NewsHawks 3 February 2023

Price US$1 Friday 3 February 2023 NEWS Mnangagwa too compromised to fight corruption: Legislator Story on Page 8 NEWS Zimbabwe’s trade with Belarus an elitist arrangement WHAT’S Story on Page 10 INSIDE SPORT Zim vs Windies: Interim WI coach Coley stays positive, has Lara to help Story on Page 56 ALSO INSIDE Zim should cut ties with the West: Lukashenko Lukashenko joins Zim's 'white gold' lithium rush

Page 2 News NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE BELARUSIAN President Alexander Lukashenko this week travelled 7 982 kilometres, the distance by air from his capital Minsk to Harare, in his first sub-Saharan visit to meet President Emmerson Mnangagwa for critical talks on bilateral issues and contracts involving his cronies, but the big deal was the country’s natural resources particularly “white gold” — lithium. Diplomatic sources who closely followed the visit of a ruler dubbed “Europe’s last dictator” told The NewsHawks that while a lot of issues were discussed during Lukashenko’s visit, the lithium rush was the pull factor for a leader who had no strong ties with countries in sub-Saharan Africa until now. Before opening the new Zimbabwean frontier, Belarus’ sphere of influence was in the Nubian region covering Egypt and Sudan. “Lukashenko was in Zimbabwe for the first time — and indeed it was his first visit in sub-Saharan Africa — for bilateral relations, business deals and geopolitical reasons. The two countries signed eight agreements in various sectors, bringing them to 20, but the real deal was lithium. It was agreed between Mnangagwa and Lukashenko in private talks,” a source said. “Besides bilateral relations and business deals, the two leaders also discussed geopolitics, including the Russia-Ukraine war.” Speaking like the late former president Robert Mugabe and calling his Western critics “vagabonds” and “frauds”, Lukashenko struck a chord of newfound friendship with Mnangagwa, a Mugabe protégé. This enabled him to quickly have a foothold on Zimbabwe to access its resources. Once Zimbabwe emerged as the country with the largest lithium deposits in Africa beyond the El Dorado story, it started attracting a rush for the “white gold” from around the world, including China, the largest importer of lithium. China has been the single largest consumer of lithium-ion batteries in recent years. It is also the world's undisputed king of battery production, with China's largest battery manufacturer, Contemporary Amperex Technology Co. Lukashenko is the first foreign leader to come to Zimbabwe to cut deals on lithium beyond the El Dorado legend. The legend of El Dorado tells the story of a place that reportedly harboured vast gold deposits somewhere in South America. For almost two centuries, expeditions were launched to find the mythical kingdom where anointed princesses were covered in gold powder and boats filled with gold pieces and emeralds were sunk as an offering to the gods. As the Werner Herzog movie brilliantly portrays, expeditions ended in tragic, expensive failures. In the 18th century, cartographic studies reduced the myth to a much less profitable and fantastic reality, an area 70 kilometres away from Bogotá, where, indeed, some gold was found, but nothing close to what the legend suggested. Lithium, a soft and silvery mineral, is at the centre of the energy transition. As countries around the world make efforts to shift towards greener economies, they need rechargeable batteries. These are used to power electrical vehicles and to store energy from renewable sources, such as wind and solar. Lithium, an essential component of these batteries as well as those in mobile portable devices, acts as a medium for energy storage. According to the most recent data, Latin America holds 60% of all identified lithium resources around the world. These are located mainly in Bolivia, Argentina and Chile, sometimes referred to as the “lithium triangle”. Lukashenko arrived in Zimbabwe on a threeday state visit on 30 January. The Belarusian leader was received by Mnangagwa at the Robert Gabriel Mugabe International Airport. The two left the airport in the same car and continued engagement at an informal dinner that evening. At the end of visit, which included a trip to Zimbabwe’s tourism mecca, Victoria Falls, Mnangagwa saw off Lukashenko at the airport — further demonstrating their special relationship. Mnangagwa gifted Lukashenko an album of photographs taken in Victoria Falls. The official part of the talks between Mnangagwa and Lukashenko took place on 31 January. The two met one-on-one and later were joined by senior members of their delegations later. After that, they signed a number of bilateral agreements and agreed to implement investment projects in various fields, which will become the basis for the further cooperation. Zimbabwe and Belarus now have 20 agreements between them. Mnangagwa played a key role in cultivating the relations since his first visit to Belarus in 2015 when he was deputy to Mugabe. He also visited Minsk as president in January 2019. That was when Lukashenko’s trip to Harare was first mooted. Mnangagwa and Lukashenko’s crony Alexander Zingman — who has played a big role in cementing their relationship — emerged the big individual winner in the deals signed in Harare. Mnangagwa’s son, Emmerson Jr, who is connected to Zingman, was involved in the activities. “(We have signed deals) in manufacturing, trade, agriculture, energy, transport and mining. We have also agreed that these contracts and the arrangements that we have reached today will become the basis for continuing our cooperation,” Lukashenko said. Following the talks with Mnangagwa, Lukashenko tackled geopolitical issues, highlighting the special place and role of Africa in the modern world. “Africa woke up a long time ago. The world has no future without Africa. It has the resources, increasing competencies, and the latest technologies. The world cannot move forward without Africa,” Lukashenko said. “Without Africa, there can be no development. Therefore, all the powers-that-be are here: the United States, China, Russia, the UK, the entire European Union and so on. The future belongs to Africa. “This is why we are here. You are our friends. We sign agreements for the sake of our peoples. We are a peaceful nation. We are not coming here the way the colonialists once did. We are bringing technology and we are training specialists.” While we heard a lot about what Belarus was going to supply — tractors, buses, timber machines and modernised grain storage complexes — there was between little and nothing said about what the eastern European nation was going to get from Zimbabwe. Lukashenko promised to build lithium processing plants if granted lithium concessions. Zimbabwe banned the export of raw lithium last year to curb foreign companies and smugglers from looting. The ban was later combined with a blanket prohibition of exports of base metals under Statutory Instrument 213 of 2022 (Referend to as Base Minerals Export Control for unbeneficiated Lithium Bearing Ores). "No lithium-bearing ores, or unbeneficiated lithium whatsoever, shall be exported from Zimbabwe to another country," read the regulation published in a government notice issued by Mines minister Winston Chitando. Belarus has joined the new scramble of Africa, alongside big global powers, with its own forum for engagement. Zimbabwe has now become its landing pad in southern Africa, especially after President Emmerson Mnangagwa shakes hands with Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko at State House this week. Scramble for Zim's minerals as Lukashenko joins lithium rush

NewsHawks News Page 3 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 the two countries signed a joint permanent commission this week. There is a new scramble for Africa, demon - strated by arrangements like the United States-Africa Leaders' Summit, China-Africa Summit, Japan-Africa Summit, European Union-Africa Summit, Russian-Africa Summit, and France-Africa Summit, among others. Britain, Germany and Belarus have their own fora and separate arrangements. Amid stinging rhetoric against his rivals to legitimise himself, Lukashenko said Zimba - bwe must not allow “vagabonds and frauds use your mineral resources”. As part of his new push to isolate big pow - ers from Zimbabwe to corner its resources for Belarus and his cronies, Lukashenko signed eight agreements of cooperation and promised more support to Mnangagwa. Zingman, Zimbabwe’s honorary consul to Belarus, struck money-spinning deals through his company, Aftrade DMCC. In the first contract signed by Zimbabwe’s Lands and Agriculture minister Anxious Masuka and Aftrade DMCC director Olga Shevko, Zingman will supply tractors and grain harvesting equipment from Belarus. The second deal for Zingman is a contract between Zimbabwe and Aftrade DMCC on cooperation in the supply of equipment manufactured in Belarus for the construc - tion and modernisation of grain storage complexes. In the third deal, there was a memoran - dum of understanding (MoU) between ex - ecutive director of Allied Timbers, Remigio Nenzou, and Aftrade DMCC for Zingman to supply Belarusian machines and equip - ment for Zimbabwe’s timber industry. The other five agreements between the two countries included one by Foreign Affairs and International Trade minister Frederick Shava and his counterpart Sergei Aleinik on the establishment of a joint permanent com - mission and another on the promotion and reciprocal protection of investments. There was also an MoU between Shava and Belarusian Education minister Andrei Ivanets on mutual recognition of education - al qualifications between Zimbabwe and Be - larus. Shava and Belarusian taxation minister Sergei Nalivaiko also signed another deal for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on incomes and on property. Harare mayor Jacob Mafume signed a twinning agreement with head of the Minsk city executive committee Vladimir Kukharev. Lukashenko said because of its vast min - eral resources, global powers will never allow Zimbabwe to be peaceful. His Mugabeist re - marks, which included scorching rhetoric on sanctions, fitted the Zimbabwean narrative and legitimised him as an authentic friend to Zanu PF. “Americans introduced sanctions against you not because you are not democratic. But because you’ve decided to take your country and mineral resources under control. You do not let various vagabonds and frauds use your mineral resources. It is the reason be - hind the sanctions. Like in the past centuries they are once again trying to bring you to your knees. But the President and the gov - ernment of Zimbabwe do not want that, hence the sanctions,” he said. “You will be subjected to stronger efforts to sow discord in your society, to bring you to your knees. But you have to endure. And you will endure if you are united, if you do not allow clashes between your own people inside the country due to some geopolitical ambitions or illusory promises of the West and America. “We have to get past this complicated pe - riod in the life of our planet no matter what. Preserve peace! If you cannot do it, you will be subjected to colonial oppression once again. “Be vigilant and careful. Don’t trust those who shout and those who jump. You can se - cure your prosperity only through your la - bour. Africa woke up a long time ago. The world has no future without Africa. Without Africa, the world cannot develop. The future belongs to Africa.” President Emmerson Mnangagwa (right) Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko in Victoria Falls. Bikita Minerals

Page 4 News NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 PRISCA TSHUMA A TECHNOLOGY company has dragged the Procurement Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe (Praz) to court, compelling the regulator to investigate a US$3.9 million contract issued by the Zimbabwe Electricity Transmission and Distribution Company (ZETDC) on the grounds that it constitutes unnecessary public expenditure. Denallare Technologies, the applicant in the case, was in 2012 awarded a tender by the ZETDC to design, configure and commission a pre-payment, vending and management system. The company created a prepayment platform responsible for the encryption and vending of electricity tokens which are used to load credit onto all pre-payment metres. Praz is the first respondent in the matter, while ZETDC, a subsidiary of the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority is the second respondent. The ZETDC, however, last year procured a new and expensive system under tender number ZETDC/INTER/07/2021, despite the existing system being at peak performance. “It was an expensive, time consuming and rigorous exercise to have completed the contract with the second respondent and to install the prepayment platform for it to now generate the encrypted tokens for the nation and to allow for the various metres supplied to have access to this service,” argued Denallare in court papers filed by Gill Godlonton & Gerrans. “The system is currently working at its peak performance and it was recently upgraded as of April 2022 . . ." The system is helping ZETDC to collect revenue of over US$350 million annually in advance for the national utility, including the historic customer debt. “As the current holder that is providing this service for the 2nd respondent and the country, it came as a surprise to the applicant that the 2nd respondent decided to go to competitive bidding process to procure a similar platform as the current, seeking to mirror the platform in a manner that would require the removal of just recently procured servers only to remove them and install new and expensive hardware from another source, to replace software and hardware that has just been upgraded to the latest technology in the sector and on brand new servers, just seven months earlier,” read the court papers. The applicant argued that the ZETDC’s decision does not comply with the objectives of the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Act (Chapter 22:23), which prefers the direct procurement method in terms of section 33, where additional services are required by a supplier and where a change of supplier would cause problems of inter-changeability or incompatibility with existing equipment. Denallare further argued that the system that controls the encryption and vending of electricity tokens for a nation is very specialised and provided by a handful of suppliers in the world. “The second respondent is now undertaking an exercise in excess of US$3 900 000, which is an unnecessary cost to the nation, when the current system upgrade was already done as part of an annual upgrade and maintenance which the applicant provides for the second respondent,” the company argued. “The applicant is concerned by how the second respondent can sign contracts with a supplier, with no known history in the region for this specialised software, and with the blessing of the first respondent, through their Special Procurement Oversight Committee (SPOC).” Denallare wrote a letter to Praz chief executive officer Clever Ruswa on 18 March 2022, informing him of the anomalies and causes for concern. The letter contained correspondence between the applicant and ZETDC from 2018 to 2022, advising ZETDC of the need to maintain its national vending system. Through the letter, and several others afterwards, the applicant sought that Praz exercises its power in terms of section 96 of the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Act, to investigate this conduct, as well as to exercise its powers in terms of section 54 (10) (c) by suspending the ongoing process while the investigation was being undertaken. “By way of a letter dated 25 March 2022, the 1st respondent acknowledged receipt of the applicant’s letter and undertook to engage the procuring entity citing the alleged needless procurement of a new system when the current upgraded system is now on new hardware which the second respondent recently purchased for this upgrade, after years of advice, leading to financial prejudice on the procuring entity and nation.” The applicant wrote a follow up letter to Praz on 22 April 2022 aftewhich the authority wrote to ZETDC on 6 May asking for responses by 11 May. Praz highlighted the issues raised by Denallare were serious. Praz informed ZETDC that it was keen to ensure the matter is addressed in line with its mandate to control and regulate public procurement and to ensure the procurement is effected in a manner “that is fair, honest, cost effective and competitive”. The ZETDC did not respond but instead signed a contract with a winning bidder, in the same tender process. The applicant engaged Praz but no response was offered for a long time, resulting in Denallare engaging the ZETDC directly. ZETDC lawyers then wrote to the company on 29 June announcing they had assumed agency for the company. On 4 July, Praz wrote to Denallare arguing that the complaint was “not of a procurement nature but more of policy issues pertaining to technical issues best determined by the end users who are the procuring entities”. Through the letter Praz effectively refused to investigate the ZETDC. ZETDC lawyers on 6 July wrote and echoed the same sentiments, stating that the complaint was a formal challenge to a procurement process which was undertaken and concluded, and therefore refused to comment. On 12 July, Praz wrote to ZETDC saying a challenge had been lodged by the applicant in terms of section 73 of the Procurement Act and requested for the second respondent to respond. Denallare however said, following advice from its legal practitioners, the company realised that it was misled by the letter, given that section 73 does not apply to the applicant and is not the nature of the request that was being made to Praz. “In any event, by the time that this letter was written, the first respondent would have been aware that the applicant was not a bidder as envisaged by the Act and the 14 day period to mount such a challenge lapsed after the winning bidder was announced,” the applicant said. “I submit that this letter is an act of misconduct on the part of the first respondent which sought to redirect and confuse the applicant, instead of employing a procedure provided in terms of Section 93 of the Act, which is more applicable in the current circumstances where an investigation of a procuring entity is warranted.” Denallare wants the High Court to order Praz to conduct an investigation into the tender proceedings of ZETDC/INTER07/2021 in terms of section 96 of the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Act within five days of the order being granted. The company also wants ZETDC to be ordered to stay the tender proceedings and any acts taken pursuant to the same, pending the completion of the investigation. Row over Zesa US$3.9m tender

NewsHawks News Page 5 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 NATHAN GUMA A US$40 000 holiday allowance paid to Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) chief operating officer Givemore Chidzidzi with chief executive Winnie Muchanyuka's approval led to Tourism minister Mangaliso Ndlovu initiating a corruption investigation at the government agency. Revelations show that the disbursement was approved by Muchanyuka and ZTA finance board secretary without the knowledge of other board members. This saw the rest of the board demanding justification — to which they failed to get satisfactory answers — leading to Ndlovu initiating a commission of inquiry to launch an investigation into the corruption allegations. The probe also involves payment of groceries allowances. The five-member special investigation committee was appointed by Ndlovu through a Government Gazette published on 27 January 2023, headed by the Public Service ministry’s permanent secretary Simon Masanga. The committee was mandated to investigate the policy on holiday allowances for the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority chief executive officer. Minister Ndlovu also tasked the committee to probe the policy on Chidzidzi’s holiday allowances and check: “Whether there are any reference provisions for Acting Chief Executive Officer to get holiday allowances as stated in the letter from Office of the President and Cabinet . . .” “If the Chief Executive Officer benefitted from Chief Operating Officer allowances? If so how much . . .) “How payments were effected and whether there was Board concurrence for Acting Chief Executive Officer to get Holiday allowances at Chief Executive Office level . . .” “If there are any breaches in terms of the corporate Governance Act — if so, what are the recommended remedial measures . . .” “And if there are any loopholes/gaps identified in the allowance system and make recommendations to prevent such occurrences in future.” The ongoing investigation will also probe the ZTA board to establish how grocery allowances were paid out during the Covid-19 period. It is also probing any acts of foul play on whether there was a board resolution for Covid-19 allowances to ZTA board members. Revelations show that a section of employees was paid grocery allowances without the knowledge of the board, which also led to a demand for satisfactory answers. The committee has also been tasked to investigate any legal breach, and whether this was provided for in terms of the Corporate Governance Act, and also to ascertain how long the board members received the grocery allowances and the total cost in monetary terms. “On both issues, the committee may raise other pertinent issues in terms of the Corporate Governance Act [Chapter 10:31] and will be guided by the Corporate Governance Act to ensure transparency, fairness and professionalism in the assignment,” said Ndlovu in the Gazette. Muchanyuka replaced Karikoga Kaseke as ZTA CEO in June last year, who had resigned in 2021 due to ill health. She was on the board of the Tourism Business Council of Zimbabwe and the Chinhoyi University School of Tourism before joining ZTA. She has vast experience in the aviation industry with a stint as an air hostess for Air Zimbabwe and Swiss Air. She also worked as an executive for South African Airways. Prior to her taking over in June, Chidzidzi has been acting CEO for some months. After Muchanyuka’s appointment, it was decided that he needed US$40 000 in holiday allowances, without the knowledge of the board. ZTA top official’s US$40 000 holiday allowance investigated ZTA chief operating officer Givemore Chidzidzi

Page 6 News NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 THE Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (Zimra) has been ordered to surrender over 100 000 litres of petrol and trucks seized from a local trucking company after it emerged this was unlawfully done. This follows a successful lawsuit by the company, Ajara Trucking Logistics (Pvt) LTD (Ajara), whose trucks have been grounded at Chirundu Border Post with a consignment of 107 512 litres of fuel since December last year. Ajara filed an urgent chamber application against Zimra last year complaining that the tax regulator did not give reasons why the fuel and trucks were seized. According to court papers, sometime last year, Ajara was contracted by one of its clients to transport petrol from Mozambique to Zambia via Zimbabwe. The company dispatched two haulage tankers which passed through Forbes Border Post from Mozambique into the country headed for Zambia. In December 2022 and at Chirundu Border Post, Zimra seized the company’s two haulage tankers plus the horses and all fuel contained therein. No written reasons were given against the mandatory requirements. Upon there were demands for the release of the trucks and the petrol, Zimra later alleged that some seals on the tankers had been tampered with. But the company complained this was not fair. “Supposing the allegation of the seals having tampered with is anything to go by, that does not form a basis for seizing applicant’s trucks and consignment as the quantity and quality standard of the petrol in both tankers is still the same as it was loaded and declared at Forbes Border Post, after numerous tests/ measurement at Zimra’s behest,” said lawyers representing the company. “The petrol in question is not contraband. It was lawfully declared and ought to reach its intended Zambia destination. “Delinquent or errant behaviour, if any, of the applicant's drivers cannot be visited on the applicant as our law distinguishes between an owner of a vehicle and a person in charge of vehicle that is used to transport goods,” the court was told. Ajara sought an order in terms of the Administrative Justice Act setting aside a decision of Zimra and also a spoliation order. In his founding affidavit, the company owner Ronald Ajara said Zimra had unlawfully deprived him of his petrol and trucks. “Zimra’s notices of seizure are generalised/ standard forms onto which Zimra simply inserted the details of the vehicles and the quantity of the petrol without promptly specifying or particularising what sort of conduct/offence on the part of the applicant necessitated such administrative decision." Ajara also expressed concern that his fuel could be wasted. “The petrol consignment is highly flammable especially in hot weather. It is also prone to vaporisation and , particularly in hot weather conditions. It is heavily regulated and categorised in our law as a hazardous substance that requires pre-clearance before it arrives at a border post. “Fuel tankers are not allowed to be stationed at a border post beyond three hours hence the pre-clearance process. “Respondent’s continued detention of the consignment endangers human safety and surrounding property. “It is unthinkable that the petrol tankers with a total of more than 100 000 litres of unleaded petrol are parked in the open and in the middle of border infrastructure and other persons’ vehicles and property. Should any fire outbreak affect the trucks, the fiscus will needlessly be forced to compensate the applicant over a product/goods that are in transit and of no benefit at all to our country." High Court judge Justice Webster Chinamhora upheld Ajara’s application. He ordered the immediate release of the fuel, further stating that Zimra did not follow due process. “I am satisfied that the applicant has shown that it was deprived of its trucks and fuel on board those trucks without its consent and in circumstances where the respondent did not follow due process. “I am satisfied that in terms of s4 [section 4] of the law, this court can review the decision of the respondent upon demonstration that s3 of the same legislation was not complied with . I return to the respondent point in limine on propriety of the application before me and conclude that it has no merit,” ruled the judge. The High Court Sheriff was directed to attach from Zimra at Chirundu Border Post, 53 644 litres of petrol seized under notice of seizure (number 005685L) and 53 868 litres of petrol seized by Zimra. Zimra was also directed to release a haulage horse (registration number AEZ7438); a tanker (Reg No. AEZ7022); a tanker (Reg No. 005687L) and a horse (Reg. No. AEG9297); a tanker (Reg. No. AEZ7042); a tanker (Reg. No. AEZ7018). — STAFF WRITER. Zimra ordered to surrender 100 000 litres of seized fuel

NATHAN GUMA/ PRISCA TSHUMA THE parliamentary Public Accounts Committee (PAC) has called for an immediate audit into government ministries, departments and agencies as revelations show millions of dollars could have been lost to corruption scandals during the Covid-19 pandemic, The NewsHawks has learnt. While the actual amount is not known, PAC says most of the funds are yet to be accounted for since the start of the pandemic, with audits yet to be thoroughly done. The revelations come at a time when Zimbabwe’s corruption fight is in a shambles, as shown by the country’s latest ranking on the Corruption Perception Index (CPI), released by Transparency International Zimbabwe (TIZ) this week. Zimbabwe maintained 23/100 score, placing it 157th out of 180 countries, only four points above the bottom 10. Government ministries have been failing to account for their procurement processes during the Covid-19 pandemic, according to findings by the PAC in a report presented by Dzivaresekwa MP Edwin Mushoriwa at an all-stakeholders' meeting on procurement convened by TIZ this week. Findings by PAC have shown that the ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare is yet to account for a ZW$89 022 103 windfall meant to cushion vulnerable people affected by effects of the Covid-19 pandemic. The report availed to The NewsHawks shows that some of the allowances processed through the NetOne platform in July 2020 for 873 beneficiaries at ZW$300 each had not been collected from Buhera and Umzingwane District Social Welfare offices, which is said to have been caused by poor record keeping by the department. In another instance, the same address was used by over 1 107 beneficiaries making it difficult to track them. According to the committee, the ministry has been showing lack of seriousness in dealing with the issues. “The explanation from the Ministry was not satisfactory to the Committee as the internal audit referred to should have been conducted and concluded before the commencement of the Committee’s enquiry. The Committee had no option but to note the Ministry officials’ lack of seriousness in addressing the anomalies. “The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) and Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc) should institute investigations on the issue of duplicate beneficiaries with a view to prosecuting those guilty of any wrong doing within 180 days of tabling this report,” it read. More illicit deals show that millions are yet to be accounted for, with some retail outlets failing to deliver food items paid for since the pandemic. “A sample of documents reviewed revealed that groceries worth $2 998 078 were procured from April 2020 up to the time of the audit in December 2020. There was no evidence that the Provincial Office developed a procurement plan for the goods that were to be procured for the Quarantine Centres,” according to the report. Government departments have also been failing to account for donated fuel. According to the report, the Mashonaland Central Provincial Social Welfare Office issued 780 litres' worth of fuel coupons without supporting fuel requisitions for the period. PAC says the ministry’s failure to submit to a list of beneficiaries and the purpose for the fuel used is construed as an attempt to conceal theft, hence the need for investigations by ZRP. Recent reports by the Auditor-General have also shown that the ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare has been failing to account for fuel meant for disaster management. According to the Auditor-General's 2021 AG’s report, the ministry failed to account for thousands of litres of fuel donated to the government to alleviate the effects of drought and other natural hazards under the National Drought Fund, raising questions of accountability. Findings revealed that some funds were misappropriated to non-Covid-related costs, which PAC says needs regularisation. “The Auditor-General (AG) observed that funds amounting to $581 945 were disbursed for refurbishment of Gweru Infectious Diseases Hospital through the Municipality of Gweru in order to mitigate the spread of Covid-19 disease. The Department of Public Works in Midlands Province was tasked to carry out all the procurement processes on behalf of the Municipality. “Funds were redirected to refurbish Mkoba 1 Clinic and there were no supporting documents and progress reports to support usage of the funds. Consequently, the Hospital remained not fully equipped thereby rendering it unsuitable to fight the Covid-19 pandemic. “The use of funds on non-prioritised Covid-19 costs may have been for a noble cause. "However, officials must at all times operate within the legal framework. In this instance, authority should have been sought,” according to the report. Zimbabwe is no stranger to shoddy procurement deals in times of disaster, some of which have seen misuse of public funds by various departments, raising public outrage. For instance, in 2020, Zimbabwe’s health ministry was caught pants down in the Draxgate scandal that resulted in the dismissal of former minister of health minister Obadiah Moyo on the allegation of abuse of office by corruptly issuing US$60 million in tenders to supply Covid-19 test kits and medical equipment to obscure companies linked to the political elites. The deal saw tenders being given to the shadowy company, with a surgical face mask being sold at US$28, among other inflated goods. This is contrary to the initial cost of the masks which cost US$2 for 50 units. During that period, the ministry of Finance also took over the procurement of vaccines after the ministry of Health debacle, an act that was shrouded in secrecy and misrepresentation. Minister of Finance Mthuli Ncube claimed that Zimbabwe had used over US$100 million from the budget surplus to procure vaccines and other accessories. According to the state-run The Herald of 23 September 2021, Ncube was quoted as saying Treasury had used US$127 million to procure Covid-19 vaccine doses and 15 million syringes from various countries to boost the national vaccination programme. However, upon interrogation in December 2022 by Parliament for the Special Drawing Rights (SDR) funds availed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Ncube claimed to have used part of the fundsto procure vaccines, according to the report. NewsHawks News Page 7 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 Urgently audit Covid-19 funds: MPs Dzivaresekwa MP Edwin Mushoriwa Finance minister Mthuli Ncube

Page 8 News NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE BINGA North legislator Prince Dubeko Sibanda says President Emmerson Mnangagwa cannot fight corruption because he is compromised by vested interests of his family's corrupt business undertakings conducted with impunity. Sibanda made the remarks in Parliament yesterday. He made the remarks in Parliament on Wednesday while contributing to a debate on Mnangagwa’s last State of the Nation Address (Sona). “Mr Speaker Sir, then when it comes to mining, contrary to the promises that were made in the State of Nation Address, leakages and smuggling has actually increased in this country between the time when the President was speaking and now,” Sibanda said. “What is most worrying is that the people that are mostly involved in this smuggling of precious minerals from this country are people that are close to his inner circle, including his own children. “Hon Speaker, we cannot talk of corruption and the President cannot really stand up and say I am talking about corruption and that I am going to curb corruption when as I speak currently, there is an ongoing case of corruption in Victoria Falls that involves one of the sons of the President where he intends to forcefully possess a piece of land that has been under the lease of an internationally renowned and operating tourism company. “Hon Speaker, our fear is that when corruption is coming from the First Family and when corruption is coming as if it is impunity, investors will shun investing in this economy,” said MP Sibanda. At that point, temporary Speaker William Mutomba interjected and asked the legislator if he was sure of what he saying. “Order Hon Sibanda, what you are debating or raising, are you pretty sure that the son that you are talking about is the son to the President or it is similarity of names?” said the temporary Speaker. However, Sibanda stood his ground. “Hon Speaker, for avoidance of doubt, I am a legal practitioner, a registered one, so I am aware of what I am talking about. I am not speculating and I am sure what I am saying is on record . . .” he said. The legislator was again deterred from continuing with his reference to the First Family’s corruption on the basis that the Victoria Falls case in which he implicated Mnangagwa’s son was before the courts, but he argued further: “No, the one that I am talking about is not before the court. I am talking about a case in which an internationally renowned tourism company is being dispossessed of its land by a son of the President who gave this State of the Nation Address. I am saying there is no investment that can come in a country that has got corruption.” Earlier, legislator for Norton Temba Mliswa had also told the National Assembly that Mnangagwa during his Sona did not strongly speak against corruption. “The issue of corruption was not hit hard in the Sona, yet it has become cancerous. Corruption has become more dangerous than sanctions.” “In fact, we have lived with sanctions, which are now our friends. We now know how to go around them, but corruption is constantly being taken to different levels. So, the issue of corruption, the illicit flows which are there, the drugs which you are talking about, the mutoriro and guka is corruption. Who is bringing them in? A society is dying because of that and the issue of drugs was very important at the end of the day,” he said. In December last year, the United States government announced sanctions against one of Mnangagwa’s sons, Emmerson Mnangagwa Jr, accusing him of corruption, together with businessman Kuda Tagwirei’s wife Sandra Mpunga, as well as Sakunda Holdings’ chief marketing and public relations officer Nqobile Magwizi and Obey Chimuka. The First Family has also been implicated in corruption around sectors such as mining and procurement. In 2020, the First Family’s ally Dellish Nguwaya was caught up in a US$60 million scandal that became known as Draxgate in which he allegedly faked papers to get a tender for medical supplies. The First Family was also implicated in a case in which Zimbabwe Miners' Federation president Henrietta Rushwaya was caught at Robert Mugabe International Airport trying to smuggle six kilogrammes of gold to Dubai. Gift Karanda, an accomplice in the case, was quoted in a leaked police memo as alleging that the gold belonged to First Lady Auxilia Mnangagwa and her son Collins. Mnangagwa is also close to Zimbabwe’s honorary consul to Belarus, Alexander Zingman, who is implicated in a trail of murky deals in Zimbabwe through his company Aftrade, which recently clinched trade agreements with the government after benefitting from other deals in mining and machinery supply. Some of the estimated 10 000 miners in Mberengwa who were scrambling for lithium ore at Sandawana Mine were captured on audio recordings accusing an unnamed son of the First Family for having looted thousands of tonnes of their raw minerals. A few days later, Beitbridge Border Post officials intercepted a consignment of lithium ore on three haulage trucks belonging to one Bernard Tafadzwa Mnangagwa. This was after the government banned exports of raw lithium with immediate effect in an effort to promote value addition of minerals and support local production and employment creation. The ban was effected through Statutory Instrument 213 of 2022 titled Base Mineral Export Control (Unbeneficiated Lithium Bearing Ores) Order, 2022. Mnangagwa too compromised to fight corruption: Legislator Binga North legislator Prince Dubeko Sibanda

NewsHawks News Page 9 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE ZIMBABWE’S honorary consul to Belarus Alexander Zingman, a close associate to President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his counterpart Alexander Lukashenko, was the biggest winner in trade agreements signed this week by Harare and Minsk. Zingman, who sparked outrage last year when he got a US$62 million murky deal to supply local authorities countrywide with fire engines, got three lucrative deals to supply equipment and machines to Zimbabwe through his company Aftrade DMCC. While the other five agreements were mutual in nature and diplomatic, Zingman’s deals signed on Tuesday were purely commercial and will see him pocket undisclosed amounts of money that could run into millions of dollars. In the first contract signed by Zimbabwe’s lands minister Anxious Masuka and the director of Aftrade DMCC Olga Shevko, Zingman will supply tractors and grain harvesting equipment from Belarus. The second deal that will benefit Zingman through his Aftrade DMCC company reads: “Contract between the Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe and Aftrade DMCC on cooperation in the supply of equipment manufactured in Belarus for the construction and modernization of grain storage complexes.” Under the third deal, there is a memorandum of understanding (MoU) between the executive director of Allied Timbers Limited, Remigio Nenzou and Aftrade DMCC for Zingman to supply Belarusian machines and equipment to Zimbabwe’s timber industry. Belarus opened its embassy in Zimbabwe last year in July. The other five agreements between the two countries included one by foreign affairs ministers Fredrick Shava and Sergei Aleinik on the establishment of a joint permanent commission and another on the promotion and reciprocal protection of investments. There was also an MoU between Shava and Belarusian education minister Andrei Ivanets concerning mutual recognition of educational qualifications between Zimbabwe and Belarus. Shava and Belarusian taxation minister Sergei Nalivaiko also signed another deal for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on incomes and on property. Harare mayor Jacob Mafume signed a twinning agreement with head of the Minsk city executive committee, Vladimir Kukharev. In the past, Zingman entered into trade deals with Harare in gold mining, as well as supplying the country with buses and agricultural equipment. Zingman is an ally of Belarusian strongman Lukashenko, besides his cosy relationship with Mnangagwa. The dodgy businessman, who was detained for 12 days in March last year in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, was named in the Pandora Papers as one of two Belarusians who used shell companies in the Seychelles and the United Kingdom to mask their involvement and conflict of interest at the heart of the deal. An investigation by the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) in partnerships with The NewsHawks revealed Lukashenko’s front man, Viktor Sheiman, was dispatched to Zimbabwe in March 2018 to negotiate trade and business deals for his government. Indications are that Sheiman paved the way for a gold mining deal between his son Sergei Sheiman and other Belarusians like Zingman with offshore accounts. Investigations by OCCRP revealed that the mining deal was presented as a collaboration between the two countries, and Sheiman said it was intended to make “profit for Belarus”. But in fact, the new joint venture, Zim Goldfields, reported OCCRP, was secretly coowned by Sheiman’s son, Sergei, with no stake for the Belarusian state. Sergei Sheiman’s partner in the gold venture was Zingman. OCCRP further reported that Zingman was detained for 12 days March last year in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. A Press release by his Dubai-based company, Aftrade DMCC, specified that the reason for the incident was arms dealing allegations, which Zingman flatly denied. He was released without charge. According to OCCRP, documents from the Pandora Papers — a massive leak to the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists of nearly 12 million documents from 14 offshore corporate service providers, shared with media partners around the world — show how the two Belarusians used shell companies in the Seychelles and the UK to mask their involvement and the conflict of interest at the heart of the deal. OCCRP reported that 30% of Zim Goldfields was held by Zimbabwe’s state-owned mining company, the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC), but the other 70% was controlled by a UK shell company, Midlands Goldfields Limited. Its ownership was masked by a proxy — UK records name Robert Michael Friedberg as the director of the company — but leaked documents from the Pandora Papers show that Friedberg was acting on behalf of its owners as a nominee for a Seychelles entity with a similar name: Midlands Goldfields Foundation. And that entity was owned by Sergei Sheiman and Zingman, who had both reportedly been part of the March 2018 mission to Harare. Both shell companies appeared to have been created specifically to take advantage of the opportunity afforded by Viktor Sheiman’s official visit to Zimbabwe: Midlands Goldfields antities in both the Seychelles and UK were incorporated just a few months before his trip, and Zim Goldfields was set up shortly after. The NewsHawks and OCCRP also reported that Sergei Sheiman and Lukashenko’s adminis tration did not respond to questions sent by OCCRP. Aftrade DMCC, Zingman’s Dubai-based company, denied that Zingman had any involvement with the gold venture, despite his name, contact details, passport number and signature appearing in company records for Midlands Goldfields Limited. Alpha Consulting, which set up Midlands Goldfields in the Seychelles, said it complies with all local and international regulations and runs background checks on its clients and the source of their wealth. “Mr Zingman has no links whatsoever with either Zim Goldfields or Midland Goldfields Limited,” Aftrade DMCC said in a written response at the time. “Mr Zingman is also not involved in any business relationships or existing companies with Mr Sergei Sheiman,” the company added in a separate statement. Sheiman — Lukashenko’s right hand man — has been to Zimbabwe several times. Shieman and Zingman have been linked to arms dealings, although they deny it. The deals, worth US$350 million, were followed up on later that year in September. This involves agricultural equipment and buses, which seem to be a cover for other money-spinning deals, especially on mining and possibly arms trade. Zingman cut some of his best deals while flying his friends and executives in a luxury jet around the world. In 2020, Zingman penned an ambitious US$58 million deal with Zimbabwe in what was touted as a bid to revolutionise the agriculture industry. The first batch of modern farm machinery was shipped to Harare, including 20 grain harvesters for wheat and maize, 100 tractors, and 52 seed drills in 2020. The agricultural deal was signed in 2018, with Belarus providing farming machinery and advanced technology to Zimbabwe, as well as training for local farmers in cultivation, seeding, irrigation, and crop harvesting. It also provided the project with long-term financing for the acquisition of equipment. Through Zingman, Mnangagwa’s government imported buses and agricultural and mining equipment from Belarus, but only a few details on the deals have emerged. Zingman is the major link between the opaque multi-million-dollar deals being conducted by Harare and Minsk. Mnangagwa has pivoted towards Belarus as the Zanu PF government expands its economic ties to eastern Europe. This has been particularly galling for Zimbabwean rights activists, who see the eastern European country’s human rights record as a red flag. Zingman has been accused of being involved in several arms deals in southern Africa. Zingman biggest winner in Zimbabwe-Belarus deals Zimbabwe’s honorary consul to Belarus and close friend of President Emmerson Mnangagwa, Alexander Zingman.

Page 10 News NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 BERNARD MPOFU BILATERAL trade figures between Zimbabwe and Belarus have largely been negligible, accounting for less than 1% of this country’s commerce despite the noisy hype of diplomatic relations between Harare and Minsk, a new report by ZimStat has shown. The eastern European country has since 2019 emerged as one of Zimbabwe’s key allies after Russia, China and the United Arab Emirates as President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s administration continues with the Look East Policy, a mechanism guiding Harare’s diplomatic interactions and relationships with other countries, which was pursued by his predecessor Robert Mugabe after the country faced international isolation. According to the Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency's latest trade figures, Belarus is neither in Zimbabwe’s top 10 export nor import destinations, raising suspicion that the economic diplomacy between the two countries could be benefiting elites and cronies linked to President Mnangagwa. The ZimStat report titled Trends in External Trade shows that the country’s top 10 export destinations include the biggest trading partner South Africa (46.56%), United Arab Emirates, China, Belgium, Mozambique, Zambia, Sudan, Canada, Germany and Botswana closing the list with 0.53%. Other countries collectively account for 10.43%. On the import side, neighbouring South Africa still maintains poll position, accounting for 40.76% and Hong Kong has the least with 1.14%. Other countries account for 15.34%. When asked to furnish The NewsHawks on the exact trade figures between Zimbabwe and Belarus, ZimStat director-general Taguma Mahonde promised to provide the figures. The NewsHawks did not get the figures at the time of publication despite several follow-ups with the ZimStat communication department. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko arrived in Harare on Monday for a historic threeday state visit seen as a follow-up to the US$350 million mega deals signed between the two countries three years ago. In 2019, the two countries signed a memorandum of understanding establishing a joint permanent commission on co-operation. There was also a memorandum of understanding on the co-operation, organisation and support of the joint Belarusian and Zimbabwean construction in which the late Foreign Affairs and International Trade minister Sibusiso Moyo represented Zimbabwe while Chief of Presidential Affairs General Colonel Victor Sheiman represented Belarus. Some of the areas of co-operation that were heralded when the two countries signed a pact include energy, manufacturing, transport, logistics and development of agriculture. But the absence of a competitive bid on who is supplying equipment such as tractors, and the non-disclosure of term sheets of the deals have raised more eyebrows. This time around, Zimbabwe and Belarus signed eight agreements in agriculture and energy and these include the establishment of a permanent joint commission which will oversee the implementation of the agreements. According to ZimTrade, Zimbabwe’s imports from Belarus amounted to US$23.4m in 2021 down from US$30.7m in 2020 and the country mainly imported tractors and fertilisers from Belarus. Zimbabwe’s exports to Belarus amounted to US$2.5m in 2021 up to November 2022 from US$328 000 during the comparable period in 2020. Tendai Biti, former Finance minister under the inclusive government whose tenure ended in 2013 and was widely credited for stabilising the economy after it crashed in 2008, said Belarus is here for the exploitation of Zimbabwe’s natural resources and Harare’s diplomatic relations with Belarus mirrored Russia’s growing influence on the African continent. “Belarus is just here to plunder Zimbabwe. The non-full disclosure of concessions and mining rights that have been granted to the Belarusians speaks to just another scramble for Africa. Zimbabwe is at the dinner table and they are busy knifing it out,” Biti said in an interview with The NewsHawks. “The second thing is that Belarus is part of the complex Russian ambitious plan for Russification of the world, so when you see Lukashenko you have seen Putin here. So Zimbabwe is being a willing tool in the Putin agenda of destabilising the world.” According to the ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Belarus, Minsk has established diplomatic relations with 51 of the 54 countries of the African continent and all the states of the Middle East. “The broadening of cooperation with 67 dynamically developing countries of Africa and Middle East and 11 international regional organisations is gaining an importance for strengthening the so-called 'far arc of partnership' as an element of the balanced foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus,” reads a statement on the Belarusian Foreign Affairs ministry. “Belarus traditionally maintains the relations of friendship and mutual support with African and the Middle East states in a variety of universal international organizations, primarily within the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement, and holds observer status in the largest regional organizations, namely the African Union and the Arab League. Cooperation with priority partners in the Middle East and Africa — Egypt, Israel, Syria, South Africa, the Gulf states — maintains its positive trend.” Belarus held political consultations at the level of deputy foreign ministers with Mozambique and Iraq (June 2021), Egypt (September 2021) and Qatar (September 2021), with Kuwait (November 2021), as well as with the Russian Foreign ministry on issues of cooperation with the countries of Africa and the Middle East (November 2021). The ministry further says “economic diplomacy” remains of particular importance for the Republic of Belarus, with its export-oriented economy. “A key area of cooperation between the Republic of Belarus with the countries of Africa in trade and economic sphere is to expand exports of goods and services. A systematic work is conducted to enter new markets in the African continent,” the ministry says. President Emmerson Mnangagwa (right) with Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko in Harare Zim’s trade with Belarus a tiny drop in the ocean

NewsHawks News Page 11 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE DEPUTY Chief Secretary in the Office of the President and Cabinet Office, George Charamba, has justified the presence of President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s son, Emmerson Jr, at a high-level State House meeting of Zimbabwe’s top government officials and the visiting Belarusian delegation led by the eastern European country’s autocratic leader, Alexander Lukashenko. Emmerson Jr was caught on camera clad in formal designer suit dress code and Mnangagwa’s trademark scarf seated among ministers from both Zimbabwe and Belarus at a closed door meeting headlined by Lukashenko and the Zimbabwe’s leader at State House on Monday. The meeting was the first that Lukashenko held at State House after touching down at the Robert Mugabe International Airport. Emmerson Jr was again spotted the following day at another high-level event where Lukashenko and his delegation visitied the National Heroes' Acre to lay wreath on the grave of unknown soldiers. While the Heroes' Acre event included scores of other ordinary citizens, it was his presence at the State House closed-door meeting which raised fears that he attended to represent the personal interests of the First Family in unannounced business deals with Belarus. However, in an interview with The NewsHawks, Charamba said there was nothing sinister in Mnangagwa’s son attending Monday’s government-government meeting between Zimbabwe and Belarus at State House. He described the meeting as a private luncheon. “Who determines the composition of the delegation of the President? Is it NewsHawks? The people whom you saw there were they constituted by The NewsHawks? “The point I am trying to ask is, the people who attended the meeting were they appointed to be there by The NewsHawks? Why do you have to ask about one individual who attended the event instead of asking about the rest of them? “Was it a meeting or it was lunch? Were you there or you want to know so that we tell you? Now, that was a lunch. A private lunch. The President has a right to bring in part of his household because that is a social function. It does not need books. “Did you not see the table full of food? If you did not see the food, it means the food was yet to be placed on the table. There is nothing that you need to understand. The NewsHawks has nothing to do in it. “What you do in the newsroom . . . do we ask you who constitutes your newsroom and what each of them do? Did I ever ask your credentials to say what are you doing at The NewsHawks?” he said. When asked whether Emmerson Mnangagwa Jr was representing Mnangagwa’s personal interests at the meeting, Charamba said: “You have a problem together with your organisation in that you have a preferred reading which you want me to confirm, which I will not do. From today, you must know that you have no right to ask who constitutes the delegation of the President,” he said. Emmerson Jnr is the first born of President Mnangagwa and his wife Auxilia. He is the eldest son in a family of two other children, Sean and Collins, who are twins but his father, however, has other children from other marriages. Emmerson Jnr is regarded as the closest child to the President by virtue of being his eldest son whom in the traditional realm that his father so much believes in must be his heir apparent. He is well-known among politicians, academics, diplomats, investors, and religious clerics such that when he married Leya Mnangagwa (nee Travis), the two tied the knot at a ceremony which was attended by the country's business and political elites, including the likes of the late Zanu PF stalwart Simon Khaya Moyo and prominent musician Prudence Katomeni-Mbofana, among other dignitaries. He enrolled for his degree in Australia in 2004 majoring in business finance and marketing, but was subsequently deported in 2007 following pressure from the opposition in Zimbabwe to have politicians' children deported. The President’s son has had a hand in politics after being voted secretary for information and publicity for the Midlands Zanu PF youth league in 2013. However, last year in December, the United States Treasury Department sanctioned Emmerson Jr, on corruption-related issues and his involvement with businessman Kudakwashe Tagwirei and his company Sakunda Holdings, which were singled out for sanctions related to alleged corruption and human rights violations in 2020. The US Treasury also slapped sanctions on Tagwirei’s wife Sandra Mpunga, Nqobile Magwizi, and Obey Chimuka, and two companies controlled by Chimuka, Fossil Agro and Fossil Contracting, for their involvement with Sakunda. While Emmerson Jnr’s presence at the State House meeting this week raised eyebrows, former vice-president Kembo Mohadi's attendance of state functions has sparked controversy. This is also coupled with his continued drawing of taxpayer-funded perks. Mohadi resigned from the government in March 2020 following sex scandals and is currently a second secretary in the ruling party, but he has been playing official roles on behalf of President Mnangagwa’s administration. He represented Zimbabwe last year at the funeral of ex-Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe in Tokyo accompanied by eight aides. The travel bill was picked up by Finance minister Mthuli Ncube using taxpayers’ money. Representing Zimbabwe, Mohadi was part of the 4 300-strong cosmopolitan gathering of mourners who included various world leaders like United States Vice-President Kamala Harris, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. The former Beitbridge MP blew taxpayers’ money on travel, allowances, accommodation at plush hotels and living costs in Tokyo, one of the most expensive cities in the world. Before Mohadi could return to Zimbabwe from Tokyo, another revelation of his involvement in government activities emerged. A leaked government document revealed that Mohadi was going to draw resources from the government. Felix Chikovo, the acting chief director for traditional leaders support services in the ministry of Local Government was quoted in a memo dated 28 September 2022 directing the “acting director administration” to process fuel coupons for “pending department activities”. The activities included the installation of three chiefs — Nemanwa, Nemashakwe and Benhura — as well as a “selection meeting”, for Chief Chirumhanzu. The four events were allocated 6 200 litres of fuel. On the third item, the memo said that there will be a “VP Mohadi Tour of Mashonaland Central 4-12 October 2022” for which 1 960 litres of fuel would be allocated to Mohadi and his entourage. The cost of the fuel allocated to Mohadi at the prevailing average market rate of US$1.55 per litre is approximately US$3 000. In April last year Mohadi lit the independence torch at Khami Monument on the outskirts of Bulawayo, way after resigning from the government on sex scandals in another development that showed his continued enjoyment of taxpayer funds. Charamba justifies Emmerson Junior’s presence at meeting with Belarus chefs From left: Alexander Zingman, President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his son Emmerson Jr. — File photo

Page 12 News NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE BELARUSIAN leader Alexander Lukashenko, not recognised in Europe and the United States after stealing the August 2020 presidential elections, has urged Zimbabwe to cut ties with Western nations, calling them “vagabonds” and “frauds”. This comes as President Emmerson Mnangagwa is desperately pushing for re-engagement with the Western international community to end isolation and Britain to go back to the Commonwealth. Speaking through an interpreter while addressing members of the Press at State House, Lukashenko claimed that the West has harmful intentions against Zimbabwe and Belarus. He blamed sanctions imposed on the two countries due to gross human rights abuses. He also claimed that there is likelihood that Zimbabwe can be re-colonised if it does not resort to a tough stance against the West. “I always tell my people, I tell you now, use your own minds, think for yourselves. Don’t let the West deceive you or trick you into anything . . .” “You will see Western nations trying to sow dissension among you, trying to bend you over, to put you on your knees. You should and must survive, you will survive if you stand united, if you will not let discord separate your nation over some illusory democratic values.” “What you need to do is preserve peace in your country, avoid confrontation that is how you will survive, otherwise you will once again get under colonial rule, don’t let it happen,” he said. The West and United States contribute the largest foreign aid for Zimbabwe. Since Zimbabwe’s Independence in 1980, the US government has provided over US$3.5 billion to the people of Zimbabwe, including initiatives to increase food security, support economic resilience, improve health outcomes, and promote democratic governance. Between 2019 and 2020 alone, the UK's total aid to Zimbabwe stood at £113.5 million. Lukashenko’s fallout with the West worsened on 17 August 2020 when the members of the European Parliament issued a joint statement which stated that they did not recognise him as the president of Belarus, considering him to be persona non grata in the European Union (EU). On 19 August 2020, EU member states agreed to not recognise the results and issued a statement saying that the presidential elections were not free and fair. The governments of the United States, United Kingdom and Canada have also refused to recognise the results. In an interview on 22 August, Josep Borrell explicitly stated that the EU does not recognise Lukashenko as the legitimate president of Belarus in the same manner that it does not recognise Nicolás Maduro as the legitimate president of Venezuela. Lukashenko also has ties with Vladimir Putin and is helping the Russian leader progress with his aggression against Ukraine which has attracted condemnation from Western countries. The Minsk strongman is also unpopular with the West due to his undemocratic practices. Under the amended Belarusian constitution, if the House of Representatives rejects his choice for prime minister twice, he has the right to dissolve it. His decrees have greater weight than ordinary legislation. He also has near-absolute control over government spending; Parliament can only increase or decrease spending with his permission. However, the legislature is dominated by his supporters in any event, and there is no substantive opposition to presidential decisions. Indeed, every seat in the lower house has been held by pro-Lukashenko MPs for all but one term since 2004. He also appoints eight members of the upper house, the Council of the Republic, as well as nearly all judges. Cut ties with the West: Lukashenko President Emmerson Mnangagwa (right) with Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko in Harare

NewsHawks Page 13 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 OWEN GAGARE ALTHOUGH Zimbabweans in the diaspora are not allowed to vote from their host nations, their cash remittances back home are fast growing and helping to keep the country afloat. Last year, remittances scaled US$1.66 billion, a 16% increase from US$1.43bn in 2021. Meanwhile, total international remittances rose to US$2.8bn from US$2.4bn The Monetary Policy Statement presented by Reserve Bank governor John Mangudya on Thursday showed that South Africa, which is host to millions of Zimbabweans, dominates the remittances sources with a staggering 40% contribution or US$583 375 863 of the remittances which came through money transfer agencies. It is followed by the United Kingdom, which contributed US$361 681 114 or 25% of the remittances. The UK also has a large number of Zimbabweans. The US contributed 11% of remittances with US$158 920 458, followed by Australia with 6% as well as Canada and Botswana with 3% each. Malawi, Ireland, Germany and New Zealand contributed 1% each, while the rest of the world contributed the remaining 10%. A total of 88% of the remittances came through money transfer agencies while 12% came through banks. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s administration has over the years come under heavy criticism for wanting to abuse diasporans by encouraging them to remit and luring them into investing millions of dollars in the country, while denying them the right to vote. Addressing thousands of people at the Independence Day celebrations in Bulawayo last year, Mnangagwa was mum on the right of Zimbabweans dotted across the globe to vote, although he spoke about diaspora investments. Two days later, his cabinet said it was creating a diaspora-friendly environment policy framework that will assist the country to harness social, economic, political and cultural dividends which would help spur development in the country. “The promotion of investments by diasporans in their country is part of the Second Republic’s engagement and re-engagement thrust. Diaspora remittances have been one of the key foreign currency contributors in the past,” then acting Information minister Jenfan Muswere said. “The development of a comprehensive policy and strategies will unlock knowledge and skills transfer; diaspora direct investment; and philanthropic works. Government, on the other hand, will avail industrial shells and land to eligible diasporans for the construction of specialist hospitals and industrial parks and any other areas or sectors. “Government will also facilitate the establishment of joint ventures between diasporans and landowners for the production and export of high quality agricultural products and any other sector for investment.” In his presentation to cabinet, Foreign Affairs minister Frederick Shava said the engagement with the diaspora will contribute to the country’s economic development. An inter-ministerial committee chaired by Shava and deputised by Finance minister Mthuli Ncube put in place to push its entities and corporates to ensure a friendly environment to lure diasporans into investing in the country. “In addition, the consular services abroad will be strengthened in order to issue civil registration documents, visas and work permits. A diaspora bond will be listed on the Victoria Falls Stock Exchange by the ministry of Finance and Economic Development once finalised.” “It was further resolved that a One-Stop Service Centre for diaspora investment applications be set-up at the Zimbabwe Investment Development Agency (Zida) to expedite the processing of the proposals,” Muswere said in his post-cabinet briefing. Millions of Zimbabwe are outside the country, mainly in countries like South Africa, Botswana, United Kingdom, Australia, the United States, as economic and political refugees. Many of them fled the country at the height of the political and economic crisis that has persisted over the years. RUVIMBO MUCHENJE RESERVE Bank of Zimbabwe governor John Mangudya says the foreign currency auction system indicated that the central bank has managed to clear 91% of the forex demand as at 31 December 2022. In a Monetary Policy Statement released on 2 February 2023, Mangudya said the auction disbursed close to US$4 billion during this period. “In 2022, a total amount of US$1.1 billion was allotted on the foreign exchange auction, representing 91% of the total bids submitted. Since the introduction of the auction system, cumulative allotments amounted to US$3.7 billion as at 31 December 2022,” he said. He added that there was a significant increase in foreign currency demand from small to medium enterprises during this period as compared to the corresponding period in 2021. “The share of the MSMEs sector continued to increase from 17% during the first half of 2022 to 22% in the second half of 2022,” said Mangudya. The foreign exchange auction system was introduced in 2020 to assist importers with forex. Mangudya adds that this initiative helped stabilise hyper-inflationary foreign exchange rate. “Foreign currency auction system remained a key source of foreign currency for the economy, fostering stability in both the foreign exchange and goods markets. The foreign exchange market was generally stable during the second half of 2022, as reflected by stability in the goods market.” He added that the forex auction coupled with the introduction of gold coins had helped arrest market volatility. “The combination of tight monetary policy through high policy rates and the liquidity-mopping effects of the gold coins and the foreign exchange auction system played a pivotal role in achieving price and exchange rate stability in the economy.” “The Bank introduced gold coins in July 2022 as both an alternative retail investment product for value preservation in the dual currency system and a liquidity mopping instrument over and above the foreign exchange auction system. The gold coins have been well received with 25 188 coins valued at ZW$20 billion having been sold as at 13 January 2023. The bulk of gold coins, 84% were bought by corporates while purchases by individuals accounted for 16%.” “To enhance confidence in the foreign exchange market and meet the requirements of users of foreign exchange, the Bank cleared all allotment backlogs and is now current with allotments. Going forward, the Bank will ensure that allotted funds are settled within 14 days from the date of the auction as per the Foreign Exchange Auction Rules,” Mangudya said. Diaspora keeps Zim afloat but no vote Foreign Affairs minister Frederick Shava RBZ auction clears 91% foreign currency demand — Mangudya Monetary Policy Special Report

Page 14 News NewsHawks Monetary Policy Special Report Issue 117, 3 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE RESERVE Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) has announced that gold deliveries in the year 2022 increased by a record 19% to 35 tonnes amid concerns that the government’s Gold Incentives Scheme (GIS) was largely benefitting politically connected persons, mainly President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s close ally Pedzisayi “Scott” Sakupwanya — a Zanu PF councillor. Sakupwanya and his Better Brands Jewellery (BBJ) company pocketed US$460 million in revenues in 2021 alone at the expense of artisanal and small-scale miners. While Sakupwanya is minting money through gold, artisanal and small-scale miners are struggling to survive. In the latest RBZ Monetary Policy Statement (MPS) government raked in 35.2 tonnes of gold between 1 January and 31 December 2022. Part of the statement reads: “Gold deliveries to the government’s sole buyer Fidelity Gold Refinery (Private) Limited (FGR) increased by 19.1% to 35 280.07 kgs for the period extending from 1 January to 30 December 2022, from 29 629.62 kgs delivered during the same period in 2021.” “The annual contribution by primary and small-scale gold producers increased by 0.3% and 30.4%, respectively, during the period extending from January to December 2022. The Gold Incentive Scheme put in place by Government in 2021 has had a significant effect on the deliveries of gold to FGR by the small-scale gold producers,” reads part of the statement. However, as earlier reported by The NewsHawks last year, the incentive scheme, which was introduced in 2021 to boost gold deliveries to Zimbabwe’s sole authorised gold buyer, Fidelity Printers and Refiners (FPR), has left artisanal and small-scale operators at the mercy of big gold buyers who are making a killing at their expense. Under the current GIS, delivery of 20kg of gold within a period of 30 days is eligible for a 5% incentive, a tonne 7% and one to three tonnes 9%. However, a survey by The NewsHawks revealed that artisanal and small-scale miners, who constitute a bigger percentage of Zimbabwe’s current gold deliveries, are receiving between one to 1.5% from the current gold incentives, with some getting nothing at all. Development experts say if the country was well-run and managed, the abundant gold alone could form the basis of an economic rise, while its valued-added chains of production and crosschain activities could become a catalyst for progress. City states like Singapore and other Asian Tigers became economic giants without the natural resources that African countries like Zimbabwe are endowed with. They only had vision, leadership and development plans. There are also reports that Zimbabwe continues to lose US$100 million a month through gold smuggling. Gold deliveries shoot up amid cronyism concerns Businessman Pedzisayi “Scott” Sakupwanya

NewsHawks News Page 15 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 Monetary Policy Special Report OWEN GAGARE THE Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) sold gold coins worth more than ZW$20 billion as of mid-January, helping to mop up liquidity while contributing to exchange rate and price stability. The central bank introduced gold coins in July 2022 as an alternative retail investment product for value preservation in the dual currency system and a liquidity mopping instrument over and above the foreign exchange auction system. In his 2023 Monetary Policy Statement released yesterday, RBZ governor John Mangudya said: “The gold coins introduced by the Bank in July 2022 also significantly contributed to exchange rate and price stability. The coins have proved to be an effective open market instrument for mopping up excess liquidity in the economy and a retail investment product for preserving value for investable funds. “The combination of tight monetary policy through high policy rates and the liquidity-mopping effects of the gold coins and the foreign exchange auction system played a pivotal role in achieving price and exchange rate stability in the economy.” Mandudya said the gold coins had been well received, with 25 188 coins valued at ZW$20 billion having been sold as at 13 January 2023. “The bulk of gold coins, 84% were bought by corporates while purchases by individuals accounted for 16%,” he said. “The gold coins have a vesting period of 180 days after which the Bank can buy them back from the investors.” The central bank introduced smaller denominations in November 2022 to cater for people with lower savings. “As at 13 January 2023, the smaller denominations accounted for 38% of all sales,” Mandudya said. He said the central bank would continue availing gold coins on a demand-driven basis as it seeks to promote a savings culture and provide alternative investment instruments to the public in the dual currency system. Last month, a local asset management firm, Bard Santner, made good on the call to make gold in Zimbabwe — through gold coins — an investment asset class. Bard Santner Investors made the first move in promoting the RBZ initiative by launching a unit trust, the Bard Santner Gold Coin Unit Trust. The instrument is designed to ensure financial inclusion and contribute to the resuscitation of a savings culture in Zimbabwe. The underlying asset of the unit trust is the Mosi-oa-Tunya Gold Coin issued by the RBZ. The gold coin, due to its price, has generally not been accessible to the majority of Zimbabweans, especially those with lower amounts to save. In this initiative, Bard is the fund manager responsible for investing unit holder funds, while CABS is the trustee. The trustee keeps the fund assets in custody on behalf of unitholders. The minimum investment is set at US$120. Alternatively, investors can invest in monthly instalments of US$15 or equivalent in Zimbabwean dollars at the bank rate, making gold accessible to all as an investment asset class. ZW$20bn gold coins sold RBZ governor John Mangudya

Page 16 News NewsHawks Monetary Policy Special Report Issue 117, 3 February 2023 NATHAN GUMA ALL banks are in compliance with core capital levels that comply with the minimum capital requirements, except for the People’s Own Saving’s Bank (POSB), the monetary policy statement released by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) this week has shown. The policy statement comes at a time when international financial institutions are predicting a downgrade in Zimbabwe’s gross domestic product (GDP). Last week, securities firm Morgan and Co predicted a 2.5% drop in GDP, a 1.3 percentage point drop from the 3.8% envisaged by Treasury, further downgrading from 4.6% projected in the November 2022 supplementary budget. Despite the forecast, the RBZ has confidence in the banking sector. Core capital refers to the minimum amount of capital that a savings bank or a savings and loan company must have on hand in order to comply with central bank regulations. According to the monetary policy statement, the banking sector was adequately capitalised as at 31 December 2022, with all banking institutions in compliance with the prescribed minimum capital adequacy ratio of 12% and tier-1 ratio of 8%. The average capital adequacy and tier-1 ratios were 37.15% and 26.92%, respectively. The central bank says Zimbabwe’s banking sector capital position is considered adequate to absorb unexpected shocks or losses as well as ensuring business continuity. “The banking sector remains well capitalized with adequate levels of liquidity, high earnings performance and low levels of non-performing loans,” read the policy statement. While the December 2022 liquidity ratio is lower than that of other months in 2022, it has been higher than the 30% set benchmark. The ratio had been on a free-fall from December 2021 to December 2022. In December 2021 the ratio was pegged at 64.27%, 61.38% in March, 60.78% in June, 59.51% in September and 59.50% in December. Aggregate core capital increased by 114.62% from ZW$284.74 billion as at 30 June 2022 to ZW$611.11 billion as at 31 December 2022. “The growth in core capital was mainly attributed to the capitalisation of retained earnings (including revaluation gains from investment properties, translation gains from foreign exchange-denominated assets) and capital infusion by shareholders,” read the statement. On the other hand, Standard Chartered Bank is finalising its recapitalisation processes pending the disposal of the institution by its shareholders, while the capital position of ZB Building Society is dependent on the outcome of the current strategic initiatives within the group. StanChart has been compliant on the capital adequacy ratio (CAR) while being non-compliant on the prescribed minimum core capital. In line with the approval to recommence banking business, Time Bank, another institution compliant with the CAR only, was permitted to gradually meet the prescribed minimum capital requirements in terms of its strategy which provides for a phased approach to conducting banking activities. “The Bank will continue to monitor progress periodically to ensure ongoing compliance with prescribed minimum capital requirements,” read the statement. With independent external audits for the financial year ended 31 December 2022 underway, the external audits and the capital verification exercise by the central bank are expected to confirm the core capital levels declared by banking institutions. POSB has failed to meet minimun capital requirements. Banks in compliance with core capital levels Capital position of ZB Building Society is dependent on the outcome of the current strategic initiatives within the group. Monetary policy highlights l Bank policy rate from 200% per annum to 150% per annum; l Annual inflation is expected to progressively decline to close the year in the range of 10- 30%; l Gold deliveries increased by 19.1% to 35 280.07 kgs for the period extending from 1 January to 30 December 2022, from 29 629.62 kgs delivered during the same period in 2021; l Medium-term Bank Accommodation Facility for the productive sectors of the economy (including individuals and MSMEs) reduced 75% from 100% per annum; l Minimum deposit interest rates on savings and time deposits adjusted to 30% and 50% per annum respectively; l Total forex receipts stood at US$11.6 billion against payments of US$8.6 billion; l Cumulative auction allotments stood at US$3.7 billion as at 31 December 2022 which the Bank has settled in full; and l RBZ has no plans to withdraw the gold coins in the short and medium term.

NewsHawks News Page 17 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 MORRIS BISHI CITIZENS' Coalition for Change (CCC) councillors in Chiredzi are pushing for the recovery of land stolen from Chiredzi Town Council by the previous councillors and management exposed in a recently released report by an investigation team appointed by former Local Government minister Saviour Kasukuwere in 2016. The push for the implementation of the recommendations by CCC councillors is despite the involvement of one of their own, Gibson Hwende, the town chairperson who also received 46 stands in 2014 as part of his share when all councillors resolved to loot the local authority which is known for its bankruptcy. The acting town secretary, Weisley Kauma, who was the town engineer between 2014 and 2016, is also implicated in the report, raising fears that the findings will not be discussed in any council meeting as the two men at the helm of council are beneficiaries of the corruption scandal. A CCC councillor told The NewsHawks that together with his colleagues they were going to raise the issue at a full council meeting which was supposed to be held on Thursday, but the meeting was cancelled. He said the two men at the helm of council are implicated in the report and at this period they should be suspended to allow the full implementation of the report. "We wanted to discuss the issue yesterday (Thursday), but the meeting was cancelled. Those who are supposed to chair meetings are involved in the scandal and as l see it the findings of the investigations are genuine. The implementation is also tricky since the ministry only released the report without writing to council giving us direction, but as elected officials it is our duty to recover what was stolen from the people," said the councillor who requested anonymity. Chiredzi town chairperson Hwende said he is yet to officially see the report and cannot comment on something which is circulating on social media. "I am yet to see the contents of the Alpha Nhamo report. l cannot talk of what l am seeing on social media, this it is something which is not official. I am currently out of Chiredzi and will only comment after seeing an official document," said Hwende. Town secretary Kauma said council will do nothing with the report which was released seven years after investigations. He said there is a police report made against former town chairperson Francis Moyo by two residents and will only wait for the outcome. "To tell you the truth as council we will do nothing about the report. We will not discuss its contents in any meeting since there is a police report made at CID Chiredzi by two residents against former chairman and we will only wait for the outcome," said Kauma. Boniface Mutemachani and Clemence Saidi, who are both Chiredzi residents, recently made a police report at the Criminal Investigations Department in Chiredzi and their lawyers Chadyiwa and Associates wrote a letter to the Officer-in-Charge in Chiredzi enquiring about the progress of the report and on Tuesday this week Chief Inspector Simango who is the Officer in Charge at Chiredzi Police station responded to the letter instructing the lawyers to request for the report details from CID Chiredzi. Moyo told The NewsHawks that he is not aware of any police report against him and rubbished the corruption allegations, saying all they did as council was above board. Former Local Government minister Saviour Kasukuwere Councillors want stolen land returned

Page 18 News NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 BERNARD MPOFU THE International Monetary Fund (IMF) has warned that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has fuelled geopolitical fragmentation which could affect weaker economies like Zimbabwe amid concerns the world could be on the precipice of trade wars as the states become more balkanised. Russia invaded Ukraine on 24 February last year in a full-scale armed conflict which disrupted the global supply chain of cereal, oil and gas resulting in some economies experiencing unprecedented inflationary pressures. According to the latest IMF world economic outlook, global growth is projected to fall from an estimated 3.4% in 2022 to 2.9% in 2023, then rise to 3.1% in 2024. The forecast for 2023 is 0.2 percentage point higher than predicted in the October 2022 World Economic Outlook (WEO) but below the historical (2000–19) average of 3.8%. The IMF says the rise in central bank rates to fight inflation and Russia’s war in Ukraine continue to weigh on economic activity. It further says the rapid spread of Covid-19 in China dampened growth in 2022, but the recent re-opening has paved the way for faster-than-expected recovery. Global inflation, the IMF predicts, is expected to fall from 8.8% in 2022 to 6.6% in 2023 and 4.3% in 2024, still above pre-pandemic (2017–19) levels of about 3.5%. “The war in Ukraine and the related international sanctions aimed at pressuring Russia to end hostilities are splitting the world economy into blocs and reinforcing earlier geopolitical tensions, such as those associated with the US-China trade dispute,” the IMF reads. “Fragmentation could intensify — with more restrictions on cross-border movements of capital, workers, and international payments — and could hamper multilateral cooperation on providing global public goods. The costs of such fragmentation are especially high in the short term, as replacing disrupted cross-border flows takes time.” An escalation of the war in Ukraine, the IMF says, remains a major source of vulnerability, particularly for Europe and lower-income countries. “Europe is facing lower-than-anticipated gas prices, having stored enough gas to make shortages unlikely this winter. However, refilling storage with much-diminished Russian flows will be challenging ahead of next winter, particularly if it is a very cold one and China’s energy demand picks up, causing price spikes,” the IMF says. “A possible increase in food prices from a failed extension of the Black Sea grain initiative would put further pressure on lower-income countries that are experiencing food insecurity and have limited budgetary room to cushion the impact on households and businesses. With elevated food and fuel prices, social unrest may increase.” The report shows that since October, sovereign spreads for emerging market and developing economies have modestly declined on the back of an easing in global financial conditions and dollar depreciation. “About 15 percent of low-income countries are estimated to be in debt distress, with an additional 45 percent at high risk of debt distress and about 25 percent of emerging market economies also at high risk. The combination of high debt levels from the pandemic, lower growth, and higher borrowing costs exacerbates the vulnerability of these economies, especially those with significant near-term dollar financing needs,” the report reads. “Persistent labour market tightness could translate into stronger-than-expected wage growth. Higher-than-expected oil, gas, and food prices from the war in Ukraine or from a faster rebound in China’s growth could again raise headline inflation and pass through into underlying inflation. Such developments could cause inflation expectations to de-anchor and require an even tighter monetary policy. “A premature easing in financial conditions in response to lower headline inflation data could complicate anti-inflation policies and necessitate additional monetary tightening. For the same reason, unfavourable inflation data releases could trigger sudden re-pricing of assets and increase volatility in financial markets. Such movements could strain liquidity and the functioning of critical markets, with ripple effects on the real economy.” As reported by The NewsHawks last week, winds of a renewed Cold War between the United States and Russia — thunderously manifesting itself in Ukraine through iron and blood — swept across the southern African region this week as Russian Foreign minister Sergey Lavrov visited South Africa to meet his counterpart Naledi Pandor, five months after his American opposite number Anthony Blinken was in Pretoria. While Lavrov was in South Africa asserting Russia’s influence in Africa, US ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield travelled to Ghana, Mozambique and Kenya this week to advance mutual priorities following December’s US-Africa leaders' summit in Washington DC. The moves heightened the ongoing geopolitical rivalry and turf wars between Washington and Moscow in southern Africa and across the continent. Other global powers and small states are also involved in the new scramble for Africa. The US has been trying to muscle out Russia from the region to a point of coming up with a law that would oblige Washington to punish African governments that abet Russian “malign” activities on the continent. Russia has deep historical roots in the region, only surpassed by former colonial powers in Africa. The Countering Malign Russian Activities in Africa Bill passed in the US House of Representatives on 27 April 2022 by a huge bipartisan 419- 9 majority and was sure to be passed by Senate to become law. The US seems to have put it on ice — at least for now. If implemented, it would direct the US Secretary of State “to develop and submit to Congress a strategy and implementation plan outlining United States efforts to counter the malign influence and activities of the Russian Federation and its proxies in Africa”. The bill broadly defines such malign activities as those that “undermine United States objectives and interests”. The secretary of State would have to monitor the actions of Russia’s government and its “proxies” — including private military companies (clearly Wagner is in the sights) and oligarchs. Russia has significant economic and military ties with Africa. Washington would have to counter such activities effectively, including through US foreign aid programmes. It would need to “hold accountable the Russian Federation and African governments and their officials who are complicit in aiding such malign influence and activities”. The bill was introduced to Congress on 31 March 2022 and was clearly a response to Russia’s 24 February 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Several other punitive laws aimed at Russia — including one directing the administration to gather evidence of Russian war crimes in Ukraine — were introduced at about the same time. Russia was also hit with a wave of new sanctions by the US and its allies around the world. Zimbabwe is also under targeted American sanctions due to policy clashes and a fallout over human rights and electoral disputes. Re-engagements efforts have so far been in vain. Russian Foreign minister Sergey Lavrov World at risk of geopolitical mayhem

NewsHawks News Page 19 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 NATHAN GUMA ZIMBABWE’S fight against corruption is in a shambles and is expected to worsen, with experts warning conflict ahead of the 2023 general elections due to public discontent caused by economic failure. The country has been a non-mover, with a 23/100 score, falling behind the regional average of 32/100, while ranking 157 out of 180 of the most corrupt countries in the world, according to the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) released this week by the civil society organisation Transparency International Zimbabwe (TIZ). The index measures perceptions of public sector corruption levels in 180 countries around the world. The global average has remained unchanged for over a decade at just 43/100, while the sub-Saharan region average is pegged at 32/100. More than two thirds of the countries scored below 50, including Zimbabwe, while 26 others fell to their lowest scores yet. Zimbabwe has the lowest score in the Sadc region, trailing all its neighbours, with Seychelles scoring 70/100, the highest score in the sub-Saharan region, followed by neighbours Botswana with 60/100. The country also falls below South Africa, Mozambique, Zambia and Malawi, among others, scoring 43/100, 26/100, 33/100 and 34/100 respectively. The Civic Education Network (CEN), a human rights organisation, has predicted a bloody election period spearheaded by corruption. In an interview with The NewsHawks during launch of the CPI report, Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum board member and Civic Education Network Trust executive director Wellington Mbofana said reporting mechanisms may be difficult to access during the period with most public sector institutions riddled with corruption. “The CPI points to reality. In this case we are talking about corruption. The perception is that Zimbabwe’s public sector is perceived to be highly corrupt. The effect of that on peace, as you know that corruption has an effect on peace. Corruption affects the systems of governance, thereby inducing conflicts. “So, if corruption is rife in all sectors, that means that our safety is compromised. If we go to the police station to report a case, and the police are corrupt and impartial, asking for a bribe in order to perform their duties, it means that we are at risk of violent conflict. “We are seeing what has been happening with organised crime. The same things can happen during election time. People can take advantage of the election environment. In our history, we have been suffering from violence during the election period,” he said. Mbofana said with corruption skyrocketing, it may be difficult to clampdown on perpetrators of election violence during the election period. He said the situation is likely to be worsened by the shrinking public space which is likely to crackdown on dissenting voices. In December last year, the PVO Bill sailed through the National Assembly, with opposition parliamentarians crying foul, saying the Bill would stifle public space should it be passed in its current form. “There are some people who cannot roll out peaceful campaigns, also organising people to beat up others. We saw that in Mrewa and Mtoko. If the government does not act, and political parties fail to restrain their people, we are definitely going to see violence, especially now that NGOs that were involved in monitoring peace, and shedding light on violence may be affected by the PVO Bill which may be gazetted anytime from now,” Mbofana said. Transparency International Zimbabwe (TIZ) executive director Tafadzwa Chikumbu says conflict is likely to worsen due to corruption in repressive regimes. “Corruption does have an effect on peace, while influencing people’s decision making in an election. Because if a regime runs a corrupt government, then it means that the people will be disgruntled. In a democracy, you would see such countries losing out. “If you look at the rankings, you would see that lowly ranked countries are less in terms of democracy. They use the ill-gotten wealth to retain power,” Chikumbu said. According to the 2022 CPI report, corruption was highest in hard autocracies, while very low in working democracies. The average score for working democracies was 70/100, 44/100 and 36/100 for deficiency democracies and hybrid democracies whilst moderate autocracies and hard autocracies had 30/100 and 26/100 respectively. Zimbabwe’s score falls below that of hard autocracies, which Chikumbu says is also likely to spell conflict. He also said Zimbabwe’s new score is also likely to see the country fail to meet its vision to become an upper middle-income economy by 2030. The country’s score of 23/100 falls below the middle-income average of 40/100, lower middle-income average of 33/100 and a low income average of 26/100, placing it 4 points above the bottom 10. “Corruption becomes a threat to achieving that (upper middle-income status), because for you to have a middle-income economy, you have to generate enough resources, and put those resources to good use. But if you are generating resources, and the resources are lost, then you might be recording in terms of your gross domestic product (GDP), but then when it comes to seeing the results, there is nothing. “The GDP should translate into human development. Where the GDP is high, we should see people thriving,” he said. Zim’s corruption fight hollow Civic Education Network Trust executive director Wellington Mbofana PVO Bill sailed through the National Assembly.

Page 20 News NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE GOVERNMENT is planning to railroad the Electoral Amendment Bill that is heavily tilted in favour of Zanu PF ahead of the general next elections, in violation of the constitution that provides for wide public consultations. Instead of holding physical public consultation hearings, Parliament is conducting electronic meetings on radio stations and online platforms such as Zoom, and this approach deprives most citizens of their right to participatory democracy. These are people battling internet connectivity, load-shedding and data costs. The development is in violation of section 68 of the constitution which has been implemented before by holding physical public meetings to consult citizens on administrative actions such as formulating laws. Part of section 68 reads: “Every person has a right to administrative conduct that is lawful, prompt, efficient, reasonable, proportionate, impartial and both substantively and procedurally fair . . .” “Any person whose right, freedom, interest or legitimate expectation has been adversely affected by administrative conduct has the right to be given promptly and in writing the reasons for the conduct.” On Tuesday, the decision to move to hold online hearings for the Electoral Amendment Bill backfired when notorious citizens hacked the platform and posted pornographic material, leading to the halting of proceedings. In the past, consultations have been wide and included express meetings with political parties and civil society organisations, but on the Electoral Amendment Bill the engagements have been avoided. There has also been no call from either Zec or the Justice ministry for written submissions to be made on the amendments. Part of the Bill like section 4 of (Cap. 2:13) seeks to disqualify a candidate for election into the National Assembly or a council if such candidate is convicted within 12 months of being nominated. Elections are expected to be held in six months’ time. Several opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) members have pending court cases. These include senior member and legislator Tendai Biti, who is facing a case of verbally assaulting a Russian national, Tatiana Aleshina. The CCC deputy chairperson and Zengeza West MP, Job Sikhala, is also facing a litany of charges that include inciting public violence and obstruction of the course of justice. He is currently in remand prison for more than 200 days. Chitungwiza MP Godfrey Sithole is jointly charged with Sikhala and the case is pending. Party organising secretary Amos Chibaya and Budiriro MP Costa Machingauta also have pending cases together with 24 other opposition activists. Fadzayi Mahere, the CCC spokesperson, told The NewsHawks that the Electoral Amendment Bill is fatally defective. “The amendments have no effect in advancing the independence of Zec and strengthening its administrative capacity to exercise more transparency in the execution and build the trust and confidence of the public,” she said. Mahere also queried an amendment that seeks to allow voters to use drivers’ licences as proof of identity. “Section 67 of the Constitution expressly provides that only Zimbabwean citizens are eligible to participate in electoral processes. By implication, drivers’ licences do not constitute proof of identity for electoral purposes as it is common cause that they do not prove citizenship,” she said. “A non-Zimbabwean can hold a valid Zimbabwe driver’s licence. This clause is therefore irrelevant and does not contribute materially to the enhancement of the citizens’ right to register to vote or vote.” Mahere also lamented failure by the electoral bill to address recommendations made by observer missions of the 2018 elections. On 11 October 2018, the European Union through its Chief Observer Elmar Brok, presented the final report of the bloc and made far-reaching recommendations. “The EUEOM suggests in order to enhance confidence in the process, to strengthen the independence of Zec; to ensure Zec provides more effective and timely information during the process to enhance confidence; and for Zec to develop the results management process to enhance verifiability and traceability,” he explained, adding: “To help create a more level playing field and a more conducive environment for the polls, state-owned media must be more impartial in its coverage; legal measures should be introduced to mitigate abuse of incumbency and of state resources; and, campaign finance regulations should be introduced to enhance accountability. “To improve the legal framework for the elections, legislation should be brought into line with the 2013 Constitution; and appropriate time limits for the determination of pre-election disputes need to be established. “To make the electoral process more inclusive, areas of under-registration of voters need to be addressed; and Multi-Party Liaison Committees need to be used more effectively.” Zengeza West MP Job Sikhala is facing charges that include inciting public violence and obstruction of the course of justice. Govt plots to railroad electoral amendments

NewsHawks News Page 21 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 OWEN GAGARE AFTER the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) submitted the final delimitation report to President Emmerson Mnangagwa, which in terms of the constitution he must publish within 14 days in a proclamation in the Government Gazette declaring the names and boundaries of wards and constituencies, general elections are now almost certainly going to be held around 26 August. All things considered, the election window is now between 17 August and 25 August. The constitutional window is between 28 July and 26 August. Barring any unforeseen events, the electoral process and road map to the polls are now leading to elections around the third to the last week of August. The current Parliament’s lifespan expires on 26 August. This means elections must be held on or before 25 August. In terms of the constitution, polling must take place not more than 30 days before 26 August, meaning not before 28 July. Factoring in the delimitation process, the elections are now bound to be around 17-25 August. Section 161(2) of the constitution says delimitation must be completed at least six months before polling day if it is to be used for those elections — unless Parliament is dissolved early. Failure to do that automatically leads to elections under the 2007/2008 delimitation boundaries, which will be unrealistic given that the constitution says delimitation must take place every 10 years – the current one is due this year under the 2013 constitution — and that so many things have changed demographically, socially and even physically. The law stipulates that the next general elections be held between the 28 July and the 26 August. Veritas, a grouping of lawyers dealing with constitutional and legislative issues, says in its latest report that if the current delimitation report is to be used in the next elections it must be published between 28 January — for polls to be held on 28 July — and 26 February for elections by 26 August. The report submitted to Mnangagwa on 3 February is already too late for July elections, and the deadline for August polls is fast approaching. Given all this, the possibility of early elections is almost out. The likelihood of Parliament dissolving itself early to cause early elections is far-fetched. However, Veritas factored that in. “Possibility of An Early Election? In our Election Watch 5/2022 of the 17th November 2022, we looked at the circumstances in which general elections can be held early,” it says in its report. “We said that if the Senate and the National Assembly, sitting separately, were to resolve by two-thirds majorities of their total membership that Parliament should be dissolved, then the President would be obliged by section 143(2) of the constitution to issue a proclamation dissolving Parliament. In that event, in terms of section 158(1)(b) of the constitution, a general election would have to be held within 90 days after the last resolution was passed. “When we issued that bulletin we thought an early election was unlikely but recent events suggest we may have been wrong. There are straws in the wind which may point to an early election. Fast-tracking of government business in Parliament. On Tuesday, at the request of the minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, the National Assembly resolved to suspend its standing orders for a week so that government business could be fast-tracked through Parliament. Government may be trying to get important Bills through Parliament quickly so that Parliament can close for an early election. Some of the Bills could be seen as strengthening the ruling party’s control grip on society in advance of an election: the PVO Amendment Bill and the ‘Patriot Bill’, for example.” In terms of section 143(1) of the constitution, Parliament is elected for a five-year term which runs from the date on which the President-elect is sworn in and assumes office in terms of section 94(1)(a) of the constitution — 26 August 2018. After the 2013 elections, the late former president Robert Mugabe was sworn in on 22 August 2013, and Parliament’s tenure ended on 21 August 2018. Section 144(1) of the constitution says that where Parliament has not earlier passed resolutions to dissolve in terms of section 143(2), the President must by proclamation call and set dates for general elections to be held within a period prescribed in section 158. In terms of section 158(1)(a) of the constitution, general elections must be held so that polling takes place not more than 30 days before the expiry of the five-year period specified in section 143. The current delimitation process — the first after the 2013 constitution came into effect — is now dictating the pace of political and electoral events. After delineating wards and constituencies, Zec submitted to Mnangagwa the preliminary report on 26 December 2022. Within 14 days, it was tabled before Parliament for debate. It was then sent to the President for him to make his submissions and then back to Zec for finalisation. Zec then sent Mnangagwa the final report on Friday for publication in 14 days. This means Mnangagwa must publish it in a proclamation in the Government Gazette declaring the names and boundaries of wards and constituencies by 17 February, which will be within the 26 February deadline. That leaves the elections window open between 17 August and 25 August, barring political contingency: The unexpected, the accidental or the unforeseen. Zim 2023 general elections in August President Emmerson Mnangagwa (right) receives delimitation report from Zec chairperson Priscilla Chigumba.

Page 22 News NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE ELECTION watchdog Zimbabwe Election Support Network (Zesn) has flagged the way constituencies were integrated and collapsed in the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) preliminary delimitation report citing that Zanu PF may have received an unfair advantage. Zesn released its analysis of the delimitation report earlier this week questioning how the number of constituencies remained the same despite considerable changes in voter population since the last delimitation 13 years ago in 2008. “Zec maintained the 2008 distribution of the number of constituencies across the provinces despite variable changes in the voting population observable across these provinces. We have provinces that maintained the same number of constituencies despite the decrease in the registered voters such as Bulawayo (-0.8%) and Masvingo (-1.2%). Only Matabeleland South (-1.3%) has seen the number its national assembly constituencies marginally reduced from 13 in 2007/8 to 12 in 2023. The reason given by Zec is that the province recorded a low number of registered voters and therefore failed to maintain the 13 constituencies it was allocated in 2007/8. While the explanation by Zec is plausible, it seems to have been applied selectively and only to Matabeleland South province,” the report reads. “Provinces that have recorded increase in registered voters such as Mashonaland East (1.4%), Mashonaland Central (0.9%), Manicaland (0.5%), and Mashonaland East (0.3%), still maintained the number of constituencies allocated them in 2007/8. The real increase in registered voters is in Harare (3.3%), but whose national assembly constituencies marginally increased with only one instead of four as already proposed in this report. Overall, the Commission made only two minor adjustments to the number of National Assembly constituencies across provinces and these adjustments are in Harare Metropolitan and Matabeleland South.” Zesn adds that the commission did not apply the same formula for calculating the number of people who could constitute a constituency. “Zesn divided the total number of registered voters in a province by the national average of 27 640 voters per constituency. The results show a discrepancy between what Zesn gets using the formula and what Zec reported. For example, the formula resulted in 34 constituencies for Harare Metropolitan, 10 for Bulawayo, 23 for Masvingo and 10 for Matabeleland South. But according to Zec, Harare Metropolitan 30 constituencies instead of 34. The other provinces with less than the expected number of constituencies are Manicaland, Mashonaland West and Central. There was a notable increase in the number of constituencies allocated to Masvingo (from 23 to 26), Bulawayo Metropolitan (from 10 to 12) and Matabeleland South (from 10 to 12), for example,” Zesn says. “Further examination of Zec’s report shows that Zec applied this formula inconsistently across provinces. For example, in Bulawayo, Zec divided the total number of voters in the province (270 938) by the national minimum number of registered voters permissible in terms of the constitution (22 112) and rounded off the result to the nearest whole number resulting in 12 constituencies being allocated to the province regardless of its population of registered voters. This gave the province the same number of constituencies as allocated to it in 2007/8. In Harare, the Commission chose to divide the total number of registered voters (952 102) by 29 (number of Constituencies Harare was allocated in 2008) ‘to ascertain whether the average voter population for a constituency in the Province adhered to the constitutional thresholds.’ This approach and inconsistent in the application of the formula by Commission had the effect of taking back the recently completed delimitation exercise to 2007/8. “It is not immediately clear, however, how other provinces like Manicaland, Mashonaland Central, East, West, Midlands and others maintained the same number of constituencies as allocated to them in 2007/8. While all constituencies fall within Zec’s calculated range of 22 112 to 33 169, Harare has the largest constituencies by voter population compared to all other provinces. For example, most of the constituencies in Bulawayo, Masvingo and Matabeleland South are close to the minimum threshold while 25 out of 30 constituencies allocated to Harare have at least 31 000 registered voters.” Zec presented the report to President Emmerson Mnangagwa in December 2022 and it was tabled before parliament on 6 January 2023, by the leader of government business, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs minister Ziyambi Ziyambi for consideration. Consequently, a 13-member adhoc parliamentary committee was tasked to embark on an analysis of the report. The report is back with the commission for consideration of all inputs from parliament and they will release their final report. Zesn joins many civil society organisations, politicians of the ruling party and opposition alike who have been clamouring for Zec to consider issues raised by the ad hoc committee of Parliament. President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Justice and Parliamentary Affairs minister Ziyambi Ziyambi. New delimitation report flaws unearthed

NewsHawks News Page 23 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE THE draconian Private Voluntary Organisations Amendment Bill — which awaits President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s assent after it was passed by senate this week — could cost Zimbabwe up to US$1 billion in development funding — with devastating economic, social and humanitarian consequences ahead of the upcoming general elections. The Bill has triggered uproar within civil society circles at home and abroad, especially after the government recently deregistered 291 non-governmental organisations (NGOs). International human rights group Human Rights Watch has demanded that government withdraw the proposed law and re-register the 291 organisations. This followed local outrage over the issue. Various studies have warned about the dire ramifications of the coming legislation designed to monitor NGOs, relief groups, civil society and opposition political parties, while stifling freedoms of association and expression. It is largely targeted at the opposition and critics ahead of elections due by July, but it will have serious unintended consequences. For instance, a research study titled Punching Holes To A Fragile Economy?, compiled by Prosper Chitambara, Clinton Musonza and Phillan Zamchiya, last year said the proposed law will have a far-reaching negative impact and implications not just for civil society organisations, but also for government development programmes and the poor who rely on aid for survival and access to critical social services. “NGOs play a critical role in bridging the huge financing gap in the critical sectors of the economy such as social protection, education, health, water and sanitation among others,” the report said. It said the proposed law could cost Zimbabwe US$800 million, last year alone. The impact is already being felt. Human Rights Watch said the government should stop deregistering NGOs and also cancel an amendment that would bar groups from “political” activity under threat of criminal penalties. On 22 January 2023, the Zimbabwean authorities announced they had revoked the registration of 291 NGOs and civil society organisations for “non-compliance with the provisions of Private Voluntary Organisations Act.” Human Rights Watch initially warned the coming law was repressive when it was being initially mooted in 2004 under the late former president Robert Mugabe and raised the alarm on its potential violations of the right to freedom of association. “Zimbabwe’s repression of civil society organisations needs to stop, especially in light of the general election this year,” said Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz , deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to stop using the Private Voluntary Organisations Act as a tool to silence the exercise of fundamental democratic rights.” Budoo-Scholtz said the Private Voluntary Organisations Act is incompatible with international human rights law standards on freedom of association to which Zimbabwe is a party, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Labour and Social Welfare minister Paul Mavhima said some NGOs were because they had allegedly failed to submit audited accounts for money raised from donors, while in other cases the revocation was for national security reasons, or for allegedly straying from their mandate. However, analysts say the move signifies democratic backsliding and authoritarian consolidation under Mnangagwa’s rule and a harbinger of worse things to come. Mnangagwa’s current autocratisation programme has left many Zimbabweans saying he is just the same or even worse than Mugabe. “The law is now an instrument of repression for the civil society sector,” a Zimbabwean human rights lawyer told Human Rights Watch. “The right of existence and operation is under threat because the requirements of this law can easily be used to shut down organisations and apply criminal law against NGOs and civil society leaders. This deregistration seems to carry the message that you either comply with our regulations or you perish.” Critics say the restrictions are meant to silence civil society and grassroots groups working with communities and ordinary people ahead of elections. In November 2021, the government proposed an amendment to the Private Voluntary Organisations Act to further restrict the operations of civil society groups. The amendment would allow the government to cancel the registration of organisations deemed “political,” with criminal penalties for the groups’ leaders. The government said it is aimed at curbing terrorism financing and money laundering to comply with the recommendation of the country’s Financial Action Taskforce. But there is no doubt that the adoption of the amendment will further threaten the already compromised right to freedom of association in the country, Human Rights Watch said. For this reason, the amendment should be withdrawn, it added. A member of the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum told Human Rights Watch that the fact the amended law may come into effect before the general election means that groups that typically play an important role in the lead up to, during, and after, elections, will be shut out and prevented from doing so. “What it means is that we may not have NGO-sponsored election observers and election monitoring by civil society organisations,” the rights defender said. “This would definitely undermine the credibility of the election because independent organisations that observe and compile reports on the electoral processes would not be able to do so. For many of us, it is very clear that there are specific organisations that this NGO law targets, and these are organisations that work on human rights and governance issues.” Mnangagwa has on several occasions threatened to expel groups not loyal to his party and government or interfere in politics. Human Rights Watch said the African Union and the Southern African Development Community must intervene to stop a move which further shrinks the democratic space in Zimbabwe. “The credibility of the upcoming general election, and whether it guarantees Zimbabwe’s citizens the right to genuinely chose their representatives, will be closely linked to the ability of civil society to monitor and report on the election process,” Budoo-Scholtz said. “Groups, especially those working on governance issues and acting as observers during elections, need to know they can operate without any fear of deregistration or criminal penalties.” Labour and Social Welfare minister Paul Mavima PVO Bill: A cocktail of economic sabotage and political repression

RUVIMBO MUCHENJE WHILE the focus at the Harare Magistrates' Court last Friday was on two opposition CCC legislators and 23 party activists who had spent 13 days in jail after convening at a house in Budiriro suburb, 10 youths in Court Nine were convicted for possession of crystal meth in the space of an hour. Anti-riot police and civilians filled Court Four and its vicinity to hear the bail ruling of legislators Amos Chibaya and Costa Machingauta and 23 others, but in Court Nine, 10 youths were waiting to appear before a magistrate, and were later convicted for possession of crystal meth in the space of an hour. The youths appeared individually after being arrested in various parts of Harare, indicating the prevalence of Zimbabwe’s drug problem. The convictions and sentences happened during the afternoon court sessions. Each of the convicts, aged between 17 and 30, pleaded guilty to the charges. Some were remanded for sentencing while others were handed a custodial sentence or community service. The convictions come at a time when the expulsion of eight girls from the Roman Catholic-owned Dominican Convent High School for abuse of the same substance during a leadership excursion in Nyanga, is still topical in the country. The expulsion served as a wake-up call that substance abuse has spread beyond the high-density suburbs and is now also prevalent in low-density communities. The abuse of crystal meth in particular has been on the increase, especially in low-income areas where drug bases have been established. Some addicts have developed mental health problems as a result. Known scientifically as methamphetamine, crystal meth is a highly addictive stimulant and users love the drug for its powerful euphoric qualities. Addictive on first smoke, the drug has become a crippling vice for the country’s youths who take the illegal substance to escape from daily troubles. Also known as mutoriro, dombo, buwe, guka makafela in street lingo, the infamous drug has destroyed lives across the country’s townships. The Zimbabwe Republic Police launched a crack team in January 2021 to tackle drug abuse as the problem soared, but the accused persons that are landing in court are the end users that have between 0.01 grammes of the substance and 2 grammes, as the cases involving the 10 youths convicted last Friday showed. Social commentators say arresting users of illicit substances may not be enough to curb the crisis as long as suppliers go scot free. Across the length and breadth of the country, people are asking why the drug lords appear untouchable. Last month, just before being thrown into jail for fraud, former television presenter Oscar Pambuka said the best way of tackling the drug menace is to clamp down on the drug lords. “Everyone uses drugs, so the nation needs to address it from the root kwazviri kupinda nazvo kwete kuaddresser macustomer (the source of the drugs, not the end user),” he said. “How does crystal meth get into the country, who lets it inside the country. This country has about 16 million people, let's say the customers are about 1 million, can we arrest 1 million people?” The substance has destroyed the lives of users, from youths to adults. The effects of using methamphetamine include feelings of euphoria, but there are also dangerous side effects including increased attention, higher levels of activity and talkativeness, decreased appetite, reduced fatigue, a feeling of power and self-control and a pleasurable sense of well-being or euphoria. Users may also experience faster breathing, a fast or irregular heartbeat, higher blood pressure, raised body temperature, increased distractibility, nausea, dry mouth, dilated pupils, tremors, muscle twitching, memory loss, aggressive or violent behaviour and mood disturbances. Other side effects include severe dental problems, weight loss, skin sores from intense itching, rapid or irregular heart rate, feelings of aggressiveness and anxiety. The following symptoms of psychosis are also possible: paranoia, aggression, visual and auditory hallucinations, mood disturbances, delusions, such as the sensation of insects creeping on or under the skin, and incessant thoughts of homicide or suicide. Crystal meth became popular in Zimbabwe at the peak of the Covid-19 restrictions in 2020, when our borders were sealed. The situation was exacerbated by the fact that youth and young adults alike were idle and these substances were readily available. A senior nursing officer at Sally Mugabe Hospital, Nelson Makore, told the Associated Press in an interview that the number of people admitted in the psychiatric ward had grown exponentialy fivefold due to substance abuse. “If you look at people who came through our hospital getting services because they had problems of drug abuse, I can safely tell you that there were 825 in number, that is a very big number in comparison with the previous year which had 150,” said Makore. Two years later, the problem is getting worse by the day. Practitioners in the field of social work say the government can do more in fighting the drug menace. “When it comes to children, the responsible Department of Social Development needs to step up, especially where children are exposed to drug use at home. Also, as long as the government is not willing to fund rehabilitation and drug counselling services, it’s difficult to move forward. You have thousands of social workers and psychologists sitting at home who could be useful, especially in intensive drug use counselling," said one practitioner who spoke on condition of anonymity. It costs about US$30 to get the service at Sally Mugabe Hospital, but costs hundreds of dollars at private rehabilitation institutions. LINCOLN MAJOGO THE ongoing social media hysteria surrounding the Dominican Convent High School drug saga has set social media ablaze with mixed emotions and reactions from the public. For context, Dominican Convent, an elite school in Harare, recently expelled eight female students who were found guilty of contravening the school’s drug policy during an Upper Six leadership camp held in Nyanga this month. Some have also used this incident to publicly demand the government to legalise the use of recreational drugs. What is clear, however, is that stakeholders have been playing the blame game with various analysts blaming the government for ineffective policies in curbing rampant drug abuse, whilst others blame parents for not doing as much in protecting children from drug and substance abuse. We must appreciate that the drug and substance predicament is complex. Equally this incident should have been the moral authority to leverage a multi-sectoral approach that brings various players to the table eg government, civil society organisations, parents, church leaders, political parties, etc to discuss ways to effectively address the elephant in the room. Sadly, however, the incident has simply brought to the surface inherent biases, stigmas, and the public misperception of drug and substance abuse which impede a holistic and transparent discussion on the elephant in the room. Drug and substance abuse has been known to be a national predicament and President Mnangagwa himself has acknowledged this. However, it was the “ghetto” or the impoverished communities that received the media limelight of drug and substance abuse with many citing economic hardships as the main reason for drug consumption. Sadly, the thinking is shortsighted because people take drugs for different reasons be it medicinal purposes, relieving pain and distress, "boosting IQ", having fun, etc. I am tempted to confess that when I was in High School, there was a belief that smoking weed boosted one’s IQ, thus increasing the chances of passing an exam. The point is people take drugs for different reasons across all classes. What simply aggravated social media hysteria in this incident is the “gender and class” card. "She’s female and she comes from a rich family, she must really be a spoilt kid" — so the thinking goes. Unfortunately, the same students who are victims of drug abuse have been turned into villains with some public figures calling them drug addicts. The gender and class card misses the point because instead of pushing for a holistic approach that is inclusive of all persons regardless of gender and wealth status, it is alienating key stakeholders that can help address the issue. I mean who better has the moral imperative to source funding for constructing public recreational centers than a parent of a child that has fallen victim to drug abuse? And what time is best to play the moral game (or even guilt and shame!) in generating more will from the well-connected circles of society than an incident that publicly implicates your child in a drug abuse saga? There is no doubt that most of these elite parents’ proximity to power makes them a better bet to lobby for more political will to curb drug abuse and help in soliciting funding to invest in the necessary infrastructure that addresses the problem. But alas, the condemnatory language has simply put most in a defensive mode and it will not be surprising that most parents will take steps to assist their students which leaves the ordinary public in the exact same position that there were in before the incident. In short, this is a classical example of a missed opportunity that should have been a golden moment to invite especially the well-connected circles of society to the negotiating table to tackle drugs and substance abuse in the nation. About the writer: Lincoln Majogo is a registered legal practitioner, notary public, and conveyancer working with Mhishi Nkomo Legal Practice. He writes in his personal capacity. His contact details are: +263718832210// [email protected]. Alarming crystal meth abuse revealed Missed opportunity to address drug scourge Page 24 NewsHawks News Issue 117, 3 February 2023

NewsHawks International Investigative Stories Page 25 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 A SECRETIVE Moscow group cultivated ties with Cypriot politicians and successfully pushed through a motion in Cyprus’s parliament calling for an end to EU sanctions against Russia. Russian-Cypriot businessman Dmitry Kozlov, who developed links with top politicians and even set up a political party in Cyprus, played a key role in these machinations. Russian President Vladimir Putin scored a major PR coup in July 2016 when the parliament of Cyprus asked the country’s government to work towards lifting European Union sanctions imposed on Russia after its annexation of Crimea. Even for Cyprus, one of the most pro-Moscow countries in Europe due to the large amount of Russian capital its financial services sector attracted, this raised eyebrows, with Ukraine’s foreign ministry quickly condemning the move and saying it was “nothing but indirect support of the aggressor.” But the truth was even more shocking than anyone guessed at the time: The resolution adopted by the Cypriot parliament had been planned by a Kremlin-linked lobbying group that dubs itself the International Agency for Current Policy, and put forward by Cypriot politicians courted by the lobbyists. Transparency International’s corrupt money flows expert Maira Martini said the new revelations underscored longstanding concerns over the “economic capture of [Cyprus] by Russian interests.” The Russian resolution was discovered as part of an investigation by OCCRP and its partners Eesti Ekspress, IrpiMedia, and Profil, based on thousands of leaked emails, on how the lobbying group arranged payments for friendly European politicians in exchange for their help pushing pro-Russian motions like the one in Cyprus, largely focused on legitimizing Russia’s annexation of Crimea. The group, run by Russian parliamentary staffer Sargis Mirzakhanian, achieved successes elsewhere in Europe, but the Cypriot resolution might have been the most striking, since it appears to have been instigated and coordinated behind the scenes by the Russians. The House of Representatives of Cyprus was the first national body to pass one of the Agency’s canned resolutions, scoring a major victory for Putin and his supporters. Mirzakhanian and other leading figures in the International Agency for Current Policy did not respond to requests for comment. The leaked emails also reveal the key role played by Dmitry Kozlov, son of a prominent Russian-Cypriot businessman, in helping the International Agency for Current Policy win influence in Cyprus. Kozlov was in frequent communication with Mirzakhanian’s associate Areg Agasaryan, the leaked emails show, and he brokered contact between Mirzakhanian’s group and at least one Cypriot politician. He even played a role in setting up a political party called Ego o Politis, or “I, the Citizen” — known colloquially in Cyprus as “The Russian Party” due to its pro-Kremlin stance. The Kozlov family ran businesses in Cyprus geared toward helping Russians invest and migrate to the Mediterranean island, including a 29.5-million-euro residential development near the seaside city Limassol, a popular destination for International InvestigativeStories How a Russian influence group infiltrated Cypriot party politics Kyprianou (far left), Dmitry Kozlov (second from left) and Nazarov (second from right) in Moscow in October 2016.

Sergey Kozlov speaks to the media at the Cypriot parliament the day the motion was passed. Russian tourists and expats. Dmitry Kozlov’s father, Sergey, and his wife also owned Admare Properties Ltd, a company that helped foreigners apply for Cypriot citizenship under the country’s “golden passport” scheme, which was shuttered in 2020 after being exposed as corrupt. Sergey and Dmitry also acquired Cypriot citizenship under the scheme. Dmitry Kozlov conceded he was “involved” in the process of passing the parliamentary motion, but said he did not have “any specific role.” He said he knew Agasaryan “from university years,” but had met Mirzakhanian just once. Despite being interviewed at parliament on the day the motion was passed, Sergey Kozlov told OCCRP he was not involved in planning the resolution and only knew Agasaryan and Mirzakhanian as former classmates of his son. “I’m not a political person,” he said. “Any personal involvement…at that time it was natural, as (someone) who has double nationality in a third country.” Playing Politics In late April 2016, Agasaryan emailed Mirzakhanian a document titled “Resolution of the House of Representatives of Cyprus (Parliament) ‘On lifting sectoral economic sanctions against Russia.’” It set out a plan to get a resolution passed that would describe EU sanctions against Moscow as “fundamentally contrary to the norms of international law,” and to drum up media coverage that would highlight the economic damage done to Cyprus by the loss of business with Russia. The plan aimed to secure votes for the motion from “35-39 deputies” from Democratic Rally, the party of Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades, and the communist party AKEL, a traditional ally of Moscow. Dmitry Kozlov told OCCRP that the idea for a Cypriot resolution against anti-Russia sanctions came about after Agasaryan called him and mentioned a similar resolution that had just passed in Italy. “After hearing of this I thought it would be a good idea to check with the parliamentarians of Cyprus [to see] if they share the same opinions and approach,” he said. Kozlov said he then reached out to the leader of Cyprus’s AKEL party, Andros Kyprianou, but insisted he “did not lobby” him. Kyprianou, he said, also seemed interested in the idea of a pro-Russia resolution. Then, he said, “As I was aware that such a resolution might take place, I called Areg and shared this information with him.” On June 29, 2016, Agasaryan sent Mirzakhanian an email that included a preview of the draft resolution carrying the signature of the parliamentary faction of AKEL. On July 7, a nearly identical resolution was passed in the Cypriot parliament , with just a few minor changes. The motion passed with 33 votes in favor — just short of the Russians’ goal. Mirzakhanian appears to have had a tight grip on managing how the proceedings were covered: The day before the vote, he forwarded the details of several journalists from Russian state media and Russian outlet LifeNews for accreditation to Kozlov’s son, Dmitry. The wooing of AKEL continued later in 2016, when the party’s leader, Andros Kyprianou, traveled to Moscow and met with Andrey Nazarov, the co-chairman of the business group Business Russia. Nazarov also chairs the Yalta International Economic Forum, an annual event promoting investment in the illegally annexed Crimea, which Kyprianou attended in 2017. Sergey Kozlov also donated 15,000 euros to AKEL in 2016, making him the party’s seventh biggest donor that year. (He told OCCRP he had donated funds to “all political parties for charity purposes” during his 25 years in Cyprus.) Kyprianou told OCCRP that Dmitry Kozlov had pressured him to meet Nazarov in Moscow, and that while there he had also met Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. He claimed he had been unaware that the resolution on Russia was coordinated by Mirzakhanian’s team. Kyprianou admitted that Kozlov’s donation to AKEL “may have been a way to thank [us] for the resolution” but that “it wasn’t me they gave the money to.” He said he had attended the Yalta forum once, but declined a subsequent invitation to attend the Yalta forum because he was uncomfortable with what he saw there. “They had gathered there all the far-right movements of Europe,” he said. The co-sponsor of the resolution, Yiorgos Lillikas, who served as minister of foreign affairs from 2006 to 2007, told OCCRP he had never heard of Mirzakhian, but that he backed the resolution to thank Russia for the support it had given to Cyprus in the past. Dmitry Kozlov went further than just backing existing political parties. In 2017, he helped Russian interests on the island set up one of their own. On June 14, 2017, over a month before Ego o Politis was officially registered, Agasaryan forwarded an email from Dmitry Kozlov to Mirzakhanian containing several attachments setting out the party’s positions. “Areg, good afternoon!,” Kozlov wrote. “In continuation of our telephone conversation, I am sending you the main documents on the political party that we are creating. They include the main program of the party, as well as the reforms that we plan to carry out.” Kozlov added that he and his associates had “met with a number of Russian deputies who support us” and said that “Mr. Lavrov” — Russia’s controversial foreign minister Sergey Lavrov, one of the main drivers of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — also “gave his blessing.” Dmitry Kozlov told OCCRP he resigned from Ego o Politis soon after its creation, which came about following a suggestion by one of his “acquaintances.” Proof that Russian interests were behind the creation of the party increased already-significant concerns about Russian political influence in Cyprus, said Transparency International’s Martini. “We know that kleptocrats have tried to influence foreign elections to ensure they have people inside the government protecting their interests,” she said. “But revelations that Russian interests could have set up their own political party in Cyprus is even more concerning.” Ego o Politis suspended its operations in November 2021 and was struck off the registry of political parties. Despite not contesting any election during its brief life, it managed to generate headlines in 2020 when it allegedly sought to have a statue of Vladimir Lenin that had once stood in Kyiv brought to Limassol. While its official website was taken offline, the party’s Facebook page continues to operate. It frequently shares posts promoting the presidential candidacy of former Cypriot Foreign Minister Nikos Christodoulides in elections scheduled for February 5. Christodoulides vetoed sanctions targeting Belarusian leader Aleksander Lukashenko, a crucial Moscow ally, in September 2020. — Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project. Page 26 International Investigative Stories NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023

NewsHawks Page 27 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 The NewsHawks is published on different content platforms by the NewsHawks Digital Media which is owned by Centre for Public Interest Journalism No. 100 Nelson Mandela Avenue Beverly Court, 6th floor Harare, Zimbabwe Trustees/Directors: Beatrice Mtetwa, Raphael Khumalo, Professor Wallace Chuma, Teldah Mawarire, Doug Coltart EDITORIAL STAFF: Managing Editor: Dumisani Muleya Assistant Editor: Brezh Malaba News Editor: Owen Gagare Digital Editor: Bernard Mpofu Reporters: Nyasha Chingono, Enoch Muchinjo, Moses Matenga, Jonathan Mbiriyamveka Email: [email protected] Marketing Officer: Charmaine Phiri Cell: +263 735666122 [email protected] [email protected] Subscriptions & Distribution: +263 735666122 Reaffirming the fundamental importance of freedom of expression and media freedom as the cornerstone of democracy and as a means of upholding human rights and liberties in the constitution; our mission is to hold power in its various forms and manifestations to account by exposing abuse of power and office, betrayals of public trust and corruption to ensure good governance and accountability in the public interest. CARTOON Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe The NewsHawks newspaper subscribes to the Code of Conduct that promotes truthful, accurate, fair and balanced news reporting. If we do not meet these standards, register your complaint with the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe at No.: 34, Colenbrander Rd, Milton Park, Harare. Telephone: 024-2778096 or 024-2778006, 24Hr Complaints Line: 0772 125 659 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] WhatsApp: 0772 125 658, Twitter: @vmcz Website: www.vmcz.co.zw, Facebook: vmcz Zimbabwe Trelford: Editor who ventured into bloody Gukurahundi killing fields Dumisani Muleya Hawk Eye Editorial & Opinion RESERVE Bank of Zimbabwe governor John Mangudya presented his Monetary Policy Statement on Thursday, which was a hotchpotch of the good and the bad — but economic realities on the ground are pointing to a sad state of affairs. The government’s own Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency says 76% of the economy is now trading in United States dollars. Facts are stubborn. Policymakers and bureaucrats in this country have an unhelpful tendency of burying their heads in the sand. It is scandalous that employers — both the government and the private sector — are still expecting workers to survive on Zimbabwe dollar salaries in this tough economy. How are people surviving on worthless wages in a country saddled with the highest inflation rate in the world? Food price inflation is the highest on the planet. Rentals, school fees and most goods and services require payment in foreign currency. Even current trends in the banking sector clearly testify to an economy that has long abandoned the troubled Zimdollar. Forex-denominated deposits and loans now constitute 65% of total financial sector deposits. The US dollar economy has grown significantly in the last two to three years. What are the ramifications? Some economic commentators are convinced that a confluence of factors could soon lead to the ratcheting up of nostro inflation. There is no gainsaying the heightened political risk associated with an election year. In the coming months, decisions made by political leaders and bureaucrats will not always be informed by the national interest, but are likely to be motivated by power-retention calculations. Good news is scant in these dreary times, of course, but Mangudya should be commended for increasing the export retention threshold from 60% to 75%. Exporters have perennially complained that forcing them to surrender the 40% forex balance at the official exchange rate was tantamount to daylight robbery. And their anger was justified. Mangudya must go a step further by totally removing these forex retention distortions in the economy. In this treacherous environment, hard-pressed companies need every US dollar they generate, in view of rapidly escalating overheads and an energy crisis that is eroding profitability. Armtwisting exporters to hold on to volatile Zimdollars is fueling harmful distortions. But export competitiveness will only be achieved through viable policies. It is a source of collective national agony that even though Zimbabwe earned US$11.6 billion in forex inflows in 2022 — a record feat — the economy is still gasping for fresh air. The situation calls for policy consistency, prudent stewardship and the upholding of the national interest. People are in deep poverty While there were a few local Zimbabwean journalists writing for periodicals and foreign correspondents like Peter Godwin for the Sunday Times (UK) and some filing for the South African media who wrote stories about the Gukurahundi massacres starting 1983, it was the fearless British journalist Donald Trelford — editor of The Observer for 18 years from 1975 — who first exposed the atrocities in detail to a wider audience after secretly venturing into the Matabeleland killing fields in 1984. The Observer's owner Tiny Rowland, who was Lonrho chief executive, threatened to fire Trelford as his company had business interests in Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe's rule. Trelford, who died last week on Friday, described his interview with Mugabe after his daring adventure as “disastrously dull, unusable for television, of interest only to a specialist African magazine (where, in fact, it subsequently appeared)”. Trelford wrote: “When I asked him if he would consider a political rather than a military solution in Matabeleland, where a curfew had been in force since February, he replied bluntly: 'The solution is a military one. Their grievances are unfounded. The verdict of the voters was cast in 1980. They should have accepted defeat then.'' Then he added chillingly: ''The situation in Matabeleland is one that requires a change. The people must be reoriented.''

IT should be a matter of huge embarrassment for a country that calls itself an agricultural economy to have soaring food inflation, resulting in rampant poverty-compounded misery, especially among the downtrodden segments of society. Annual inflation at 229% in January 2023 and weak economic growth over the past two decades have increased poverty levels and inequalities. Poverty has become a key part of Zimbabwe’s image. If you ask a foreigner what comes to mind when they hear the word “Zimbabwe”, chances are it is either a scene of overcrowded slums in some parts of Harare or a dishevelled beggar walking from car to car in Samora Machel Avenue — the “Wall Street” of Zimbabwe — or vendors fleeing from raging police in First Street. This is all a result of growing poverty levels and inequalities brought about by years of high inflation and widespread apathy among the elite given their “profit over people” mindset. The roots of this problem are deep and widespread, holding back economic growth and preventing the less fortunate from escaping the shackles of poverty. The leadership across the political divide, as has always been the case, are busy spewing venom against each other, adding more toxicity to the horribly murky environment. It rightly seems that apathy on the part of our politicians is at its peak, and the lust for power seems to be the only thing that matters to them. It is really quite unfortunate that both government and opposition parties have miserably failed in providing basic amenities of life to the poor segments of society. They, the politicians, continue to claim that all their actions are meant to alleviate the sufferings of the masses, but all their actions continue to add to the woes of the masses. The elite class is hardly bothered by market manipulations and high food inflation that has become a matter of life and death for the underprivileged daily-wager who earns a meagre amount. It is time the politicians stopped verbal spats and the blame game, and begin focusing on doing something practical. Inequality in Zimbabwe had already seen a significant rise since 2000, but the cracks in the economic system to protect against the "profit over people" mindset of market fundamentalism due to underlying weak institutions and regulations, got all the more widened as the pandemic shock hit the global supply chains. Hence, prices were raised more than what reflected the lack of supply, and unwarranted windfall profits on one hand, and lack of adequate taxation system on the other, meant the inequality increased all the more during the Covid-19 pandemic and are showing no signs of retreating. The recently released report titled ‘Survival of the Richest: How we Must Tax the Super-rich Now to Fight Inequality" by Oxfam, made a thorough analysis of the level of inequality during recent times, and the taxation structures, among other reasons, that allowed such shocking outcomes. For instance, the report revealed the difficult inequality situation "Elon Musk, one of the world’s richest men, paid a ‘true tax rate’ of just over three percent from 2014 to 2018. Aber Christine, a market trader in Northern Uganda who sells rice, flour and soya, makes $80 a month in profit. She pays a tax rate of 40 percent." Such analysis is needed in Zimbabwe and that can only be done from a proper assessment on how much true tax is being paid by the elite including but not limited to men of the cloth, business tycoons, politicians and their proxies against how much the poor are paying. Speaking to one vendor who sells her wares in front of a supermarket on Harare's First Street revealed that on a normal day, she makes profits of US$50 but has to part with around US$20 in bribes to police and municipal officers. That is a massive 40% tax. No wonder absolute poverty is on the increase. In addition to a general cost of living crisis on one hand, and on the other a higher cost of doing business on the back of decades of high inflation, and for protracted low economic growth, a recession-causing pandemic, sharp increase in inequality, where most of new wealth generated went into fewer hands and increase in unemployment, the poor are becoming poorer and their voices are crying for basics. It is scandalous in a country that purports to be a democracy. The poor prioritise food and other basic needs above all else. They develop survival instincts anchored on low expectations, making them easy to impress and prone to manipulation. They lose their critical voice. In other words, in a society where the majority is poor, their choices are grounded in short-termism, that is, what matters most is fulfilling immediate needs. This is the case for Zimbabwe where the majority are poor but faced with a democratic process – elections. In such a society, democracy adulterates the poor by making promises of the future they cannot deliver by preying on the shortemism worldview of the poor. Indeed, the elite are preying on the poor. The Oxfarm report, highlighting the rising level of inequality, pointed out: "Over the last 10 years, the richest one percent of humanity has captured more than half of all new global wealth. Since 2020, according to Oxfam analysis of Credit Suisse Data, this wealth grab by the super-rich has accelerated, and the richest one percent have captured almost two-thirds of all new wealth. This is six times more than the bottom 90 percent of humanity. Since 2020, for every dollar of new global wealth gained by someone in the bottom 90 percent, one of the world’s billionaires has gained $1.7m." One might argue that this is a global view and is not synonymous with trends in Zimbabwe. The elites in this country, through manipulation of systems as a result of weak institutions and regulations, are milking the poor. The spectacular rise of wealth and income at the very top has coincided with a collapse in taxes on the richest. Is wealth adequately taxed in Zimbabwe or it is consumption that is more taxed? The elite pack most of their wealth in trust funds that do not pay taxes which they pass on to their direct descendants. Inheritance tax and capital gains taxes in Zimbabwe, currently at rates less than 5%, need a relook as they have a direct impact on equality. Zimbabwe's tax system has also failed to recognise the myriad ways corporations and wealthy individuals can evade taxes and how financial globalisation has enabled firms to shift profits and assets to low-tax jurisdictions. Instead of addressing these legal loopholes, the government relies far too heavily just on “naming and shaming” individuals and corporations involved in that, while getting revenues from indirect taxation, such as value-added tax (VAT), which falls disproportionately on the poor. This systemic inequity has led to a massive decline in public wealth and to enormous concentrations of private wealth. Rising levels of inequality and poverty require both putting in place a taxation system that properly taxes windfall profits, and is overally progressive in nature, along with addressing the loopholes in collecting taxes. Moreover, high levels of inflation, and a very difficult inequality and poverty situation, call for non-austerity, and counter-cyclical policy measures. However, apathy among the authorities due to the “profit over people” mindset implies that what continues to lie ahead for Zimbabweans is an unpleasant reality: “the continued record high inflation in a dysfunctional slow economy.” Lower income groups are suffering the most while middle class families have had to make significant lifestyle changes to make ends meet. As consumption habits change, businesses too have felt the pinch of reduced demand along with the higher cost of doing business. It is high time that serious thought is given to how the country got to where it is, who is responsible and what needs to be done to address it. Unfortunately, political ambitions of individuals, institutions and families continue to take precedence over what is better for country as a whole and its citizenry. *About the writer: Tinashe Kaduwo is a researcher and economist. Contact: kaduwot@gmail. WhatsApp +263773376128 Inflation and apathy on top of a "profit over people" mindset Econometrics HawksView Tinashe Kaduwo Vendors demonstrating in Harare. Page 28 New Perspectives NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023

Page 26 NewsHawks Issue 76, 15 April 2022 Business MATTERS NewsHawks CURRENCIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE USD/JPY 109.29 +0.38 +0.35 GBP/USD 1.38 -0.014 -0.997 USD/CAD 1.229 +0.001 +0.07 USD/CHF 0.913 +0.005 +0.53 AUD/USD 0.771 -0.006 -0.76 COMMODITIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE *OIL 63.47 -1.54 -2.37 *GOLD 1,769.5 +1.2 +0.068 *SILVER 25.94 -0.145 -0.56 *PLATINUM 1,201.6 +4 +0.33 MARKETS *COPPER 4.458 -0.029 -0.65 BERNARD MPOFU A NEW report has revealed that the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) was the worst-performing bourse in the southern African region after the government rolled out several measures curtailing trading on the equities market. Official figures show that the local equities market, the ZSE in particular, outperformed regional markets in 2021, growing 123% year-onyear in real terms. The market continued its bull run through the initial months of 2022, with market capitalisation growing 194% in nominal terms to the end of April, powered by increases in money supply. Year-to-date inflation stood at 38% within the same period, extending gains made in real terms. However, faced with a spiralling currency the government subsequently introduced measures across the board to restore sanity to markets. “As per Government reports, the ZSE was seen to be serving as a conduit for speculative behaviour and a raft of measures was thereafter introduced. SI [Statutory Instrument] 96 of 2022 increased withholding tax for shares held less than 180 days from 2% to 4% whilst capital gains tax for short-term investors was hiked to a draconian 40%,” Inter-Horizon Securities says in its latest research note. “Additionally, third-party payments into client’s trading accounts were also prohibited whilst reporting standards for brokers were also upped. The ZSE to FY22 [full-year 2022] consequently shed off 75% of value in real terms pivoting to become the worst performer in the region. IH Securities says whilst valuations had become attractive again on the ZSE in the second half of 2022 with market capitalisation trading at a nearly 50% discount to its historical average of US$4 billion, contractionary measures instituted by the central bank ensured a liquidity crunch compounded downward pressure on prices. “The ZSE closed the year trading at an average P/E [price-to-earnings ratio] of 5.15x versus its own 3-year average of 6.12x and peers at 8.6x. Whilst there is room for upside in the local market, it is worth noting the Zimbabwean market trades at a discount to regional peers,” the report reads Activity in the second half of 2022 on the ZSE was muted, with value traded retreating 45% relative to the first half to US$92.89 million. Total value traded on the ZSE was down 14.3% yearon-year whilst average daily traded fell 22.8% relative to 2021. Econet, Delta and Innscor were the most liquid stocks in the period under review. Volumes slowed 36.3% year-on-year, with 2.3 billion shares trading hands within the year. Whilst the market closed the year 80.13% ahead in nominal terms, only four counters in the universe ended the year with net positive real returns (Zeco, NMB, FCB and CFI). Towards the tail-end of the year, National Foods and Simbisa moved their listings from the ZSE in favour of the Victoria Falls Stock Exchange. Delta (US$494 million) and Innscor closed the year as the most valuable companies whilst Econet slid from pole position in 2021 to third place. ZSE worst performing in Sadc Econet is among most liquid stocks in the period under review.

PRISCA TSHUMA THE All-Share index has closed the month of January in positive territory, adding 17% driven by the medium cap which gained 32% compared to the prior month. The bourse had a month characterised by more gains than regressions. The top 10 index, which represents the heavyweights, gained 12.29% in January compared to the previous month. In the last week of the month ended 27 January 2023, all four indices were bullish. The primary ZSE All-Share Index went up 2.2% to settle at 22,142.52 points, while mid-cap increased by 3.55% to close at 45,157.58 points. Similarly, the Top 10 was 1.70 up to end the week at 13,612.50 points and the Industrial Index put on 2.22% for the week to close pegged at 73,013.98 points. Commenting on the movements, market analyst Rufaro Hozheri said the agricultural sector performed well due to the good rainy season experienced throughout the month. “Companies in the agriculture-related business have done well given the good rains and the anticipation of a good agric season. Seed Co, Hippo Valley Estates and Tanganda are all part of the best-performing counters in January,” he said. Seed manufacturer Seed Co led the movers of the market last week by 39.33% to ZW$165.0333, while tea processor Tanganda rose 21.02% to ZW$155.2500. Trading in the negative last week was Willdale which dipped 16.22% to ZW$3.1000 while, First Mutual Holdings followed on a 14.85% drop to close at ZW$19.0500. Sugar processor Star Africa withdrew 10.68% and closed at ZW$1.9650 as Nampak retreated 9.02% to end week at ZW$12.5556. Elsewhere, the Zimbabwean dollar continued to depreciate against the US dollar on the RBZ forex auction, dropping 6.5% to trade at US$1:ZW$779.31. Hodzeri said February might be dark for the local-currency bourse as more securities migrate to the Victoria Falls Exchange (VFEX). “Getting into February, fear of suppressed activity as more counters move to the VFEX is becoming real. I however believe that in the long run the ZSE will stand its ground,” he said. ZSE-listed counters have been migrating to VFEX to gain access to US dollar capital and other favourable financial terms such as low trading costs. In the month under review, blue chip counter Innscor and Axia Corporation Limited announced intentions to migrate to the foreign currency bourse. Last year, Simbisa Brands, National Foods Limited and Nedbank Limited listed on VFEX. PRISCA TSHUMA PUBLIC listed companies are focusing on growing export sales and United States dollar transactions for revenue growth and capital. As the Zimbabwe dollar continues to depreciate, more companies are depending on US dollar sales and growing their export sales to alleviate the poor performance driven by the local economy. The local currency is expected to plunge against major currencies as money supply surges ahead of the this year’s general election. In its first-quarter trading update, Ariston Holdings said it would improve tea quality to grow export sales volume to counter effects of the local economy, which is forecast to be buffeted by headwinds during the year. “Increased export sales will translate to increased profitability which mitigates against the effect of the low performance of the local market on the Group’s financial well-being,” said the group. The slowdown in inflation and exchange rate volatility in response to Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe policy interventions resulted in increased foreign currency transactions and constrained Zimdollar liquidity. Ecocash Holdings recorded a drop in volume of local-currency mobile money transactions in the third quarter ended 30 November 2022 as the market increased usage of the US dollar. “The reduction of IMTT [intermediated money transfer tax] on domestic money transfer transactions from 4% to 2% effective 1 January 2023 is expected to further accelerate the adoption of United States Dollar digital money transfer services,” said the tech Group. Seed manufacturer Seed Co Limited projected volume growth in Zimbabwe driven by increase in US dollar domestic sales for the upcoming quarter in 2023. “In Zimbabwe the business is expected to experience volume growth as well as a notable increase in the contribution of hard currency revenue from encouraging export growth and a significant increase in domestic sales in USD,” said the company. Meanwhile, companies like Axia Corporation and Innscor Africa have opted to migrate to the Victoria Falls Exchange to gain access to the US dollar capital and the low trading costs of 2.12%, which would enable the company to make savings and retain better value for the shareholders. Zim stock market in recovery mode Listed firms rely on US dollar The Zimbabwe dollar is expected to plunge against major currencies. ZSE-listed counters have been migrating to VFEX. Page 30 Companies & Markets NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023

NewsHawks Companies & Markets Page 31 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 BERNARD MPOFU THE Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe says only two out of seven deposit-taking microfinance institutions (DTMFI) are compliant with the US$5 minimum capital requirement despite the sub-sector recording improved earnings during the period under review. According to the latest Monetary Policy Statement (MPS) announced on Thursday, while earnings improved, under-capitalisation remains a source of worry. Figures availed by the central bank show that aggregate core capital for the sub-sector rose to ZW$11.68 billion as at 31 December 2022 from ZW$9.94 billion as at 30 September 2022. The MPS comes at a time the global economy is projected to record a slowdown as a result of tight monetary conditions as central banks fight inflation, declining investment, lagged effects of the Covid-19 pandemic, global supply chain disruptions and rising commodity prices emanating from the Russia-Ukraine conflict. “The sub-sector has not been able to significantly grow its capital over the year with some of the DTMFIs posting losses since inception,” reads the MPS in part. “The DTMFIs need to be adequately capitalised on an ongoing basis to capacitate the institutions to play a more critical role in fostering financial inclusion. In this regard, the Boards and shareholders should remain resolutely focused on implementing measures including viable strategic options that bolster the institutions’ capital levels.” The sub-sector, the central bank says, recorded an improvement in aggregate earnings from ZW$29.49 million for the period ended 31 December 2021, to ZW$6.53 billion for the period ended 31 December 2022. The earnings performance was, however, largely driven by revaluation gains on investment properties and foreign currency-denominated assets. “Four (4) institutions namely African Century Limited, Getbucks Microfinance, Innbucks Microbank and Success Microfinance reported profits during the period ending 31 December 2022. This underscores the need for the institutions to review their business models and institute credible revenue enhancement measures to ensure institutional sustainability,” the central bank says. “The total sub-sector loans of ZW$7.21 billion as at 31 December 2022 represent a 39.19% increase from ZW$5.18 billion as at 30 September 2022. Portfolio quality improved as evidenced by the decline in the Portfolio-at-Risk (PaR) ratio (>30 days) of 15.22%, down from 19.36% as at 30 September 2022. However, the ratio compares unfavourably with the international benchmark of 5%. It is, therefore, imperative for the institutions to strengthen their credit risk management practices and internal controls to improve the quality of their loan portfolios.” Microfinance institutions inadequately capitalised Getbucks Microfinance reported profit during the period ending 31 December 2022.

BERNARD MPOFU ZIMBABWE’S tax agency says United States dollar income and corporate taxes recorded strong growth during the quarter ending 31 December 2022 compared to prior comparative period as companies paid salaries in hard currency to cushion workers from chronic high inflation. Anthony Mandiwanza, Zimbabwe Revenue Authority chairperson, says despite having a challenging operating environment, the tax collector managed to surpass the fourth-quarter 2022 target by 34.05% and the 2022 annual target by 26.47%. Net revenue collected in the fourth quarter 2022 grew by 467.56% and 59.50% in nominal and real terms respectively from same period in 2021. All revenue heads registered growth in both nominal and real terms. The southern African country has one of the highest inflation levels in the world and inflationary pressure has resulted in loss of value of the domestic currency, prompting business to start charging goods and services in mainly US dollars alongside the local unit. “Tax from individuals exceeded the set target by 70.92% and revenue growth was 76.69 in real terms as compared to Q4 2021. The positive real growth is mainly attributable to salary adjustments, bonus payments, partial payments and full payment of salaries in foreign currency,” reads the Zimra fourth-quarter report. “Company collections grew by 10.05% in real terms compared to Q4 2021. The authority intensified various revenue-enhancing activities like sector-based audits and door-to-door visits to harness revenue from various economic sectors. The positive real growth is also attributable to increased foreign currency revenue from companies. “Going into 2023, the Authority is expecting to grow net revenue in line with the projected economic growth. The Economy projected to grow by 3.8% in 2023 on the back of anticipated favourable international commodity prices, stable power supply, tight monetary and fiscal policies and continued use of the multi-currency regime.” The International Monetary Fund however expects Zimbabwe's GDP to increase by 3.5% in 2022 whilst estimates from the government forecast 4%. BERNARD MPOFU ZIMBABWE’S ambition to achieve strong economic growth rate which is above that of regional peers could go off the rails as policy uncertainty heightens during election time, a new report has shown. The southern African country, which has a history of disputed election outcomes, is expected to go elections later this year. According to a research note done by local brokerage firm Inter-Horizon Securities (IH), polls may lead to excessive spending, policy inconsistency and depressed economic growth. Analysts and business organisations say ominous signs of potentially turbulent elections are there as the campaign season swings into motion. “As the country heads towards elections, there is increased uncertainty about the direction the economy is going to take,” IH Securities said in its research note titled Zimbabwe Equity Research Equity Strategy 2023 January 2023: An Economy at Crossroads. “The country faces risk from likely increased spending to finance election-related activities ahead of and during forthcoming polls. Historical data shows, for the most part, the country registers poor economic performance during an election year. Assuming the same trend is maintained, annual inflation is expected to increase while GDP growth rate will decline.” Official figures show that 2022 gross domestic product (GDP) for the country is expected to increase by 4% driven by mining, agriculture and construction industries. Mining is expected to grow by 10% in 2022 driven by expected increased output in gold, platinum group metals, chrome, nickel, diamond and coal. “Foreign Direct Investment into the country remains muted compared to peers in the region. In the upcoming year, elections will be front and centre within the region,” the report further reads. The Democratic Republic of Congo, Madagascar and Zimbabwe are expected to go to elections this year while South Africa, Malawi, Namibia, Mozambique and Botswana decide on who should govern them in 2024. The International Monetary Fund however expects Zimbabwe GDP to increase by 3.5% in 2022 whilst estimates from the government forecast 4%. Government GDP growth outlook is premised primarily on improved performance from the mining, construction as well as energy sectors. Mining is expected to grow by 10% in 2022 from the mid-year projection of 9.5% driven by expected increased output in gold, platinum group metals (PGMs), chrome, nickel, diamond and coal. Aiding to this growth are record high international commodity prices and increased investments in the sector. Zimra records forex revenue upsurge Elections bring uncertainty Mining is expected to grow by 10% in 2022. Page 32 NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 Companies & Markets

NewsHawks Stock Taking Page 33 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 Company Sector Bloomberg Ticker Previous Price (cents) Last Traded Price VWAP (cents) Total Traded Volume Total Traded Value ($) Price Change (cents) Price Change (%) YTD (%) Market Cap ($m) AFDIS Consumer Goods AFDIS: ZH 26300.00 25995.00 25995.31 20,900 5,433,020 -304.69 -1.16 -1.31 31,062.97 African Sun Consumer Services ASUN: ZH 3218.99 3600.00 3600.00 1,600 57,600 381.01 11.84 46.36 53,204.45 ART Industrials ARTD: ZH 1800.00 2000.00 2000.00 200 4,000 200.00 11.11 42.86 8,739.55 Ariston Consumer Services ARISTON: ZH 454.86 455.00 454.89 3,800 17,286 0.03 0.01 12.21 7,402.86 Axia Consumer Goods AXIA: ZH 10768.25 12000.00 11484.14 588,800 67,618,590 715.89 6.65 3.26 63,727.83 BAT Consumer Goods BAT: ZH 277300.00 - 277300.00 - - - - -0.93 57,216.74 Bridgefort Capital Industrials BFCA: ZH 800.00 - 800.00 - - - - - 96.00 Bridgefort Class B Financial Services BFCB: ZH 2600.00 - 2600.00 - - - - - 34.89 CAFCA Industrials CAFCA: ZH 26460.00 - 26460.00 - - - - 32.23 2,311.31 CBZ Banking CBZ: ZH 14500.00 14500.00 14500.00 1,300 188,500 - - 7.41 75,785.91 CFI Industrials CFI:ZH 43000.00 - 43000.00 - - - - 4.44 45,597.58 Dairibord Consumer Goods DZL: ZH 6828.00 6880.00 6880.00 1,700 116,960 52.00 0.76 96.57 24,630.46 Delta Consumer Goods DLTA: ZH 43526.54 48300.00 47672.52 135,200 64,453,250 4145.98 9.53 32.51 622,531.41 Ecocash Technology EHZL: ZH 5138.84 5100.00 5160.89 23,600 1,217,970 22.05 0.43 28.76 133,696.84 Econet Telecommunications ECO: ZH 14009.52 14705.00 14559.88 324,300 47,217,690 550.36 3.93 51.23 377,184.88 Edgars Consumer Services EDGR: ZH 960.00 960.00 960.00 20,200 193,920 - - 1.05 5,800.78 FBC Banking FBC: ZH 6600.00 - 6600.00 - - - - 6.45 44,348.70 Fidelity Financial Services FIDL: ZH 2400.00 2400.00 2400.00 2,000 48,000 - - - 2,614.16 First Capital Banking FCA: ZH 1406.76 1420.00 1440.36 104,300 1,502,295 33.60 2.39 -8.55 31,110.55 FML Financial Services FMHL: ZH 1905.00 1905.00 1905.00 700 13,335 - - -25.59 13,147.23 FMP Real Estate FMP: ZH 1504.99 1520.00 1520.00 500 7,600 15.01 1.00 26.67 18,819.99 GBH Industrials GBH: ZH 170.25 170.00 170.02 10,900 18,532 -0.23 -0.14 -5.20 912.31 Getbucks Financial Services GBFS: ZH 2000.00 2200.00 2200.00 100 2,200 200.00 10.00 0.92 25,588.60 Hippo Consumer Goods HIPO: ZH 42505.00 44605.00 44603.56 238,900 106,557,900 2098.56 4.94 144.27 86,094.04 Innscor Industrials INN: ZH 76068.43 80900.00 80978.75 239,500 193,944,100 4910.32 6.46 13.47 461,478.83 Mash Real Estate MASH: ZH 800.73 869.00 869.00 2,500 21,725 68.27 8.53 -6.03 14,665.11 Masimba Industrials MSHL: ZH 11800.00 - 11800.00 - - - - 47.58 28,515.14 Meikles Industrials MEIK: ZH 15816.48 15800.00 15800.00 700 110,600 -16.48 -0.10 41.07 40,471.82 Nampak Industrials NPKZ: ZH 1265.13 1400.00 1400.00 1,000 14,000 134.87 10.66 55.38 10,579.07 NTS Industrials NTS: ZH 1020.00 - 1020.00 - - - - 0.00 2,589.50 NMBZ Banking NMB: ZH 4000.00 4400.00 4400.00 5,000 220,000 400.00 10.00 16.81 17,783.55 OK Zim Consumer Services OKZ: ZH 4401.85 4445.00 4446.39 516,700 22,974,500 44.54 1.01 37.58 57,639.08 Proplastics Industrials PROL: ZH 6259.76 - 6259.76 - - - - 89.69 15,770.57 RTG Consumer Services RTG: ZH 1200.00 1200.00 1200.00 700 8,400 - - 35.29 29,945.95 RioZim Basic Materials RIOZ: ZH 14015.00 - 14015.00 - - - - 0.04 17,102.43 SeedCo Consumer Goods SEED: ZH 21814.78 21800.00 21800.00 1,700 370,600 -14.78 -0.07 192.54 54,363.46 Star Africa Consumer Goods SACL: ZH 190.01 190.00 192.99 61,500 118,690 2.98 1.57 -8.89 9,099.64 Tanganda Consumer Goods TANG: ZH 16799.13 - 16799.13 - - - - 87.98 43,856.58 Truworths Consumer Services TRUW: ZH 250.00 - 250.00 - - - - -9.09 960.17 TSL Consumer Goods TSL: ZH 5200.00 - 5200.00 - - - - 18.17 18,620.00 Turnall Industrials TURN: ZH 444.00 - 444.00 - - - - 12.48 2,189.10 Unifreight Industrials UNIF: ZH 5170.00 5900.00 5900.00 100 5,900 730.00 14.12 14.23 6,281.98 Willdale Industrials WILD: ZH 300.52 305.00 305.00 4,600 14,030 4.48 1.49 69.44 5,422.90 ZB Banking ZBFH: ZH 11300.00 - 11300.00 - - - - 0.04 19,796.54 Zeco Industrials ZECO: ZH 3.31 - 3.31 - - - - 0.00 15.34 Zimpapers Consumer Services ZIMP: ZH 343.67 380.00 380.00 200 760 36.33 10.57 57.49 2,188.80 Zimplow Industrials ZIMPLOW: ZH 2303.02 - 2303.02 - - - - 35.47 7,935.76 ZHL Financial Services ZHL: ZH 785.01 791.00 790.07 7,500 59,255 5.06 0.64 50.49 14,365.20 TOTAL 2,320,700 512,531,208 2,613,296.54 ETFs Cass Saddle Agriculture ETF CSAG.zw 214.89 225.00 225.00 1,680 3,780 10.11 4.70 25.00 81.45 Datvest Modified Consumer Staples ETF DMCS.zw 147.43 147.00 146.96 32,460 47,703 -0.47 -0.32 -5.79 103.66 Morgan&Co Made in Zimbabwe ETF MIZ.zw 130.00 130.00 130.00 90 117 - - 14.29 3,108.31 Morgan&Co Multi-Sector ETF MCMS.zw 2445.65 2400.00 2400.00 160 3,840 -45.65 -1.87 4.35 3,088.15 Old Mutual ZSE Top 10 ETF OMTT.zw 771.86 785.00 784.78 1,850 14,519 12.92 1.67 21.86 1,127.14 FINSEC Old Mutual Zimbabwe Financial Services OMZIL 13500.00 - 13500.00 18,601 2,511,135 - - 3.85 11,206.58 VFEX (US cents) US$m BNC Mining BIND:VX 2.14 - 2.14 - - - - -6.96 27.24 Caledonia Mining CMCL:VX 1300.00 - 1300.00 - - - - - 8.06 NatFoods Consumer Goods NTFD:VX 181.00 - 181.00 - - - - 1.32 123.80 Nedbank Financial Services NED:VX 1150.00 - 1150.00 - - - - - 1.84 Padenga Consumer Goods PHL:VX 28.75 28.75 28.75 79,122 22,748 - - 25.44 155.71 SeedCo International Consumer Goods SCIL:VX 26.95 - 26.95 - - - - -10.02 102.80 Simbisa Brands Consumer Goods SIM: VX 43.14 43.15 43.15 1,405 606 0.01 0.02 17.90 242.58 TOTAL 80,527 23,354 662.03 REITs Tigere REIT TIG.zw 5062.00 5062.00 5062.00 23,841 1,206,831 - - 23.52 64,425.73 Index Close Change (%) Open YTD % Top 5 Risers Price Change % YTD % ZSE All Share 24,782.89 +4.77 23,653.77 +27.13 Unifreight 5900.00c +730.00c +14.12 +14.23 Top 10 15,222.34 +5.65 14,407.72 +23.65 African Sun 3600.00c +381.01c +11.84 +46.36 Top 15 17,012.45 +5.44 16,134.99 +26.62 ART 2000.00c +200.00c +11.11 +42.86 Small Cap 504,953.31 +1.52 497,412.08 +11.70 Nampak 1400.00c +134.87c +10.66 +55.38 Medium Cap 50,707.50 +2.67 49,388.84 +38.38 Zimpapers 380.00c +36.33c +10.57 +57.49 Top 5 Fallers Price Change % YTD % AFDIS 25995.31c -304.69c -1.16 -1.31 GBH 170.02c -0.23c -0.14 -5.20 Meikles 15800.00c -16.48c -0.10 +41.07 SeedCo 21800.00c -14.78c -0.07 +192.54 - - - - - Friday, 03 February 2023 A MEMBER OF FINSEC & THE ZIMBABWE STOCK EXCHANGE Price Sheet MORGAN & COMPANY has issued this document for distribution to its clients. It may not be reproduced or further distributed in whole or in part for any purpose. This document is not and should not be construed as an offer to sell or the solicitation of an offer to purchase or subscribe to any investment. MORGAN & COMPANY has based this document on information obtained from sources it believes to be reliable but which it has not independently verified; MORGAN & COMPANY makes no guarantee, representation or warranty and accepts no responsibility or liability as to the accuracy or completeness of its content. Tel: (+263) 08677008101-2 | Email: [email protected] | Address: 14165 Sauer Road, Gunhill, Harare Batanai Matsika: [email protected] | Tafara Mtutu: [email protected] | Gabriel Manjonjo: [email protected] SALES & TRADING: Davide Muchengi: [email protected] | Lungani Nyamazana: [email protected] | Precious Chagwedera: [email protected] RESEARCH:

NATHAN GUMA ZIMBABWE is heading towards another disputed election should the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) adopt the discredited delimitation report without correcting the glaring shortcomings, analysts have warned. Zec is under pressure to finalise the delimitation process — which is conducted every 10 years to reconfigure constituency and ward boundaries — ahead of polls this year, in view of tight deadines. The preliminary report given to President Emmerson Mnangagwa by Zec chairperson Justice Priscilla Chigumba has been roundly criticised for its shortcomings, which civil society says make it irredeemable. Among other errors highlighted by stakeholders is that Zec may have used the old Lancaster House constitution to delineate boundaries which has seen other constituencies exceeding the required population threshold. In other instances, some wards have been interchanged and moved despite their having a population that falls within the stipulated threshold, raising gerrymandering fears. Gerrymandering refers to the manipulation of electoral constituency boundaries to favour one party. A report by Team Pachedu released last week shows that Zec may have unnecessarily reconfigured electoral boundaries in favour of the ruling Zanu PF, reducing the opposition’s chances of winning in its urban and rural dominions. Civil society says Zec has to act fast to avoid reverting to the 2007-8 delimitation boundaries, as this may be disastrous, with serious implications for the equality of the vote. Rebellion Political analysts say the delimitation process may fuel rebellion should the preliminary report be adopted with uncorrected shortcomings, which may also lead to a disputed electoral result. “The danger of an election based on a faulty and contested delimitation report (raises) questions on the legitimacy of the electoral outcomes and fears of disenfranchisement of as many people who may be lumped with communities whom they share nothing with as well as gerrymandering of election boundaries in order to Zec incompetence could lead to disputed elections neutralise the opposition in its strongholds which may lead to questions on representation,” says political analyst Rashweat Mukundu. “So, you may see that the members of Parliament may not get the support, and they may not get the cooperation from communities, because the communities may feel that they are not representing their interests, even if they may have won in those constituencies.” Therefore, he said settling the errors would create a consensus that is likely to bring violence and discontent upon announcement of results of the general election. In 2018, opposition members took to the streets, protesting a delay in the release of election results. During the protests, the army gunned down six protesters, whose families are yet to receive compensation from the government. “So, what is needed at the preparatory stage is to have consensus on the delimitation report which then builds on the consensus and legitimacy of the electoral outcomes,” Mukundu said. Other analysts say the delimitation process may also increase conflict among MPs who are set to lose their constituencies. “In terms of the law, Veritas (lawyer grouping) said the process is illegal as it violates the constitution, meaning that they may need to go back to the drawing board and redo the process. “If they do, they may fail to do the process in time, or they may do a shoddy job, so the process could be finished. Chances are that the sitting members of Parliament will want the existing constituencies to remain. But I do not see Zec doing that as it will be in violation of the law,” said Wellington Mbofana, director of the Civic Education Network (CivNET). PVO Bill to increase violence He also said violence is likely to continue unabated with the Private Voluntary Organisations (PVO) Bill passing through Senate. The Bill seeks to shrink the civic space, while snooping into operations of organisations that are registered as private voluntary entities. Some of the organisations have been keeping an eye on the upholding of constitutional rights. “I think that is a huge one. Most of the organisations that are likely to be affected are the ones doing the elections work. Without these ones, there is likely to be a free-for-all in terms of electoral violence, as the organisations are also involved in monitoring,” he said. In January, a video circulating on social media showed elderly CCC members in Murehwa being flogged by suspected Zanu PF youths on accusations of convening an opposition meeting. Zanu PF has since distanced itself from the violence, claiming that it was stage-managed. Also last month, 26 CCC members were arrested in Budiriro, Harare, for attending an internal meeting at a private residence. Mbofana says such acts of violence are likely to increase, as the authorities clip the wings of human rights watchdog organisations. “It is not the usual humanitarian organisations that are mainly being targeted. Those ones can still go ahead operating, but at the same time, others can be worried, especially if they fail to submit demands being asked for by politicians,” Mbofana said. According to Transparency international Zimbabwe (TIZ), an organisation promoting accountability, conflict is likely to increase, enhancing autocracy. Authoritarian regimes make use of coercion and force to supress dissent. Page 34 News Analysis NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 Zec chairperson Priscilla Chigumba

NewsHawks The Big Debate Page 35 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 CHRISTINA LAMB ROADS are like war zones, there are 20-hour power cuts, and three in four are jobless but any opposition is met with extreme violence Since Emmerson Mnangagwa took power in 2017, Zimbabwe has slid further into chaos. For Jasmine Toffa, the hardest moment of her life was not being beaten black and blue by regime thugs. It came when the Zimbabwean MP appeared in Parliament after surgery, broken hands in plaster, and the Justice minister laughed at her. The single mother of three had gone to campaign for a fellow opposition member in council by-elections 70 miles from her constituency in the city of Bulawayo. She was in his house when people came running to warn them that hoodlums from the ruling party were assaulting anyone wearing opposition yellow. “We locked ourselves in the bedroom but we heard them banging on doors and windows, shouting ‘Open up!’ and glass breaking,” she says. “They forced their way in, pulled me out and started beating me with sticks and branches. I held my hands up to protect my face. “They knew I was an MP — they kept saying ‘Honourable’ as they beat me. ‘Honourable, why are you here? Honourable, are you sure you support [the opposition leader] Nelson Chamisa?’” Jasmine Toffa was hospitalised after being beaten up by supporters of Zanu PF. Political violence and repression are nothing new in Zimbabwe, where Zanu PF has been in power since independence in 1980 and has no intention of relinquishing it. But with fresh elections due in July, the “softening-up” of voters has begun earlier this time and is unfolding in more sinister ways, leading many to fear this poll will be the bloodiest yet. “It’s going to be a massacre if the international community does not intervene,” warned Peter Mutasa, head of Crisis in Zimbabwe, a coalition of churches and human rights groups. When Robert Mugabe was ousted in November 2017, people danced in the streets and there was hope of a new dawn. His successor, Emmerson Mnangagwa (80), donned a colourful knitted scarf, flew to Davos and declared the country “open for business”. The British ambassador at the time praised the new president, Mugabe’s long-time right-hand man, as “a pragmatist”. On the surface, Zimbabwe remains a beautiful country. This year tens of thousands of British tourists will visit the country to marvel at the Victoria Falls, see elephants and rhinos in its national parks and watch hippos wallow on the Zambezi. With inflation and interest rates among the world’s highest, customers must queue to get hold of US currency. But for most Zimbabweans, life is They danced when Mugabe fell. Now life in Zimbabwe is worse than ever worse than ever. Mnangagwa, known as “the Crocodile”, has quashed dissent more brutally than ever and presided over a collapse in living standards for the middle classes and poor alike, while his cronies have prospered. “We’ve jumped from the frying pan into the fire,” says Chamisa, the opposition leader, when we meet in a secret location. He has survived two assassination attempts. “Mnangagwa is doing what Mugabe did with a lot more malevolence and maliciousness.” Zimbabwe was once a model for the continent, the breadbasket of Africa. Today, much of its population is on the verge of starvation. Inflation, at 244%, and the interest rate, at 200%, are among the highest in the world. Three quarters of people are unemployed and corruption has devastated state resources. Restrictions on the media meant this article had to be reported undercover. Nothing works. Daily power cuts last 20 hours, forcing people to use candles and cook on fires. The vast majority lack access to clean water. Once-pristine highways look like war zones, studded with potholes. Traffic lights and street lamps are dormant. Ask to buy a train ticket at Bulawayo station and Loveless, the woman in the ticket booth, falls about laughing. “We haven’t had passenger trains for more than three years,” she says. “Mnangagwa has taken us back to the Dark Ages,” says Tendai Biti, the former finance minister. “This is soft genocide.” Most of the population survives by selling to each other on the roadside, turning cities such as Harare into vast street markets. Prices are in US dollars — the real-time gross settlement dollar, known as the Zimdollar, was meant to be on a par when it was introduced in 2019 but currently sells at an unofficial rate of about 1 100 Zimdollars to the US dollar. The American notes in circulation are so worn there is an industry in gluing them together. Those who can escape do. A third of the population — five million people — have fled overseas, a larger exodus than from war zones in Syria and Ukraine. At Parirenyatwa Hospital, among the best in Africa 20 years ago, theatre staff wear plastic bags on their heads to carry out operations. They have run out of intravenous paracetamol and patients must provide their own dressings and sutures. Most people survive by selling to each other on the roadside. One surgeon, speaking anonymously, told of his distress. “We used to do everything — heart transplants, complex microsurgery. Now it’s just basic emergency procedures. The last time we did elective surgery was in June last year. We have no resources, patients have to buy everything. For a whole month we had no TB drugs. We have a CT scan but no radiologist, so no one to read them. We have lost so many staff we have just two theatre nurses instead of 13. Most have gone to the UK, where they can earn 10 times as much. “One man came with cancer which was operable, but we couldn’t do anything, so had to watch him die.” District hospitals are worse, with surgeons carrying out operations by the light of mobile phones. Education is in a similar plight. A Unicef report last year found that almost half of children were out of school, unable to pay fees. Teenage pregnancies are rife. Drugs such as crystal meth are ubiquitous, with sale locations marked by pairs of shoes hanging from lampposts. In Magamba settlement in Hatcliffe Extension, a shanty town of Zimbabweans cheering soldiers during the 2017 coup.

plastic and cardboard shelters in a muddy vale in northern Harare, I meet Prisca (36) carrying a bucket of mangoes and tomatoes she has been trying to sell. She has four children aged four to 13, bringing them up alone after her husband died of “bad beer”. “None are at school as there is no way I can pay,” she says, proffering a torn page from an exercise book scrawled with her debts to the school — US$67 in total. She earns between US$1 and US$3 a day selling fruit and veg, which she buys once a week on a three-hour bus ride and sells for a small mark-up. Yet only a few miles away is Borrowdale Brooke, a gated community where the streets are lined with mansions. Peacocks strut on the lawns between Greek-style statues and fountains; Rolls-Royces and Bentleys sit on the drives. Power cuts and water shortages do not trouble its residents: they have their own solar power and boreholes. The gated community of Borrowdale Brooke offers a stark contrast to the poverty experienced by millions. Nearby is the so-called Oligarch Road, dotted with high-walled properties with helipads and security cameras and inhabited by friends of Mnangagwa’s family, who have become rich on mining, fuel, foreign exchange and government infrastructure contracts. Chief among them is Kudakwashe Tagwirei, a tycoon known as the Queen Bee, who is under US sanctions along with his wife, Sandra Mpunga. A US Treasury report accuses him of benefitting from his connections to Mnangagwa and giving expensive cars to government officials in return. The EU and UK also have travel bans and asset freezes on multiple Zimbabwean individuals including all four security chiefs. Zimbabwe was suspended from the Commonwealth in 2002 for its violent seizure of white-owned farms and human rights abuses. Mnangagwa has been lobbying to be allowed back, yet Mugabe’s former security chief, responsible for some of the worst excesses of the old regime, has proved even more vicious in power — and wilier. “He has tried to capture every institution, but what is unique is he also tried to capture the opposition,” says Chamisa, the opposition leader. In 2018, Chamisa narrowly lost the presidential election to Mnangagwa in a contest he claimed was rigged. Two years later, a member of a rival faction within his opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), went to court to claim to be its true leader. He won and troops stormed the MDC’s offices to prevent Chamisa returning. The ruling party later rewarded the MP with a farm and ministry. “It was a hostile takeover,” says Chamisa (45). “We lost everything — vehicles, offices, computers, database and funding. We literally had to start from scratch.” David Coltart, the party treasurer, tries to explain the move in British terms. “Imagine if after the Conservatives won the last elections they packed the Supreme Court with judges to do their bidding, then opened the court specially during Covid to issue an order to say that Keir Starmer was no longer the leader of the Labour Party and that instead the leader was one of his former MPs now in a tiny new faction. Then they reopened parliament for the Speaker to expel all Labour MPs unless they joined that faction and arranged for the army to raid Labour Party headquarters and seize all their assets and records.” Chamisa was forced to create an entirely new party, the Citizens' Coalition for Change, known as Triple-C. He tries to cast the setback in a positive light. “It has given us a beautiful moment to start again and redefine our struggle and correct mistakes of the past. Besides, our most important offices are not brick and mortar but in the hearts of the people.” He draws hope from rumours of splits in the ruling party and from recent elections in Zambia, Lesotho, Kenya and Malawi that saw incumbents ousted. Supporters of the Citizens' Coalition for Change are used to violent treatment from police. Last year CCC won 19 of 28 by-elections and 75 of 122 council elections. “That’s not Mickey Mouse,” says Chamisa. “That’s big, that’s why they are panicking. Change is in the air. People know this election is a matter of life and death. But we need to win big so they can’t manipulate the results.” In his New Year’s address, Mnangagwa spoke of the elections. “I urge each of us to continue being peace-loving and politically mature citizens,” he said. Within days, a group of elderly people, some as old as 79, were beaten in Murehwa, 50 miles east of Harare, for attending an opposition meeting. A chilling video was released as a warning. The cabinet recently agreed a socalled Patriotic Act to punish people who criticise the country while abroad or who call for sanctions. Several opposition MPs are in prison. One, Job Sikhala, has been in a maximum-security jail for more than seven months with no trial after speaking at the funeral of activist Moreblessing Ali, a 46-year-old mother of two whose mutilated remains were found dumped in a well in June. “The next day, hordes of police came, heavily armed, around 7pm just as we were about to have dinner,” says Sikhala’s wife, Mai (47). “This is political persecution, pure and simple. He was just doing his job as the family’s lawyer.” She is used to her husband being arrested — this is his 67th time in jail. But at 229 days it is the longest stint and the first time he has been refused all bail. The detention has left her struggling to feed their 11 children, aged three to 22, as she also has to take her husband food. Conditions in Chikurubi Prison are atrocious. “Job is unwell and I am terrified they will kill him,” she says. One judge, Erica Ndewere, dared to agree bail for Sikhala but was then herself charged with gross incompetence and removed from her post. Mai Sikhala’s husband Job, an opposition MP, is in jail for the 67th time. Those opposition MPs or officials who are not in jail are almost all on bail for nebulous charges, forced to waste time appearing in court or police stations and unable to travel as their passports are impounded. “They have completely weaponised the law,” says Fadzayi Mahere, a lawyer and CCC spokeswoman, who is one of those on bail. Two weeks ago, two CCC MPs were arrested along with 24 supporters for holding a private meeting. When their lawyer Kudzai Kadzere went to the police station he was ambushed by riot police and beaten so badly his right hand was broken. When he went back after surgery to file a report, he was charged with “causing criminal nuisance”. “People have been messaging me, warning, ‘They will kill you, stop’,” he said. “But that’s what they want. They are trying to tie up the whole civil society in cases.” Hopewell Chin’ono, a journalist, has been arrested three times in the past two years and spent 84 days in detention. He has received numerous threats. Last September, one of Zimbabwe’s best-known writers, Tsitsi Dangarembga, whose work has been shortlisted for the Booker prize, was arrested for simply holding a placard stating: “We want better. Reform our institutions.” She was convicted of “inciting” public violence and given a suspended prison sentence. Many people believe there is no point in voting because the election will be rigged and the risk of supporting the opposition is too high. General Constantino Chiwenga, the army chief turned vice-president, told a rally last year that they would “crush the opposition like lice”, adding: ”You put it on a flat stone and then flatten it to the extent that even flies will not make a meal out of it.” Tears pour down the face of Toffa as she recalls the attack in October that left her with broken hands. “They whacked my calves and ankles,” the MP says. “It was like a documentary I’d seen on genocide in Rwanda. I am 58 but I was so terrified I cried out, ‘Mummy!’” Finally the assailants left and the battered survivors stumbled into the bush, where they hid for hours in a dry riverbed. Their cars had been sabotaged — the tyres of her official vehicle had been slashed and the engine filled with sand. Their phones had been stolen but Toffa had managed to hide her spare one in her bra. She called fellow party members for help but no one came — the area had been cordoned off by the regime. More than six hours later, at 7.30pm, police arrived. When Toffa finally got to a clinic in Bulawayo, she was bruised and swollen. Both hands were fractured, the left one so shattered she needed surgery to insert a metal plate. Her sons, who live overseas, begged her to give up politics. Instead, she went to Parliament. “The Home Affairs minister had said it was ‘all a façade, the opposition was famous for making up stories’, so I went there and held up my hands in plaster, but he and the Justice minister were laughing at me,” she says. “If I’m being treated like this as a sitting MP, beaten in broad daylight then ridiculed on national TV, what hope have the voiceless?” Yet the international community has also remained silent, fatigued, it seems, by the decades of repression and misrule. “We need the world’s eye on us,” pleads Chamisa. “It may seem people are free but they are not, they are scared. When history is written, Zimbabwe will be in The Guinness Book of Records for being the biggest jail on earth.” What hope is there for the opposition under such conditions? Toffa falls silent then sighs. “We can dream of miracles,” she says. — The Sunday Times. The Big Debate President Emmerson Mnangagwa Page 36 NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023

NewsHawks Critical Thinking Page 37 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 This opinion-editorial piece was written by Japhet Ncube, a Zimbabwean-born former editor of South African daily, The Star, in November 2017 during the coup which ousted the late former president Robert Mugabe and installed President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Below we republish the article. The end of his brutal reign signals a new beginning for Zimbabwe, but a fresh starts that requires both optimism and caution, writes JAPHET MATHANDA NCUBE from Harare. BEFORE finally signing his resignation letter on Tuesday afternoon, former Zimbabwean strongman Robert Gabriel Mugabe summons a few of his cabal, real friends that have stood by him through even the darkest years of his rule, to his Blue Roof villa in leafy Borrowdale. It is clearly tense and sombre in the room, as if a funeral of a close family member was underway. Among those present are Father Fidelis Mukonori, his long time Catholic cleric and confidante, standing to the left, right behind Mugabe. Former Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono, the banker who controlled the central bank at the height of the rampant looting of the public purse by the Mugabes and their crooked inner circle in the governing Zanu PF, stands in the middle, looking sheepish like a boy who has just been caught with his hands in the cookie jar. To his left is acting head of the notorious Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), Aaron Daniel Tonde Nhepera, under whom Mugabe's secret service unleashed a reign on terror on ordinary citizens and activists, and spied on his own comrades. This picture says a thousand words. But it also captures the end of a brutal chapter of Zimbabwe's post independence history. Sitting on the couch with his eyes seemingly shut, Mugabe is flanked by his disgraced wife Grace, a power-hungry and loudmouthed woman who usurped powers from her senile nonagenarian husband. Mugabe sits there, unflinching, broken and evidently sad. The army, which has held Mugabe under house arrest for almost a week since 14 November, is out of sight this time, but obviously lurking in the background, until their mission is complete. Looking at the picture, you could say Mugabe didn't know or fully comprehend the true extent of the events unfolding outside the high walls and security gates of Blue Roof, his US$10m private residence. The final moments are sad in every sense of the word. Mugabe, the once mighty dictator, ruthless leader and former freedom fighter, sits there, stone cold, sad and defeated. Next to him, a Government of Zimbabwe file believed to contain his unsigned letter of resignation in it. A box of Twin Saver tissue lies next to the file, just in case it's needed to wipe the tears. Grace sits so close it would be impossible to squeeze a loaf of bread between them. She tries to force a smile, but manages a tearful grin. It's also the first official confirmation that when the coup happened in Harare last week, she was at Blue Roof, the couple's private villa, and not in Namibia as previously reported by some media. Together with her husband, they have been held here from that day until he finally resigned on Tuesday, in the middle of a process to impeach him, plunging Zimbabwe into a wave of celebrations. Gono, Mukonori and Nhepera join them in the picture, their faces equally forlorn and devastated at the end of Mugabe's era. They stand behind Zimbabwe's most infamous couple, now former president and former first lady. The same men stood by Mugabe during the days when he was an untouchable dictator who pillaged his country and left it's purse famished. On the last day of Mugabe's reign, they stood behind him and his South Africa-born wife Grace Ntombizodwa Mugabe, nee Marufu, sad and devastated. Defeated. They couldn't believe judgment day would come so soon for a man who boasted he would rule Zimbabwe until Jesus returned, that God anointed him and only him to rule this beautiful county. But when the walls of Jericho came crashing on the former first family this week, the Son of Man wasn't even in town. Instead, all across town — and indeed Zimbabwe — the party had begun to celebrate the end of a painful chapter of the country's history. At the Harare International Conference Centre (HICC), just a silent fart from Zanu PF headquarters, the process to impeach Mugabe, by his own comrades in the ruling party and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), was in full swing. Mugabe, the trickster politician and artful dodger, was cornered. With the army holding him at his house, Zanu PF and the MDC were putting the final nail in the coffin of Mugabe, while the people of Zimbabwe, aided by the soldiers on the streets, bayed for his blood. He had nowhere to run. Parliament Speaker Jacob Mudenda interrupted the proceedings at HICC to read out Mugabe's resignation letter, which had come two days late. Mugabe had been widely expected to resign on Sunday night during a televised speech, but the aging dictator dug in, refusing to go while the army continued to squeeze his balls, behind the scenes. Earlier that morning, with many Zimbabweans thinking the army had softened its grip on Mugabe and that he would go on for at least a few more days or weeks until the impeachment process ran its course, the dictator had called a cabinet meeting. But when only about five ministers in his camp turned up, he knew it was game over. He had lost legitimacy and power had undeniably shifted. He was no longer Zanu PF first secretary and president, Emmerson Mnangagwa, whom he fired at 4pm on 6 November 2017, was the new boss. Zimbabwe after Robert Mugabe The late former President Robert Mugabe

Critical Thinking When Mudenda read out the resignation letter, Harare — and indeed  the rest of Zimbabwe and the world — came to a standstill. While the Mugabes sat there, stunned by events of the 8 days in November, wild celebrations spread throughout the world.  After 37 years of misrule, Mugabe, the world's oldest leader and one of Africa's longest serving presidents, had finally lost power. A new beginning beckoned for the oppressed, disenfranchised people of Zimbabwe. But if Zimbabweans hope for an overnight shift in the politics and economy, the return on Wednesday of exiled former vice-president Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, a man nicknamed the Crocodile for his alleged uncanny nature and ruthlessness, revealed a few unpalatable truths and sent a few warning signs.  After keeping journalists and supporters waiting in the blistering and unforgiving Zimbabwean sun at Manyame Air Force base in Harare on Wednesday afternoon, he arrived several hours later. His motorcade, in Mugabe style, sped down Samora Machel Avenue, sirens blarring, with police bikers as bridesmaids. Just the way Mugabe did it for 37 years. A Harare editor claims Mnangagwa's motorcade stopped over at Munhumutapa Building, once Mugabe's fortified official offices on Samora Machel Avenue, "just for control". Just to taste how it felt to be the new president in a country that has only known Mugabe as ruler since independence from Britain in 1980. "He had a smaller office here as vice-president only weeks ago. Now he's the main man and it felt good to go in there and savour the moment of greatness," said the journalist. He warned that Mnangagwa was Mugabe's right hand man from the liberation struggle in the 70s and from independence from Britain in 1980. Only until recently, they began to fall out, thanks to Grace's own ambitions for high office, and Mnangangwa's impatience and frustration with Mugabe refusing to hand over power and instead transferring it to his wife and her inner circle, called the G40. Mnangagwa's motorcade reminded many of Mugabe's era when it made its way across town to Zanu PF headquarters, where jubilant crowds, some bused in from as far as Chipinge in Manicaland province to the east of the country, had been waiting for him in the blistering sun since noon. Once he got there to a hero's welcome, the real Crocodile showed its true colours. Still buoyant from defeating Mugabe, Mnangagwa showed his own brutal side. The president in him failed to show up on the day. Instead, the man who spoke to Zimbabweans — and the world — from the podium at Zanu PF headquarters  proved what many of his critics have always warned against — that the defeat of Mugabe would not necessarily mean the end of Mugabeism. He shouted "pasi nemhandu!" (down with the enemy) more than once. This was Mugabe's language of hate and vengeance. Mnangagwa also spent most of his welcome speech boasting about how he had survived a poison attempt and an assassination attempt. In many ways, he was warning those who dared stand in his way that he would crush them. Indeed, if he could defeat Mugabe, with the aid of the army, he could defeat anyone. This war talk is what defined the Mugabe era — Mugabeism, as they call it on these streets today. Mnangagwa may also have blundered when he told the crowd the Southern African Development Community (Sadc), which had only a day earlier met in Luanda, Angola, and had dispatched President Jacob Zuma to fly to Harare to assess the political stalemate, which had worried the region, had backed the transfer of power and how well it was handled. This meant the coup had been accepted by Sadc. Earlier, Mnangagwa had met Zuma in Pretoria and also told the crowd he had spoken to some leaders, who included former Tanzania president Jikaya Kikwete, who had been encouraged by the change in Zimbabwe. But Mnangagwa told the crowd he would tell Zimbabweans more about his plans to revive the country and the economy, which is on its knees, at a swearing-in ceremony this morning. Perhaps his tone will change and he will show Zimbabweans that Mugabeism has indeed ended and a new era of tolerance, where no activists disappear, and where people are free to protest and elections are not stolen, has begun. So far, he has played into the hands of his critics and has proven them right — that he is not any different from the man he is replacing.  Presidential hopeful Dr Nkosana Moyo warns: "Mugabe is a system, a culture NOT an individual. A leadership overhaul is indeed necessary. That's what we're rooting for. " Sipho Malunga, whose Zimbabwe liberation war hero father and Zapu combatant Sidney Malunga was tortured and detained by Mnangagwa as State Security minister and died under mysterious circumstances in 1994, is skeptical. "If he, as we expect, does what we all know him for based on our experience of him in the last 37 years — which includes mismanaging the economy, egregiously violating human rights and stifling democracy — why should we not wish him to fail? "We wish him to fail because we know him and his ways. We are skeptical about him. He can prove us wrong and break with his past of course but we will change our minds about him then not now. We don't owe him anything. He owes us everything," he says firmly. The critics have every reason to be cautious. The signs of Mugabeism showed when man of the moment Mnangagwa told the crowds on Wednesday that throughout the coup, he had kept constant contact with the army and only agreed to come home when Mugabe had been forced to go and his security guaranteed. Unwittingly, Mnangagwa had confirmed what we already knew — that he was behind this coup, which the army has described as Operation Restore Legacy. Army boss General Constantino Chiwenga, a close ally of Mnangagwa, had first accused Mugabe of purging fellow liberation war comrades from the party and government. This, they warned Mugabe, would have to stop. And when Zanu PF issued a statement only a few hours after the army's warning, accusing the generals of treasonous conduct, Chiwenga, who had flown from China amid reports he would be arrested on arrival at Robert Mugabe International Airport, set the tankers rolling, capturing key state building, including Munhumutapa Building, State House and Mugabe's Blue Roof mansion in the leafy suburb of Borrowdale.  Mugabe's end had begun. It is clear now that Mnangagwa has taken charge and that the army has openly become part of Zimbabwe's politics, a very worrying feature that has been forgotten in the euphoria of a new Zimbabwe without Mugabe at the helm. Zimbabweans are due to go for elections next year and are currently registering to vote. Some say Mnangagwa is weaker than Mugabe and will not win a free and fair election. Which begs the question: will he agree to hand over power to the opposition when and if he loses, or will Chiwenga roll the tankers back into town to save Mnangagwa and force him down the throats of the people of Zimbabwe? What is clear, judging from events of the last two weeks, is that whoever rules Zimbabwe would have to have the blessings of the army. Ailing Morgan Tsvangirai, who won the elections in 2008 when the army pulled the strings from behind and forced Mugabe to stay on, will likely win the elections, but whether he will ascend to Zimbabwe House is entirely a different kettle of fish. For now, Ngwena is in charge and in control. Mugabe has walked into the sunset, taking Grace and their cabal along.  Zimbabwe has a chance to start afresh.  *About the writer: Japhet Ncube is former editor of The Star and covered the fall of Mugabe in Harare in November 2017. President Emmerson Mnangagwa Page 38 NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023

NewsHawks Critical Thinking Page 39 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 in South Africa was typically used as a scapegoat to dodge, ignore and, even incredibly, to defend some despots in the Commonwealth club who have become dangerously accustomed to pointing fingers at Pretoria, while conveniently disregarding similar or worse human rights abuses in their own backyard. Nothing could be worse for the Common-coloured peoples of India, Pakistan and wealth's resident dictators than the timing of the Harare summit coming, as it does, on the heels of an emerging international political order which eschews geopolitical prejudices of the past. Days of hypocrisy have vanished with the lost decades of the cold war. Phoney ideological outbursts in the name of the oppressed in South Africa will neither impress nor fool anyone. The traditionally pugnacious issue of apartheid is no longer in good currency. Nelson Mandela and FW De Klerk are talking serious business about the process of democratic transition in South Africa and their voices and visions demand serious attention from outsiders who wish to assist in the process. Against this background, heads of government and their delegations attending the Harare summit will have a historical choice to make about human rights and democracy in their ranks. To put up or shut up. This will be necessary because the Commonwealth has, over the years since its formation, evolved into an assortment of dictators some, if not many, of whom have revelled in brooking no political opposition. This must change sooner rather than later, and there is no better opportunity than the Harare meeting. Otherwise, the clock of relevance in global affairs is steadily ticking towards obscurity for the Commonwealth. The club faces the risk of being blown away. by the winds of change in the wake of growing grassroots demands for justice, pluralism and the rule of law throughout the globe. To be sure, the Commonwealth is entitled to claim having done some good for its member states in the various areas of multilateral co-operation such as trade, investment, population migrations, sports, educational, professional and judicial spheres. Without discounting some marginal achievements in these areas, the fact remains, however, that multilateral co-operation has not led to a commonwealth. Rather, the common bond has largely been based on political sentiment. For example, when the club was called the British Commonwealth of Nations between 1931 and 1946 it was sentiment which, under the Statute of Westminster, gave independence to European populations in the old dominions; especially Australia, Canada and New Zealand, while giving them special status in the folly then called the British Empire. Again, it was sentiment which, following the granting of independence to India by Britain in 1947, led to a change of name from the 'British Commonwealth of Nations' to 'The Commonwealth of Nations' as the coloured peoples of India, Pakistan and Ceylon (Sri Lanka) joined a previously all European club. Between the 1950s and '90s, the political sentiment to gain approval from, and to identify with, the former colonial master trapped the new African states into joining the club one after another, beginning with Ghana which got its independence in 1957, ending with Namibia in 1990. Political sentimentality is so high in the Commonwealth that 17 of its members outside Britain acknowledge the British monarch as symbolic head of state in these days when relevant symbolism is of the uttermost importance. For all practical purposes, Britain dominates the culture of officialdom in the majority of member states. Over time and given Britain's nostalgic desire to keep the memories of its fallen empire alive, the sentimental origins of the Commonwealth have become an institutionalized stumbling block to honest and open discussion of internal political problems experienced by member states, especially in the area of human rights and democracy. The Commonwealth is surrounded by an underlying but unspoken understanding among member states not to point accusing fingers at each other's human rights abuses, certainly not in public. The fear is that public feuds might lead to the disintegration of the Commonwealth, an event which would be a great loss to British influence. Thus, members are encouraged to use appropriate diplomatic channels, a euphemism for shutting up. But human rights and democracy are not private matters. They are essentially public concerns which require commensurate transparency and accountability. This is precisely the point which Britain has been making in its new foreign policy which ties development assistance with political conditionalities ostensibly in support of human rights and democracy in developing nations which make up the majority in the Commonwealth. If Britain is serious about this policy, then there is no better opportunity for delivering that message loudly and clearly than during next week's Commonwealth meeting. It does not make sense for Britain to run with the message to the European Economic Community (EEC) and other international fora outside the Commonwealth unless there is a conspiracy between Western industrialised nations against the Third World in the guise of human rights and democracy. In any case, the false impression that problems of human rights and democracy only bedevil the Third World and former Eastern bloc countries should be dispelled with the contempt it deserves. The fact of the matter is that human Commonwealth has appalling human rights record This written article by Professor Jonathan Moyo, then an academic at the University of Zimbabwe, was published by the Financial Gazette on 10 October 1991, a few days ahead of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting — presided over by the late Queen Elizabeth II and the late former president Robert Mugabe — in Harare. The summit, held between 16 October 1991 and 21 October 1991 after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, spawned the Harare Declaration, a landmark accord which issued safeguards on human rights and democracy. The Heads of Government reaffirmed their confidence in the Commonwealth and its core principles and values, expanding on the Singapore Declaration of 1971. However, after the turn of the millennium Zimbabwe was suspended in 2002 for breaching the Harare Declaration. In 2003, when the Commonwealth refused to lift the suspension, Harare withdrew in fury. Since then, the Commonwealth has played a major role in trying to end the political impasse in Zimbabwe and allow Harare back to the fold. But during the last summit in Kigali, Rwanda in June 2022, Zimbabwe failed to meet the conditions for its return. So it is still pushing for readmission. However, in a withering criticism of the grouping of mostly former British colonies, Moyo argued that for all its lofty ideals and declarations, the Commonwealth actually has an appalling human rights record and legacy. JONATHAN MOYO WHEN the 1991 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) is called to order next Wednesday, the group's habitual pretence to serious business amid political pomp will not be enough to camouflage its dismal silence on human rights abuses by an overwhelming majority within its ranks. At the last meeting two years ago in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, apartheid Group photo of leaders at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, Harare, Zimbabwe, 19 October 1991. The late president Robert Mugabe standing in the front row to the right (first in the second group).

Critical Thinking rights and democracy are of concern everywhere. For example, within the Commonwealth there is no single country which can claim to have a clean conscience on the score of human rights and broadbased democracy. In Britain, not only is the conflict in Northern Ireland fraught with human rights abuses, but racism against black and Asian immigrants has reached alarming proportions in the British Isles. Australian and Canadian claims to independence and civilisation become rather absurd when viewed against the impoverished state of aboriginal communities in the two countries. The same goes for New Zealand which has persistently denied the indigenous Maoris their birth rights. The problems of broad-based democracy and human rights in Australia, Canada and New Zealand were caused by the British who gave European populations independence at the expense of the indigenous communities who were then seen as natives hardly capable of civilisation. The British attempted to apply the same racist formula across Zimbabwe's backyard when they gave independence to European populations in South Africa in 1910 under arrangements similar to the Australian constitution of 1900. It is indeed a historical repudiation of the British scheme of permanently oppressing native populations that South Africa is now on the verge of majority rule. Given these real issues about British complicity in the underdevelopment of native rights in the former colonies which now make up the heart but not the mind of the Commonwealth, it is very disappointing that ruling elites in those former colonies which won independence in the name of the natives now stand accused, if not guilty, of human rights abuses which sometimes make crude British racism and colonialism pale into insignificance. This is particularly true of African states in the Commonwealth. Last week Africa Watch accused the military rulers in Nigeria of violating basic human rights under cover of the restoration of civilian rule. Nigerians are currently going through the absurdity of an alleged democratic transition towards a two-party system made in the barracks. There is no doubt that, once in place, the contrived two-party system will last only as long as the pleasure of Nigeria's men in uniform and at great cost to human rights and democracy. Other African countries which have sought to play a prominent role in the Commonwealth are no better than Nigeria. Consider the mixed record of the host country of CHOGM 1991. Zimbabwe is a multi-party state, but only on paper. Ruling politicians in this country acknowledge multipartyism, but only when they are addressing the powers that be abroad and never when they are talking to local audiences where they do everything to give the impression that Zimbabwe is constitutionally a one-party state with the now deafening claim that Zanu (PF) will rule forever. The common decency of the poor, many of whom were trapped into a vicious poverty cycle by British colonialism and Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI), is not protected in Zimbabwe. To make room for Commonwealth heads of government who apparently cannot stomach what is otherwise a daily sight of squalor in Harare, squatters around the capital city which will welcome dignitaries with fanfare were evicted and dumped at some dilapidated place far away from the city and their workplaces without sufficient notice. This is not all. Zimbabwe, whose political leadership has been very vocal against apartheid South Africa, still has to come to grips with its as yet untold human rights abuses in Matabeleland perpetrated by the government's North Korean- trained Fifth Brigade of the national army between 1982 and 1987. Some 6 000 people lost their lives mostly under government hands, while some still remain missing to the grief of their families who continue to call for nothing less than justice. Zimbabwe's rather poor post-independence record on human rights is not unique in Africa nor in the region. Zambia, which has come full circle back to multipartyism after some 17 years of one-party dictatorship, is scheduled to have multiparty elections on October 31. Given his sometimes emotional claims to fairness and democracy, it is incredible that President Kenneth Kaunda has allowed the forthcoming elections to take place under a nationwide state of emergency which has been in force for the past 28 years. Kaunda's charade that free and fair elections can take place under a state of emergency speaks for itself about the state of human rights and democracy in Zambia. But, for the sake of perspective, Zambia's situation is better than what is going on in Tanzania where the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party has arrogantly set up a commission to ask Tanzanians if they want the freedom to choose political parties. There is no greater humiliation than to be asked about one's need for political freedom. As if to add insult to the injury of its citizens, the Tanzanian government is on record for vociferously calling for full democracy in South Africa. The Tanzanian commission of enquiry into the desirability of one- or multi-partyism has its equivalence in Uganda where President Yoweri Museveni's National Resistance Movement (NRM) is going through the nonsense of asking Ugandans whether they want a no-party, a one-party or a multi-party state in their troubled land. The Tanzanian and Ugandan experiments with democratic transition risk every possibility of violating human rights because they are based on the notion that the people in power can spearhead democracy. This is sheer folly because it is not possible for the power elites to champion democracy against their entrenched interests. Everywhere, democracy has been threatened by those in power, many of whom have been corrupted by power absolutely. It is for this reason that democratic gains throughout the world have come from street politics and not from the corridors of power. To be sure, what Tanzania and Uganda are doing in asking their citizens to opt for or against political freedom is not nearly as bad as the political opprobrium in Kenya. The situation in that country has deteriorated to a point where Kenya's business has become everyone's business, especially the Commonwealth. When President Daniel Arap Moi comes to Harare next week, he needs to be publicly told in no uncertain terms that there must be an immediate stop to the brutality and savagery which his ruling Kenya African National Union (Kanu) party is perpetrating against Kenyans. If nothing is done about the Kenyan situation at the Harare summit, then nothing should be said about South Africa for the sake of keeping moral indignation against the Commonwealth somewhat low. The only consolation for President Moi, whose days are clearly numbered by any reasonable measure, is that this past weekend he had the wisdom to publicly reject misguided calls by opportunistic and dangerous elements in his party for him to be made a life president. The beleaguered Kenyan president should be encouraged, obliged, if need be, to expand his wisdom into rejecting the legislative monopoly of Kanu for the same reason(s) he rejected being made a life president. But there is a historical context to the rise of African dictators in the Commonwealth. They all inherited, retained and further perfected instruments of oppression left behind by British colonialists who were the first to implant institutions and legal systems which degraded the African personality. When the British realised that the new African leaders did not have fundamental opposition to the institutions and laws of colonialism, they were only too happy and eager to triumphantly return as advisers in military, police, prison and media affairs, to cite but a few examples. The advice was given, as it still is, in the guise of technical co-operation which was conveniently seen as non-political. In a rather worrying way, the Common- wealth of Nations has served to perpetuate and conceal British collusion in the abuses of human rights by former colonies. There are two reasons which support this conclusion. First, it is a matter of empirical assertion that the gamut of Commonwealth countries, certainly in Africa, have kept oppressive instruments of law-and-order dating back to British colonialism under the false pretence that the instruments are neutral civil service tools usable by any administration, colonial or otherwise. Second, careful examination of every case in which the British negotiated for the end of their colonial rule reveals an almost paranoid concern for minority rights at the expense of the majority. There is no single case in which the British sought entrenched rights for the majority, or even for the individual defined as a human being at large. Rather, the British sought the entrenched protection of European settlers only. This approach led to the unfortunate definition of minority in the former colonies as a white person and it was only the wellbeing of the white person which preoccupied the British mind in the transition between colonialism and independence. In the British scheme of things, a black person could not be considered a minority since all blacks were, as natives, considered to be alike. This narrow-minded, and indeed racist, definition of the minority encouraged power hungry black nationalists who were victorious at independence to make fantastic claims about their representative capacity in the black community to the detriment of human rights. The nationalists claimed to represent every black person, willy-nilly. Black dissenters were branded as traitors. What happened afterwards is a long and bitter story of human rights abuses which is better told by re-examining the past, present and future of the Commonwealth. If those industrialized countries in the Commonwealth which are calling for human rights and democracy as a condition for developmental assistance are serious about their foreign policy posturing, then the re-examination should publicly begin with the Harare summit. The alternative is a bleak future for the Commonwealth in which grassroots attitudes towards the colonial club will be, to say the least, most unkind. *About the Writer: Dr Jonathan Moyo is a lecturer in the Department of Political and Administrative Studies at the University of Zimbabwe. Above: United Kingdom's late Queen Elizabeth II (left) and the late former president Robert Mugabe during the 1991 Commonwealth Summit in Harare. Below: The fall of the Berlin Wall on 9 November 1989, during the Peaceful Revolution, was a landmark historical event which marked the end of the Cold War and the coming down of the figurative Iron Curtain on communism in Eastern and Central Europe. The late former South African president Nelson Mandela (left) with his late former wife Winnie Mandela on 11 February 1990 after being released from Victor Verster Prison. After 27 years in jail, Mandela addressed the edgy nation and the world from the Grand Parade in Cape Town. Page 40 NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023

NewsHawks Reframing Issues Page 41 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 The government of Zimbabwe is attempting to ensure that as many people as possible are forced to register as private voluntary organisations so that it can prevent not only the funding of opposition parties, but also restrict open support for the opposition THANDEKIKE MOYO ON 5 November 2021, the clerk of Parliament in Zimbabwe published the  Private Voluntary Organisations Amendment Bill 2021  (the PVO Amendment Bill) in the Government Gazette. The Bill has since been passed by the National Assembly and will be debated in the Senate on 31 January 2023. The amendments that are proposed might leave you thinking that the Zimbabwean government deals with a multitude of terrorist financing threats on a regular basis. In summary, the amendments ostensibly seek to address two things: • To prevent non-profit organisations (NGOs) from being misused by terrorist organisations as fronts or “conduits for terrorist financing”; • To ensure that private voluntary organisations do not undertake political lobbying. These two issues clearly express the intentions of the government. The first is to monitor, cease and even seize funds received by non-governmental organisations in the country. The second targets the activities of NGOs and seeks to silence dissenting voices and to further shrink, if not close, civic spaces ahead of Zimbabwe’s 2023 elections. This is made clear by the major clauses of the Bill which include changing the definition of PVOs as well as expanding the definition of “funds or other assets” to include “all financial assets and funds or other assets of every kind”. To make sure that as many people as possible are forbidden by law from financially supporting the opposition or from opposing government (read Zanu PF), the amended definition of a PVO includes anyone that fundraises for any activity. For example, if you wake up and decide that, for your birthday, you will ask people to donate money towards the drilling of a borehole in your community, the Bill demands that you must first register as a PVO. You can do that voluntarily or you can be forced to do so by the minister of Social Welfare. It means if, after registering as a PVO, you decide to donate 10 T-shirts to a candidate in the local government elections, you will be breaking the law as PVOs will now be prohibited from political lobbying. Another clause seeks to criminalise the “supporting or opposing [of] a political party or candidate by PVOs”. Clause 7 seeks to give the minister power to suspend an executive committee of any PVO suspected of maladministration, and powers for the minister to appoint trustees to run the PVO while it is being investigated. Civil penalty orders The Bill seeks to have an Office of the Registrar under the ministry of Social Welfare. This registrar will have the power to consider and determine applications for the registration as well as proposed deregistrations of organisations. At least three of the clauses seek to give the registrar more powers: including collecting fees for the registration of PVOs as well as “to impose civil penalty orders… on non-complying private voluntary organisations”. By changing the definition of PVOs, the government of Zimbabwe wants to make sure that nobody in the civic space is left untouched by the proposed laws. The Bill aims to give rights to the minister to order any organisation they target to register as a PVO. Anyone or any organisation that “doesn’t use their own funds for their activities, but instead collects contributions from the public or receives financial assistance from anyone inside or outside Zimbabwe”, shall be forced to register as a PVO. It is clear, as one reads the bill, that what the government regards as “terrorism” — or who they regard as a “terrorist” — is anyone they believe to be supporting the opposition or opposing government (read Zanu PF). One of the amendments reads: “When any PVO that supports or opposes any political party or candidate in a presidential, parliamentary or local government election, or is a party to any breach under section 7 under part iii of the Political Parties (Finance) Act [Chapter 2:12] as a contributor of funds to any political candidate or otherwise, shall be guilty of an offence and liable to a fine of level 12 or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding one year, or both such fine or such imprisonment." The Bill claims to be addressing the threat of “terrorist financing”. However, the above paragraph makes it clear that the government considers the financial support of opposition parties to be terrorist financing. Not only that, but they also criminalise opposition to any political party, which is basically the criminalisation of dissent. PVOs will be prohibited from calling out the government for, for example, human rights violations if that can be seen as opposing a political party. Criminalising opposition politics What the government is attempting to do is ensure that as many people as possible are forced to register as PVOs so that they can prevent not only the funding of opposition parties, but also restrict open support for the opposition. The bill seeks to criminalise opposition politics, which includes the activities of civil society organisations and NGOs that are viewed as political lobby groups. Most NGOs target human security in all its forms — from human rights to economic security and political insecurity, among other issues. The major cause of this insecurity is the government. It is the inadequacy of the government that has led to health, education, water and sanitation crises in the country. It is their inadequacy that has led to starvation. It is also their repressive laws and incompetence that have led to failed voter education and a failed voter registration drive. When PVOs — being NGOs, civil society organisations (CSOs) and individuals — then raise funds from the public or from local and foreign donors to support service delivery (effectively subsidising government) and save lives, the government sees this as political lobbying. They see it as such because they fear that, in their operations, PVOs will deliberately or inadvertently expose the government’s incompetence and failures. Understandably, opposition political parties’ campaigns are founded on the idea that Zanu PF must be replaced because of their failure to provide a stable currency and create an environment conducive to employment creation, as well as fail to provide merit and public goods. However, when PVOs address these issues, the government sees collusion — real or imagined — between PVOs and the opposition. Voter registration crackdown An example is the crackdown on organisations involved in encouraging people to register to vote. One of the opposition’s campaigns has been to get as many people as possible to register to vote. In neighbouring Zambia, there are claims that the incumbent party won the election in 2022 because of a massive voter registration drive by the opposition. When Zanu PF sees anyone encouraging people to vote, it views it as political lobbying for the opposition, despite the fact that encouraging more people to vote will benefit candidates from all parties. More people voting will also give a clearer picture of what the people want. Democracy demands that people must be encouraged and capacitated to vote. Anyone who feels threatened by the masses being empowered to vote knows that their power is illegitimate — it is not derived from the people, and they would like to keep it that way. We must be under no illusion that the PVO Amendment Bill targets NGOs, CSOs and activists. This view of NGOs and CSOs as enemies of the state is expressed in the state-controlled Herald newspaper that said: “The NGOs have been at the forefront of funding subversive activities and the government has the rights to protect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Zimbabwe." The propaganda that anyone who expresses dissent is funded by the West through NGOs is believed by many Zimbabweans. It is meant to make people view dissenters with suspicion, even when they share the same views. This has led to many people folding their arms and sitting back as the government launches vicious attacks on free speech and civil rights. It seems many Zimbabweans do not realise that in targeting NGOs, CSOs and activists, the PVO Bill ultimately targets all Zimbabweans and seeks not only to silence us all, but to worsen our social and economic conditions. PVOs are not just engaged in social justice work; they provide essential social services that government fails to provide, such as healthcare and food aid. Without NGOs, many in urban and rural areas would die of starvation. Without NGOs, thousands of children in the country would be out of school. There are currently many community projects, especially in rural areas, where individuals are pooling funds to build schools and feed schoolchildren, among other activities. This bill seeks to force such people to register as PVOs and thus take away their rights to engage in political lobbying. In the Monetary Policy Report of February 2022, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe said NGOs were the third-largest contributor of foreign currency receipts in the country. The bedridden economy of Zimbabwe would have come to a standstill years ago were it not for the funds brought in by PVOs and the diaspora. It is these funds that the government seeks to control, stop or seize, regardless of the fact that the bulk of these funds support health and education in Zimbabwe. The National Assembly  passed the PVO Amendment Bill on 16 December 2022 and it was sent to the senate for approval. The silence by Zimbabweans on this issue is tragic and shows the fragmentation and disconnect between leaders and the greater society. Why is it business as usual in Zimbabwe in the face of such a potentially damaging blow to civil liberties? — Daily Maverick. *About the writer: Thandekile Moyo is a writer and human rights defender from Zimbabwe. She is a peace and security fellow at the African Leadership Centre where she is receiving training on Leadership, Peacebuilding, Security and Development. PVO Bill designed to stifle vocal civil society groups The PVO Bill was finally passed by the National Assembly, with comprehensive and controversial amendments, on 16 December 2022.

Reframing Issues Great Zimbabwe, the largest city in southern Africa during the Middle Ages, made use of dozens of large pits to store water. A new study reveals how this system allowed the community to manage a stable water supply in a region prone to drought.  LOCATED in the mountains of southeastern Zimbabwe, Great Zimbabwe was founded in the 9th century. The name Zimbabwe itself means "the big stone house" in the Shona language, and in fact the country got its name from the ancient city. By the 11th century it was the capital of the Shona kingdom, overseeing parts of present-day Zimbabwe and Mozambique. With a population of between 10 000 to 18 000, the city flourished until it was abandoned in the 17th century. But how did the people living there fulfill their needs? Particularly challenging was water — Great Zimbabwe is located in a climate-sensitive area so ensuring a stable supply of water for so many people and so many cattle must have been a problem. This mystery has been investigated by a group of researchers from South Africa, England, Zimbabwe and Denmark in an article published in the journal  Anthropocene. With remote sensing methods and excavation, they investigated a number of large depressions in the landscape, which are locally called “dhaka” pits. The depressions have not been investigated before, as it has been thought that they were made only to collect clay used for building in the city. The new investigations show that the pits must also have been used to store and manage water for the city. There are clear signs that the depressions have been excavated where they can collect surface water, and at the same time seep and store groundwater for use during the dry periods of the year. The researchers found more “dhaka” pits than were known before, and they have been found where small streams will naturally run through the landscape when it rains or where groundwater seeps out. This, combined with the location and construction of the depressions, has convinced the researchers that the “dhaka” pits functioned as a clever system to ensure a stable water supply, by storing more surface and groundwater that could be used outside the rainy season as well. They estimate the system could have stored 18 000 cubic metres of water. The people of Great Zimbabwe thus devised climate-smart methods for storing and managing water in an area that is characterised by having three different climates, with a very warm and dry season, a warm and wet season and finally a warm and dry winter. Such a water supply may have been essential in order to create an urban society that required a safe supply of water for its inhabitants, for livestock and for agriculture. The researchers write: Though fragmented, the growing body of environmental and archaeological records when integrated with historical and ethnographic information, do paint a new, convincing portrait of Great Zimbabwe: a landscape where human settlement, land and water were intimately linked for a long time and to some extent, continue to do so. Springs and rainwater fed an urban population of ruling elites, religious leaders, craftsmen, and merchants. Water storage facilities were strategically placed to maximise supply and demand. The researchers hope that the exploration of “dhaka” pits in other areas might also reveal how other medieval communities in the region dealt with water management issues. The article, “Climate-smart harvesting and storing of water: The legacy of dhaka pits at Great Zimbabwe,” by Innocent Pikiray, Federica Sulas, Bongumenzi Nxumalo, Munyaradzi Elton Sagiya, David Stott, Søren M. Kristiansen, Shadreck Chirikure and Tendai Musindo, appears in Anthropocene: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/ S2213305422000388 Here is the article's abstract: Abstract Understanding past water management is crucial to address contemporary human-environmental challenges in sub-Saharan Africa, where urban growth is impacting upon water availability and supply. This study integrates soil profiles, high-resolution topographic data, historical sources, and socioecological memory to reconstruct how the ancient urban society at Great Zimbabwe negotiated water security. New evidence shows for the first time that closed depressions known as dhaka pits were used by the inhabitants of Great Zimbabwe for water storage and harvesting for a long time, possibly since the emergence of settlement in the mid-second millennium CE. These pits were part of a landscape-scale water management system that exploited catchment hydrology and groundwater by means of artificial  dhaka  reservoirs, wells, and springs to secure water for subsistence, farming, ritual and ceremony services. This study highlights the need for precise dating of the construction and functioning period of this water management system at Great Zimbabwe. Understanding past water management in such a water-scarce region is important for reconstructing how the ancient Great Zimbabwe urban society negotiated water security, but also for understanding contemporary human-environmental challenges. — medievalists.net. Aerial view of Great Zimbabwe. New discovery: Great Zim had an extensive water management system Page 42 NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023

Child rights and social learning theories NewsHawks Page 43 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 Reframing Issues MATTHEW MARE THIS piece addresses social learning theories which explain how children may learn untaught behaviours from observation. These theories are key to this research because they help to explain the behaviours of both Johanne Marange Apostolic Church (JMAC) and non-JMAC communities in terms of cultural exchanges. Thus, JMAC and non-JMAC communities are influencing each other and of note are those practices that violate the rights of children. American psychologists Bandura (1986, 1998, and 2000) and Mischel (1973, 1995) are the main architects of the contemporary version of social cognitive theory, which Mischel (1973) initially labelled cognitive social learning theory. Both Bandura and Mischel believe that cognitive processes are important mediators of the connections between environment and behaviour. Bandura’s early research focused heavily on observational learning – learning that occurs through observing what others do. Observational learning is also referred to as imitation or modelling what is cognitive about observational learning in Bandura’s view. Bandura believes that people cognitively represent the behaviour of others and then sometimes adopt this behaviour themselves. The ideas of Bandura are important in that they help to explain the spillover effects of JMAC doctrines, teachings and practices like child marriage and polygamy to nonJMAC communities. Communities adjacent to JMAC communities copied some practices of JMAC, hence the fight for the rights of children must consider JMAC and the adjacent communities. Erick Erikson (1963) developed a theoretical framework aimed at establishing connections between various stages of human development and the relationship between various stages of human development and relationship between individual and society. He maintains that as each stage progresses with age, the family, school, peer group and society influence the complexity of an individual’s behaviour (Batra, 2013). Failure to achieve the desired virtue in a given stage of development may amount to emotional discomfort leading to inability to cope with the challenges of the current and later stages of development. This theory is very critical in that it helps to explain how JMAC indoctrinates children within the church so that they are unable to tell the negative effects of their church’s theology. As said earlier, this church does have doctrinal teachings for children from birth to death. To ensure that schools, non-JMAC peers and society do not have influence over their congregants, JMAC teaches against these elements. The theory helps to explain that, if one or more stages of development are affected, that leads to the inability to cope with certain situations. This helps to explain why children in JMAC have less known knowledge of their rights as compared to their non-JMAC counterparts. The study noted the disruption in stages of development as an explanation to the variations between children in JMAC and non-JMAC. Children are supposed to interact freely with their peers, and that is part of growing up, and it is healthy. It is, in fact, a constitutional right to have unfettered freedom of speech and freedom after speech. The right to communicate, petition and express oneself is a fundamental human rights issue which is enshrined in section 59 of the constitution of Zimbabwe (Constitution of Zimbabwe Volume 20: 2013). The right to communicate is confined to the patriarchy in JMAC. Women and children are not allowed to speak in church or on behalf of the church. These prohibition orders in JMAC impede on nature rights given that humans are inherently social beings. Most of our activities involve interaction with other individuals, or are conducted in the context of one or another group. The ability to communicate is essential in our daily existence. It is the social glue that keeps us together (Abrahams and Riuters: 2003). There are several social protection initiatives meant to cushion the poor from poverty and high cost of living as well as improve the quality of life for vulnerable children that have been put in place. These initiatives include Basic Education Assistance Module (Beam), Institutional Care, Free Treatment Orders, the Harmonised Social Cash Transfer and HomeGrown School Feeding. These instruments have played a critical role in protecting children in Zimbabwe. However, due to human error, many are at times rendered ineffective, as will be discussed herein. Of note to this study is that children in JMAC are not benefiting from social protection policies designed to cater for them. 2.21.1 Basic Education Assistance Module (Beam). As enshrined in the Zimbabwean constitution, children have the right to education and the government has a duty to provide such. The Basic Education Assistance Module (Beam) is one of the government of Zimbabwe`s wider social protection strategies catering for orphaned or vulnerable children with ill, disabled or single parents or who come from very poor families. After the realisation that vulnerable children are dropping out of school due to lack of finance and resources, in 2002, the government and other social protection organisations came up with a strategy to cater for the vulnerable children, thus giving birth to Beam. Primarily, Beam is meant to reduce the number of children dropping out of, and reaching out to children who have never been to school due to economic hardships. Beam is administered by the ministry of Education, Sport and Culture in collaboration with the Department of Social Services under the ministry of Labour and Social Services. It targets children from six to 19 years of age, assisting them with the payment of levy, tuition and examination fees to children in need, deemed incapable of working to sponsor their own education. Chikova (2013) asserts that the right to education has long been recognised as encompassing not only access to educational provision, but also the obligation to eliminate discrimination at all levels of the educational system, to set minimum standards and to improve quality. One may then argue that education is necessary for the fulfilment of any civil, political, economic or social right. Of note is that children in JMAC are not benefiting despite the sector having the highest number of school dropouts. The other observed aspect in Beam is that it is only limited to disadvantaged children, who happen to be categorised as those living in poverty conditions. Yet, there are also children who happen to be school dropouts as a result of religious teachings and practices. The majority of school dropouts in JMAC are as a result of parents deliberately refusing to pay for their children. These parents do not recognise education as a basic right but as a platform for one to be able to read and write. This explains why most JMAC children attain only primary education. Therefore, parents in JMAC deliberately do not pay fees for the children and as such most JMAC children do not go beyond primary education. Beam should revise its scope and mandate to ensure that the religious sector is not left out. *About the writer: Matthew Mare is a Zimbabwean academic who holds two bachelor’s degrees, five master’s qualifications and a PhD. He is also doing another PhD and has 12 executive certificates in different fields. Professionally, he is a civil servant and also board member at the National Aids Council of Zimbabwe.

Page 44 Obituary NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 Trelford: Fearless editor who first exposed the Gukurahundi killings The late editor of The Observer Donald Trelford While there were a few local Zimbabwean journalists writing for periodicals and foreign correspondents like Peter Godwin for the Sunday Times (UK) and some filing for the South African media who wrote stories about the Gukurahundi massacres starting 1983, it was the fearless British journalist Donald Trelford — editor of The Observer for 18 years from 1975 — who first exposed the atrocities in detail to a wider audience after secretly venturing into the Matabeleland killing fields in 1984. The Observer's owner Tiny Rowland, who was Lonrho chief executive, threatened to fire Trelford as his company had business interests in Zimbabwe under Mugabe's rule. Trelford, who died last week on Friday, described his interview with Mugabe after his daring adventure as “disastrously dull, unusable for television, of interest only to a specialist African magazine (where, in fact, it subsequently appeared)”. Trelford wrote: “When I asked him if he would consider a political rather than a military solution in Matabeleland, where a curfew had been in force since February, he replied bluntly: 'The solution is a military one. Their grievances are unfounded. The verdict of the voters was cast in 1980. They should have accepted defeat then.'' Then he added chillingly: ''The situation in Matabeleland is one that requires a change. The people must be reoriented.'' STEPHEN BATES DONALD Trelford, who has died from cancer aged 85, edited The Observer, the world’s oldest Sunday newspaper, for 18 years from 1975, while fighting for much of that time to preserve its existence, its editorial integrity and its separate identity under three successive owners in less than two decades. The Observer, to which he first contributed sports reports as a freelance while still a student – three guineas for 300 words on a rugby match – was the focus of his career for nearly 30 years. Some editors are writers, some technicians, able to design and layout pages: Trelford was both. He could write with facility and enthusiasm about a range of sports from cricket to snooker, but also tap out editorials and news reports, and each Saturday design the paper’s front page. At a time when the The Observer struggled to compete with the much better resourced and flamboyant The Sunday Times and came close to bankruptcy, Trelford managed to keep the show on the road and enhanced its reputation as a writers’ paper, covering the arts distinctively and foreign affairs incisively with a formidable roster of journalists. They included, at various times,  Clive James, as the paper’s television critic, the columnists  Katharine Whitehorn  and Sue Arnold, the environment correspondent Geoffrey Lean, Simon Hoggart and Alan Watkins  covering politics,  Jonathan Mirsky in China, Julie Flint in Lebanon, and Hugh McIlvanney on sport. Trelford was born in Coventry, the son of Doris (nee Gilchrist), who had been a cook in domestic service before her marriage to Tom Trelford, originally a delivery driver who later became a sales manager for a wholesale tobacconist. Both grandfathers had been miners in the Durham coalfield and Tom had headed south to avoid the same fate. Trelford’s earliest memory was being carried by his mother to an air-raid shelter on the night of the German blitz on Coventry in November 1940: the family home was near a car factory that was heavily bombed. He was educated at junior schools in the north-east, to where the family was evacuated, and then back in Coventry; at secondary level he won a scholarship to attend the fee-paying Bablake independent day school. Trelford did his national service in the RAF, becoming a pilot officer, before taking up a scholarship to Selwyn College, Cambridge, where he studied English and wrote for the university magazine Varsity. Seeing an advertisement in an office window in Coventry for a reporter on the local weekly paper, he took the post during the summer holiday without telling the editor that he was still at university. Within weeks he was made chief reporter. On graduation, Trelford won a place on the training scheme run by the Thomson chain of regional papers, on the Sheffield Telegraph, where, in 1963, he spotted an internal memo seeking applicants to become editor of the Times of Nyasaland (subsequently Malawi), which the company owned. The story in his memoir, Shouting in the Street, was that he and his colleague, the future comic writer Peter Tinniswood, broke into the editor’s office at the Sheffield Telegraph late one evening in search of alcohol and he happened to see a letter about the job. Appointed in his mid-20s, Trelford spent three years in southern Africa, also freelancing for the Times, the Observer and the BBC, covering the civil wars in the Congo, Nigeria and Rhodesia. Back in London in 1966, he was made deputy news editor of the Observer, where he would spend the rest of his career. Trelford’s first Saturday at the paper was the day England won the World Cup and he was appalled to discover that there were no plans to cover the sporting triumph on the front page. Querying this, he was told: “If you think it’s that important you’d better write it”, which he did from agency copy, while McIlvanney dictated the match report over the telephone from Wembley. Within three years Trelford was deputy to the paper’s long-serving editor David Astor, whose family had owned the newspaper before transferring ownership to a trust. When Astor retired in 1975, Trelford, still in his 30s, was the popular choice of the paper’s journalists to become editor, even winning the confidence of its much older and longer-serving writers. Beset by a financial crisis and printers’ strikes, the Observer had shed a fifth of its staff and the trust’s chair Lord Goodman told Trelford that the paper would not last six months without new ownership, as the trustees could no longer sustain its losses. He had already privately offered it to Rupert Murdoch, who was yet to buy the Times, but the possibility was seen off in the teeth of opposition from the Observer’s journalists. Within months a saviour was found in the unlikely shape of a Texan oil multimillionaire called Robert O Anderson, the boss of Atlantic Richfield. Anderson, who had probably never heard of the Observer before, agreed over the telephone to buy the paper and arrived in London, dressed in cowboy hat and boots. He borrowed the pound note the deal cost him from Trelford himself. The paper’s losses continued, however, and within four years Anderson decided to pull out. Lord Rothermere, the owner of the Mail group, had expressed interest but when the oilman rang to sound him out, he was away. Casting around for another who might be interested, Anderson lighted on Roland Rowland, universally known as Tiny because he was so tall, a rapacious corporate businessman and head of the Lonrho corporation. The deal was done in 1981 with a handshake at Claridge’s hotel without Trelford or the paper’s staff knowing that the Observer had been sold, indeed while Anderson was still assuring them it was safe in his hands. There was considerable fear that Rowland would interfere editorially, in particular over stories about African countries where he had substantial financial interests – Lonrho stood for London-Rhodesia. A challenge was made by Observer journalists to the Monopolies and Mergers Commission, which was already investigating Rowland’s attempt to buy the House of Fraser department store chain, the owners of Harrods, in a bitter competition with the Fayed brothers. The purchase of the newspaper was allowed to go ahead with the appointment of a board of independent directors, but Rowland was left aggrieved that he had lost the Harrods battle. The new owner certainly did try to interfere with the paper’s editorial independence, when Trelford went back to his old haunts to interview Zimbabwe’s leader  Robert Mugabe  in 1984 and discovered that thousands of Ndebele people opposed to the government had been killed during an uprising in Matabeleland. He informed Rowland about the story only on the night of publication and the furious owner apologised to Mugabe, threatened to close the paper and promised to sack Trelford. The row only blew over after several weeks when the independent directors ruled in favour of the editor. Although Rowland’s subsequent threat to sell the paper to Robert Maxwell did not eventuate, the paper was later involved in an even bigger fight. The Harrods takeover was referred to the Department of Trade and Industry, which produced a secret report highly critical of the Fayeds, who Rowland was convinced had lied about their finances and duped the government in taking over the company. In the spring of 1989, he obtained a copy of the report, which Trelford published pre-emptively in the first and only-ever midweek edition of the paper on the morning of the Lonrho annual general meeting, before the government could injunct its publication. The move was highly controversial, not least because it appeared to prove Rowland’s commercial intervention in editorial matters once more, but Trelford argued that the report’s findings were important independently of Lonrho’s interests, and he survived once more. If the row damaged the Observer’s integrity, the arrest and subsequent execution of the freelance journalist Farzad Bazoft by the Iraqi regime in 1990 while he was in the country working on a story for the paper was the worst single tragedy during the editor’s time in charge and it affected Trelford deeply. The question of the paper’s ownership arose again within a few years, as Rowland was losing his grip on Lonrho and began casting around for a buyer. The newly established Independent had recently started a Sunday edition and was confident that it could buy the Observer, but the move was opposed by the paper’s staff on the grounds that it would be subsumed and its title lost for ever. In the event, the Guardian bought the paper in 1993 and maintained its independent profile. Trelford stood down after 18 years in charge. The following year he became a professor and head of the department of journalism studies at Sheffield University. He continued as visiting professor from 2000 until 2007. Trelford and his third wife, Claire, retired to Mallorca. He wrote a number of books on sport, and sports columns for the Daily Telegraph, as well as his memoir Shouting in the Street, published in 2017, and a book of selected journalism, Heroes & Villains, in 2020. He is survived by Claire (nee Bishop), a television producer, whom he married in 2001, and their son, Ben, and daughter, Poppy; a son, Paul, and daughter, Sally, from his first marriage, to Janice Ingram, which ended in divorce; and a daughter, Laura, from his second marriage, to Kate Mark, which also ended in divorce. Another son, Tim, from his first marriage, predeceased him. Donald Gilchrist Trelford, journalist and editor, born 9 November 1937; died 27 January 2023. This article was amended on 30 January 2023. The first midweek edition of the Observer was published in the spring of 1989, rather than in 1990, as a previous version stated. It was further amended on 31 January 2023. Geoffrey Lean was mistakenly described as “the first environment correspondent appointed by any national newspaper”; in fact Jeremy Bugler preceded Lean at the Observer from 1971-77. — The Guardian (UK).

NewsHawks Page 45 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 MARIO I AGUILAR ON 31 January, Pope Francis departed from Rome to central Africa, to visit the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and its neighbouring state South Sudan. The visit was previously scheduled for 2022, but did not take place because of the pope’s health issues. Pope Francis’ visit to Africa comes at a defining moment for his papacy and for the Catholic church worldwide. He has led a period since December 2019 of global reflection known as “the synodal path” in which Catholics have been able to speak up about the agenda that the church should pursue. A similar exercise, the Second Vatican Council of 1962-1965, was very successful when it came to involving the whole Catholic church. Pope Francis is perceived as a progressive pope. He has led the church in opening to the world, including LGBTI communities, though he has failed to convince women that they are really on the same path as men within the Catholic church because they are not part of the priestly ministry and very few women are involved in top leadership roles. His visit to Africa will highlight the intense participation of women within African social communities. The Catholic church in Africa is thriving and growing – 20% of the world’s Catholics  live in Africa. But the African church is more conservative in doctrine and faith than in Europe, thus Pope Francis will have a somewhat harder time advancing his progressive agenda. Poverty, violence, injustice, corruption, celibacy, the role of women and dialogue with Islam are some of the general themes the pope will cover in his public addresses and meetings. He clearly supports the end of poverty and injustice but he is more conservative regarding the ordination of women and celibacy. The DRC and Sudan represent the periphery of Africa, where violence and war have been the norm. It is a difficult and challenging visit, much more than his past visits to Kenya and Uganda. The DRC The invitation to the DRC was made by the country’s government and the DRC’s Catholic Bishops Conference. Pope Francis will spend four Pope Francis in DRC and South Sudan: one of his most challenging visits ever days in the country and the visit will include a meeting with victims of violence from eastern DRC as well as with NGOs working in the country. He will also meet young people, consecrated religious leaders and clergy, as well as  Jesuits  working in the DRC. The DRC, with its Belgian colonial past, represents one of the African countries with more Catholics — 50% of the total population of the country. In the 1960s Pope Paul VI led the African liturgical reform through the Zairian Rite, the Catholic rites with an African flavour, later suspended by Pope John Paul II. It is also one of the countries where different rebel armies have committed  horrific crimes, including mass rape. But the DRC has been home to great theologians and intellectuals as well as a Nobel Prize winner. Dr Denis Mukwege  was jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2018, for his medical work with DRC women who had been raped. Pope Francis wants to  support peace  initiatives and the search for the common good. South Sudan In his visit to South Sudan, where 40% of the population are Catholic, Pope Francis will be joined by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Moderator of the Church of Scotland. The three will meet with South Sudanese authorities, internally displaced persons and Jesuits. They will also take part in an  ecumenical  service attended by Christian leaders from different Christian traditions. The visit to South Sudan provides a continuity and a close relationship between political leaders who have been Christians since the foundation of South Sudan in 2009. Pope Francis has regularly received them at the Vatican and has preached at retreats for them. But this young country has also experienced ethnic violence. Pope Francis wants to provide public support to those leaders who strive for peace. A difficult task The pope will have a joyful welcome in both countries but a difficult task. That task is to affirm his belief in peace and understanding and to challenge negative values such as corruption, ethnic violence and violence against women. It would be important for him to open new avenues for initiatives that would make the Catholic church more African and to foster dialogue with African indigenous religions so as not to make the visit a triumphalist one but an opening to a church closer to African customs and supporting African values – against violence, genocide and ethnic conflict. This will be one of the most challenging visits abroad by Pope Francis, and a difficult one to Africa because of the violence in the DRC and Sudan. He was in Kenya, Uganda, and the Central African Republic in 2015 with 39 hours of stay in Bangui where he dialogued with Muslim clerics and opened a door to reconciliation with Islam that marked his own papacy. Such initiatives led to later initiatives in Egypt and Iraq. This visit offers new challenges to the Catholic church in Africa and the possibility of a more stable peace in the DRC and Sudan. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Mario I Aguilar is professor of religion and politics and director of the Centre for the Study of Religion and Politics at University of St Andrews in Scotland. Aguilar is the author of the book Pope Francis: Journeys of a Peacemaker. Pope Francis in Nairobi, Kenya, during his first papal visit to the African continent in 2015. Nichole Sobecki/Getty Images Reframing Issues

Page 46 Reframing Issues NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 SETH ONYANGO FOREIGN direct investment into Zambia soared 158% in 2022 to US$8.5 billion, highlighting changing investor sentiment towards the country. Market optimism is spurring a rush of investments into Zambia’s  agriculture  and mining sectors, giving the economy new growth impetus. Investors include KoBold Metals – a consortium linked to tech leaders Bill Gates, Jeff Bezos and Richard Branson — which is expected to bring new investment to Zambia’s copper mining sector. The California-based mineral exploration firm is eyeing the country’s mines for electric vehicle components, leveraging reformist President Hakainde Hichilema’s efforts to revitalise the economy. Upon his landslide poll victory in 2021, part of Hichilema’s economic blueprint entailed placing an electric vehicle battery and components supply chain at the centre of Zambia’s economic transformation architecture. Electric vehicle batteries are heavily dependent on minerals buried beneath the surface of Africa, with Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia possessing some 70% of the world’s cobalt reserves. KoBold uses artificial intelligence and machine learning to identify battery metal deposits. Meanwhile, agricultural output is also benefitting from renewed investor confidence. In January, Munkotachi, a modest-sized business in the Chongwe district of Lusaka province, was due to start raking in profits from agricultural exports to Europe. This follows certification from GLOBALG.A.P, a farm assurance programme, paving the way for Zambia’s Hass avocados and avocado oils to be sold in the European Union and other foreign markets. According to Mining Weekly, Zambia is also on course to expand its poultry farms. Munkotachi Investments MD Christopher Lesa told the publication that plans are underway to create over 90 agricultural cooperatives, all with at least 20 members each. Lesa, who aspires to create an “avocado belt,” said the project had government support. “The government is trying to support SMEs in so many ways, as well as cooperatives so that people out there can benefit and improve their livelihoods,” he said. According to the World Bank, the Zambian economy began to rebound in 2021 following Hichilema’s election as president, with GDP growing at 4.6%, from a contraction of 2.8% during the pandemic in 2020. High copper prices, post-election market confidence, and a continued recovery in the agriculture sector have driven wider economic recovery. Fitch Solutions forecasts that while real GDP growth in Zambia slowed to 2.5% in 2022, growth will accelerate again in 2023, driven by a recovery in mining exports and strong private investment. — How We Made It In Africa. MUNA SHIFA ECONOMIC activity and development are unevenly distributed across regions of the world and within any country. In other words, where someone lives can determine their economic and social well-being. Take gross domestic product (GDP) per capita — the total value of a country’s economic output per person. In 2020, North American and Europe’s GDP per capita was more than  10 times that of sub-Saharan Africa. More than a third (38%) of people in sub-Saharan Africa were  living in extreme poverty in 2019. The estimate for the rest of the world was less than 10%. But there is limited research analysing levels and trends of spatial disparities in sub-Saharan Africa. This is due to a lack of comparable data on income and consumption across countries. In a recent  analysis, we used comparable data from demographic and health surveys to evaluate spatial inequality between regions within a country — such as disparities among South Africa’s nine provinces. We also studied inequality between individuals in more than 24 sub-Saharan African countries. We examined multiple dimensions of inequity. Our analysis considered assets as well as access to basic services. This is a useful way of measuring the extent and patterns of inequalities in sub-Saharan Africa. The results show that spatial inequality remains significant in a number of countries in the region. Most have high levels of spatial and overall national inequalities. There are large variations among countries. High and persistent spatial disparity within a country has a number of negative consequences. It means poverty doesn’t respond to economic growth. It also has implications for political and social stability. Public policies that promote investment in infrastructure and basic services, as well as human capital and skills development, are critical for reducing spatial inequality. The research First, we used data from 24 sub-Saharan African countries totalling over 1.6 million observations. Indicators of living standards — for example ownership of durable assets like land and livestock, and dwelling conditions — formed the basis for comparing households. Secondly, we used data on basic services, such as clean water and electricity, as a narrower measure of living standards. We also used this data to examine inequity trends across time. We used data from 27 countries, comprising around five million observations, from 1995 to 2018. In each country, we used the first administrative units (regions or provinces) as our spatial units. Our research differed from recent studies that have used night-time lights data from satellites to analyse spatial inequality. Night-lights data is useful in predicting economic activity in cities. But it tends to underestimate spatial inequality in areas where primary activities such as agriculture are the main economic activity. This includes many sub-Saharan African countries. Findings Our analysis reveals high levels of within-country spatial and overall national (interpersonal) asset inequalities. Countries varied a lot. Countries with high regional inequality included Mozambique, Ethiopia, Kenya and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In 18 countries, regional inequalities accounted for at least one-fifth of overall national inequality. We show that spatial and national inequalities in access to basic services have declined significantly over time in most of sub-Saharan Africa. But the level of inequality and the change over time varies across countries. Spatial inequalities in access to basic services remain relatively high in Sierra Leone, Mozambique and Niger. They are comparatively low in Gabon, Malawi, Comoros and South Africa. Reducing spatial inequalities Spatial inequality is a key component of national inequality in most countries in the region. So lowering spatial inequalities can reduce economic and social inequities. There is some consensus that three factors contribute to spatial inequalities in developing countries. These are: • Initial differences in geography, such as environmental factors, natural resources and access to trade routes • The concentration of skills, economic productivity and amenities in a few locations • Political and fiscal policies But there is disagreement about which  policies  work best to reduce spatial inequalities. It’s important to understand a country’s context to identify solutions. High levels of  initial economic inequalities, among other factors, are an obstacle to reducing poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. And regional disparities within a country are frequently  associated  with social divisions such as religion and ethnicity. This leads to conflicts. —The Conversation. *About the writer: Muna Shifa is a senior researcher in development economics at the University of Cape Town in South Africa. Inequality in access to basic services is major problem in sub-Saharan Africa The World Food Programme (WFP) distributes high energy biscuits to more than 900 Ethiopian refugees in Sudan. File photo. (WFP) From battery metals to avocados: Zambia attracts investor interest Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema

NewsHawks Page 47 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 Reframing Issues NYARI SAMUSHONGA THE world has been sent into a frenzy over OpenAI’s latest iteration of its chatbot, ChatGPT. The fear that platforms such as ChatGPT evoke in educators must be acknowledged. Some professors have already caught their students cheating by using ChatGPT to create their coursework submissions. As educators, one of our fears is that we grade students as competent in subjects where they have not grasped the concepts. In being able to pass off ChatGPT’s work as their own, this fear has been amplified. As with all things, there is the other side of the coin. In this case, it is great excitement at the prospect of a chatbot being able to do the heavy lifting and mundane tasks, freeing us to be the creative beings we were born to be. It is this angle that compels the more open-minded among us to ask whether young people leveraging powerful technology tools to aid their work should be considered cheating, or if it is actually a skill and resource that should be embraced. This perspective would signal a shift to a new paradigm. A paradigm where man and machine work together to produce a superior outcome to what was previously possible. The kind of shift that previous industrial revolutions have ushered in. But it is the third side of the coin, the perimeter that runs around the edge and connects the two sides, that is perhaps the most intriguing. This is not some new, objective source of intelligence. It is a mirror of us — it is a programme that consumes datasets created by humans and learns from those datasets how to mimic human knowledge. This means that the fuel behind its “brain” is a collection of things that have previously come from human brains. When viewed through the digital divide lens, we must acknowledge that it is laced with all our societal biases and blind spots. Far from being precise and objective purveyors of information, programmes like ChatGPT are not just biased, but are trained to represent the realities of the digital “haves” while minimising or excluding those of the digital “have-nots”. We have all these layers of complexity around masses of data that are inherently flawed. When we apply algorithms to them, they produce an output that runs the risk of being perceived as “true” or “objectively correct”. This is where the consequences of digital inequity can become quite dangerous.  We’ve seen this with the criminal justice system relying on facial recognition tools that are not welltrained in identifying people of colour. In medical diagnostics, clinical data from industrialised nations has been incorrectly presumed to be a representative sample of the broader world resulting in compromised care being administered to patients in developing nations. So how do we deal with the coin as a whole? Can we prevent Africa and other developing regions from being left even further behind as artificial intelligence entrenches the perspective of the digital “haves” as the universal truth? How should we approach this topic from the perspective of education, educators and society? It is not all doom and gloom. We have known for a while that we need to end digital inequity. There is no question that all new technology development must be approached ethically. If we wish to use technology that represents a holistic and not exclusive shade of reality, it is paramount that Africans are part of building the datasets and the tools that consume them. This will reduce the biases and actually enrich the quality of insights we can gain. At the same time, we must train people ethically, and ensure that this superpower is in the hands of people that can leverage its strengths while minimising the damage it can create. As we raise up the next generation of technologists, we need to impress upon them the need to think before they code. It is evident, then, that technology like ChatGPT asks far bigger questions of us as educators than simply how we are going to prevent cheating. This technology is here to stay and will probably become more sophisticated. We educators can be instrumental in ensuring that as technology rapidly evolves, more Africans have a seat at the table and are able to be a part of these pivotal technological developments. — Mail&Guardian. *About the writer: Nyari Samushonga is CE of WeThinkCode, a South African-based software development training academy. ChatGPT represents progress but also problems

Page 48 Reframing Issues NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 YLVA RODNY-GUMEDE HOW can the news media represent women’s voices better? The answer might be in a recent  report, “From outrage to opportunity: How to include the missing perspectives of women of all colors in news leadership and coverage”. The report was written by Luba Kassova, the award-winning evidence-based storyteller, and commissioned by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. It is based on extensive research in South Africa, Kenya, Nigeria, India, the United Kingdom and the United States. The report discusses gender parity in news leadership and production, as well as news coverage. Socio-economic and patriarchal structures have long determined and usually hampered women’s entry and ascendance in society and the workplace. But the news media provide a very particular case of gender discrimination. This is especially through the hurdles and threats the contemporary media sphere presents to women journalists. Research outlining gender imbalances remains scarce and uneven across media platforms, organisations and national contexts. This means that the effect of gender on decisions about the structure and content of news media is left unaddressed. Research on female leadership in the news media is scarce too. This makes the “From outrage to opportunity” report  even more important. The report shows that women in the six countries surveyed remain severely under-represented in editorial leadership and in news coverage. Their voices are excluded in shaping public discourse in the male-dominated industry. Ensuring better representation of women’s voices in the news media would change not only the industry, but also public discourse. Other studies show that where women control news content, it tends to be  more gender sensitive and representative. Women journalists are also more likely to challenge gender stereotypes, raise gender inequality issues, and reference legislation or policy that promote gender equality or human rights. On the upside, the “From outrage to opportunity” report focuses on solutions. It makes a case for addressing the gender gap in news consumption. This provides a multi-billion-dollar revenue opportunity for a strugWomen’s voices missing in the media Gender parity in news leadership and production is lacking. gling global news industry. The report argues that, if the gender gap were to be addressed and women better represented in the news media, the industry could grow female audiences exponentially. It estimates that closing the gender consumption gap could generate as much as US$83 billion over the next 10 years. Patriarchy and sexist attitudes Worldwide, women still battle patriarchal and sexist attitudes as well as non-supportive or non-existent policy environments. These contribute to women media workers fighting uphill battles to reach the higher echelons of the industry. The scarcity of women journalists in senior editorial positions and at board level remains an obstacle to gender parity. Research by the Reuters Institute at Oxford University analysing top media outlets in 12 countries across four continents shows that  only 22% of top editors are women. In the South African news media, some positive inroads have been noted. Women hold 46% of senior management positions and 36% are in top management. In most countries, there is still a pay gap between men and women journalists, including in  South Africa.  Research  also shows an increase in the harassment of women journalists through social media. So-called cyber bullying is disproportionately directed at women journalists. Particularly dire is the situation of women of colour. The “From outrage to opportunity” report says women of colour in South Africa, the UK and the US experience even greater marginalisation or outright exclusion from news leadership roles. The argument made is that if women of colour were represented in senior positions in proportion to their percentage in the working population, their numbers in these roles would be three times higher in the US, 2.2 times higher in South Africa and 1.2 times higher in the UK. Of course, in South Africa people of colour are the majority. South Africa does present a slightly different scenario. It leads among the six countries on representation of women in news leadership. This is attributed to its liberal and equitable  constitution. The country also has the highest gender parity in terms of reporting on business and economics, health and to some extent politics. Compared to the UK and the US, South Africa has seemingly made greater strides towards gender equity in some areas. In the UK, no women of colour occupy the most senior editorial positions in politics, foreign affairs and health news beats. In South Africa, 29% of political editors are women of colour, while their proportion in the population is 46%. Importantly, the women of colour interviewed for the report perceived newsrooms as being fearful or unwilling to deal with lack of diversity or cultural exclusion. Consequently, women of colour often faced the impossibly onerous expectation that they should resolve the problem of their own under-representation and exclusion from newsrooms and leadership. This has also been well documented and confirmed in earlier studies of the South African news media. Where gender parity in the newsroom might have been reached, women’s experiences still talk to a wide range of  impediments to real gender equality. Costly lost opportunity Globally, research by the  Global Media Monitoring Project on gender equity in the workforce, news production and editorial decision making over 20 years shows that progress has been very slow. The organisation estimates that at the current pace at which equity is being achieved, it will take another 67 years to close the average gender equality gap in traditional news media. However, as the “From outrage to opportunity” report concludes, there are no quick fixes or silver bullets. Women’s voices and participation need to be amplified on each step in the news value chain, whether in leadership, news production or consumption. Acknowledging the impact that increased women’s participation could have on revenues in the media industry — where new business models are sorely needed — is a first and important step. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Ylva Rodny-Gumede is professor of journalism in the Department of Journalism, Film and Television at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa.

JONATHAN JANSEN WHAT happens when those responsible for managing universities cannot trust each other to act with integrity? In a nutshell, as I discuss in  my new book, Corrupted: A Study of Chronic Dysfunction in South African Universities, dysfunction is the consequence. This is the situation playing out in some South African universities — sometimes with fatal results. In early January 2023, a protection officer who was guarding Fort Hare University vice-chancellor Professor Sakhela Buhlungu was  shot dead  in an apparent assassination attempt. The shooting has been linked to ongoing investigations into corruption at the university. This appears to be just one example of how eroded trust has led to conflict among university managers that has spilled into the public domain. The principal conclusion I reach in my book is that chronic dysfunction in a sample of South African universities can be explained by two intertwined factors. One is institutional capacity. This is the expert ability to lead, manage and administer universities. The other is institutional integrity — the steering academic values that buffer universities against instability. Where both capacity and integrity are weak, dysfunction is inevitable. Integrity matters Individual integrity involves a person acting honestly and doing the right thing. It means consistency in the values that connect words and actions. An institution with integrity has been described as: an organisation that defines and acts within a strong code of ethical conduct and positive values. It doesn’t tolerate deviance from the code by its employees or partners. Universities with high levels of institutional integrity vigorously pursue their core mandate. This is rooted in a strong sense of academic values. It is the glue that holds functional universities together and focuses their operations. Those academic values also steady an institution in turbulent times. Such values centre on high-quality teaching, higher learning and cutting-edge research. Together these values advance social and human development. They are prominent on management’s weekly meetings agendas, on senate’s term meetings and on council’s quarterly meetings. Everything revolves around the academic project. The case of student protests One of the most important functions of academic values is to hold the institution together in times of challenge. For instance, how does an institution react when the integrity of the academic degree is at risk because of a prolonged shutdown? In 2015 and 2016, students embarked on historic protests at campuses across South Africa. They demanded free and decolonised higher education. The press for free higher education arose because degree studies were becoming more expensive. This excluded more and more people from university. The decolonisation movement at formerly white universities protested that the curriculum was too European, the professors too white, and the institutional culture too alienating. In response to the disruptions, the better-resourced, formerly white universities quickly transitioned to emergency remote teaching to ensure that the academic year was not lost. This highlights the importance of academic values to those institutions. By contrast, in 2021, after a dysfunctional university specialising in the health sciences  was shut down  by routine protests for months on end, the students received their degrees as if nothing had happened. The academic project was seriously compromised. But there was little institutional concern about the integrity of the degrees. It is quite possible to see a structure or an organisation and to misrecognise it as an institution of higher learning. It would be easy to be fooled by the symbolic functions — like graduation — and administrative routines – such as registration — of university life and mistake these for a university. As I have argued elsewhere, a university ceases to exist when the intellectual project no longer defines its identity, infuses its curriculum, energises its scholars, and inspires its students. When integrity is undermined The crisis of dysfunctional institutions commonly arises when universities make compromised decisions on everything from tenders for infrastructure to appointments of key personnel. Such decisions compound foundational weaknesses and increase the risk of systemic failure. This is how institutional dysfunction begins and is sustained: through the breaching of institutional integrity. The institutional integrity of vulnerable institutions is weakened, for example, through the decisions it makes about personnel appointments and promotions. Critical skill sets are compromised by populating crucial positions in administration with friends and family members. In one instance, as I document in the book, a whistle-blower at a serially dysfunctional university gave the new administrator “a list of all the family members appointed by the vice-chancellor”. Action was promised. None was taken. The integrity of the academy is undermined even more when people who would not enjoy such elevation at an established university are promoted to senior academic positions in the name of equity. And the governance of an institution is placed at serious risk through the appointment to council of junior members who have never governed anything in their lives. A university council is the most senior body responsible for governance. It should consist of senior people from professional fields with the experience to govern a higher education institution. Tackling the crisis There is no shortcut to restoring the institutional integrity of a chronically dysfunctional university. It requires the appointment of smaller, professional councils without political interference. It demands competent leaders who are not beholden to political parties or factions. These leaders must hold strong convictions about the importance of academic values in the gradual rebuilding of a university. This is an edited excerpt from the book, Corrupted: A study of chronic dysfunction in South African universities (Wits University Press, 2023). — The Conversation. *About the writer: Jonathan Jansen is a distinguished professor at Stellenbosch University in South Africa. South Africa’s dysfunctional universities: The consequences of corrupt decisions NewsHawks Page 49 Issue 117, 3 February 2023 Africa News

Page 50 World News NewsHawks Issue 117, 3 February 2023 THE United States secretary of state, Antony Blinken, has postponed a planned visit to China this weekend after the intrusion of a high-altitude Chinese balloon into US airspace. China had apologised for the incident, claiming it had been a weather balloon which had been blown off course, but US officials made clear they did not believe that explanation and pointed to a Pentagon assessment that it was a surveillance aircraft. As a result, Blinken’s trip, due to begin on Friday night, has been put off until circumstances are more “conducive”, a US official said. “We had a broad, substantive agenda in mind,” a senior State department official said. “We had hoped for constructive engagement on all elements of our bilateral relationship, but this issue would have narrowed that agenda in a way that would have been unhelpful and unconstructive.” Blinken had been in touch with Wang Yi, China’s top diplomat, and channels of communication remained open between the two countries, the official said, stressing that the trip had only been postponed and not cancelled. The balloon caused alarm in the Pentagon which tracked its progress across Canada as far as Montana, home to some of the country’s nuclear missile force. US defence officials described it as a surveillance balloon. Joe Biden was alerted and asked for military options, but it was decided that shooting it down could pose a threat from debris to people on the ground. Asked about the balloon, the Chinese foreign ministry said on Friday: “The airship is from China. It is a civilian airship used for research, mainly meteorological, purposes. Affected by the Westerlies and with limited self-steering capability, the airship deviated far from its planned course. “The Chinese side regrets the unintended entry of the airship into US airspace due to force majeure [an unstoppable and unpredictable event]”, the Chinese statement said. “The Chinese side will continue communicating with the US side and properly handle this unexpected situation caused by force majeure.” Asked about the Chinese weather balloon explanation, a senior US official responded: US secretary of State postpones China visit after spy balloon flies over Montana “We acknowledge that China has issued this statement of regret. At the same time, we remain confident in our assessment and our concerns about this clear violation of our sovereignty and airspace remain. “I’m also confident we’ll continue to maintain constant contact with our Chinese counterparts as we work to manage this in the most responsible and expeditious fashion possible,” the official said. Chinese state media had earlier used the incident to taunt the US. “The balloon itself is a big target,” the state-backed nationalistic tabloid the Global Times wrote in English on Twitter, which is banned in China. “If balloons from other countries could really enter continental US smoothly, or even enter the sky over certain states, it only proves that the US’s air defence system is completely a decoration and cannot be trusted.” Canada’s national defence department said it too had detected a high-altitude surveillance balloon and was “monitoring a potential second incident”. US officials said earlier that the balloon had travelled over part of Canada on its way to Montana. Canada’s defence authorities made clear there was no public danger, adding: “Canada’s intelligence agencies are working with American partners and continue to take all necessary measures to safeguard Canada’s sensitive information from foreign intelligence threats.” The Canadian government summoned China’s ambassador on Thursday to explain the incident, the foreign ministry in Ottawa said. While flying high over Montana, the balloon caused a temporary suspension of air traffic in Billings airport. The Pentagon issued a statement to reassure the public, revealing it was not the first such incident. “The balloon is currently traveling at an altitude well above commercial air traffic and does not present a military or physical threat to people on the ground,” the Pentagon statement said. “Instances of this kind of balloon activity have been observed previously over the past several years. Once the balloon was detected, the US government acted immediately to protect against the collection of sensitive information.” The postponement of Blinken’s trip will set back efforts to resolve several points of friction, particularly over the future of Taiwan, and each side’s military posture in the Indo-Pacific. Beijing this week strenuously objected to a deal between the Philippines and the US in which Manila has granted the US expanded access to its military bases. Under the deal, the US will have additional access to Philippine bases for joint training, storing equipment and supplies, and building facilities, though not to establish a permanent presence. — The Guardian. United States secretary of state Antony Blinken