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Published by EGO Education - LandBooks, 2023-03-14 23:57:25

Park for the Future

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Park for the Future

A BEST PRACTICE GUIDE FOR THE 21ST CENTURY FOR THE FUTURE

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Parks for the 21st century. A blueprint. [62] C h ap t e r 1 How many do we need? [66] B Quantitative criteria [67] C A few recommendations [68] C h ap t e r 2 Wh ere do we find space for t h em? [72] B Multifunctional parks [73] Cemeteries [73] Sports parks [74] Business parks [74] Greening car parks [74] Metropolitan or regional parks [76] C Surprising parks [82] Post-industrial sites [82] Landfill becomes a park [82] Military zones [86] Railway yards [86] Motorway turns into a park [90] Rooftop parks [90] Waterfronts [90] D Pocket parks [92] E Historic parks [94] 1 2 Foreword [4] Stroll or study? How to read this book. [6] Where do they come from? Why do we need them? A walk through the park. [8] C h ap t e r 1 A concise h istory of t h e park [10] C h ap t e r 2 Th e comeback of t h e park [14] B The city rediscovered [14] C Provider of sustainable urbanism [16] D Part of a green infrastructure [18] E City vs. countryside: a new approach [22] C h ap t e r 3 Wh y do we need t h em? [26] B Planning and landscape benefits [28] C A healthy population [28] D Strong and safe communities [32] E Recreational benefits [34] F Tourism benefits [34] G Enhanced biodiversity [40] H An improved environment [42] I Climate mitigation and adaptation [42] J Renaissance of urban agriculture [51] 1) Economic benefits [56] 2

6 Best Practice Cases [126] B Master plan and walking routes Camber [128] C Play-zone in Egerton Park, Bexhill-on-Sea [136] D Sensory garden in Egerton Park, Bexhill-on-Sea [142] E The Emerald Necklace (Groen Lint), Ostend [148] F Duinenkerkje, Ostend [156] G Nieuwe Koers, Ostend [160] Concluding summary [164] Bibliography [166] 3 3 C h ap t e r 3 How can we describe t h em? [96] B Part of a network [98] C Accessible [101] D Multifunctional [102] E Attractive [102] Activities [102] Comfort and facilities [104] Planting [104] Maintenance [105] Safety [106] F Colourful [107] G Beautiful [112] H Sustainable [113] I Flexible and adaptable [115] C H A P TE R 4 W H AT MAKES A PARK S U CCESSF UL? [116] B Ambition [118] C Strong management [118] D An environmental strategy [120] E Collaboration and integration [120] F The regional dimension [120] G Design quality [121] H Take your time [122] I Form partnerships [124] J Participation and consultation [124] 1) Promotion [124]

F o r ewo r d 4 Parks b e l o ng to e v er y o n e

P arks be l ong to everyone 5 The collaboration between the Rother District Coucil in South East England and the city of Ostend commenced in 2010 and during a period of three years it focussed on the study of six specific projects in Ostend (B), Bexhillon-Sea (UK) and Camber (UK). Concepts, sketches and plans were discussed and evaluated during six workshops. Colleagues within different administrations and disciplines, external experts and students helped to further develop and refine the content of the projects, making it clear what kinds of green space we should be creating today. In towns and cities such as Bexhillon-Sea and Ostend, the urban green space was mainly conceived in the 19th century. Green areas were principally laid out for the bourgeoisie who spent their holiday by the sea and strolled around in a romantic park. Egerton Park in Bexhill-on-Sea, Leopoldpark and Maria-Hendrikapark in Ostend are shining examples of this. Much has changed over the course of the ‘incredible’ 20th century. Once the car entered the stage, many parks had to make room for ‘progress’. In Bexhill-on-Sea buildings sprung up in Egerton Park and in Ostend the size of the parks was reduced so that roads could be constructed. Nowadays, parks and the landscape receive renewed attention. We now know how important and indispensable green public spaces are for the livability of the city and the health of its citizens. Thanks to democratisation we no longer design parks for a specific group of people, notably the rich and famous of yesteryear. We now design parks and landscapes for everyone: rich and poor, young and old, residents of the coastal towns and tourists! The ‘21st Century Parks’ project also made it clear that there are many more themes than before. Apart from tourism and recreation, there is also a focus on themes like urban agriculture, mobility, climate change and energy. The days when green spaces served only one single purpose are long gone. They used to be merely places to ‘go for a walk and relax for a bit’, but now they have multiple identities and are adapted to the challenges of the 21st century. Present-day projects are no longer carried out by some renowned architect ‘doing his own thing’ either. They are now the result of a thorough process during which the different administrative services and the various policy levels are aligned. A project definition is formulated by mutual agreement and an interdisciplinary team is put together to draw up the plans for the project. The dialogue with the user is crucial to the planning process. Residents and tourists are consulted and thus co-author the story of the 21st-century parks. Thanks to the European collaboration between the Rother District and the city of Ostend, a great deal of knowledge was shared and a focus was placed on the issues faced by coastal towns, such as the seasonal surge of tourists and the specific climatological circumstances. However, the experiences and ‘best practices’ that were gained turned out to be applicable to all towns and cities. They are universal. Cross-border collaboration is always interesting. It helped us to view our projects from a different perspective. Other European countries place emphasis on different aspects. The final result definitely benefits from this kind of cross-pollination. It makes a project much more layered: stronger, richer, diverse, future-oriented … This guide not only demonstrates the six case studies that were examined within the scope of this European collaboration. It also contains many international examples of exemplary and inspiring present-day parks, landscapes and other green spaces. In the first instance, the guide was conceived as a best practice guide for elected representatives from the Interreg IVa Two Seas region. After three years of intense collaboration between the city of Ostend and the Rother District, it appears that it would be best to share the experience and knowledge gained on a much wider scale. We therefore hope that this guide will serve as an example to all. We hope you will enjoy reading the Best Practice Guide and will find it useful in focussing on new thinking for 21st-century green spaces! Jean Vandecasteele, Mayor of Ostend Coucillor Joy Hughes Chairman, Rother Discrict Council Johan Vande Lanotte, Belgian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy, Consumeraffairs and the North Sea What kind of parks do we need in the 21st century? This is the main question in the European Interreg IVa project ‘21st Century Parks’.

6 STROLL OR STUDY? HOW TO READ THIS B OOK. S T R O LL O R S T U D Y ?

7 How to read t h is book? Over the past few decades we have witnessed a striking park revival: all around the world neglected (urban) parks are being renovated and new municipal and regional parks and green spaces are being laid out. Cities compete with one another for the title of ‘greenest city’. After all, in order to attract and retain residents, visitors and investors it is becoming essential for cities to be able to offer a sustainable environment including an attractive living, leisure and work environment. The park of the 21st century is no longer an isolated green space within the built-up area. As a public space with a social, economic, cultural and ecological significance, parks are part of a green structure or are integrated in a ‘green infrastructure’ network. These structures or networks are not limited to the urban space, but they include the entire hinterland. In this guide we look at the park as a planning tool to involve green space in the densely packed and dynamic urban and periurban space in a strategic manner. The park becomes a geometric metaphor to designate the gaps in and around the city and the many neglected or reusable spaces, thus giving them new meaning and defining a new agenda for them. In the first part of the guide we present a number of explanations for the park revival. Why do cities and regions need strong parks? They make the city livelier, more pleasant and more beautiful. They provide breathing space and make sure that the compact city remains livable. They are therefore increasingly used as a lever for urban and regional development. Of course, they also have an important ecological function, both inside and outside the city. In the second part we explore four themes regarding the new park of the 21st century by means of innovative examples and practices: How many parks do we need? Where can we find the necessary space? What kind of parks do we need? And how can we establish those parks? After all, it became clear over the course of the Interreg IVA 2 Seas project ‘21st Century Parks’ that the development of parks for the 21st century not only concerns new spatial, urban development and ecological insights, but also new political and administrative planning programmes, forms of cooperation, design methods and participation processes. In this chapter we formulate a number of recommendations or ‘best practices’, based on experiences gained and lessons drawn from the 21st Century Parks project. Finally, the third part describes a number of ‘best practice examples’ taken from the 21st Century Parks programme in Ostend, Bexhill and Camber. The different parts of this book can be read either individually or chronologically. The many text boxes provide additional in-depth information or practical examples regarding the overall story. The information in the book is also linked to the six case studies at the back of the book which formed the basis for this project. For those to whom this publication signifies a starting point for a more thorough study, the many ‘Further reading’ sections and the comprehensive bibliography provide a broad overview of all the information (in print and online) that is available on this subject.

1 part 8 A concise history of the park The comeback of the park Why we need them

Where do they come from? Why do we need them? A walk through the park 9 A concise history of the park The comeback of the park Why we need them ‘Urban islands in a sea of countryside have evolved into an urban landscape with green fragments in densely populated areas.’

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k Les Tuilleries (Paris) 1 0

c h ap t e r 1 A CONCISE H ISTORY OF T H E PARK 1 1 A CO N CISE history of the p ark To understand what we want to achieve with our park of the future for the 21st century, it is crucial that we are also aware of its origins. Just like all manner of architecture and infrastructure, parks developed from an ideological basis. We will describe their origin and evolution in broad outlines. Aristocratic roots Until the end of the eighteenth century, parks were private property and they were almost exclusively commissioned by aristocrats. Sometimes they were opened to a select public, but their main purpose was the private recreation of the privileged few. Many of our European urban parks as well as larger green areas on the outskirts of towns and in the country originate from these private domains and estates. It is remarkable that many of these old aristocratic parks currently still function very well in a totally different social, cultural and demographic context. A few examples are the former royal parks in cities such as Vienna, Berlin, London, Paris and Turin. Mirror of a new ruling class The public (urban) park as we know it today, specially laid out for public use in an urban environment, only came into existence at the end of the eighteenth century and flourished in the nineteenth century. On the European continent these parks often encompassed former fortifications or town ramparts, dissolved monasteries or disused land or estates, originally located outside but now within or on the outskirts of towns. These parks, sometimes created with private resources, were first and foremost an expression of civic pride. The urban elite of the day dreamt of embellishing their towns with green spaces and monumental buildings in imitation of their aristocratic predecessors. Parks were laid out according to the taste and insights of the upper middle class and offered them appropriate recreational possibilities such as promenading, riding, drinking tea, boating etc. A tearoom, bandstand, statues of local heroes, flowerbeds and exotic plants were rarely absent. Everyone was admitted to these parks, as long as they behaved according to the rules of bourgeois etiquette. Thus the park also had the purpose of ‘educating the people’ (Van Rooijen 1984). Or as the Victorian garden designer and author J.C. Loudon put it: ‘to raise the intellectual level of the lowest social classes’. Social or philanthropical considerations often played a part as well: the urban and industrial elite believed parks to be necessary to counterbalance the densely populated, dirty and unhealthy cities with their suffocating factories. These were places where the working class, who did not have the means to escape to the country at the weekend, could relax in a natural setting and literally catch their breath for a moment. An antiurban ideal which adored arcadian images of nature and which aimed to shut out the sounds, smells and images of the city as much as possible was in fact at the heart of these parks. This manifested itself in the romantic, ‘natural’ design of numerous parks. Just like the former aristocratic parks, many of these old bourgeois urban parks still function well and they are extremely popular. To a considerable extent, this is due to their multifunctional origin: urban embellishment with the emphasis on aesthetic satisfaction combined with social, educational and recreational motives.

PAR T 1 A wa l k t h r o u g h t h e park 1 2 Cities running out of puff In the course of the twentieth century many cities lost their lustre and the traditional urban park gradually fell into decline. Although there are considerable differences in this respect between the various European nations and even between various cities in the same country, we can see a few important evolutions. ■ Due to the scarcity of space, green areas frequently lost out to more powerful sectors such as residential building, trade, industry and often excessive transport infrastructure. Parks as well as town gardens, green ramparts, trees in streets and squares… all green areas were increasingly sacrificed to construction and after the Second World War especially to the car. ■ At the same time major changes took place in the use of and ideas about the design of urban green spaces. While 19th-century urban parks mainly offered possibilities for passive recreation, 20th-century parks increasingly focused on active recreation: sports and games. This also had an impact on design: less ornamental and more recreational green spaces: for instance, flowerbeds had to make way for sports fields and playgrounds. All things romantic and idyllic went out of fashion, (mono)functional and practical were the order of the day. In many cases this resulted in deplorable banality and uninspired uniformity. As from the 1960s, the increased attention to nature and the environment influenced the design and management of urban parks as well. Very highmaintenance and traditional ornamental planting was replaced by semi-natural vegetation, new images of nature were introduced and non-native species increasingly had to make way for so-called native plants. ■ The position of parks in relation to the built-up surroundings also changed, partly due to the growth of suburbs – suburbanisation or urban sprawl – especially from the second half of the 20th century onwards. While they were previously surrounded by buildings as an autonomous object, they gradually became a functional part of the green network and/or framework of the expanding city with ‘green wedges’ and ‘green belts’ (Vroom 2010). ■ Another negative factor was the economic decline of many cities from the 1960s and 1970s onwards, combined with the increased automobility and the antiurban tendency in numerous European countries. Cities were no longer poles of attraction but were perceived as dirty, unhealthy, dangerous and to be avoided for various reasons. Those who could afford it abandoned the city and only those who did not have the financial resources to do so stayed behind. If (inner) cities still attracted new inhabitants, these were mainly migrants. Many cities became impoverished, there was hardly any investment in cities and urban embellishment was out of the question. Green areas were often among the first and main victims: parks and public gardens were neglected and grew poorer. Instead of flowers they were overgrown with weeds, litter and graffiti. Instead of a meeting place for young and old, urban parks became a kind of no man’s land, a haven for drug addicts and dog fouling. This greatly affected the appearance as well as the livability of cities in various respects: socially, ecologically… ■ These evolutions were reinforced by new urban design models and ideas, such as the British garden city model with self-sufficient satellite towns in a green setting. Although only a few garden cities were realised according to the concept of Ebenezer Howard, this model and similar ones in numerous European countries resulted in the creation of garden suburbs, residential areas and park-like housing developments in the green outskirts of towns. It even resulted in the development of new cities. Originally intended to steer the growth of cities in the right direction, it reinforced the trend towards deurbanisation and suburbanisation or urban sprawl. ■ The ideas of the CIAM (International Congresses of Modern Architecture) about the ‘functional city’ formulated in the Athens Charter (1933) also had far-reaching consequences. The CIAM advocated a strict separation between and rearrangement of the city’s main functions – dwelling, work, recreation and transport – and put forward the priority of light, air and space. This functional city was to be realised by means of green strips that separated all sectors of the city with their own specific function. Only one type of housing was to be applied: high-rise blocks with abundant (green) spaces in between to house the rapidly growing urban population. New housing developments often got an amorphous standard green or open space, generally with no real design and of little aesthetic, recreational or biodiversity value. These modernist ideas were applied in postwar reconstruction and in large-scale urban extensions all over Europe, sometimes successfully but more often with near disastrous consequences.

hooF D S Tu K 1 He t pa rk va n to e n 1 3 ‘An antiurban ideal which adored arcadian images of nature and which aimed to shut out the sounds, smells and images of the city as much as possible was in fact at the basis of many parks. This manifested itself in a romantic, ‘natural’ design of numerous parks. Garden city 'Unitas' in Deurne (Antwerp) Social housing in Kiel (Antwerp) Parc des Buttes-Chaumont (Paris) Trentham Park (Stoke-on-Trent)

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 1 4 ‘The measure of any great civilisation is in its cities, and a measure of a city’s greatness is to be found in the quality of its public spaces, its parks and its squares.’ ▼ [John Ruskin] Park Fiction (Hamburg)

c h ap t e r 2 t h e comeback of t h e park 1 5 Since the 1980s we have witnessed a remarkable park revival: all around the world neglected (urban) parks are being renovated and new municipal and regional parks and green spaces within and between cities are being laid out. Cities compete with one another for the title of ‘greenest city’. After all, in order to attract and retain residents, visitors and investors it is becoming essential for ‘smart’ cities to be able to offer a sustainable environment including an attractive living, leisure and work environment. Once again, the various European countries and cities differ considerably, yet we see several common factors that may explain this renewed interest in (urban) parks. We can divide them into four closely connected thematic clusters: 1. the city rediscovered 2. the park as a driver of sustainable urbanisation 3. the park as part of a green infrastructure 4. the new relationship between city and countryside The city rediscovered B These past few decades we have rediscovered the city, and the attractiveness of city life in terms of spatial quality (physical) and livability (social) is again at the top of the political agenda. ‘For the first time in 50 years there has been a measurable change of culture in favour of towns and cities, reflecting a nationwide commitment to the Urban Renaissance,’ Richard Rogers wrote in the final report of the British Urban Task Force (2005). ‘To us, urbanness is the mentality of the 21st century; this century is the century of the city’, according to the Flemish Urban Policies Task Force (De Rynck et al 2003). Various factors and contexts have contributed to this renewed attention to the city. They are connected with the challenges and the opportunities of the city. ■ The growing concern of urban problems (impoverishment, unemployment, migration and integration issues, ageing, criminality and insecurity, outdated and inferior housing and infrastructure, disused buildings and dilapidation...) as well as their political and social consequences, such as riots and the rise of extremism. This encouraged policymakers and politicians in numerous European countries to invest in urban renewal. the comeback of the p ark

PAR T 1 A wa l k t h r o u g h t h e park 1 6 ■ There is a growing awareness that disorderly urban sprawl in the outskirts of the city as well as the increasing scattering of urban functions over the countryside is not just the city’s problem but affects the entire surrounding area too: loss of landscapes, open spaces and nature; loss of local identity and cohesion; traffic congestion and poor sustainability (due to wasteful land use, waste of energy and nature loss). ■ Fortunately, urban revival is not only a story of endless problems, but also an optimistic story of opportunities and challenges. Over the last two to three decades we have seen economic regeneration in many cities (or metropolitan districts), and the economic and political importance of cities and metropolitan districts has increased. Thanks to urban studies by gurus such as Richard Florida, the city is increasingly perceived as the most important place for development and innovation, and as the engine of post-industrial prosperity. The city is not the problem but the solution. ■ Cities have again become exciting and inspiring and are gaining popularity as a high-quality environment where people gladly and consciously want to live, work and stay, and as a tourist destination. In particular young, highly-educated double-income couples, who are often employed in some creative profession, like staying and living in the city where openness and diversity, entertainment and culture can be found. ‘Not urban flight but city air makes you free’ (De Rynck et al 2003). ■ While the city was considered an ecological wasteland, the opposite of nature, and while urbanisation was considered an important threat to biodiversity until a few years ago, it is now clear that urban wildlife exists as well, and that cities are ecosystems with highly varied habitats (gardens, parks, tracksides, vacant lots, brownfield sites, rivers …), with a unique, rich biodiversity and with species that are able to establish or maintain themselves in this environment and benefit from the specific characteristics of the city. A specific City Biodiversity Index has even been formulated recently to map urban biodiversity and measure the effect of certain policy measures. In view of the large impact cities have on a country’s nature-protection, environmental and energy balance - our cities' ecological footprint - they also play a crucial part in meeting the many challenges in terms of sustainability, biodiversity, climate and the like (e.g. Global Partnership on Cities and Biodiversity: www.cbd.int). FURTHER READI NG Department for Communities and Local Government 2000 | De Rynck et al 2003 | Kelcey 2011 | Müller 201 | Urban Task Force 1999 | Urban Task Force 200 | De Bruyn J. & Vermeulen S. 201 | www.fh-erfurt.de/urbio | www.conturec.de Provider of sustainable urbanism C Nowadays parks are generally recognised to form an important part of the urban revival, and it is common knowledge that strong and smart cities and regions need strong and smart parks. ‘Start with the Park’ was the advice of the British Commission for Architecture & the Built Environment (2005). Many cities try to attract new investments, visitors and inhabitants by means of large-scale spatial projects. Barcelona was a European pioneer in this respect and many European cities have followed its lead since then. All manuals and manifestoes concerning urban renaissance and sustainable urban development emphasise that the quality of public spaces in general and of green spaces in particular is a crucial factor. ‘Well-designed and maintained public spaces should be at the heart of any community. They are the foundation for public interaction and social integration, and provide the sense of place essential to engender civic pride’, wrote the Urban Task Force in its final report (2005). ‘Parks and green spaces should be at the centre of the renaissance of our towns and cities’, stated Sally Keeble, former British Regeneration Minister, in the Urban Green Spaces Task Force’s final report (2002). ■ A certain density and concentration should be aimed for to maintain the city’s specific characteristics and advantages as well as to prevent further urban sprawl. However, cities are not made of bricks and mortar alone. The extensive hard surfaces and high building density have an adverse effect on the urban climate and make cities unattractive for both people and wildlife. Once the limit of livability has been exceeded, urban densification becomes counterproductive. People will leave the compact city looking for greenery and space. An important reason to abandon the city may be a lack of urban (child-friendly) green spaces. Under such conditions, animals and plants will no longer survive in the city either. ■ Finding the right balance between density and compactness on the one hand and quality of life in a healthy urban environment on the other constitutes the main challenge to urban areas in Europe.

c h ap t e r 2 t h e comeback of t h e park 1 7 Density is only sustainable if green zones, water and open spaces are sufficiently available. In an urban environment with a healthy rhythm there is a continuous dialogue between ‘green’, ‘blue’ and ‘red’. We need to think about these matters not separately but in an integrated manner: intelligent densification means interweaving programmes and sharing facilities. This is an essential condition for sustainable urban and metropolitan development. ■ Partly under the influence of authors such as Jan Gehl and Larry Beasley, attention has shifted from the parade of architectural icons and skylines to coherence in the urban fabric, the cultural and historical stratification, street life and the comfort of inhabitants and users. New urbanness is about the creation of a comfortable city for inhabitants and users, urban coherence and the establishment of good connections. ■ All too often, green spaces are still seen as the harmless and idyllic antithesis of the city or as a residual category which is to compensate the imperfections of city life. Green spaces are perceived as a buffer to separate residential areas, divert attention from unsightly buildings or hide industrial installations from view while they should highlight the qualities of the city instead of concealing flaws, connect instead of separating. ■ A new urban design concept, so-called ‘inverse urban design’, is based on urban areas counterbalanced by green spaces. As these spaces are considered valuable and inviolable, the system of open spaces within the urban agglomeration will determine the structure and image. This way ‘the land in the city’ becomes the basis for further urban development. The layout of public space and the surrounding built areas will need to be adjusted to this. Instead of taking up space, green zones therefore become vectors of space. A new kind of inverse distribution pattern appears around the chain of open spaces, in which particular functions are located on the margins of green enclaves (Heyn & Hermy 2002). ■ The urban flight and post-industrial dereliction in cities provide room for new functions and a better living environment, partly because of the creation of more or new types of green space. FURTHER READI NG De Gravelaine F. 200 | De Roo M. 201 | Cabe Space 2005b | Greater London Authority 200 | Mayor of London 201 | Natural England 2009b | Simoens I 2010b | Turner T. 1996 | VROM-Raad 201 | Williams K. 2004 | www.planning.org/cityparks/briefingpapers/communityrevitalization.htm | www.planning.org/cityparks/briefingpapers/smartgrowth.htm | www.thegreencity.com The Reichstag (Berlin)

PAR T 1 A wa l k t h r o u g h t h e park 1 8 Part of a green infrastructure d Parks are not just important as ‘green spaces’ where people can relax, stroll or play, a kind of ‘high-quality emptiness’ in a built-up environment. Over the last few years there has been a growing awareness that they also play an important ecological part and that they are very useful as ecosystems, e.g. for water treatment and storage, habitat protection, improvement of the air quality, CO2 storage, keeping cities cool, etc. In that sense they are an important part of the so-called green infrastructure. Green infrastructure is a relatively new concept originating in the Anglo-Saxon world. It has recently been put at the top of the European Union’s agenda as a crucial pillar of the European policy with regard to biodiversity, ecosystem services and adaptation to climate change. The European Commission even considers green infrastructure to be the key to embed these topics in most other European policy areas. ■ At the basis of the concept of green infrastructure is the conclusion that our current, often monofunctional land use creates all sorts of problems in terms of biodiversity, the environment (air pollution, water management, climate change...), mobility, housing quality and quality of life. Instead, green infrastructure assumes that each piece of land can have several functions or can provide several so-called ecosystem services. These functions and services can interact with and reinforce each other, but they can also interfere with each other. In the case of some local development projects and infrastructure works, it is already mandatory to draw up an environmental impact report and conduct a water assessment. In a sense this is a negative ‘either/ or’ approach: environmental damage caused by a specific type of land use is prevented. The concept of green infrastructure goes one step further. It takes all (possible) relevant functions of a certain area into consideration and aims to maximise them by seeking synergies. It is an ‘and/and’ approach which attempts to create win-win situations by interweaving functions. In other words, mutual gains are sought that combine economic, sociocultural and ecological values and interests. The focus is no longer on ‘separating’ but on ‘interweaving’. In this sense it differs from comparable concepts such as ecological networks, functional greenery or a green space strategy. Although these ecological networks and green spaces are important parts of the green infrastructure, they have a more limited scope. In case of an ecological network the ecological approach takes precedence, e.g. the protection of biodiversity. A green space strategy mainly focuses on the accessibility and recreational or aesthetic quality of individual green spaces. In case of functional greenery the risk exists that one specific function is put in the forefront, e.g. the preservation of biodiversity, recreation, adaptation to climate change or combating air pollution, at the expense of other possible functions. [table 1 ] ■ Green infrastructure can be considered as the spatial translation of - or the site-specific approach to - the ecosystem services concept on all scale levels (neighbourhood, city, region …). The European Environment Agency expressly links green infrastructure to the European land-use policy and the sustainable urban development policy (European Environment Agency 2010). The focus is no longer merely or mainly on the conservation and protection of valuable natural areas or landscapes, but it takes the whole territory of a municipality, city or region into consideration, including open farmland, recreational areas, parks, private gardens, tracksides and former industrial or landfill sites. ■ Contrary to traditional nature policy, which starts from the intrinsic ecological value and mainly focuses on biodiversity (species and habitat protection), the ecosystem services approach starts from an anthropocentric vision of nature: human well-being is central to this approach. Public support for investments in green infrastructure is increased as the ‘High quality parks and public spaces are an essential feature of successful neighbourhoods where people want to live, work, play and invest. They are vital to people’s health and the local economy.’ ▼ [Michael Bloomberg - Design Trust for Public Space & The New York City Department of Parks & Recreation 2010]

c h ap t e r 2 t h e comeback of t h e park 1 9 economic and social importance of this infrastructure, the future importance of clean air and drinking water, and the mitigation of climate change are emphasised. The expectation is that public and private organisations are more inclined to manage green spaces with care and are prepared to invest in them if it is clear that it is not just about the protection of wildlife or ‘the environment’, but that it is also in their interest e.g. since they can gain economic and social returns from such management and investments. For instance, a property developer who wants to recoup his investment as soon as possible, may be more prepared to invest in sustainable dwellings and attractive green surroundings if he realises that by doing so he can fulfil his obligations with regard to water storage and that people are willing to pay a higher price for such dwellings or offices. A municipality will be more inclined to invest in a park if it turns out that it will pay for itself through an improvement of the urban climate of life – attracting new inhabitants, investors and tourists. The same is true of a green bicycle route: a study under the authority of the Flemish Land Agency (VLM) calculated that the construction of a green cycling belt around Bruges would result in an economic gain of 5.7 million Euros, particularly thanks to a reduction in car use, a decrease in air pollution, higher real-estate prices and more tourists. The investment would be completely recovered after 13 to 20 years (Verspecht et al. 2010). Conversely, people may be less willing to sacrifice an existing green space or park to widen a street or to build a new housing development if they realise the impact this has on a specific location with regard to water management, air quality, biodiversity, mobility and livability – an impact which can even be expressed in economic terms – and the investments that would be required to compensate this loss of ecosystem services. In a sense you could argue that green infrastructure forms the bridge between ecology and economics. ■ The term ‘infrastructure’ is meant to highlight the fact that natural resources such as landscapes, coastlines, wetlands, natural areas, urban parks, street trees and their ecosystems are no side issues or additional costs, but essential conditions to be able to provide ecosystem services and enable sustainable growth and development. Green infrastructure is a type of infrastructure which is as indispensable in economic terms as the ‘grey’ infrastructure of roads, railways, sewers, gas pipes and electric lines. Green infrastructure may help to prevent or mitigate the negative impact of ‘grey’ infrastructure. For instance, a park in a densely built-up area may prevent flooding, reduce air pollution and increase biodiversity. Green infrastructure can sometimes be an attractive, sustainable and cheap alternative to ‘grey’ infrastructure. A classic example is green infrastructure for water retention and drainage, so-called sustainable drainage systems (SUDS), such as drainage ditches, ponds and rainwater infiltration systems. Research in Scotland and Sheffield revealed that its construction and maintenance can be half as ‘Green Infrastructure (GI) is the network of natural and semi-natural areas, features and green spaces in rural and urban, terrestrial, freshwater, coastal and marine areas. It is a broad concept and includes natural features, such as parks, forest reserves, hedgerows, restored and intact wetlands and marine areas, as well as man-made features, such as ecoducts and cycle paths. The aims of GI are to promote ecosystem health and resilience, contribute to biodiversity conservation and enhance ecosystem services. (…) GI also promotes integrated spatial planning by identifying multi-functional zones and incorporating habitat restoration measures into land-use plans and policies. Ultimately, GI can benefit human populations and contribute to a more sustainable economy based on healthy ecosystems delivering multiple benefits and functions.’ ▼ [European Commission Directorate-General Environment 2012]

PAR T 1 A wa l k t h r o u g h t h e park 2 0 Best practice example [ 1 ] Ostend |B| ‘Oostends Krekengebied’ nature development project 630 ha on the territory of the towns of Ostend, Oudenburg and Gistel (province of West Flanders). Oostends Krekengebied is designated as a natural area in the regional plan, but until recently it was used intensively for agricultural purposes. The area consists of five parts: - Zwaanhoek - Grote Keignaart and Kleine Keignaart - Zoutekreek, Sluiskreek and Straatkreek - the Snaaskerke clay pits - the afforestation area (Gauwelozekreek and the area between Grintweg and the A10 motorway). Management of Oostends krekengebied is carried out by: - the Nature and Forest Agency (ANB) (Zoutekreek-Sluiskreek) - the City of Ostend/vzw Buitengoed (forest on the edge of the city) - Natuurpunt (reserve plots in Zwaanhoek, Grote Keignaert, watchtower Het Rietnest) - the province of West-Flanders (Groene 62 cycle path) - Middenkustpolder (water management at Grote Keignaert and Zwaanhoek) - the Flemish Environment Agency (VMM) (water management at Blauwe Sluis) The project includes the restoration of landscapes and of the natural environment, creates facilities for quiet recreation and encompasses measures for water control and improvement of the water quality. Several measures of this project have been included in the European project ‘Urban Habitats’, which supports measures to increase the amenity value of the surroundings of cities. On 29 February 2012 the project received the ‘Duurzaam Kustproject 2012’ Award, granted by the Coordination Centre for Integrated Coastal Zone Management. Advantages of green infrastructure Restoration of the natural environment Within the scope of this project, the Flemish Land Agency (VLM) negotiated with farmers to better adjust agriculture to nature in the future. After all, Oostends Krekengebied has the potential to become a valuable natural area with a wide variation of plants and wildlife. The development works were aimed at encouraging this evolution: - The water level in Zwaanhoek has been adjusted so that water-loving birds and plants would thrive there; the owners and users have been compensated for this water level adjustment. - Buffer strips of pastures or meadows and reedbeds have been created around creeks so as to protect the banks from fertilisers and to provide birds with attractive breeding sites. - Ponds and drainage ditches have been deepened, so that they can contain more water and attract more meadow birds in spring. The drainage ditches had been filled up over the years. Recreation - A watchtower was constructed at the PlassendaleNieuwpoort canal (‘Het Rietnest’) and an observation platform was installed at the provincial cycle path ‘Groene 62’ (the old railway between Ostend and Torhout) near the confluence of Zoutekreek, Sluiskreek and Oude Straatkreek. - A cycle route was created from Oudenburg to Ostend and Zandvoorde. Water management - Individual water treatment plants were installed at the properties of private individuals and farmers to prevent domestic waste water from polluting streams and ditches. - To prevent flooding in the new Zwaanhoek residential area, a circular ditch with a pumping station was constructed around the area. Landscape - A noise bund was constructed along the A10 motorway between Ostend and Bruges. - A few overhead electricity lines were undergrounded. - Green buffers were created to hide sheds, industry and residential areas from view. Participation - Several walks were organised to involve residents. See also Part III, Case 4, p148

table [ 1 ] Matrix of ecosystem services per urban nature type c h ap t e r 2 t h e comeback of t h e park ecosystem services air filtration rainwater infiltration / transpiration cool air corridor pollination experiencing nature: silence, smells, sounds of nature, biodiversity open green space / blue space for recreational purposes embellishment through green space / stimulating environment for sustainable mobility local food production social contacts p ublic green s p ace urban forest / urban park nature reserve cemeteries river / sea / lake sports fields playground for children street trees roadside / public garden p riva t e green s p ace city garden, front garden cultivated land green roofs wall gardens (school) vegetable garden, local (CSA) farm, allotment or community garden The matrix demonstrates that various types of urban nature provide different services and that different services are provided by several types of urban nature. Source: Simoens 2010b

PAR T 1 A wa l k t h r o u g h t h e park 2 2 expensive as traditional ‘grey’ infrastructure (Bartens 2009; Wilson et al 2009). ‘Infrastructure’ also refers to something which has to be actively planned, designed, realised and managed, something which does not come about by itself and cannot be left to ‘natural’ processes but is the result of conscious choices and actions. ■ It is also crucial that the different types of green infrastructure are interconnected and form a part of a spatial and functional network. In a sense, parks can be seen as the pearls in a ‘green’ necklace. A specific location (e.g. a park or a dune system) or link (e.g. a cycle path or a river valley) can have useful functions, but cannot and does not have to provide all desired or potential ecosystem services by itself. Only by combining these locations and by connecting them spatially and functionally can the recreational, ecological, social, spatial and other effects of green infrastructure be utilised in an optimal manner. The network as a whole is larger than the sum of all individual components combined. Moreover, if green infrastructure is too fragmented, the ecological or social results will invariably be sub-optimal. Some locations can only be considered to be green infrastructure if they are part of a network. An industrial estate or an abandoned railway may in itself have little ecological or social value, but as part of a recreational or ecological network it may become valuable. The same applies to a paved urban square or a playground that is integrated into a recreational network. ■ Finally, it is a strategic planning tool. Green infrastructure needs to be considered a structural component of spatial planning and urban development policy. When it comes to spatial development, both in the country and in the city and everything in between, the existing green infrastructure has to be systematically protected and reinforced, and new green infrastructure has to be created and brought together in a network. Furthermore, green infrastructure requires an integrated and interdisciplinary approach, involving not just the ‘green’ sector but all other sectors as well. It is linked to land use, spatial planning and urban development, landscape architecture, ecology, recreation and tourism, and numerous other disciplines. Only if all these sectors and disciplines cooperate from the start in a colourful coalition, green infrastructure can be realised successfully. In this process, the colour green does not always need to predominate, as the infrastructure is the result of a colourful coalition. The point is to achieve the best possible solution at every scale level through an optimal combination of all functions. In case of a sectorial, defensive solution many opportunities for an integral, forward-looking and sustainable approach remain inaccessible. [ Best practice example 1 ] FURTHER READI NG Barton, M., & Jones, N. 200 | Benedict M.A. & McMahon E.T. 2002 | CABE Space 2009b | CABE 2011 | Ecologic Institute 2011 | EU Working Group on Green Infrastructure 2011 | Forest Research 201 | Green Infrastructure Working Group 201 | Institute for European Environmental Policy 2011 | Landscape Institute 2009 | Mayor of London 201 | Mazza L. et al. 2011 | Natural England 2009a | Naumann S. et al. 2011 | Pankhurst H. 2012 | Rother District Council 2011a | Town and Country Planning Association 2008 | University of the West of England Science Communication Unit 2012 | www.defra.gov.uk/ environment/natural/green-infrastructure/uknea.unep-wcmc.org | ec.europa.eu/environment/nature/ecosystems/index_en.htm | www.functioneelgroen.nl | www.ginsw.org.uk | www.greeninfrastructurenw.co.uk | www.value-landscapes.eu City vs. countryside: a new approach E Thanks to the city’s rediscovery and renaissance it is becoming increasingly clear that a strict separation between city and countryside, which in fact no longer exists, is not advisable anymore. A new relationship between city and countryside, new models of urbanness and rurality are required for the future. City and countryside are increasingly interdependent in economic, social, cultural and ecological terms. The vitality, livability and sustainable quality of one depend on that of the other. The issue of urbanisation is therefore no longer limited to the historic city centre and its periphery, but has become a regional question. This concerns the spatial organisation of functions of the city as well as the countryside, the transformation, diffusion or densification of the existing urban area and the spatial linking of functions as the Dutch Council for Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment (VROM) stated in its advice on sustainable urbanisation (VROM 2010). ■ On the one hand, historic town boundaries have become diffuse, and the concept of the city as a spatial reality has become uncertain. Despite the arguments in favour of a ‘compact city’ and ‘densification’, cities continue to sprawl in various European regions and the built-up area continues to expand. This process no longer takes place exclusively or mainly in concentric circles as was the case in the 19th and early 20th centuries, but is taking place in a quite chaotic manner,

c h ap t e r 2 t h e comeback of t h e park 2 3 following complex patterns which are referred to as ‘patchwork structures’ or ‘fragmentation’. On the other hand, rural areas – at least in the urbanised regions of Europe – are no longer the idyllic antithesis of the city, the residual mirror image of urbanisation. The suburban countryside has also been fundamentally changed, albeit with varying intensity, by the successive urbanisation waves and socio-economic changes. Its characteristics are increasingly urban: they are fairly densely built-up, their open space is fragmented, they contain concentrations of shopping areas ... This is why terms like diffuse city, urban field, post-urban city, dispersed city, metropolitan region and metropolitan district are used. Urban islands in a sea of countryside have evolved into an urban landscape with green fragments in densely populated areas of Europe such as South East England and the Low Countries. ■ The categories 'city' and 'countryside' have not become obsolete, but they need to be updated. A major challenge consists in organising the coexistence of a new urbanness and a new rurality. Neither the facilitation of ‘urban sprawl’ nor the protection of the ‘idyllic landscape’ should currently determine the agenda of urban development. City and countryside have become so interwoven spatially and in terms of programmes - often in a problematic and complex way - that the challenge is to improve the quality of the relationship between them and to lay out the urbanised landscape. One could say that 50% of a good urban policy is implemented outside the city, whereas 50% of a good rural policy is implemented inside the city. Sustainable development and density controls should play a key part in this. The Flemish white paper ‘The Century of the City’ emphasises that compact urbanisation (‘the city must be even fuller, the countryside even emptier’) is not the only answer to the question as to which form of urban development is the most sustainable. The scale has become too large, the functions follow their own logic, which leads to relocation. Moreover, city dwellers should not be burdened with all the negative aspects of an ‘open and urban’ land-use policy which protects green and suburban areas from additional urbanisation. In that case city dwellers bear the entire burden and there is a danger that the quality of life in the urban living environment will deteriorate even further. On the other hand, a pleasant urban climate of life with sufficient green and open spaces may ease the pressure on the countryside. Depending on the local situation, this may mean that in some cases investments are made in a good distribution of urban functions over a wider area, while in other cases investments are made in the reinforcement of the existing urban core area. ■ In case of sustainable urbanisation, the main objective should be the spatial connection of locations and flows, a ‘clustered deconcentration’ or ‘poly-centrality’, a grid with lines, nodes and meshes, divergent in nature and size. With locations inside and outside city centres for living and working, recreation, culture and nature. A patchwork of green fields and urban rooms – both central and peripheral – which melt into one another, overlap and interact, but still retain enough identity to be recognised as a ‘place’. With flows or connections between parts of the city, urban fragments in the periphery and the wider ‘metropolitan’ hinterland of the extended city. Through high-quality green zones in the vicinity of the city, the quality of life is improved and urbanisation and climate change are countered in a sustainable manner. ■ Urban green spaces can increase a city’s integration of the landscape. The presence of greenery in the city and a penetration of peripheral green space into the city or town centre improve the transition between city and countryside. While people try to protect nature in the environs at any cost, they often forget that nature does not stop at the city gates. The better the integration of urban and rural areas and the more it is spread out, the more diverse the flora in a city will be. ■ In the past, public space was almost exclusively situated within cities and the policy concerning public space was chiefly aimed at (central) urban locations. Nowadays, public space is not just situated within cities anymore. This is not just attributable to urbanisation processes, but also to changes in leisure activities. The ‘open space’ outside the city, which until recently mainly had a single function as agricultural land, forest or natural area, is gradually becoming ‘public space’, an ‘urban park’ for leisure and recreation as well as for nature development and experiencing nature. Public (especially recreational) joint use of open space is not only linked to landscape qualities (an attractive landscape, water, forests) but, especially near residential centres and in tourist regions, also to good facilities which make the space more accessible (e.g. walking trails, cycle paths and bridle paths with accompanying signposting, picnic benches and information panels) and introduce new meeting places. The same applies to (small-scale) nature development by restoring small landscape elements

PAR T 1 A wa l k t h r o u g h t h e park 2 4 (e.g. hedges, woodlands, ponds, river valleys and dunes), creating ecological corridors and managing verges along farmland in a more ecological way. To steer this functional transformation of ‘open space’ – which in fact is a soft form of urbanisation – in the right direction, it is important to formulate location-specific visions with respect for the capacity of the landscape and the natural structure. The question is not whether these transformations are good or bad as such – they are irreversible – but where they can be allowed, what land-use can protect the open space and how they can be organised to increase their quality. However, it is crucial that these spaces continue to fulfil their social or other functions and that they retain their intrinsic value as open space as well as their ecological significance. (Tempels et al 2012). ■ Within this scope, coastal areas are a special case: they are being transformed even more rapidly into man-made, artificial spaces. The population density on the European coasts continues to rise, sometimes even faster than inland. On average, the population density on the coast is 10% higher than inland. The transformation of natural coastal areas into artificial spaces is increasing even faster than the population density. The main causes of this trend are housing (in many areas this mostly concerns second homes), services, recreation and transport infrastructure. FURTHER READI NG De Rynck F. et al. 2003 | Fuchs A. 2010 | Pauleit S. et al 2010 | Samenwerkingsverband Saul 200 | Suurenbroek F. & Pais do Amaral A. 2010 | Tempels B et al. 201 | VROM-Raad 2010 Conclusion The 21st-century park DOES NOT STAND on its own The 21st-century park is no longer a more or less isolated, autonomous green space within the built-up environment where people can relax, stroll or play. As a public space of important spatial, social, economic and cultural significance, and as an ‘ecological space’ with an important role to play in matters like biodiversity, adaptation to climate change and water management, parks are part of a green structure or are integrated into a green network. These structures or networks are not limited to the urban space, they also include the entire inter-urban or metropolitan hinterland.

hooF c h apDt eS Tur 2 K 2 t h com e bac k va n e comeback of th et park h e park 2 5 Floriade 2012 (Venlo) Superkilen Park (Copenhagen) Diemerpark (Amsterdam) Latokartano district (Helsinki) The Noriyuki Inoue cycle path (Ostend)

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 2 6 ‘The era of pavement and concrete is an era of the past. We want to grow smart. We want to grow green and we want to enhance the quality of life for our citizens.’ ▼ [Antonio Villaraigosa, Los Angeles, California Mayor, March 7, 2006] Omgeving Badeschiff (Berlijn)

c h ap t e r 3 Wh y do we need t h e m ? 2 7 Strong and ‘smart’ cities and regions need strong and ‘smart’ parks. As an important part of public space and crucial green infrastructure, parks can provide a huge range of functions to man and society. Parks make cities more lively, agreeable and beautiful, they provide us with numerous recreational possibilities and ideal meeting places. They provide breathing space and make sure that the compact city remains livable as well. This way they improve a city’s or region’s housing quality and quality of life: they can keep inhabitants from fleeing the city centres and also attract new inhabitants and investors. They are therefore increasingly used as a lever for urban and regional development. Parks give structure to the city, reinforce the urban fabric and help to channel public space. Sometimes, they are a living witness to our cultural heritage. Of course, they also have an important ecological function, both inside and outside the city. Thanks to their climate-regulating and air-cleaning function, they can reduce the pressure on the environment in a way that is perceptible outside the city as well. Why do we need parks more than ever in the 21st century? We could come up with a thousand reasons. We have listed the ten most important ones in the following chapter: 1. planning and landscape benefits 2. a healthy population 3. strong and safe communities 4. recreational benefits 5. tourism benefits 6. enhanced biodiversity 7. an improved environment 8. climate mitigation and adaptation 9. places for urban agriculture 10. economic value FURTHER READI NG American Planning Association 2005 | Bade T. et al 2011 | CABE Space 2005b | Cooper C.C. & Francis C. 1990 | De Roo M. 2011 | Design Trust for Public Space and The New York City Department of Parks & Recreation 2010 | Harnik P. 2010 | Ken Worpole 2012 | Landscape Institute 2011a | Mayor of London 2012 | Natural England 2009b | Pötz H. & Bleuzé P. 2012 | Scherer P.M. 2006 | Urban Green Spaces Taskforce 2002 | www.cabe.org.uk | www. green-space.org.uk/resources/aboutparks/benefits.php | www.greenstructureplanning.eu/COSTC11 do W we n hy eed the m ?

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 2 8 Planning and landscape benefits b Parks generate considerable planning and landscape benefits: they help to give structure to the urban landscape, just like architecture they create familiarity and identity, and they contribute to the attraction of the urban landscape. ■ As part of a green-blue network, parks belong to a framework in which cultural heritage, landscape qualities and infrastructure are integrated into a coherent whole. ■ High-quality parks contribute to the beauty and attractiveness of the city and enhance the environmental and housing quality. ■ Well-designed parks contribute to a balanced spatial structure which creates familiarity, harmony, spatial coherence and identity or, conversely, may help to create spatial diversity. ■ Parks can be used to improve links between a city’s different districts and neighbourhoods and open them up. ■ Parks can be used to upgrade outdated or neglected districts and neighbourhoods or abandoned sites and/or transitional spaces; they can also generate investment. ■ Parks can contribute to an increase in the landscape value of valuable buildings or sites, or, conversely, be used as a buffer from less attractive or unsightly transport, commercial or industrial infrastructure. ■ Just like architectural icons, parks can have an important spatial and symbolic significance in the transformation of problem areas in the city. They can help to experience and value certain locations differently. ■ Parks can have considerable historic and cultural significance and value. ■ Parks are often the only or the most important ‘natural’ element in an increasingly dense and compact urban setting. ■ Parks can contribute to a more harmonious, highquality transition between built-up areas and their rural periphery. FURTHER READI NG Ahern J. 2007 | Basdevant M. et al. 2009 | Becker A. & Schmal P.C. 2010 | Benitez C.P. et al. 2007 | Czerniak J. & Hargreaves G. 2007 | De Gravelaine F. (ed) et al. 2001 | De Wit S. & Aben R. 1998 | Landscape Institute 2009 | Nicolin P. et al. 2012. | Palmboom F. 2010 | Shannon, K. & Smets M. 2010 | SWA et al. 2011 | Waldheim C. 2006 | www.cabe.org.uk | www.planning.org/cityparks | www.rudi.net A healthy population c Over the past few years dozens of scientific reports have been published which demonstrate that high-quality and accessible green space has a major impact on people’s health as well as on their mental and physical well-being. Mental and physical well-being The mere proximity of green space has a positive impact on mental and physical health. ■ The quantity of green space plays an important part in this. For instance, recent research in the Netherlands (Maas 2008) has shown that residents of neighbourhoods with plenty of green space (within a radius of three kilometres from their home) assess their health more positively than people living in a neighbourhood with little green space. This applies to both urban and rural areas. In neighbourhoods with little green space, 15% of residents consider themselves to be unhealthy while only 10% of residents feel this way in neighbourhoods with plenty of green space. The above research has demonstrated that people living in a green environment not only feel healthier, they are in fact healthier: they consult their GP about health problems less often. Notably, complaints such as anxiety disorders and depression occur less frequently, as do high blood pressure, heart conditions, back and neck complaints, respiratory conditions, gastrointestinal complaints, migraine and dizziness,. For children up to 13 years of age the relationship between green space and health is stronger than in other age groups. For youngsters and elderly people, this relationship is also stronger than in other age groups. People with low socio-economic status are also more susceptible to this phenomenon than people with high socio-economic status. This means that a park in a neighbourhood with many poor and low-skilled residents may very well have a more positive effect on people’s health than the same park in a wealthier

Va n wa a r kom e n z e ? Wa a r om hebben we ze nodig? 2 9 neighbourhood with many affluent and high-skilled residents. A possible explanation for this is that the first category is less mobile and therefore has to spend more time in the vicinity of their home. In addition, people living in a green environment can cope better with stressful situations such as the death of a relative or friend, a divorce or redundancy. In other words, green space has a buffer effect when it comes to stress. This effect has been recorded particularly in case of green spaces within more than three kilometres from people’s homes, which could indicate that people especially benefit from visiting large-scale green spaces in times of crisis. ■ Besides a relationship between the quantity of green space and health, there also appears to be a relationship between the quality of public green space and parks and residents’ health, as is shown by research conducted in four Dutch cities (Utrecht, Rotterdam, Amsterdam and ‘s-Hertogenbosch) (Van Dillen et al ‘High quality parks and public spaces are an essential feature of successful neighbourhoods where people want to live, work, play and invest. They are vital to people’s health and the local economy.’ ▼ [Manifesto for Better Public Space, CABE Space, 2004] Best practice example [ 2 ] Ostend |B| Jogging track in Maria-Hendrikapark Maria-Hendrikapark has been a popular spot for sports enthusiasts for years. When the park was renovated, a great deal of attention was therefore paid to the creation of a new and safe jogging track. The five kilometre track with starting and finishing point at the Spiegelmeer pond is marked with wooden posts indicating the direction and the number of kilometres. The track’s top surface consists of bark chippings, dolomite or red shale and makes a soft substrate to prevent sore muscles and joints.

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 3 0 2009). In neighbourhoods where a high quantity of green space is combined with a high quality of green space, the health benefit is largest. This concerns layout aspects such as structure and variation as well as maintenance aspects such as the absence of litter. Poorly maintained and neglected green spaces, by contrast, could have a negative effect on health and well-being. Physical exercise Several research programmes have demonstrated that the proximity of a park encourages people of all ages to be more physically active, which results in less cardiovascular disease, less obesity, etc. This is important to everyone, but especially children, youngsters and the elderly, who are less mobile and therefore more dependent on a park near their home (see for example De Groot 2011). The presence of a network of footpaths and cycle paths in the immediate vicinity of residential and employment zones also contributes to an increase in active transport. If the facilities in a neighbourhood or several neighbourhoods are to be used optimally, they should be interconnected by footpaths and cycle paths. [ Best practice example 2 ] The presence of green play areas will result in children playing outside more often and consequently having more exercise. This principle applies especially to boys: the more they play outside, the lower the risk of obesity. In neighbourhoods that meet the standard of 75 m2 of green space per household within a radius of 500 metres, children play outside 10% more. The presence of facilities such as play areas in parks appears to be far more important in reducing obesity than the distance to the park (Bade 2011). Development Children’s development of cognitive, motor and socialemotional skills benefits from varied, regular and direct contact with nature. Familiar, natural locations as close as possible to home offer possibilities of free exploration and motor learning, and stimulate sensory perceptions as well as experiences that contribute to personal development. Children living in deprived areas appear to be able to concentrate better and have greater self-discipline if green space is present (Health Council of the Netherlands 2004; De Groot 2011). Environment Parks can also be beneficial to health through their positive effect on the ambient climate and air quality. For instance, research has shown that respiratory health problems occur less in living environments with more green space (Maas 2008). FURTHER READI NG CABE Space 2009d | CABE Space 2010a | De Wit J. et al. 2006 | Health Council of the Netherlands and Dutch Advisory Council for Research on Spatial Planning, Nature and the Environment 2004 | Gies E. 2006 | Green Link 2010 | Greenspace Scotland 2008b | Institution Nationale de Santé Publique du Quebec (2011) | Maas J. 2008 | Sunderland 2012 | Urban Green Spaces Task Force 2002 | Van den Berg et al. 2010 | Van Dillen et al. 2009 | www.cityparksalliance.org | www.forestry.gov.uk/fr/urgc-7FRHHT | www.impala-eu.org | www.planning.org/cityparks/briefingpapers/physicalactivity.htm ‘In a Society becoming steadily more privatized with private homes, cars, computers, offices and shopping centers, the public component of our lives is disappearing. It is more and more important to make the cities inviting, so we can meet our fellow citizens face to face and experience directly through our senses. Public life in good quality public spaces is an important part of a democratic life and a full life.’ ▼ [Jan Gehl, New City Spaces, 2001]

c h ap t e r 3 Wh y do we need t h e m ? 3 1 Best practice example [ 3 ] ANTWERP |B| Park Spoor Noord This former 7 hectare railway yard in the densely built-up working-class area of Antwerpen-Noord became a neighbourhood park in 2008. Park Spoor Noord is popular among people from outside the neighbourhood as well. People from nearby areas such as Antwerpen-Zuid, Kapellen and Brasschaat mingle with the numerous local residents and spend the day gathered round the renovated repair shed / summer bar and the ponds. Under fives from the municipality of Schoten play in the sandbox with children from Croatia. Between ice creams, drinks and splashes of water a half-naked father discovers the toes of a veiled mother. This is what appeals to young urban families: unexpected encounters, shared emotions, life in a melting pot of cultures and experiences. Contact with other worlds without losing touch with the peer group – the ‘tribe’ as Manuel de Solà-Morales put it. Compare it to a toddler running towards a certain point without any fear while he/she makes certain that mom or dad is still around. It is never upsetting since there is always a way back. ‘Explorers’ decide themselves how far they want to go. A peculiar ritual takes place in Park Spoor Noord: groups of visitors divide the space among themselves. Not in a formal or aggressive way, but unconsciously. From the viewpoint of cultural geography it is a process of exploration and demarcation. Human geographer Peter Goheen wrote: ‘Citizens create meaningful public space by expressing their attitudes, asserting their claims and using it for their own purposes.’ This is subconscious, non-militant group behaviour. Informal and clearly visible ‘understandings’ arise: local ‘white’ residents occupy the summer bar with deckchairs and sunshades while residents with immigrant roots occupy the surrounding lawns and hillocks where they mingle with the local people. The water and the surrounding area are communal as well. Contact is most intense in this zone, the ‘tribes’ mingle irrevocably. Children are oblivious of the unwritten codes and make the dividing line very unclear. They constantly cross the boundaries, chased by their parents. This greatly increases the possibility for adults to make informal contacts and share emotions. Just what New Urbanites are looking for. However important children are, let us not forget that senior citizens regularly visit Park Spoor Noord as well. Sitting in a folding chair, they enjoy this island of tranquility in the bustling inner city. They shuffle arm in arm, followed by a lapdog. The smooth paths make a walk appealing. Once again, this illustrates the extent to which senior citizens’ expectations approach those of young families: a park closely resembling a garden and providing safe seclusion in all its openness. Source De Bruyn J. & Van Acker M. (2011) Zaaien op beton en 106 andere recepten voor de stad. 10 jaar Stedenfonds in Vlaanderen. Brussels. Flemish Agency for Local and Provincial Government and the civic integration policy

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 3 2 Strong and safe communities D Numerous studies have demonstrated that public space and particularly parks encourage social interaction and can contribute to social inclusion and cohesion in a neighbourhood. People from all ages, walks of life and cultural and ethnic backgrounds can meet each other there and children and youngsters play there… In densely built-up town centres and compact cities this is especially necessary. Well-designed and well-managed parks and public green space also contribute to people becoming attached to a location, being proud of their immediate living and working environment and feeling responsible for it. [ practice example 3 ] (In)equality Other research has demonstrated that high-quality green spaces and parks are less and less available in poorer neighbourhoods, often populated by people of foreign extraction (see e.g. Sherer 2006; CABE Space 2004b). For example, research by CABE (Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment) Space (2010a) found that the most affluent 20% of wards in England have five times the amount of parks per person than the most deprived 10% of wards. The study also showed that English wards that have predominantly white residents have six times as many parks as wards where more than 40% of the population are people of foreign origin. Yet the latter are the most densely built-up neighbourhoods where houses rarely have gardens, they have hardly any play areas, and they are often disproportionately affected by all sorts of nuisance and environmental problems (noise, air pollution etc.). If they do have public green spaces, these are often of low quality and poorly maintained, while well-designed and well-maintained parks can serve as a kind of ‘outdoor room’ in these neighbourhoods and play an important part in the livability, social cohesion, people’s involvement in their neighbourhood, and the safety and health of residents. (In)security Various studies claim that the presence of well-maintained public parks and recreational facilities in the living environment has a positive influence on both (juvenile) delinquency and subjective feelings of insecurity (see e.g. CABE Space 2004b; Sherer 2006). The greener a neighbourhood is, the more secure people will feel. Even women and the elderly, who are considered vulnerable groups, feel secure in neighbourhoods with a great deal of green space. However, there is an important exception: in highly urbanised areas people do not feel secure in enclosed green spaces (e.g. woodland or areas with tall vegetation) (Maas 2008). On the other hand, neglected parks and green spaces can pave the way to criminality, vandalism and antisocial behaviour, and increase feelings of insecurity (see e.g. Greenspace Scotland 2009; Green Link 2010). Participation and consultation The positive social effects of parks are reinforced if local residents are actively involved in their management or maintenance, or in educational, sports or cultural activities, for instance if they can organise a barbecue or sports afternoon (see e.g. BTCV 2008; Greenspace 2010). Allotment and community gardens can also play an important part in this respect (see e.g. Van den Berg et al 2010). [ practice example 4 ] ‘The quality of your local green space is of fundamental importance. But some people are missing out. Access to decent green space, alongside housing, health and education, is a basic requirement for a good quality of life. Public green spaces are a local resource for exercise and socialising, community events and education, and offer respite from the pressures of urban living.’ ▼ [CABE Space (2010) Community green: using local spaces to tackle inequality and improve health]

c h ap t e r 3 Wh y do we need t h e m ? 3 3 best practice example [ 4 ] Ghent |B| Bruggen naar Rabot (Bridges to Rabot): temporary use of derelict land In the Rabot neighbourhood of Ghent there is a huge 1.5 hectare concrete floor, the remains of an old electronics plant. Within the scope of the urban renewal project ‘Bruggen naar Rabot’ (Bridges to Rabot), this site will eventually be redeveloped with housing and a neighbourhood park. In the meantime the municipality wanted to breathe new life into this site through temporary use. The site has become a creative meeting place for people from the surrounding area. A large sunbathing area with artificial grass provides a venue for shows and sports events. Film nights, festivals, festivities, art happenings, open-air screenings, a bar and barbecues have already drawn many visitors from across the city. Rabot Beach offers a huge sandbox to toddlers and an exciting playground for building dens. In the driving circuit, children from the neighbourhood learn the traffic rules without effort. A children’s farm was even set up on the site. The 160 new allotment gardens have been very successful as well. Gardeners were trained in organic gardening and artists made an awning for the garden complex together with local residents. Finally, ‘Made by Oya’ is a socioeconomic project in which mainly Turkish women combine traditional handicraft techniques with modern design. The residents themselves are largely responsible for the development and management of the site. Rocsa vzw supported local residents to manage and start up the temporary use and to organise art projects together with artists and socio-cultural partners. The Community Development service of the city of Ghent has ensured the management of the allotment gardens and the neighbourhood barbecue, and has focussed mainly on the involvement of vulnerable groups. A coaching group comprising both local ‘white’ residents and residents with immigrant backgrounds supervises the site. Local residents are already appropriating this space thanks to participative management. The site therefore tells a unique story of collaboration, assuming responsibility and giving responsibility. Source De Bruyn J. & Van Acker M. (2011) Zaaien op beton en 106 andere recepten voor de stad. 10 jaar Stedenfonds in Vlaanderen. Brussels. Flemish Agency for Local and Provincial Government and the civic integration policy FURTHER READI NG BTCV 2008 | CABE Space 2004b | CABE Space 2010a | www.planning.org/cityparks/briefingpapers/ communityengagement.htm | www.planning.org/cityparks/briefingpapers/ saferneighborhoods.htm

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 3 4 Recreational benefits E ■ Survey evidence suggests that over 200 million park visits a year are made in Flanders. On average, every inhabitant of Flanders spends 54 hours a year in a park and the average visit takes about 1.5 hours. This means that the average inhabitant spends more than one hour in a park every two weeks. ■ Research in Britain (CABE Space 2010b) has demonstrated that 30 million people frequently visit parks, many of them on a daily basis. This amounts to 2.5 billion visits a year. - On sunny summer days, 56% of youngsters under the age of 16 visit a park at least once a week, 37% even do so every day. In the group aged between 16 and 19, 44% say they visit a park on a weekly basis and 28% on a daily basis. - 50% of people over 60 regularly visit a park. - 86% of parents with children under 11 years of age state that their children would rather go to the park than watch TV in pleasant weather conditions. - 87% of the British population visited a park during the previous year and 79% during the previous six months. This makes parks the most frequently used public service. By way of comparison: only 32% of the population visited a concert hall during the previous year and 26% visited a museum. ■ Research conducted in Amsterdam in 1998 and 2008 has shown that the use of parks grew exponentially compared to previous years. The number of park visits in Amsterdam nearly doubled in ten years. Recreational areas in and around the city are visited ever more frequently as well. [ graph 1 ] It has also been found that recreational activities in parks are changing. Traditional activities such as sunbathing, walking and cycling are slightly decreasing while other activities such as lunching, picnicking, reading and studying are on the rise. A new phenomenon is that people also work in the park nowadays, by means of a laptop and Wi-Fi. Remarkably, low-skilled people practise traditional recreational activities more often while highly-educated people practise ‘modern’ activities more often in parks. If we take a look at visits to neighbourhood green spaces and parks per age bracket, it is striking that the percentage of visits by youngsters aged between 16 and 20 is the highest of all age brackets. So youngsters appear to be the most frequent visitors of green spaces and parks. The number of visits to recreational areas is somewhat lower among youngsters. [practice examples 5 & 6 ] FURTHER READI NG Dunnett N. et al 2002 | Fields in Trust 2008 | IMPALA-project 2011 | Rother District Council 2007 | Play England 2009 | Shackell et al. 2008 | Simoens I. 2010a | www.green-space.org.uk | www.playengland.org.uk Tourism benefits F Parks in and around the city contribute considerably to a city’s or region’s attractiveness as a tourist destination, especially if they are part of a recreational cycling or walking network. After all, the quality standards for an attractive recreational environment are shifting from purely functional (quantity and diversity of the range of facilities) to aesthetic and visual qualities of the infrastructure and environment. Parks can also constitute a tourism asset in themselves thanks to the recreational opportunities they offer or because of their specific historic, cultural or botanical value. Conversely, a lack of parks or the presence of run-down or neglected parks and vacant lots may put visitors and tourists off. This touristic aspect is certainly important to our coastal cities and regions, for which tourism is often the principal source of revenue and which have had to deal with fierce competition over the past few decades. Of course the sea, beaches, promenades and dunes continue to be the main tourism asset of our coastal regions. They therefore need to be managed with care, while their tourism potential needs to be optimised at the same time. However, it is clear that our coastal cities and regions need to review their traditional image and strive to diversify their tourism offer and increase its amenity value. A good and varied range of parks can greatly contribute to this. ■ High-quality and well-maintained parks can contribute to the general image, attractiveness and livability of the urban environment, which is particularly important in a holiday setting.

graph [ 1 ] c h ap t e r 3 Wh y do we need t h e m ? 3 5 best practice example [ 5 ] Ostend |B| De Schorre sports park A collection of sports fields, mainly football pitches, was extended to a varied sports and recreational park with a well thought-out design. The different user and visitor groups spontaneously blend in this park. The spatial organisation encourages this blending. See also Part III, Case 4, p 148. best practice example [ 6 ] Bexhill-on-Sea |GB| New Play Zone – Egerton Park The new play zone in historic Egerton Park in Bexhillon-Sea was opened in August 2012. The design of the playground was examined during several workshops and adjusted accordingly. This interaction between the British and Belgian partners resulted in a high-quality design. See also Part III, Case 2, p 136. Visits to parks according to age n 1998 n 2008 Visits to recreational areas according to age n 1998 n 2008 Visits to neighbourhood green spaces according to age n 1998 n 2008 S ource: DRO 2008

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 3 6 The maintenance of parks in coastal cities deserves special attention, because of the large number of visitors during the high season on the one hand and due to climatic conditions (strong and salty sea breeze) on the other. It is better not to have a park than a neglected one. ■ Parks can help to increase the value of and give a contemporary appearance to traditional coastal infrastructure such as esplanades. [ practice example 7 ] ■ Parks can help to increase the tourism value of valuable buildings or sites and important landmarks, and improve their accessibility. This cultural and historical heritage (Belle Époque, Modernism, maritime, military and industrial heritage) is often typical of coastal cities and can greatly contribute to their touristic appeal; it can even create new tourism opportunities. The same applies to new developments (shopping centres, housing projects, cultural and sports infrastructure ...) [ practice example 8 ] ■ Parks that can be accessed free of charge and provide sufficient and attractive recreational and sports infrastructure can be an important supplement to the coast’s traditional recreational and tourism infrastructure. This way, certain target groups (young children, youngsters, people with a disability, the elderly) can be provided with a location for both traditional and modern leisure pursuits, also in less favourable weather conditions. Furthermore, this can help to ease or channel the recreational pressure on certain sensitive areas (e.g. dunes). ■ Parks can be the ideal setting for all sorts of sports and cultural events. Although this applies to all cities and tourist resorts, this is crucially important to coastal cities in particular. As such it enables them to expand their tourism offer, appeal to a larger and more diverse public and extend the tourist season. In addition, they can accommodate certain activities which preferably do not take place in cities on account of noise, traffic etc. ■ A network of parks and other green-blue infrastructure can generate considerable tourism benefits by linking different parts of a city and connecting the urbanised seafront in a soft and safe manner to the rest of the coast and to open landscapes, natural areas and tourism infrastructure in the hinterland. It improves the city’s accessibility for sustainable transport on the one hand; it offers additional recreational possibilities and amenity value to people who want more than just a beach holiday on the other. This network is also very important in less favourable weather conditions and outside the traditional tourist season. [ practice example 9 ] ■ Parks provide opportunities to improve the tourism image of certain locations that are not obvious tourist destinations and often even constitute a barrier between certain neighbourhoods or between urban and rural areas (e.g. an industrial estate, a residential area, harbour infrastructure, an airport) or at least open them up for recreation. [ practice example 10 ] ■ The introduction of a park atmosphere can be a way to give a more high-quality appearance to caravan parks, which are often laid out in a low-quality manner and perceived as disruptive to the landscape, and better integrate them into the environment. FURTHER READI NG English Heritage 2007a | English Heritage 2007b | Vervloesem E., De Meulder B. & Loeckx A. 2012 | Walton J.K. & Browne P. 2010 | Westtoer 2008 | Westtoer 2009 | www.planning.org/cityparks/briefingpapers/tourism.htm | www.westtoer.be

c h ap t e r 3 Wh y do we need t h e m ? 3 7 best practice example [ 7 ] Bexhill-on-Sea |GB| Linear park regenerates seafront The regeneration of Bexhill-on-Sea’s seafront, funded by the Rother District Council and with support from the Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment (CABE), included the restoration of the listed King George V Colonnade with shops, a restaurant and a new rowing club as well as the creation of a contemporary linear park on the promenade as part of the ‘Next Wave’ project. The ‘park’ is over 1.5 kilometres long and the attractive planting scheme consists of ornamental grasses as well as hardy perennials and annuals. New shelters were erected and small-scale play equipment was installed. The project was nominated for the 2012 Landscape Institute Awards and won the 2012 Editor’s Choice Award in the Street Design Awards. The jury especially praised the radical transformation of the seafront. See also Part III, Case 2, p. 136, & Case 3, p. 142. best practice example [ 8 ] Ostend |b| Duinenkerkje The wonderful Duinenkerkje church is located at the foot of the dunes connecting Ostend to Middelkerke. The charm of this picturesque little church combined with the open dune and polder landscape has inspired many painters, writers and other artists through the centuries. James Ensor, who was buried here at his own request, made various etchings and paintings of this site. The new park which is laid out round the church will become one of the ‘jewels’ in the Emerald Necklace, the green belt surrounding the city of Ostend. See also Part III, Case 4 p 148 & Case 5 p 156 best practice example [ 9 ] |b| New Coastal Walking Path Along the entire coastline The Coastal Walking Path is a pedestrian network along the Flemish coast linking all coastal towns in the area. The new network, which was developed by Westtoer, consists of two uninterrupted walking routes, one along the seafront and one more inland. Both walking routes are connected at regular intervals by an intersecting link path, so that the network looks like a ladder on the map. The icing on the cake is the signage at resting places and points of interest along the way, designed by Designer of the Year 2008 Stefan Schöning. The route contains stylish signposts, benches and picnic tables along with numerous adjoining tourist facilities and hotels. The Coastal Walking Path is not just unique in form but also in content. It connects the best the Flemish coastal towns have to offer in terms of culture, nature, maritime heritage and local colour. www.kustwandelroute.be

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 3 8 Tourism, leisure and green space The tourism and recreational potential of green infrastructure is an important issue, especially as far as coastal regions are concerned. The spatial quality of our landscapes and cities is becoming increasingly important as an attraction to remain competitive in the tourism industry. Competition for visitors is therefore at the basis of numerous investments in public space. This not only concerns museums, theatres and other cultural infrastructure but also various types of green infrastructure. Leisure initiatives are increasingly the reason for conservation, adaptation or renovation of parts of rural areas, inner cities and the rural-urban fringe. This is all the more important in places in transition where traditional functions or management forms (such as agriculture and industry) have decreased in significance or have disappeared and where new public functions and new development dynamics are needed. Traditional urban parks and natural areas are also subject to this process: visitors contribute to the required public support for sustainable preservation. Conversely, the growing recreational pressure poses a threat to spatial quality. Mass tourism and the demand for amusement and entertainment with all the infrastructure this involves can result in a large degree of ‘cluttering’ and trivialisation, a ‘Disneyfication’ of our cities and landscapes, and eventually in degradation and loss of vulnerable natural and cultural qualities on which the ‘attraction’ was originally based such as the beach and the dunes. This also applies to parks and green spaces that are progressively used for socio-cultural and sports events for which they were not originally intended and which sometimes exceed their capacity. These risks are real and cannot be ignored. It makes no sense to close our eyes to these developments or resist them. The consequences would mostly be counterproductive: an even greater trivialisation of the surroundings, further privatisation and conceptualisation of public space, and displacement of primary functions. If we take a passive stand, all we can do is impose rules to things that present themselves by chance. The Dutch Council for Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment warned in its advice on the spatial impact of the leisure industry (VROM-raad 2006): ‘By contrast, if you invest in a good understanding of the dynamics as well as the place and significance of the leisure industry, you can actively seize the opportunities that present themselves.’ The challenge is to combine the growing economic importance of leisure and tourism with the development of our cities’ and landscapes’ spatial quality in a sustainable manner. This requires, in the words of the Council, ‘a transformation of mentality and actions. We need to approach leisure and tourism as a potential designer, a crucial co-producer of spatial quality and no longer as a user that must be restrained or a disturber that must be regulated.’ ‘Successful parks pay dividends for cities—building civic pride, increasing tourism and economic investment, and contributing to health and quality of life.’ ▼ [Will Rogers - The Trust for Public Land]

c h ap t e r 3 Wh y do we need t h e m ? 3 9 best practice example [ 10 ] Ostend |B| ‘t Eilandje park The ’t Eilandje area is located between two bodies of water (the sluice dock and the Bruges-Ostend canal) and between two roads (Vicognedijk and Bredensesteenweg) in the Vuurtorenwijk neighbourhood. This vacant lot was converted into a contemporary park with a nautical and child-friendly character. The bank at Vicognedijk is intended for water sports while the bank at Bredensesteenweg became an esplanade intended for cycling and walking. This multifunctional open space is first and foremost aimed at youngsters and water sports clubs. But everyone can enjoy ‘t Eilandje: local residents who have no garden, passers-by, people cycling along the Emerald Necklace, tourists… The central meeting place is shaped like an amphitheatre. The semicircular stepped structure is an ideal venue for events or shows. Children and youngsters can play on the central lawn. The public barbecues and picnic benches can be used freely. The vegetation has been selected with a view to increasing biodiversity. The drainage ditch is an interesting habitat, since the water fluctuation brings typical vegetation with it and the presence of fresh water enhances biodiversity. The play equipment is hand-made from natural materials: willow branches. This new green lung was designed in collaboration with future users. For instance, the organisations Ibis, Sportraad Ostend, Scouts De Schorre, Zeescouts 2e FOS, Zeilschool Marine and various city services had a say in the design of this 2.5 hectare terrain. See also Part III, Case 4, p 148. © Verhelst

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 4 0 Enhanced biodiversity G Biodiversity in and around cities strongly depends on the number, type and diversity of habitats (gardens, parks, roadsides, vacant lots, brownfield sites, rivers, lines of trees, hedges and other small landscape elements) and their interconnections. Urban and periurban parks can contribute to the conservation and enhancement of biodiversity in and around cities in different ways. ■ Often parks are hot spots of biodiversity in an urban environment. Various studies have shown that parks have greater biodiversity in an urban environment than in a rural environment. The mosaic of neighbouring habitats plays an important part in this. A remarkably large number of endangered and rare plant species can often be found in these areas. Numerous native species that have disappeared from the countryside have found a new habitat in cities. In addition, an amazing number of species are only able to survive in urban environments. New species and subspecies have even developed in cities and cannot be found anywhere else. ■ The larger, older and structurally more diverse (open spaces, clumps of trees, ponds etc.) a park is, the greater its biodiversity usually is. ■ Even parks with an intensive recreational programme often contain significant biodiversity. Simple measures and nature-oriented management can sometimes enhance biodiversity in such parks as well. [ practice example 11 ] ■ A wide variety of urban habitats can be created by making use of the ecological potential in the renovation of existing parks and the laying-out of new ones. This way, opportunities arise for a wide range of plants and animals. This also contributes to the restoration of natural processes that are essential for a living and sustainable city. [ practice example 12 ] ■ Research in various countries has found that so-called brownfield sites, and lots that have been vacant for a long time or have rarely been used, are often valuable places for urban biodiversity. New urban habitat types can be created by giving such places an adequate park structure. ■ The highest density of species is observed in the ruralurban fringe, where there is a mix of all types of urban and rural habitats. A good spatial distribution as well as connections between the built-up and agricultural areas are therefore important. ■ When it comes to the conservation and enhancement of biodiversity, parks can no longer be considered little green islands as they are now crucial interconnection points in a green-blue network. Indeed, their ecological value is lower if they are isolated. Plant and animal communities have difficulty surviving in small green areas as genetic exchange is impossible. It is therefore necessary to build up a green structure in which individual areas are interconnected even if only through narrow corridors. An ecological network is thus created interlinking both small and large urban green areas. Fragmented and relatively insignificant green areas become much more important if their quality is improved and if they are integrated into a coherent structure. Once they are part of a green axis, they constitute a linear park as it were. ■ Coastal regions often have unique natural areas of special environmental importance (mud flats and salt marshes, sand dunes and cliffs, polders with ditches and brackish water) and are home to many rare species of birds and plants. Many of these areas are protected in some way or another with a view to conservation as a recognised nature reserve, an area designated under the Wild Birds Directive or under the Habitats Directive, a Ramsar site etc. However, these unique and generally sensitive natural areas are often under pressure from tourism and recreational infrastructure interests. A well-developed network of attractive and multifunctional urban and periurban green spaces can partly ease or channel this recreational pressure. Some less ‘If the care of parks was better informed by ecological principles the result would be more self-sustaining, cost-effective landscapes that provide better wildlife habitat and more locally distinctive surroundings.’ ▼ [English Nature and London Wildlife Trust, London’s natural values, 2005]

best practice example [ 11 ] Southend |GB| Ecological golf course in Belfairs Park Belfairs Park is Southend’s largest park. It boasts all sorts of recreational infrastructure such as tennis courts, a café and sunbathing areas as well as a popular golf course. Biodiversity has been drastically enhanced thanks to diversified grassland management over the past few years. Separate mowing management has been applied to the remnants of semi-natural grassland and to less used parts of the golf course, while special wildflower mixes have been sown in other places. best practice example [ 12 ] Ostend |b| The natural zone of Maria-Hendrikapark A great deal was invested in realising the ecological potential already present in Maria Hendrikapark in Ostend during the renovation of this 19th-century park. For instance, a natural zone surrounded by a dead hedge was created around the Konijnenvijver pond. Nature is given free rein in this zone. Dead wood is left in place, while people can stroll on a boardwalk and witness the natural cycle of a wood. table [ 2 ] Climate mitigation and adaptation Primary effect Icon 2100 A rise in the average temperature An increase by 1.5°C to 4.4°C in winter, an increase by 2.4°C in summer. In summer coastal regions are cooler and in winter they are warmer. Cities cause the urban heat island effect. Extreme temperatures An increase in the number of extremely hot summer days: an increase by 3.2°C to 9.5°C on 10% of the hottest summer days. A decrease in the number of frost days: an increase by 1.5°C to 6°C on 10% of the coldest winter days. A changing precipitation pattern Probably more precipitation in winter (number of days, quantity). Less precipitation in summer, but an increase in heavy summer storms, which will become more extreme and frequent. A decrease in the total amount of precipitation. An increase in the intensity of showers An increase in the number and intensity of extreme rain showers (showers that occur less often than ten times a year on average). An increase in storm intensity Change is not certain, but storm intensity is likely to increase. Wind The average wind speed will increase by 10 to 20% during the winter months. The situation in summer is unclear. Evaporation Higher evaporation rate (potential evapotranspiration) both in winter and in summer. A rising sea level Plus 20 tot plus 200 cm. De inschatting van 200 cm is gebaseerd op een ‘worst case scenario’. Water quality Change is uncertain, but water quality is likely to deteriorate. Air quality Change is uncertain, but air quality is likely to deteriorate. S ource: Ro yal Hasko ning 2011a c h ap t e r 3 Wh y do we need t h e m ? 4 1

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 4 2 sensitive parts can be integrated into such a network and opened up for well-conceived recreational joint uses. This way, public support for nature development in sensitive zones is also increased. Furthermore, such a network of parks and other green infrastructure can serve as a buffer as well as a link between natural areas which are often highly fragmented. As a result, the effect of barriers is minimised and the city becomes an integrated part of the whole landscape. FURTHER READI NG CABE 2006b | England Biodiversity Group 2011 | European Environment Agency 2010 | Heyn M. en Hermy M. 2002 | Jacobs S. et al 2010 | Natural England 2010 | Niemelä J. et al 2011 | Sandström U.G. 2008 | Town and Country Planning Association 2004 | Town and Country Planning Association and The Wildlife Trusts 2012 | UK National Ecosystem Assessment 2011 | Westtoer 2008 | An improved environment H Air quality Parks – and especially the trees in parks – can be a means to improve the air quality by absorbing particulate matter and nitrogen dioxide (NO2) and by reducing the quantity of CO2. In this respect, trees are the most effective, followed by shrubs and herbaceous plants, and finally grass and other types of ground cover. ■ Pilot studies have indicated that trees can filter about 20% of the total quantity of particulate matter, about 10% of nitrogen dioxide and 8% of ozone from the air. The effectiveness of filtration depends on the tree species (conifers are better at filtering particulate matter whereas broad-leaved trees are better at filtering gaseous pollutants) and on the tree’s location. ■ Trees also partly offset the carbon emission due to energy consumption. British scientists have calculated that, on average, 3.16 kg of CO2 are stored per m2 of green space in a medium-sized city, especially by trees. If 10% of public green space consisted of trees instead of grass, the CO2 storage capacity would increase by 12%. Depending on its location, a single tree can compensate for 3,000 to 10,000 car kilometres a year in terms of nitrogen and carbon emissions. ■ The emission of pollutants is reduced insofar as parks and green infrastructure make us use our cars less. Noise The sounds of the city and traffic are muted in parks. Parks can also be utilised as sound buffers near arterial roads or in residential areas close to busy roads. FURTHER READI NG Argante et al. 2011 | Bowler et al. 2010 | Center for Clean Air Policy (2011) | Ministerium für Verkehr und Infrastruktur BadenWürttemberg 2012 | Rijke et al. 2009 | Trees & Design Action Group 2010 | Wesseling et al. 2008 Climate mitigation and adaptation I In the coming decades, climate change will have a major impact on our environment: hotter, drier summers and warmer, wetter winters as well as extreme weather conditions with dry spells and more storms. Coastal regions are particularly vulnerable to the possible results of climate change, including erosion, rising water tables, salinisation of polders and rising sea levels. The sea level along the Belgian coast, for instance, could, in the worst case, rise from between 20 to 200 cm on average by 2100. In West-Flanders the homes of 33% of the population would be in danger of flooding. Hundreds of studies and practical examples demonstrate that green (and blue) infrastructure can play a limited yet important part in mitigating climate change, for instance through carbon capture and storage and reduced energy consumption. This part is still insufficiently recognised and integrated in spatial planning policy and spatial developments. [ See insert p. 43 & practice example 14 ]

c h ap t e r 3 Wh y do we need t h e m ? 4 3 |B| Seaside tourism and climate change Paradoxically, climate change may have a positive effect on seaside tourism in North-West Europe thanks to an increase in the number of tourists and a longer tourist season. - For many tourists, the average temperature at traditional holiday destinations such as the Mediterranean will become too high during the summer holiday period. Conditions will probably be more favourable in more temperate areas. This may result in a rise in the number of foreign as well as national tourists who opt for spending their holiday in their own country. - The duration of the tourist season may increase as well because weather conditions that are favourable for tourism would last longer on average. However, there are drawbacks: - The erosion of beaches and dunes will increase due to rising sea levels and frequent storms. Coastal infrastructure may also suffer from the growing damage. This may have economic repercussions for seaside tourism. The increase in storms may cause greater damage and a decline in tourism in the interior as well. - Restrictions may be imposed on recreational water use due to growing water scarcity in summer (e.g. low water levels in (fish) ponds, navigability of rivers and more delays at bridges and locks). In addition, drinking water may be in short supply in tourist areas like the coastal region. - To ensure the comfort of tourists in the hottest summer months, there will be more need for air conditioning. This may result in peaks in energy demand during heat waves; moreover, these peaks will be concentrated in the tourist areas. - The bathing water quality may deteriorate in the sea as well as in inland waters, but this will probably be compensated by more agreeable temperatures. Source: Toerisme Vlaanderen (2008) best practice example [ 14 ] |GB| Vulnerability assessment in SOUTHEAST England & Hastings In South East England the Partnership Board, a partnership between the South East’s local authorities and the regional economic development agency, conducted a regional vulnerability assessment. Various sectors were examined, e.g. demography, public health, (ground) water resources and economic development. The Board decided to first look at the current vulnerability: what is the impact of flooding and erosion on the region at present? The vulnerability assessment identified areas at greatest risk or ‘vulnerability hot spots’. These were identified by overlaying maps of the regional planning association containing different geographical information. Hastings Borough Council explored its local vulnerability by conducting a Local Climate Impacts Profile, a procedure introduced in the United Kingdom to investigate the consequences of extreme weather events. Heat waves turned out to have both positive and negative consequences. More tourists came to visit Hastings because of lower temperatures thanks to the sea and wind. Negative was the increase of complaints due to more noise in the streets during warmer nights. Following this vulnerability assessment Hastings Borough Council will develop a town-wide climate change adaptation ‘plus’ plan, drawing on regional and local climate impact data. Source: Future Cities 2010

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 4 4 Improvement of the ambient climate Recent research (Steeneveld 2011) has shown that cities are on average 2.3°C warmer than their surroundings. Climate change is expected to further increase this difference by 2°C. An important cause of heating in urban areas is the absorption of solar radiation by buildings and paved surfaces. Furthermore, human activities which are strongly concentrated in cities generate additional heat. Parks with trees reduce extreme temperatures in urban environments: they can diminish the ambient temperature and thus decrease the ‘urban heat island effect’. In view of global warming the importance of this will only increase. ■ Research has found that an increase in the total tree volume by 10% in urban environments can lower the ambient temperature by 3 to 5°C on hot summer days. In case of the United States, researchers estimate that every increase by 10% in tree cover (the surface area covered by the foliage of trees) results in an additional decrease in daytime temperature rise by 0.4 to 2°C. ■ The urban heat island effect is mostly due to the surface temperature. The removal of hard surfaces alone would result in a decline in the surface temperature. Its effect would be about 1°C if the percentage of hard or green surfaces changed by 10% (Bade 2010). Research in Greater Manchester, for instance, has shown that the average temperature in inner cities and densely built-up areas with less than 20% green surfaces (e.g. shopping centres and industrial estates) can rise to 31°C on hot summer days, compared to only 18°C in green areas (with 98% green space). The average temperature is 7°C lower at locations where green space occupies 50% of the total space (European Environmental Agency 2012). [ illustration 1 ] ■ If the total surface area of green space in a built-up area increases by 10%, the expected temperature rise due to global warming can be offset to a large extent. If, on the other hand, the green surface should drop by 10%, the average temperature in cities could rise by 8°C by 2080 (European Environmental Agency 2012). ■ During the day, urban parks are on average 1°C cooler than the surrounding built-up areas. This greatly depends on the type of park: parks with a great deal of paved surfaces and little planting can also be hotter (Sunderland 2012). ■ Urban parks are not just cooler in themselves; they also cool their surroundings by day and especially at night. Parks can reduce the air temperature by 4 to 6°C depending on their size and planting density. ■ Research in Berlin has found that different small pocket parks of one hectare (about the size of a football pitch) are more effective in cooling a city than one large park. The cooling effect can be significantly measured up to 300m from the park. Several smaller parks can create a larger total cooling zone than one big park (Bade 2011) [ practice example 15 ] FURTHER READI NG The importance of spatial planning policy in adapting to climate change has been investigated e.g. in the Netherlands (the Climate changes Spatial Planning programme, see www. climateresearchnetherlands.nl) and in the United Kingdom (the UK Climate Impacts Programme, see www.ukcip.org.uk/) | The scientific research project CcASPAR (Climate change And changes in SPAtial structures Research project, see www.ccaspar.ugent.be) was initiated in Flanders in 2009. Energy conservation ■ Several studies have demonstrated that a park with trees in a built-up setting can contribute to energy conservation: in winter the trees provide shelter so that buildings need to be heated less; in summer they provide shade so that there is less need for air conditioning. This last effect in particular can be fairly substantial. ■ As part of green walking or cycle links, parks can contribute to reducing car use for short journeys. Research in the United Kingdom, for instance, has found that 10% of the annual 2.5 billion park visitors use the park as a short cut to another destination (GreenLink 2010). Reduction of flooding and prevention of drought Nowadays, it is generally accepted that parks located in built-up areas can play an important part in collecting, buffering and (slowly) draining off rainwater in order to help prevent waterlogging and flooding. They can also play an important part in the prevention of drought in urbanised settings. If the climate models are correct, increasingly frequent heavy rainfall will lead to problems in cities and densely built-up areas in the future. After all, sewer systems are rarely designed for large amounts of precipitation in a short time. If these built-up areas are furthermore located in zones with high flood risk, the problem will get bigger and bigger. More unpaved surfaces In non-compacted soil covered by trees and grass, 10 to 20% of rainfall is immediately drained off and 50% is absorbed by the soil. In compacted soil, 60 to 70% of rainfall is immediately drained off and only 15% is absorbed by the soil.

best practice example [ 15 ] Stuttgart |D| climate planning strategy The climate planning strategy of the German city of Stuttgart is a prime example of heat island management. Its green infrastructure was not just planned to protect nature, but also to maximise the effects of wind patterns and dense vegetation to help cool off the city and reduce air pollution. At night, cool air currents from the hills can enter the city via ventilation corridors (wide, tree-flanked arteries). c h ap t e r 3 Wh y do we need t h e m ? 4 5 ILLUSTRATION [ 2 ] Effects of soil compaction on water runoff ILLUSTRATION [ 1 ] A comparison of the degree of soil compaction and surface temperature in Budapest S ource: Eur op ean Environment Age ncy 2010 Klimaatlas Region Stuttgart 0 0,5 1 2 3 Kilometer Analysekarte 7118 7119 7422 7423 7424 7425 7426 7427 7418 7419 7420 7421 7322 7323 7324 7325 7326 7327 7318 7319 7320 7321 7222 7223 7224 7225 7226 7227 7218 7219 7220 7221 7122 7123 7124 7125 7126 7127 7120 7121 7022 7023 7024 7025 7026 7027 7018 7019 7020 7021 6918 6919 6920 6921 6922 6923 6924 6925 6926 6927 7028 7128 6928 7228 7328 TKÜbersicht Datengrundlage: T.Nagel, Büro Lohmeyer, Karlsruhe; J.Baumüller, Abteilung Stadtklimatologie, Amt für Umwelt, Stadt Stuttgart, 2007. ATKIS-DTK25 @ Landesvermessungsamt Baden-Württermberg (www.lv-bw.de) Az: 2851.9-1/19, 2005. GIS-Bearbeitung u. Kartographie: H. Esswein, 2007. Fachliche Bearbeitung: Thermalbefliegung; Firma Spacetec, 29./30. August 2005. Kaltluftmodellierung, Windfeldmodellierung; Büro Lohmeyer, Karlsruhe, 2007. Luftbildplan; ATKIS-DOP @ Landesvermessungsamt Baden-Württermberg (www.lv-bw.de) Az: 2851.9-1/19, 2002/2003 Klimaelementekarten; DWD, Büro Lohmeyer, Karlsruhe, 2007. Verkehrsdaten; Wirtschaftsverkehrsmodell, PTV, Karlsruhe, im Auftrag des Verband Region Stuttgart, 2007. Emissionskataster; Landesanstalt für Umwelt, Messungen und Naturschutz Baden-Württemberg, 2004. Kartengrundlage: Legende Klimatope Windrose: Windrichtungshäufigkeiten. Luftaustausch Berg-/Talwindsystem: intensiver Kaltluftstrom. Hangabwinde: flächenhafter Kaltluftabfluss. Luftleitbahn unbelastet: Täler, Sattellagen. Luftleitbahn belastet: Emittenten in Tälern, Sattellagen. Bahnanlagen-Klimatop: extremer Termperaturtagesgang, trocken, windoffen, Luftleitbahn. Gewerbe-Klimatop: starke Veränderung aller Klimaelemente, Ausbildung des Wärmeinseleffektes, teilweise hohe Luftschadstoffbelastung. Industrie-Klimatop: intensiver Wärmeinseleffekt, z.T. starke Windfeldstörung, problematischer Luftaustausch, hohe Luftschadstoffbelastung (großräumig bedeutend). Stadtkern-Klimatop: intensiver Wärmeinseleffekt, geringe Feuchte, starke Windfeldstörung, problematischer Luftaustausch, Luftschadstoffbelastung. Stadt-Klimatop: starke Veränderung aller Klimaelemente gegenüber dem Freiland, Ausbildung einer Wärmeinsel, Luftschadstoffbelastung. Stadtrand-Klimatop: wesentliche Beeinflussung von Temperatur, Feuchte und Wind; Störung lokaler Windsysteme. Gartenstadt-Klimatop: geringer Einfluss auf Temperatur, Feuchte und Wind. Grünanlagen-Klimatop: ausgeprägter Tagesgang der Temperatur und Feuchte, klimatische Ausgleichsfläche in der Bebauung. Wald-Klimatop: stark gedämpfter Tagesgang von Temperatur und Feuchte, Frisch-/Kaltluftproduktion, Filterfunktion. Freiland-Klimatop: ungestörter stark ausgeprägter Tagesgang von Temperatur und Feuchte, windoffen,starke Frisch-/Kaltluftproduktion. Gewässer-Klimatop: thermisch ausgleichend, hohe Feuchtigkeit, windoffen. Belastung durch Emissionen Straße mit extremer Verkehrsbelastung: extreme Luft-/Lärmbelastung. Straße mit sehr hoher Verkehrsbelastung: sehr hohe Luft-/Lärmbelastung. Straße mit hoher Verkehrsbelastung: hohe Luft-/Lärmbelastung. Gewerbe und Industrie: relativ hohe Schadstoffemissionen. Wohnen: relativ hohe Hausbrandemissionen. Kaltluftsammelgebiete: Kaltluftsammlung in relativen Tieflagen, Kaltlufttransportbahnen. Kaltluftproduktionsgebiete: nächtliche Kalt-/Frischluftproduktion auf Freiflächen. Kaltluftbereiche Kaltluftstau durch Strömungshindernis. Bodeninversionsgefährdete Gebiete. 10% 30% 20% 55% 40% 35% 38% 30% 25% 20% 21% 10% 25% 15% 21% 5% Natural ground cover 35%-50% impervious surface 10%-20% impervious surface 75%-100% impervious surface S ource: K az mi e rczak e t al 2010; Eur op ean Environmental Age ncy 2012. S ource: Bart e ns 2009

PART 1 A wa lk through the p a r k 4 6 This has two important consequences in case of non-compacted soil: ■ improvement of soil water management: water infiltration benefits the groundwater or green spaces directly; ■ deceleration and reduction of runoff: an increase in parks and other green spaces by 10% could decrease runoff in case of extreme rainfall by 14% (European Environment Agency 2012). [ illustration 2 ] More planted surfaces Planting greatly increases the soil’s buffer capacity with regard to water. In particular trees play an important part in this process (see e.g. Bartens 2009). ■ Research has shown that tree roots can enhance the soil’s infiltration capacity by a factor of 2 to 17. Replacing grassland by trees increases the infiltration capacity by 90%. ■ Trees also extract water from the soil and vaporise it in the atmosphere, enhancing the ambient climate at the same time. A mature tree can absorb and vaporise about 300 litres of water a day; in case of smaller trees this amount fluctuates between 30 and 60 litres depending on the species. ■ In addition, trees catch a great deal of rain in their foliage, which evaporates after a shower. This varies according to the size and the species of the tree. A mature tree can catch up to 80% of rainfall, a small tree only 15%. Conifers catch more water than broad-leaved trees, especially in winter, when most broad-leaved trees have shed their leaves. Sustainable urban drainage systems We can go one step further and integrate parks into Sustainable Urban Drainage Systems (SUDS) to collect storm water (temporarily) and (slowly) drain it off. This is possible by creating drainage ditches and channels, ponds and wetlands, rainwater infiltration systems (planted depressions which flood in case of heavy rainfall), retention basins, infiltration basins etc. Using 1% of a city’s surface area for water storage can lead to a reduction of flood risk by 30 to 50%. Such sustainable urban drainage systems have numerous additional advantages: they contribute to natural water purification, prevent soil desiccation during hot summers, enhance biodiversity, and increase the park’s attractiveness and recreational value. Moreover, SUDS are often cheaper than traditional sewer systems. [ practice examples 16 - 18 ] Making a virtue of necessity We can make a virtue of necessity and treat necessary coastal defence works not just as a civil engineering challenge but also as an integral spatial planning question and link them to a tourism/ recreational and/or nature development programme. It is crucial that such works create new opportunities for space utilisation: an expansion of space for nature and recreation along the coast, further development of urban waterfronts that are safe at high tide, etc. [practice examples 19 - 22 ] FURTHER READI NG Amtes für Umweltschutz 2010 | Bade et al. 2011 | Bartens 2009 | Bowler et al. 2010 | CABE Space 2008a | CAN – Climate Action Network 2009 | Center for Clean Air Policy 2011 | City of Malmö 2012 | Committee of the Regions 2011 | Community Forest Northwest 2011 | Dunnett N. & Clayden A. 2007 | European Environment Agency 2012 | Gill S. 2006 | Gill S. et al. 2007 | Hutchings T. & Brunt A. 2009 | Kazmierczak, A. and Carter, J. 2010 | Kleerekoper et al. 2012 | Mayor of London 2006 | Ministerium für Verkehr und Infrastruktur Baden-Württemberg 2012 | Moens B. & Oosterlynck S. 2008 | Naumann et al. 2011b | Pijnappels M.H.J. & Sedee A.G.J. 2010 | Planning and Climate Change Coalition 2010 & 2012 | Pötz H. & Bleuzé P. 2012 | Shaw et al 2007 | Tjallingii S. & Jonkhof J. 2011 | Town and Country Planning Association 2007 | U.S. Environmental Protection Agency 2011 | Wilson S. et al 2009 | ec.europa.eu/ dgs/clima/mission/index_en.htm | www.defra.gov.uk/environment/climate | www.espace-project.org | www.espon.eu/main/Menu_Projects/Menu_ AppliedResearch/climate.html | www.factsproject.eu | www.functioneelgroen.nl | www.future-cities.eu | www.grabs-eu.org | www.greeninfrastructurenw.co.uk | www.klimaatonderzoek.nl | www.lne.be/themas/klimaatverandering | www.sic-adapt.eu | www.suds-sites.net | www.switchtraining.eu | www.urban-climate.org/wp3

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