Unitatis redingeratio),107 proceeding from a review of relations with other churches, now described much more favorably and in a fraternal spirit but also other documents that welcome and emphasize claims that date back to Luther, for example: the definition of the Church as the people of God, liturgical renewal with new emphasis on preaching and the adoption of the vernacular, the description of Scripture as the word of God and normative. All these elements also played a significant role in the renewal of Latin American Catholicism, particularly after the Second Latin American Episcopal Conference in Medellín (Colombia, 1968), and contributed to the flourishing of liberation theology in Latin America.108 Second, the influence of great Catholic theologians of this century must be mentioned. It is known that many Latin American liberation theologians had academic training, especially at a post-graduate level, in European centers, as is the case, for example with Gustavo Gutiérrez, Hugo Assmann, and Leonardo Boff. Others are from Europe, although they have settled and developed theologically in Latin America: Jon Sobrino, Eduardo Hoornaert, and Carlos Mesters, among others. In general, one can say that those theologians who exercised a profound influence in the work of Vatican II also inspired largely the theological thinking of liberation theologians. 107. “Unitatis Redintegratio: Decree on Ecumenism,” in Vatican Council II: The Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents, ed. Austin Flannery (Northport: Costello, 1975), 452–70. It can also be accessed at: http://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/documents/vatii_decree_19641121_unitatis-redintegratio_en.html. 108. See the recognition of the reception of Luther’s impulses in Vatican II in Eduardo Hoornaert, 14. The Reception of Luther’s Concept of Freedom 391 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Karl Rahner perhaps merits special mention because it was he who, through his concept of “supernatural existential” and review of the relation between the natural and the supernatural, contributed decisively to the adoption of the concept of “only one history” in liberation theology. Also his concept of “anonymous Christianity” is present in the assessment or frequent allusion to Matt. 25:31–46 in Latin American theology.109 But, as is known, Karl Rahner is also a theologian who attempted to incorporate, with ingenuity and creativity, typically Lutheran concepts, such as “sola Scriptura” (only through Scripture), “simul iustus et peccator” (both righteous and sinner), and the “universal priesthood.” One can also find frequent references to and discussions of these concepts in Latin American liberation theology, especially in works concerning ecclesiology and the Scriptures—although with less frequent reference to the concept of “sola Scriptura.” On the question of a possible remote influence of Luther’s theology in Latin American liberation theology, several evident analogies must be registered. All of the ecclesiastical analyses of liberation theology emphasize the Christian base communities to the point of using the rather controversial, and perhaps confusing, expression that they “reinvent the Church.”110 This is not simply 109. For example, Leonardo Boff, Jesus Christ Liberator: A Critical Christology for our Time, trans. Patrick Hughes (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1978), 95 [1. ed.: 235–38, here with reference to K. Rahner, in note 17]. For an analysis of this pericope in Leonardo Boff, Juan Luis Segundo, Gustavo Gutiérrez and Hugo Assmann, as well as in Luther and various Protestant theologians, see chapter 16: Matthew 25:31–46: Justification and Liberation. 110. Leonardo Boff, Ecclesiogenesis: The Base Communities Reinvent the Church, trans. Robert Barr (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1986). In fact, even before this work, Catholic voices rose in relation to the Christology of Boff, classifying it as “Protestant.” (See the evidence carefully developed by Hermann Brandt, “Jesus Cristo Libertador: Quanto à Compreensão de “Cristologia Crítica” em Leonardo Boff,” Estudos Teológicos 14, no. 2 (1974), especially 51–53.) Brandt, himself a Lutheran theologian, came to the conclusion, in my view precipitously, that the “Latin American proprium” of Boff’s book, Jesus Christ Liberator, “is in itself Protestantism” (55); see also, in a later text, more cautiously, in the form of a question, Hermann Brandt, Gottes Gegenwart in Lateinamerika: Inkarnation als Leitmotiv der Befreiungstheologie (Hamburg: Steinmann & Steinmann, 1992), 59. Luther and Liberation 392 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

an abstract theological postulate, but rather to give expression to the fact that liberation theology itself develops organically linked to a movement of creation and expansion of these communities. However, it is also clear that the Reformation had as one of its main pillars the formation of communities, and that Luther’s ecclesiastical definition of the Church linked the word of God to the communities, leaving as secondary the formation of the macro-institution of the church. Furthermore, as in the Reformation, the ecclesiastical renewal by the base communities has the re-encounter with the Scriptures as one of its main features, or, perhaps one should say for these communities: the discovery of the Bible for the first time. The (re)reading of the Bible has become a broad movement within Latin American base communities with the strong support of Bible scholars and pastoral agents. The reading performed is often eminently popular, not failing to remember, in this context, the simplicity of many of Luther’s interpretations, in his sermons, with many examples of people’s daily lives. A further analogy is found when we consider that Luther not only had a colloquial style in his preaching, but also sought, in his translation of the Bible, a language close to the lives of the people. In Latin American theology one speaks of “putting the Bible in the hands of the people,” that the people “make the Bible theirs,” or similar expressions. All this is understood equally as a living expression of the universal priesthood of the people of God, again a concept coined fundamentally by Luther. Having registered the evident analogies, we must also note some remarkable similarities. For example, it is fairly well known that Luther, in the Large Catechism in his explanation of the first commandment, contrasted “God” and “idols.”111 This is also precisely a fundamental antagonism adopted by liberation theology when it The Reception of Luther’s Concept of Freedom 393 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

speaks about God. Moreover, it is precisely these concepts that are employed, centrally, when addressing economic issues in Latin America.112 And one cannot fail to mention the striking parallel, although not explicitly referenced, to the fact that Luther also precisely identified Mammon as “the most common idol on earth.”113 Another similarity is discovered when we consider that Luther’s theology is a theology of the cross.114 Although Echegaray assumed that in this theology there is an expression of passive acceptance of situations of suffering, I understand that this conclusion comes from a misunderstanding of Luther’s theology and the significance of the cross for him. It seems to me, rather, that liberation theology itself has rediscovered the importance of the cross after the first moment in which the emphasis clearly fell on the resurrection of Christ.115 The rediscovery was due, if I am right, to two reasons. One occurs in spirituality when the people perceive in their precarious living conditions the solidary and salvific presence of Jesus Christ. The second reason comes precisely as the discovery of the cross as the source of the perseverance of the faith in the face of difficulties and 111. “Large Catechism,” in The Book of Concord: The Confession of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, ed. Robert Kolb and Timothy Wengert (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2000), 386–90; hereafter referred to as BC. 112. See especially Pablo Richard et al, A Luta dos Deuses: Os Ídolos da Opressão e a Busca do Deus Libertador, trans. Álvaro Cunha (São Paulo: Paulinas, 1982) and Hugo Assmann and Franz. J. Hinkelammert, A Idolatria do Mercado: Ensaio sobre Economia e Teologia (São Paulo: Vozes, 1989). 113. “Large Catechism,” BC, 387. For more details on Luther’s position on this matter, see chapter 2: The God of Life against all Falsehood of the Idols of Death. 114. See especially Segundo Galilea, Contemplação e Engajamento (São Paulo: Paulinas, 1976), 95–106, but also Leonardo Boff: Passion of Christ, Passion of the World: The Fact, their Interpretation, and their Meaning Yesterday and Today, trans. Robert R. Barr (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1977). 115. In this in particular, there is a parallel with European political theology, which also emphasized primarily the exodus and the resurrection. See, for example, Jürgen Moltmann, Theology of Hope: On the Ground and the Implications of a Christian Eschatology (New York: Harper & Row, 1967), especially 139–229 and 304–38 (chapters 3 and 5); and Jürgen Moltmann, Way of Jesus Christ: Christology in Messianic Dimensions, trans. Margaret Kohl (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993). Luther and Liberation 394 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

troubles in the process of liberation. Both of these reasons, I think, can be found already in Luther. Finally, we need to include in this list of similarities the following observation: liberation theology has incorporated in its work sociological reflections, including Marxist, although the concrete analyses are more plural than commonly presumed. It is not, however, a question of evaluating here a correction or not of the effected analyses, but the fact of assuming “secular” analyses of reality. Now, this is a break in the level of theoretical reflection of the model of Christendom, whose end also is postulated for the relation of church and society. Besides, in the context of the ecclesial-historical research, a blunt criticism is made of the Christendom model.116 One must check to verify whether and to what extent all this corresponds to the distinction that Luther made between the role of the Church and the secular order. However, one should also pay attention to the dissonances117 between Luther and liberation theology. Firstly, in regard to the frontiers of the Church, there seems to be a clear discordance: Luther’s theology described the church as the community under the word of God. It is clear that there is no identification with the boundaries of the institutional Church but the tendency is, rather, to “reduce” the “true” church to that portion that believes and confesses the word of God. In liberation theology the trend is to expand the frontiers of the Church reckoning with the presence of God and Christ among non-Christian persons, peoples, and cultures. An eventual approximation between these divergent conceptions might come from the fact that Luther spoke still within the context of 116. See Pablo Richard, Death of Christendoms, Birth of the Church: Historical Analysis and Theological Interpretation of the Church in Latin America, trans. Phillip Berryman (Maryknoll: Orbis,1987). 117. I am using the word “dissonances” to indicate that, in my opinion, we are not dealing with insuperable differences but with controversial issues in which eventual possibilities of approximations should be pursued. The Reception of Luther’s Concept of Freedom 395 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Christendom, in which the whole of society was basically identical to the border of the institutional church—and, therefore, it was vital to distinguish the true church, classified then as “invisible”—while liberation theology thematizes the question of the relationship between Christians and non-Christians living together in the same broad social reality, in which Christian people, or those who call themselves Christians, cannot claim to hold the monopoly on truth. A vital point relates to the concept of history. Latin American liberation theology has emphasized that there is only one history and that the process of liberation develops itself in this one history.118 Thus, human history acquires a salvific character. This definition has caused difficulties for Lutheran theology, and has even roused vehement protest,119 since it is essential for Lutheran theology to preserve the preponderance of and even the exclusivity of the saving action of God, in order to keep the scope of salvation free from human efforts and legalist oppressions that are not answers for human frustrations and failures. It is, however, important to observe that the background of the claim of “only one history” is a revision of the traditional concept of two planes in which the supernatural is placed over the natural, perfecting it. The intention, therefore, is not to invalidate a dialectic eschatological relation between the present and the future of God. Inversely, the Lutheran “eschatological reservation” would be abused, if from it one derived (as unfortunately has been done) a disregard for the ethical commitment of the Christian community. Similarly, liberation theology can speak about “building the 118. See Gustavo Gutiérrez, A Theology of Liberation: History, Politics, and Salvation, ed. and trans. Sister Caridad Inda and John Eagleson (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1988), chapter 9: Liberation and Salvation, II. History is One, 153–68. 119. See, for example, Wilfried Groll, “Visão Luterana da Teologia da Libertação,” Reflexões em torno de Lutero: v. III, ed. Martin N. Dreher (São Leopoldo: Sinodal, 1988), 67–85, esp. 79–85. Liberation theology, with this identification, would be issuing “a rubber check” (80). Luther and Liberation 396 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

kingdom of God,” referring to the historical action of the Christian community, while Luther emphasized, in explaining the Lord’s Prayer in the Catechisms, that the kingdom of God comes by itself, although we should pray for its coming to us.120 On the other hand, Luther realized the dialectic between the presence of God’s reality now, through God’s word, in human community and history, on the one hand, and the expectation of the final consummation on the other. It cannot, reciprocally, be just cause for rejection if liberation theology, as part of its concern, places emphasis on the conscious integration of the Christian community in this dynamic. IV. Conclusion: Systematic Considerations in Relation to the Concepts of Freedom and Liberation 1. In his treatise “On The Freedom of a Christian” (1520),121 Luther outlined his concept of freedom in two directions: one in the relation of the human being with God, through which the human being becomes free by means of the gratuitous action of God, who grants freedom (justification by grace through faith); the other in relation with the fellow human being, which becomes characterized as unselfish service. The Christian person, who in faith is free and is not subject to anyone, in love is servant to all others and is subject to them.122 This “servitude in love” is the concrete exercise of the gratuitous freedom obtained by grace through faith. Both freedom 120. “Large Catechism,” in: BC, 446: “His kingdom comes of itself without our prayer, and yet we pray that it may come to us, that is, that it may prevail among us and with us, so that we may be a part of those among whom his name is hallowed and his kingdom flourishes.” Also “Small Catechism,” in BC, 356: “In fact, God’s kingdom comes on its own without our prayer, but we ask in this prayer that it may also come to us.” 121. The Freedom of a Christian, in Luther’s Works, ed. Jaroslav Pelikan and Helmut T. Lehman (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1955–), 31:333–77; hereafter referred to as LW. 122. See also, ibid., 344. See also 371: “We conclude, therefore, that a Christian lives not in himself, but in Christ and in his neighbor. Otherwise he is not a Christian. He lives in Christ through faith, in his neighbor through love. By faith he is caught up beyond himself into God. By love he descends beneath himself into his neighbor. Yet he always remains in God and in his love.” The Reception of Luther’s Concept of Freedom 397 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

and “servitude as an expression of freedom,” are unrestricted, total, and potentially universal (“universal priesthood,” although “of the believers”). 2. How is this freedom and “servitude of freedom” reflected in our social relations? For Luther, the rule of 1 Cor. 7:21 was valid, which he translated as such: “If you were called as a slave, don’t worry; but if you can become free, prefer rather to make use of this possibility.” (In comparison, Chrysostom formulated: “Have you had your calling as a slave, don’t get afflicted by it! And even if you can become free, precisely then stay as you are!”)123 On the other hand, verse 20 weighed heavily for Luther: “Everyone should remain faithful to the vocation to which you were called.” Considering, in addition, his strong conviction that “all authority was instituted by God” (Rom. 13:1), Luther could not admit that civil liberty would become a program of Christian freedom still to be achieved, when it had been received already—and obtained freely. 3. The Radical Reformation (also called “the left wing of the Reformation”) fluctuated between the postulate that the freedom of the children of God implies necessarily the rejection of social servitude (“The Twelve Articles of the Peasants of Swabia” and Thomas Müntzer) and the intransigent defense of the freedom of ecclesial congregational organization (the Anabaptist movement). In both cases, it is expressed, explicitly or implicitly, that the freedom of the justified becomes false if it does not have material expression in the conditions of social life (from servitude to freedom) or ecclesial life (free community of faith). 4. In the English dissident religious movement, from the seventeenth century (Puritanism, the Baptist movement, among others), the struggle towards religious freedom was enhanced with 123. See Fritz Bauer, ed., Widerstand gegen die Staatsgewalt: Dokumente der Jahrtausende (Frankfurt: Fischer, 1965), 86 and 95. Luther and Liberation 398 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

the rejection of any interference by the State in questions of conviction and religious organization. The influence of this thinking, through the immigrant colonies on the North American continent, left its mark even in the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America (1776), when it guaranteed free religious choice without interference by the State as an inalienable right of the human being. There this tradition is allied positively with the Enlightenment tradition (which in the French Revolution adopted an anti-religious or, at least, an anti-clerical and anti-ecclesiastical form). 5. The French Revolution, with its ideals of “liberty, equality, and fraternity” in a certain sense led this new concept of freedom, introduced by the Reformation, to its culmination by postulating the universality of freedom as attainable by everyone, the right of each citizen. On the other hand, it found itself in dissonance or rupture with the tradition coming out of the Reformation to the extent that in the Enlightenment tradition this ideal is rooted in the emancipation of the human being and in reason, while Luther in this respect could only classify the human being as one subjected to the “bondage of will,” from which one still needs to be liberated. However, a positive relation of the Reformation with these emancipatory ideas can be established on the basis of civil liberty (socalled “first use of the Law” and the “two kingdoms”), although the rejection of the full autonomy of the human being remains.124 6. The concept of “liberation” used as the hermeneutical axis by Latin American liberation theology is, on the one hand, heir of these traditions. Liberation theologians frequently reference the gratuity 124. Paul Tillich knowingly tried to escape the exclusionary antagonism of “autonomy” and “heteronomy,” with his concept of “theonomy”: “A new theonomy is not a matter of intention and good will but [. . .] it is a matter of historical destiny and grace. It is an effect of the final revelation which no autonomy can produce and which no heteronomy can prevent.” See Paul Tillich, Systematic Theology, vol. I: Reason and Revelation: Being and God (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1957), 150. The Reception of Luther’s Concept of Freedom 399 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

of God’s action as the basis for and expression of freedom. On the other hand, there is an undeniable influence of Hegel’s concept of history, in particular the “Hegelian left” (especially Marx), reflecting the historical condition of human liberation. This means, in part, that the notion of mediation for God’s own action (within history, through historical agents) is deepened and expanded and, on the other hand (as flip side), it emphasizes the historical commitment of human beings in general, and Christians in particular, with liberation as a process. Both concepts, freedom and history, are incorporated in the concept of “liberation,” in an Hegelian sense of supersession (Aufhebung), that is, the positive incorporation of these concepts with their simultaneous elevation to a higher stage. 7. In relation to the ideals of the French Revolution, there is a paradox. On the one hand, these ideals are incorporated and expanded in the struggle for liberation: they are achievements for the individuals and as such an expression of an advance in the process of liberation, but they must be expanded to become expressions of social achievement and guarantees for all humanity. On the other hand, we can register, in liberation theology, the critique of these ideals for their narrowness as an expression of the rights of the individual, as ideals of a “bourgeois” society, matrix of social oppressions (for example, rights affirmed for white men and owners, but denied to women, other races and non-owners; or: rights that are expressed, in the economic level, in idolatry of profit and concomitant sacrifice of human beings (exploited or marginalized).125 Currently, there is a trend to combine a revaluation of the positive facet of the relation with the bourgeois 125. Although a somewhat different way of approaching the issue, see Leonardo Boff, “Liberdade e Libertação: Pontos de Contato e de Atrito entre o I e o III Mundos,” REB 47, no. 188 (1987): 839–59. [German: Leonardo Boff, “Europäische Freiheitstraditionen und Lateinamerikanisches Befreiungsdenken,” in Lateinamerika und Europa, ed. Johann Baptist Metz & Peter Rottländer (Munich: Chr. Kaiser, 1988), 23–47.] Luther and Liberation 400 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

tradition (democracy, freedom, human rights, feminism), as an integral and indispensable part of the struggle towards liberation, with the deep critique of the (capitalist) economic system, globally dominant in the world, which in the name of freedom destroys the very basis of subsistence and the quality of life of an ever greater percentage of the world’s population (superfluous masses in the Third World, enormous contingents of impoverished people in the countries that have come out of “socialism” in Eastern Europe, and even significant population groups in the so-called developed countries or in their orbit, as some of the peripheral countries in the European Union- the unemployed, foreign immigrants, homeless people, etc.). In short, liberation theology places its emphasis on three aspects, all of them, in my view, indispensable: a. the human being, as a social being, incorporates individual values into the communitarian and collective reality; b. the historical dimension, which becomes concrete in specific mediations; c. liberation not only as an event, but also as a process. In relation to the concept of freedom, we observe that in liberation theology it clearly encompasses social liberation, which Luther legitimately considered a “consequence” of freedom,126 but when elevated to a religious program it was a falsification of true Christian freedom. The differing concepts could perhaps move closer to each other if we consider that divine action (“grace”) and human action 126. In his “Releitura de Lutero em Contextos de Terceiro Mundo,” Albérico Baeske placed the axis of his explanation in the freedom experienced as God’s action, which leads to concrete action: “This is the faith of the liberated free. Soon it will come to struggle, in fact, participate in the struggle for bread and health, roof and land, school, shared life and changeable, transparent, and popular organization of society” (30) [translation by T. Cooper]. (In, Releitura da teologia de Lutero em contextos do Terceiro Mundo: conferência de educadores teológicos luteranos do terceiro mundo, São Leopoldo, Brasil, 5 a 11 de setembro de 1988, ed. Nelson Kirst (São Leopoldo: Escola Superior de Teologia, 1989), 15–35). The Reception of Luther’s Concept of Freedom 401 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

(“effective faith”; certainly better: “love”) in concrete reality do not necessarily follow each other in a chronological way but in a continuous dynamic process. Grace evokes the response of faith and the experience of love, which, in turn, can be for others a concrete representation of grace (in historical mediation), which evokes a new manifestation of faith and love—and thus continuously.127 Just as a good tree bears good fruit,128 freedom is understood as inevitably conducive to liberation, which has already occurred and will always be realized anew. 127. In his treatise The Freedom of a Christian, for example, Luther did not hesitate to call the Christian—precisely the person justified by grace through faith—to become “as it were a Christ” (LW 31:366–67) towards his or her neighbor. “Ideo sicut pater coelestis nobis in Christo gratis auxiliatus est, ita et nos debemus gratis per corpus et opera eius proximo nostro auxiliari et unusquisque alteri Christus quidam fieri, ut simus mutuum Christi et Christus idem in omnibus, hoc est, vere Christiani. (D. Martin Luthers Werke: kritische Gesamtausgabe” [Weimar: Hermann Böhlau, 1983] 7:66, 25–28). 128. LW 34: 111 (thesis 34). “We confess that good works must follow faith, yes, not only must, but follow voluntarily, just as a good tree not only must produce good fruits, but does so freely.” Luther and Liberation 402 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:26:51 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Epilogue 500 Years of Reform and Beyond October 31, 2017, will be the culmination of celebrations in preparation and already underway for the 500th anniversary of the Reformation. Luther will be persistently evoked. The center of attention will be, without doubt, the town of Wittenberg, Germany, where Luther worked and wrote virtually all his voluminous works. However, he will be remembered all around the world. For the movement of the Reformation, which began there, and took shape over the centuries and in diverse ways, has spread to all continents. It will be, therefore, not a “German” but a “global” anniversary. The LWF will hold its twelfth global assembly in May 2017 in Windhoek, capital of Namibia, a country of the South, where half the population is of the Lutheran confession, under the evocative theme of Reformation “Liberated by God’s Grace,” emphasizing the three sub-themes that salvation, human beings and creation are “not for sale”; they are not commodities subject to being commercialized. The significance of the event, however, will not be restricted to the Lutheran communion, but will have an ecumenical dimension. Luther is not the property of the Lutheran churches, but stands for what was in his time, what today is, and what it may mean in the future. Luther’s contribution to the emergence of modernity, for culture 403 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:27:46 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

and for religion, will be addressed positively and, in many places, exalted. But also we will hear criticism of the problematic facets of his action and theology. And it will be good that this happens. As we have seen, Luther did not want to create a new church but through the reform of the church in his time make it more compatible with the Early Church and the Church Fathers. Much less did he intend that persons who believe in Christ could come to be called by his name, which through historical contingency, did come to pass. Gratitude for his work is legitimate, though not any jingoistic tone. One highlights the freedom obtained through the grace of God, but aware of the limitations and errors committed as much by Luther himself as by the churches who inherited his work, even when we do not forget the numerous educational and social works that have developed yesterday and today. But above all should prevail the challenge of living, in our time, the evangelical freedom he so proclaimed, unfolded in a life of commitment, compassion, and love of neighbor, in solidarity with “the least of these,” and committed, in the midst of a world torn by conflict and iniquitous inequality, to renewed efforts in favor of a world that is truly characterized by justice, peace, and care for creation. Thus, October 31, 2017, should not be a point of arrival, but a commemoration of a significant moment of transition from which can emerge a new impetus to a process of constant reform. In this sense, Luther’s theology, 500 years old, can be present today in what is liberating. Luther and Liberation 404 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:27:46 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

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Bibliography Observation: In order to facilitate consultation and research, the bibliography, exclusively containing quoted or mentioned works, was organized, subject to availability, in the following language order, although in translation: a. English, b. Portuguese, c. German, Spanish, or French. Translations to English in the citations of works in another language, when not part of another publication or otherwise indicated are by Thia Cooper. Martin Luther’s Works D. Luthers Werke: kritische Gesamtausgabe. Weimar: Hermann Böhlau, 1883–. Dr. Martin Luthers sämtliche Werke. Frankfurt & Erlangen, 1854–. Luther, Martin. Das Magnifikat. Der 127. Psalm.: zwei Auslegungen, ed. Karl Gerhard Steck. Munich: Goldmann, 1961. ________. Die Apokryphen: das sind Bücher, so der heiligen Schrift nicht gleich gehalten, und doch nützlich und gut zu lesen sind. Stuttgart: Priv. Württembergische Bibelanstalt, 1961. ________. Obras de Martín Lutero. Buenos Aires: Paidós–Aurora, 1967–1985. ________. Obras selecionadas. São Leopoldo: Sinodal, 1987– . ________. Predigten über den Weg der Kirche. Munich: Siebenstern, 1967. Pelikan, Jaroslav and Helmut T. Lehman, eds. Luther’s Works. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1955–1986. 407 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:29:14 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

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Ordem de vida eclesiástica nas comunidades do Sínodo Evangélico de Santa Catarina e Paraná. Rio do Sul, 1956. Paul VI. Populorum progressio: Encyclical of Pope Paul VI on the Development of Peoples (http: // www.vatican.va / holy_father / paul_vi / encyclicals / documents / hf_p–vi_enc_26031967_populorum_en.html). Vatican II. Gaudium et spes: Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World (http://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/ documents/vat-ii_const_19651207_gaudium-et-spes_en.html). __________. Unitatis redintegratio: Decree on Ecumenism (http: // www.vatican.va / archive / hist_councils / ii_vatican_council / documents / vat-ii_decree_19641121_unitatis-redintegratio_en.html). World Council of Churches. Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry. Geneva: World Council of Churches, 1982. Secondary Bibliography Althaus, Paul. Um die Wahrheit des Evangeliums: Aufsätze und Vorträge. Stuttgart: Calwer, 1962. Altizer, Thomas J. J. and William Hamilton. Radical Theology and the Death of God. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1966. Altmann, Friedhold. A roda: memórias de um professor. São Leopoldo: Sinodal, 1991. Altmann, Walter. “Os 500 anos do nascimento de Lutero,” Folha de S. Paulo (11 Nov. 1983): 31. ________.Confrontación y liberación: una perspectiva latinoamericana sobre Martín Lutero [Conferencias Carnahan 1983]. Buenos Aires: ISEDET, 1987. ________. “Libertação e justificação: Mateus 25, 31–46.” Perspectiva Teológica 9, no. 23 (1979): 5–15. ________. “Lutero—defensor dos judeus ou anti-semita?” Estudos Teológicos 33, no. 1 (1993): 74–82. ________. Lutero e libertação: Releitura de Lutero em perspectiva latinoamericana. São Leopoldo: Sinodal, 1994. ________. “Lutero escreve uma carta a seu filho.” O Amigo das Crianças 53, no. 36 (1990): 3. Bibliography 409 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:29:14 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

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1517 Media Fortress Press Chapter Title: Back Matter Book Title: Luther and Liberation Book Subtitle: A Latin American Perspective Book Author(s): Walter Altmann Published by: 1517 Media, Fortress Press. (2015) Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt17mcsdm.29 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms 1517 Media, Fortress Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Luther and Liberation This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 19 Jan 2022 14:31:12 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Foreword by Leonardo Boff A revolutionary reading of Luther Luther and Liberation recovers the liberating and revolutionary impact of Luther’s theology, read afresh from the perspective of the Latin American context. The work examines with fresh vigor Luther’s central theological commitments, such as his doctrine of God, Christology, justification, hermeneutics, and ecclesiology, and his forays into economics, politics, education, violence, and war. This new edition greatly expands the original text with fresh scholarship and contains several new chapters on Luther’s doctrine of God, the sacraments, his controversial perspective on Judaism, and a comparative account of Latin American liberation theology. Praise for Luther and Liberation “One of our most urgent needs is to listen to and learn from those who see things—especially things we think we know well—from another angle. Informed by both scholarly expertise and a living faith commitment, Brazilian theologian Walter Altmann challenges us to take another look—from a Latin American perspective—at Luther’s impact in his own time and how he might speak to our own. His book should both unsettle and enlighten!” MARY M. SOLBERG Author of Compelling Knowledge: A Feminist Epistemology of the Cross “This substantially enlarged second edition of Luther and Liberation calls for a celebration. Not only does it come along with the commemorations of the 500th anniversary of the Reformation, but more importantly it is an outstanding accomplishment of Luther research done in the global south as it becomes the home for the majority of Lutherans worldwide. The meticulously elaborated content attests to the brilliant aptitude of the author in Luther studies and original research. Altmann’s thought-provoking reading sets Luther in enriching and mutually critical conversation with liberation theology in an ecumenical spirit, as it also liberates Luther from his captivity in the ivory tower of recalcitrant and fossilized academics. The book adeptly explicates the theology of Luther and reveals facets of the Reformer often overlooked or neglected.” VÍTOR WESTHELLE Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago WALTER ALTMANN is professor of systematic theology at Escola Superior de Teologia (EST), São Leopoldo, Brazil. He is the former president of the Evangelical Church of the Lutheran Confession in Brazil (IECLB) and the Latin American Council of Churches (CLAI). He is also the former moderator of the Central Committee of the World Council of Churches (WCC). RELIGION / CONTEXTUAL THEOLOGY This content downloadedAll us