Reframing Issues Page 51 KRISTOPHER CARLSON ARMED conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces has escalated following an outbreak of violence in April 2023. There is intensive fighting in Sudan’s capital, Khartoum, neighbouring Omdurman and elsewhere, including Darfur. While mediation efforts continue to stumble, both forces are sufficiently armed to sustain a protracted conflict. It is unlikely either can topple the other. Sudan is awash with firearms. The country ranks second among its regional neighbours in total firearms estimates, with combined holdings among civilians and security forces topping out at over three million. First on the list of regional states’ estimated firearms holdings is Sudan’s edgy northern neighbour, Egypt. A vast majority of these firearms are in the hands of civilians. This underscores the significant risk of increased violence within Sudan as the conflict goes on. I am the research coordinator of a project on Sudan and South Sudan at the Small Arms Survey, which provides expertise on small arms and armed violence. The project’s empirical research provides insights into how weapons are sourced and the actors who use them. In my view, the two Sudanese forces employ strikingly contrasting fighting methods. The army’s superiority is its air force and heavy arsenal on the ground. The paramilitary force is reliant on nimble mobile units equipped with primarily small and light weapons. While battlefield seizures and a loss of weapons stores have affected both groups, it’s unlikely that either will suffer a debilitating shortage of supplies. Sudanese Armed Forces The Sudanese army has in excess of 120 000 troops countrywide – with several thousand more in reserve. Its recruits are primarily from the country’s peripheries, while its leadership is comprised largely of elites from the central Nile region. The army’s capability is bolstered by its air force and supported by battle tanks and other armoured infantry vehicles. In the past weeks, the Sudanese Armed Forces have reportedly seized several bases held by the Rapid Support Forces. However, the paramilitary force has also overrun some of the army’s weapons stores and military equipment manufacturing facilities. Its troops have also seized army equipment on the battlefield. Rapid Support Forces The Rapid Support Forces have more than 75 000 combatants, most of whom hail from the Darfur region in the country’s far west. The force is buttressed by additional recruits in Sudan’s north and east. Several militia groups aligned with the paramilitary force’s commander, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, could mobilise if conflict intensifies in Sudan’s peripheries, particularly in Darfur. Here, hundreds of people have been killed in past weeks, mainly from small arms gunfire. Rapid Support Forces fighters in Khartoum – which has seen the most sustained and concentrated fighting – are relying on small arms and heavy machine guns to control the airport and government buildings, and to hold positions wedged between residential apartment blocks. While neither side is accustomed to fighting within urban centres, such a setting favours the Rapid Support Forces’s more agile “rapid” ground forces. In the absence of a ceasefire, the paramilitary forces will likely remain entrenched in the city because of the physical protection that it provides, and avoid risking a Sudanese Armed Forces air attack in open terrain. Still, the Rapid Support Forces’ use of infantry vehicles and anti-aircraft weapons in densely populated residential areas of Khartoum has drawn aerial fire. This has killed paramilitary combatants and civilians alike. The Rapid Support Forces have played a significant role in the proliferation of arms in Darfur. They have facilitated supply – financed in part by Dagalo’s wealth – and stoked demand among a population subjected to the region’s chronic insecurity. These dynamics stretch back decades to Darfur’s genocidal past spearheaded by the Janjaweed. It’s from here that Dagalo, better known as Hemedti, and the Rapid Support Forces emerged. These paramilitary fighters have an abundance of AK-pattern rifles and more sophisticated high-calibre weapons. Since former President Omar Bashir’s ouster in 2019 and Hemedti’s rise as deputy leader of Sudan’s government, he’s been relatively unencumbered in procuring weapons and equipment for his force. A 2019 investigation revealed that more than 1 000 vehicles – most of them Toyota Hilux pick-ups – were purchased from dealers in the United Arab Emirates, and later equipped with mounted weapons. The funds to purchase the vehicles were likely sourced from Hemedti’s vast gold mining operations in Sudan. Rapid Support Forces fighters recently paraded a handful of man-portable air defence systems, or manpads, on the steps of the presidential palace in Khartoum. Jubilant fighters also waved various small arms, including G3A4 rifles that may be of Saudi origin. The manpads could target Sudanese army aircraft and are a serious threat to civil aviation. It’s unclear how or when the paramilitary unit acquired them, but the Sudanese army is known to have them stockpiled. Recent reporting alleges that the Wagner Group – a Russian paramilitary force with close ties to Hemedti and with mutual gold mining interests – offered to supply the Rapid Support Forces with arms, including manpads. What this means for the future Over the past month, the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces have demonstrated flagrant disregard for the safety of the Sudanese people in the capital and the peripheries. In light of this, it’s difficult to envision a pathway to silencing the guns in Sudan without meaningful participation from civil society and the involvement of civilian political leadership. For the moment, the most critical need is to establish a lasting ceasefire for emergency assistance to reach the people who desperately need it. Only then can attention be given to securing weapons stockpiles, reducing illicit weapons and misuse, and moving beyond Sudan’s fractured power politics. — The Conversation. Alsanosi Adam, a researcher with the Human Security Baseline Assessment project at the Small Arms Survey, contributed to this article. *About the writer: Khristopher Carlson is senior researcher and coordinator of the Small Arms Survey's Human Security Baseline Assessment project on Sudan and South Sudan., Graduate Institute – Institut de hautes études internationales et du développement (IHEID). Sudan is awash with weapons: How the two feuding forces compare NewsHawks Issue 132, 19 May 2023
GUY LAMB ON 11 May 2023 the US ambassador to South Africa, Reuben Brigety, claimed that South Africa had secretly exported arms to Russia in December 2022. The announcement rapidly fed into a popular narrative that South Africa was increasingly siding with Russia in relation to Moscow’s aggressive war in Ukraine. Brigety’s statements made both South African and international news headlines, including the Wall Street Journal, CNN and the Financial Times. He asserted that, based on US intelligence reports, ammunition and/or arms were furtively loaded onto a Russian cargo vessel, the “Lady R”, at South Africa’s naval base in Simon’s Town. The vessel had earlier been sanctioned by the US government. In response, the South African presidency denied that the government had granted a permit for such arms or ammunition to be exported to Russia. And that no permit approval for Russian arms exports appears in South Africa’s National Conventional Arms Control Committee recent arms export reports other than for electronic observation equipment annual arms export reports. Nonetheless, President Cyril Ramaphosa is in the process of establishing a commission of inquiry into the incident. I spent more than 20 years undertaking research and working with governments on the arms trade and arms control in Africa, as well as serving as an arms smuggling investigator for the United Nations Sanctions Branch. I am of the view that such an arms transaction would have required a number of developments that don’t seem plausible. These include the overriding of procurement procedures, the bypassing of key ministers, as well as bribery at a grand and sophisticated scale. Furthermore, as demonstrated in the UN Register of Conventional Arms database, Russia has rarely imported South African arms. The scenario set out by the US ambassador therefore seems highly unlikely. Let me explain why. Imports and exports The South African minister of Defence, Thandi Modise, has stated that the Lady R docked in Simon’s Town in December 2022 to deliver a shipment of ammunition for the South African National Defence Force’s Special Forces Regiment that had been ordered prior to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Indeed the Arms Control Committee’s 2019 arms import report lists the permit approval for the import of five million rounds of Russian ammunition to South Africa. Russia is the second largest exporter of arms globally. Its largest clients are India, China and Egypt. Over the years, even the US and the UK have imported arms from Russia according to the UN Register of Conventional Arms. Reports at the time indicate that containers were offloaded in the harbour and then transported to secure locations under tight security. Such measures are in line with the National Conventional Arms Control Act and were possibly a requirement of the end user certificate. In addition, such security was likely necessitated by the theft of a large quantity of ammunition from Durban harbour during the July 2021 unrest. There were also reports of weapons theft from the Simon’s Town naval base in 2016. An anonymous source within the South African Navy reported to News24 that the navy had been “sidelined” by the army during the offloading and loading of the Lady R. This was most likely due to the army being better equipped and more experienced in protecting such a cargo. US accusations of South African arms to Russia Brigety claimed that the US government had intelligence reports indicating that prior to the Lady R departing from Simon’s Town, South African ammunition and possibly arms were loaded onto the vessel and then transported to Russia. However, the reports have not been made public. Hence it has not been possible to independently verify the information. There has also been no public comment on the matter. This is critically important given that intelligence reports are not always accurate. This was shown by the flawed intelligence that led to the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. In addition, various eyewitness accounts differ as to whether anything significant was loaded onto the Lady R. It was also not clear if the containers that were loaded were merely empty cargo containers, or included cargo that was to be delivered to other ports. For example, it has been reported that the vessel docked in Mozambique and Sudan on its return voyage to Russia. Additionally, why would the Russian government transport millions of rounds of ammunition to South Africa and then buy a large quantity of ammunition from the country, which has a relatively small arms manufacturing industry? South Africa has one of the most comprehensive arms export laws in Africa, the cornerstones of which are transparency and human rights considerations. According to section 15 of the National Conventional Arms Control Act, decisions by the National Conventional Arms Control Committee in relation to the approval or denial of arms export licence applications must ensure that South Africa’s national interests, and those of its allies, are protected. Traditionally Russia could be considered a South African ally due to the Brics arrangement. However, reports of Russian-perpetrated human rights abuses in Ukraine would most likely override other considerations in terms of South Africa’s arms export considerations. In addition, such decisions must not contribute to: • internal repression • the systematic violation or suppression of human rights and fundamental freedoms • terrorism and crime • the escalation of regional military conflicts • the endangering of peace. All arms export applications by arms exporters are carefully considered by a scrutiny committee and, thereafter, by the National Conventional Arms Control Committee. This is made up of a broad spectrum of cabinet ministers. Consequently, decisions related to export permit applications frequently take an inordinate amount of time. The annual arms export reports show that South Africa generally adheres to the section 15 criteria. But it has exported defence-related equipment to states that do not meet these criteria. Examples include Myanmar and Saudi Arabia. If the Arms Control Committee had considered an application to export arms and or ammunition to Russia, then consensus among cabinet ministers would have been necessary. This would have been doubtful as ministers responsible for trade and industry and finance would have indicated that arms exports to Russia would have dire consequences for South Africa’s trade relations with the US which is South Africa’s second largest export market after China. On top of this, the entire defence sector in South Africa would suffer negative repercussions and might even be sanctioned by other governments. The devil is in the intelligence reports There is still a possibility that ammunition and/or arms could have been loaded onto the Lady R illegally. But such an endeavour would have required the payment of considerable bribes to officials on the docks and the manufacture of fraudulent export documentation. In addition, substantial illegal arms transactions typically take place through container ports where they can be more easily concealed. The crux of the arms-to-Russia allegations relates to the content of the US intelligence reports. It is therefore essential that these are declassified and provided to the commission of inquiry as soon as it undertakes its work. They should also be made public. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Guy Lamb is a criminologist/senior lecturer at Stellenbosch University in South Africa. Did South Africa sell arms to Russia? Only a series of unlikely scenarios could've made it possible Aerial view of the Simonstown harbour. Shutterstock Page 52 Africa News NewsHawks Issue 132, 19 May 2023
RONAK GOPALDAS THE bombshell conference by United States (US) ambassador Reuben Brigety on 11 May triggered a diplomatic spat between Washington and Pretoria. The accusation that South Africa loaded weapons onto a sanctioned Russian ship in December 2022 is significant and could fundamentally alter relations between the two countries. It also marks a departure from the polite diplomacy approach that has previously characterised US relations with South Africa. But amid the political wrangling, the bigger question centres around the potential economic fallout and what’s at stake. The first and most obvious channel of transmission is in financial markets. In the wake of the news, the rand plummeted to a record low of 19.51 to the greenback. South African bonds also lost 1% of their value on the day — out of sync with other emerging market peers. Already reeling from concerns about electricity supply and weak growth, markets have added a geopolitical risk premium to the already significant economic issues. The message from portfolio investors to South African authorities is clear — actions have consequences. And as a small open economy vulnerable to global developments, investor sentiment matters. Indeed, the markets employ their version of carrot and stick, and South Africa has found itself in the firing line due to domestic dysfunction. Such issues can be masked in a supportive external environment, but with mounting headwinds (including tight US monetary policy, geopolitical tensions and negative emerging market risk sentiment), they are magnified. The weaker currency will now filter through to inflationary costs amid an already escalating cost-of-living crisis. Moreover, it will further drive up the cost of external funding. Heading into an election year, this will heighten socio-economic risks and present yet another headache for policymakers. Next is the trade channel, and speculation is that South Africa will be suspended from the African Growth and Opportunity Act (Agoa) which is due to expire in 2025. Although this is not a given, South Africa may have crossed a red line for the US, and punitive action may be considered. In the past, Agoa suspension has largely occurred for human rights violations and wars. However, the current situation, along with South Africa’s sweetheart deal status, may provide sufficient grounds for termination. So, while the threat is credible, much will depend on how South Africa navigates the current dispute, and other aspects of its relations with Russia. Despite its sabre rattling, Washington will likely adopt a waitand-see approach before taking drastic action — using Agoa for leverage. Pretoria should however consider the consequences. The impact of such a decision would be grave. Industries such as motor, citrus and wine would be most affected, with job losses and reduced export revenues. Moreover, there’s increasingly bipartisan disillusionment in the US with South Africa’s stance. A RepubSouth Africa’s dangerous game of Russian roulette lican electoral victory next year could make this position even more hostile, especially as the deadline for an Agoa extension in 2025 draws closer. Then there’s the investment channel. Investors have taken a dim view of what they believe is partisanship cloaked in neutrality, saying South Africa’s walk differs from its talk. This is most likely to be felt in the energy sector, with funding for the Just Energy Transition Investment Plan likely to come under scrutiny. But perhaps the most concerning issue is that of sanctions. Executive orders by US President Joe Biden and regulations under the Office of Foreign Assets Control allow for sanctions on individuals and companies aiding Russia’s war effort. Should the US move in that direction, it could pressure other countries in the western geopolitical bloc to follow suit, which would be disastrous for South Africa’s economy. Although unlikely, the threat of sanctions should be viewed in the context of other South African own goals. In addition to multiple ratings downgrades, and persistent electricity cuts, the country was grey-listed by the Financial Action Task Force in February. Alongside these growth-dampening blunders, questions remain around the African National Congress’ Russian funding sources, and to what extent the blurring of state and party lines may inform the current policy agenda. Against this backdrop, a loss of US investment shouldn’t be taken lightly. South Africa is resident to over 600 US companies, and the US is the country’s largest contributor of foreign direct investment, accounting for over US$7.5 billion of inflows in 2021. It is also South Africa’s third largest trade partner. This was something Brigety emphasised in his press conference — that South Africa should be aware of where its bread is buttered. So, where to from here? Though South Africa has criticised the US’ megaphone diplomacy, citing disrespect, there has been no denial of the accusations, and a commission of inquiry is being established to investigate the claims. There is also ambiguity about Brigety’s supposed apology and whether it relates to the content of his claims or how they were expressed. The US ambassador’s apology has not been made public. At face value, Pretoria seems to have made a strategic miscalculation and must exercise dexterity in its approach given the high economic stakes. Saturday’s press briefing by national security adviser Sydney Mufamadi and other heavyweights in the security cluster was a clear attempt to manage the fallout. Another interpretation is that this was a calculated risk by the US to provide a wakeup call to South Africa and allow for a recalibration in relations. Indeed, Brigety’s tone and language during the conference signalled the US would no longer treat South Africa with kid gloves. Previously, Washington has been largely accommodating of Pretoria’s positioning despite its lack of US alignment. The belief that South Africa is too strategically important to antagonise for fear of driving it towards China and Russia has informed the US’ approach to relations with South Africa, says Peter Attard Montalto of Intellidex. Now sensing a threat to its security interests, the US is exercising both its economic and diplomatic muscle. However, if the intention was to provoke a reaction, the US may, like South Africa, also have miscalculated on this issue. The US has hardly covered itself in glory with this destabilising approach, drawing criticism for bullying tactics and arrogance. Given the economic impact of the allegation, this could become a communications disaster for Washington if proof fails to materialise, says Institute for Security Studies Senior Researcher Priyal Singh. This will all likely come to a head with the Russia-Africa summit in July and the Brics (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) summit in August. The latter could see Russian President Vladimir Putin — who is wanted by the International Criminal Court — visiting South Africa. At that point, the US may decide whether it applies more ‘stick’ than ‘carrot’. South Africa must determine whether compromising US investment, funding and trade access is worth the upside from other partners. It finds itself in a game of Russian roulette and should be wary of the economic consequences. — ISS. *About the writer: Ronak Gopaldas is an Institute of Security Studies (ISS) consultant, a director at Signal Risk and member of faculty at the Gordon Institute of Business Science in South Africa. Russian President Vladimir Putin and South Africa President Cyril Ramaphosa. (Photo: EPA-EFE / SERGEI CHIRIKOV) NewsHawks Africa News Page 53 Issue 132, 19 May 2023
STYLE TRAVEL BOOKS ARTS MOTORING Porsche just got angrier Being a Fashion Model Life&Style Page 54 Issue 132, 19 May 2023 JONATHAN MBIRIYAMVEKA BY now, you already know the stuff that Jah Prayzah is made of. That part of the narrative is settled, the man is a genius of sorts. His exceptional talent and burning ambition to be the best is matched by lyrics rich in Zimbabwean tradition and culture. The Harare hunk is a contemporary traditionalist in spirit and in music. For somebody so young – songs like Goto, Mhondoro and Ticheneke to mention a few – are classic examples of JP’s word prowess and admirable understanding of the ancient way of the Zimbabwean way of life. In his pomp, Jah Prayzah can simply sweep you into a world of old culture, in song, indeed a firm favourite of the Zimbabwean public. I believe this will be the feat which will take his career to dizzy heights. This is true of his latest 12th studio album, titled Chiremerera, or dignity in English. The 13-track album is a continuation of what I mentioned when the contemporary singer last put an album out, Gwara in 2021. In that review, I pointed out that Gwara (way, direction or guidance) was an indication of the path Jah Prayzah is taking his music. And now that the follow-up album, Chiremerera, nobody can doubt his intent. The album is purely a manifestation of the real Jah Prayzah. Forget about his swag and glitzy persona, Jah Prayzah is rooted in his tradition, and he is good at it. Even his voice works well when he sings traditional music as opposed to Afrobeats. Frankly speaking, Chiremerera is a marvel to listen to. Believers and non-believers by now should give him his props. The sound on Chiremerera gives credence to the long-held argument by such luminaries as Thomas Mapfumo and Oliver Mtukudzi that “there is no better you than you.” Simply put, it means nothing beats originality so I shudder to think why Jah Prayzah even goes to great lengths to try and sing Afrobeats when we now believe in his craft, which is traditional contemporary. This is definitely the sound of tomorrow, and one which will put him on the global stage. That said, on Chiremerera, it features the talents of songstress Feli Nandi on Sarungano and it is the only collabo on the album. The album talks to you and me. It talks about the day-today struggles, that in life we all need something we call our own. The first song, Mhandu Yenhamo, is a wish to have a better life, a better somebody and for posterity. The track is a slow tempo, but the mbira and hosho linger throughout the track, giving it that rare feel. Hasha follows up at the same tempo, with Jah Prayzah’s raspy voice standing out. The one thing that is clear on the track is he gave room for backing vocalists to lead, in the manner akin to Tuku music. As said earlier, the album speaks about the lives of ordinary Zimbabweans and rheir everyday experiences. For instance, on Zibundu (anger) he talks about gona, a charm which is affecting a family. Usually, it is believed that when ancestors are not happy, they cause disharmony or discomfort within the family. So, Zibundu it is a plea to the ancestors to forgive and forget. Pachedu goes a gear up and also Jah Prayzah lays a deep voice akin to Mukanya’s signature voice but remains in the character. The feel-good song talks about family relationships, that blood is thicker than water. There is no doubt that to savour or rather enjoy this album you need to pay attention to the lyrics and that way the message will sink in. The other tracks that can tickle your fancy include Tenda, Kurarama, Teya Mariva, Chirege Chiyambuke, Gonan’ombe, Hurungudo and Wanga Wakarara. Perhaps it might be worthwhile to take a close listen to the title track Chiremerera. Jah Prayzah always sings for his supper. And this is the track he shows his political views. “Ndakagara pandakagadzikwa, handina kubvuta ndakasarudzwa, ndine zodzo ndine mhondoro, haungamise kunaya kwemvura”. Well, it sounds like entitlement there and already the song has caused discord in some quarters, with critics saying he was appeasing the establishment. We all know how the regime has been struggling with legitimacy since its inception in November 2017 and on Chiremerera Jah Prayzah seems to side with the powers-that-be. That said, musicians always have poetic licence and, if Jah Prayzah sees the regime in such good light, then well and good! Chiremerera, manifestation of traditional enthusiast and genius Jah Prayzah
Book Review World News Page 55 Title: In Search of the Elusive Zimbabwean Dream (Ideas & Solutions, Volume III) Author: Professor Arthur G.O. Mutambara Publisher: Sapes Books REVIEWER: BREZH MALABA PROFESSOR Arthur Mutambara’s latest book is finally available in print and, having had the honour of previewing the manuscript, I can only encourage you to grab a copy. This is his third book in an autobiographical trilogy on thought leadership. It covers the years 2009- 2023. Collectively, the three books are based on his political interpretations, leadership opinions and philosophical disposition over 40 years, from 1983 to 2023. Mutambara explains why he found it necessary to tell the story of his generation from his own perspective and in his own words. “This is an era in which my generation and the rest of the nation have sought to become the change they wish to occur in Zimbabwe. It is a period whose hallmark is a growing political consciousness and involvement of my generation in an effort towards political and socio-economic transformation and regeneration.” Having read the opening two books in the trilogy, I was curious to find out what Volume III had in store. Politicians in Zimbabwe seldom write books on their experiences in public office. This unfortunate state of affairs has often stymied well-informed public discourse, hampered the documenting of firsthand accounts of crucial events and processes in Zimbabwe's political history, and created room for untested hagiographies that are of no value to citizens. Mutambara's new book – 720 pages in the hardback edition – is not only useful but also comes at an opportune moment in the post-Mugabe era. Mutambara became Deputy Prime Minister at 42, a relatively young age in a country where the ruling party’s youth league is routinely led by politicians in their 50s and 60s. In that lofty position as one of the principals of the power-sharing Government of National Unity (GNU) which subsisted from 2009 to 2013, Mutambara found himself face-toface with President Robert Mugabe, a wily schemer whose repressive state apparatus had previously sought to crush him during his days as a fiery student leader and later an opposition agitator. The book brings to the fore some fascinating detail on the different shades of Mugabe: the Machiavellian operator; the authoritarian strongman; the doting father; the vulnerable dictator; and yesterday's man. Autobiographical tomes tend to be subjective write-ups, shaped by an author's personal vantage point and world view. But such strictures do not hamper Mutambara. Through his considerable intellectual resources and polemical gifts, he manages to weave a compelling narrative on matters of statecraft. The GNU years were intriguing. Belonging to neither the ruling Zanu PF nor the main opposition MDC, Mutambara was uniquely Zimbabwe dream is elusive but we dare not give up BOOK LAUNCH DATES: Venue: University of Johannesburg: Date: 23 May 2023 Time: 5.30pm to 7.30pm. Venue: Sapes (Harare) Date: 30 May 2023 Time: 5.30pm to 8.30pm Venue: Bulawayo: Date: 1 June 2023 Time: 5pm to 7pm Venue: Sandton (South Africa) Date: 9 June 2023 Time: 6.30pm to 8.30pm *The UK and US dates yet to be confirmed. BOOK LAUNCH DATES: positioned. He was largely viewed with mistrust by basically everyone in the polity – it has to be remembered that even his relationship with his own party was fraught with immense difficulties. But it is precisely in this unencumbered role as a young technocrat, a rising political star and an intellectual of considerable gravitas that he provides the unique lens through which we can scrutinise Zimbabwe. For example, one of the most puzzling aspects of the GNU is how Mugabe ran rings around the opposition and deftly quashed demands for far-reaching political and economic reforms. The key deliverable of the power-sharing government was supposed to be the implementation of a raft of genuine reforms leading to a credible and undisputed national election. This was not achieved, despite the memorable spectacle of opposition leaders enjoying tea with Mugabe at State House every Monday. The court of public opinion says the mercurial Mugabe – deploying guile and sleight of hand honed over decades – dribbled past the opposition leaders and firmed his iron-clad grip on power. There are lots of fascinating titbits in this book which shed light on the inner workings of Zimbabwean politics, particularly in the years from 2009 to 2013 when political rivals sat alongside each other in cabinet meetings. During that period, Mutambara says, he enjoyed the unique opportunities of spending a lot of time in one-on-one discussions with Mugabe. He describes the longtime president as a great storyteller who would entertain his inquisitive mind for hours on end. Typical of Mugabe, he would hold forth, narrating vivid stories of Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle. He gets to hear tales of great fortitude, sacrifice and immeasurable commitment to the cause. But he also gets to hear tales of struggles within the struggle, deception, tribalism and betrayal. Politics can be brutal. Mutambara's book confirms that Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the main opposition MDC and Prime Minister in the GNU, lacked the requisite leadership skill set that would have enabled him to navigate his way through the treacherous political chessboard at national level. However, Mutambara appears to downplay Tsvangirai's contribution to what had been envisaged to be Zimbabwe’s transition to democracy, while hyping up his own role as Deputy Prime Minister. What Mutambara is not alive to is that although many commentators cite Tsvangirai's so-called modest intellect as a fatal flaw, such a personality attribute was, by far, less ruinous than Mugabe's much-vaunted divide-and-conquer politics. This perhaps explains why a large number of voters in the 2008 general election easily chose Tsvangirai over Mugabe. Many Zimbabweans consider Joshua Nkomo and Morgan Tsvangirai as the best presidents the country never had. Mutambara's insights in this new book will enrich that debate. A good book sparks debate; this is how ideas are formulated and refined. It has to be mentioned, though, that Mutambara has his own limitations and blind spots. His narrative on the political dynamics of the power-sharing government is profoundly captivating, but it is hampered by what seems to be his limited access to information on the intricate workings of the deep state run by the notoriously powerful and unaccountable securocratic cabal who literally call the shots in Zimbabwe. The full story of Zimbabwe's GNU era is yet to be told. For this reason, many scholars, journalists and citizens in general will be salivating at the prospect of reading Mutambara's new book. It was Nietzsche who famously said: "He who fights with monsters might take care lest he thereby become a monster. And if you gaze for long into an abyss, the abyss gazes also into you." Today, we might add: The opposition must be careful when working closely with a cunning dictator; he may not only neutralise dissenters but also charm them through sheer guile. A "monster" in this case is not necessarily a literal ogre; it can be a false belief, dogmatic ideology or philosophical missteps. And Mugabe had no shortage of those. A close reading of Mutambara's book provides a startling reminder that Mugabe — far from being the glorified uber-mensch of African liberation — turned out to be yet another archetypal authoritarian ruler who presided over the plunder and destruction of a once-promising country. He rose to power on an anti-colonial platform, but proceeded to brutalise and terrorise citizens in independent Zimbabwe, slaughtering thousands and ruining livelihoods. To Mutambara and many others who share the same view, the military coup of November 2017 which swept Emmerson Mnangagwa to power was tragic for Zimbabwe. Not because Mugabe was a saint — there are no saints in politics — but because, as far as Mutambara has assessed, Mnangagwa is simply a non-starter when it comes to the idea of 21st century leadership. He remarks that Zimbabwe has jumped from the frying pan into the fire. Mutambara, a straight talker of note, pulls no punches. The Mnangagwa regime is described as “shamelessly incompetent, corrupt, authoritarian and patently directionless — kleptocracy par excellence”. At the level of ideas, the autobiography underlines the importance of a simple formula for national prosperity: Meritocracy plus Pragmatism plus Honesty. It worked for Singapore and it can work for Zimbabwe. One of the central planks of Mutambara's personal brand is that of "a man of ideas". His journey has been remarkable. On account of academic merit, he finds himself at the University of Zimbabwe, Oxford University in Britain and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in the United States. There is, in fact, no harm in taking some thoughtfully selected Western or Eastern economic, political and cultural ideas and "domesticating" them for our African setting. As the Canadian philosopher Andy Lamey has succinctly observed elsewhere: "What matters is not where an intellectual or artistic framework comes from, but how it might be used alongside indigenous ones to meet the needs of formerly colonised peoples." Mutambara's track record as a leading scientist and public intellectual evinces a man who takes seriously the importance of defending African agency. One gets the distinct feeling that although Mutambara's feet are firmly anchored on African soil, his vision for a better Zimbabwe and a winning Africa is inspired by a cosmopolitan grasp of statecraft. Democracy, freedom and prosperity are proving elusive, but we must not be afraid of dreaming — otherwise how else do we wake up from Africa's prolonged existential nightmare? *About the reviewer: Brezh Malaba is a journalist based in Harare. He is assistant editor and co-founder of The NewsHawks, Zimbabwe’s leading digital investigative journalism and breaking news publication. NewsHawks Issue 132, 19 May 2023
Poetry Corner Title: The Last Stand Poet: Gift Sakirai At two I knew not what they taught Daily, I stayed indoors \doggedly pursuing mother to a fault. Snotty-nosed and recalcitrant, I threw tantrums to my mother's consternation. At five, I left the comfort that home guaranteed and found my personage in the midst of people unknown. Fear thus a friend of mine became in that class of peers unforgiving. I learned mostly from a curriculum unofficial, kicks and fists thus my friends became and homeward I took nosebleeds like homework daily. At fifteen I loved my first love, a gem of a girl whose smile was the envy of many a teenager. I mumbled in her presence daily for words would fail me always. This it was for a whole year until like a bird in flight she flew out of my life. At twenty I stumbled into university, having scrapped by my studies. Therein all hell broke loose for what mother had taught was useless thus rendered. I partook in pomp and fanfare. By chance it was that I finished my studies, only to be accosted by a job market unforgiving. At thirty-five I decided to take the plunge after years of a hesitation acute and hitched myself to a woman who had thus been a decade patient. Therefrom, I second guessed myself into fatherhood, and bumbled along in a world where I was a stranger unwelcome. At sixty-four with hair turned grey I'm still waiting to exhale and for once have a momentary relief from a life vengeful a year before I'm put out to pasture like a heifer overworked. I know not what the twilight years will my way bring a mystery it was in childhood, a mystery it still is in old age. A hustle death will have in taking me to the world beyond though. Having been short changed many times over in life, I swear my fall won't be as easy as that. This time, I won't go down without a fight. Death, beware! ***************************************************** Title: Death is a Brothel Poet: Farai Chinaa Mlambo My brother died peacefully in a brothel. He took his lust breath At his favourite venue kumaAvenues. He died of erotic sweetness — Sent straight to heaven From the least expected of havens. His head lay limply On the curvy thighpreneur's lap Like an overfed, spoiled toddler's. His slightly protruding perverted tongue Lay on his mouth's side Like one who'd suckled the tip of cyanide's nipple. His shiny eyeballs ballooned from their sockets And fixated on the narrow space betwixt her boobs; Like one reading footnotes to a romantic epic; They betrayed the lasciviousness With which the casualty, like a trampled ant, Had met his unlikely end. He drowned at the scene my brother, Baptising himself in oasis waters. The unenviable task of unwrapping him From his empress' tight embrace And ferrying him to the funeral parlour Had to take men and women of valour. Suddenly, what started off As a morning of wanton moaning Turned out to be a day of wild mourning; With some cursing the brothel owner, While others blamed the dead man for a death without honour. ************************************************* Title: On Stoeps Of Understanding Poet: Andy Kahari I have not wanted to wet my thoughts with such liquid thinking. But when the soul thirsts to know, I cannot but drench and drown till am submerged In such submarine thoughts. I have manoeuvred and still do; Deep ocean, Up and down abyssal hills overriding sea mounts of thoughts. And high perched on waves of knowledge quest, Question do IFear and pain, Existence and death? I have thus known; It is pain I fear, For my flesh has cannibalized it before. But death! Why should I fear that which I do not know? And so I have embraced it and waited for its dawn. For to think of my gone father, Has been knowledge of many before, Who, as him have gone and not returned. So I have wandered in my thinkingWhat if when I is gone, I stand on stoeps of understanding to understand: I is where I ought to be? Or worse still I become more of nothing I always have been in this miserable life, I hide behind religion, politics, business and sex. When all it is, was and will be: Vanity and vanity! I have thus put my soul to think and think, Till my soul was transcended to be my thoughts again drowning me. And in my quest to rise, I have bubbled through bubbles, And found air Where I ought not have found molecules. And so a mule I have been in all this puzzle and experimented upon is all I saw is I. Thus fleshly wounded and solely broken down have I been, For this soul of mine to dwindle, And see, nothing is who I is in this puzzle, I for so long have laboured to piece together. And yet to piece is supposed to be: To knit and be neat in thoughts; For that I would have thought a crochet hook or knit stick would have weaved and ticked my thoughts virtuous. But that never could do a victorious tango, To a man such as I, imbued in easily torn flesh. Any and every poke in crotchetiness has been a strike birthing innumerable soreness, To a life already in inestimable sorrowness. So in a life of gods I have sought it augmentable to my days, If only I could find a nest in this tree before it’s fallen and rotten. But what I crave to receive: Live and leave to anywhere at any desirable time, And perhaps be desiderata to falling daffodil petals; So I too as the daffodils would be left in hope of what if, Fallen, I had not and would not in any approaching new suns? Is all a life gone too, to not return too when I wished it be I then, here and there! But to not return is it not to be a god? For is it not rotten leaves that begat life to a rotten stump? So in going would I not be a begotten fire ball amidst the rolling waves boiling the oceans? So in dying do I not become death and it never I? For had it become I Banish and puke, It would have done I long ago. For who can stand the bickering man, And all his ceaseless life taking diseases? Thus I have known to die is to become and defeat death, Conquer and rule over it. Death I have thus not feared! *********************************************** Page 56 NewsHawks Issue 132, 19 May 2023
Page 57 President Nyusi's visit to Zim NewsHawks People & Places Issue 132, 19 May 2023
right to the turn of the millennium. Unfortunately, at the turn of the millennium the spark died. Combination of lack of coaching, economic meltdown, migration of the younger generation from the region – all had a say in the demise of Matabeleland sport. It reached its lowest when the famous venue where the All Blacks were floored, Hartsfield, looked like a long abandoned playground. It is hard to imagine that Plumtree High School, which produced the Olongas, ex-Sable and Springbok Adrian Garvey, Zimbabwe’s youngest rugby captain Cleopas Makotose — can no longer compete against the best schools in the country. Over and above that, other strongholds in the city and region such as CBC, Milton and Gifford are now a total bore on a Saturday afternoon for an old boy and the hardcore Matabeleland fan, for they are thumped week-in, week-out. When Harare’s Prince Edward beat Falcon last week away in Esigodini — the last standing men of Matabeleland who had been fighting a lone battle from that part of the country — let go a proud record. The powers-that-be need to look into this, because this is not just about Matabeleland sports, but about Zimbabwe. A weak Matabeleland is not good for Zimbabwe. As a youngster growing up in Bulawayo, I played for Matabeleland Duikers, the province’s junior select side. We were in absolute awe of players from OMs, Matabeleland Busters, as well as the high-density outfits Highlanders and Western Panthers. I remember the role models: Theo Weale, Gareth Jones, Norman Mukondiwa, Brendan Dawson, Silethokuhle “Slater” Ndlovu. They took the challenge headon and wore their hearts on their sleeves, without any inferiority complex, against other provinces. It has all disappeared. But I am convinced the good times will come back. There is world-class talent in Matabeleland and it will not go away. A certain Peter Ndlovu proved it, all the way from Skies, to become the first African footballer in the modern English Premier League. What about Bruce Grobbelaar, Adam Ndlovu, Henry “Bully” McKop, Mercedes Sibanda, Ben Nkonjera? They say a fish rots from the head. The people running sport in the country, in Matabeleland, must have the passion that existed back in the days. They should not be devoid of fresh ideas to revive the good old days. The internal fights have taken life out of Matland sports. There is neglect of development, and I speak more about rugby because it is my main sport. In South Africa, they have realised that rugby cannot continue to be an elitist sport. One of the secrets for success in SA is that they have gone to the rural areas, and now three quarters of the team is composed of Siya Kolisi, Bongi Mbonambi, Lukhanyo Am, Makazole Mapimpi, Cheslin Kolbe, all these guys — who all form the spine of a winning team. It shows that if there is good management and unity, success is possible. The Matabeleland legends I have mentioned, who we idolised, should see themselves as having a role in uplifting the pride and passion of old which was the hallmark of Matabeleland sport. *Guest columnist Chris Tavonesa is a former Matabeleland Junior Schools (Duikers) rugby player. THE South African icon Danie Craven — who lived between 1910 and 1993 — had a vision that to this day makes South African rugby the brute force it is in world rugby. He said for South African rugby to prosper, both “north and south” need to be strong always. By “north and south”, the great Craven meant Western Province and Blue Bulls province, but also, of course, the other provinces in between. Good old Craven has the biggest schoolboy rugby tournament in the world named after him, South Africa’s Craven Week, in which our Zimbabwean team has participated in, proudly, over many years. His take on north and south strikes a chord in Zimbabwe, the little cousins just next door. At our very peak in Zimbabwe, we used to have the two biggest provinces — Mashonaland and Matabeleland — going toe-to-toe from primary school level, high school level, club level, up to provincial level. In fact, all the other provinces in between were not left far behind. It was Zimbabwean sport in its healthiest condition. From Masvingo to the Country Districts to Manicaland and the Midlands — nobody felt inferior on the sports fields, on the running tracks. However, since the turn of the millennium, the tide has turned. I was raised in Bulawayo, and the city’s sporting roots run deep into me. I can’t fathom that the great Old Miltonians, which used to ruthlessly dominate the Lion Lager National League in my young days, is being spoken of in past tense these days. I played for Matabeleland’s provincial primary school select team, the Duikers, which won four Owen Davies inter-provincial competitions on the trot. And during those days, such achievements were not a stroll in the park. The legendary Zimbabwean cricket all-rounder Heath Streak, the recently departed record Zimbabwe rugby captain “Bucky” Buchanan, who were born and grew up in the region, were immersed in that culture of this city and its environs, with its reputation of sporting excellence. Who does not know Streakey, of course? Buchanan is the enigma who captained Rhodesia and Zimbabwe in a record 50 games and clocked 100 caps for the Sables. The famous Olonga brothers, Victor and Henry, from rugby and cricket respectively, are also wellknown sons of the Matabeleland region who made a mark in their different sporting disciplines. These generations took inspiration from the Rhodesian national side of 1949 that famously defeated New Zealand in Bulawayo. The All Blacks are the most successful team in world sport history. The All Blacks fell 10-8 at Hartsfield in the City of Queens and Kings. Before that, only five nations had beaten New Zealand. Just Ireland and Argentina have joined that elite group to this day. Even the recently departed Ian McIntosh of Bulawayo, the legendary Natal and Springboks coach, grew up knowing of the Miracle of Bulawayo, and it inspired him. These legends all passed it down, Page 58 When a giant falls, entire nation feels the pinch Old Miltonians Sport CHRIS TAVONESA HawkZone NewsHawks Issue 132, 19 May 2023
NewsHawks Sport Page 59 Issue 132, 19 May 2023 From page 60 The 28-year-old pretended to be interested, and said “yes” to Mupangano. He then promptly reported the approach to the security section of Zimbabwe Cricket (ZC). Any lower league cricketers anywhere in the world today, let alone an international like Jongwe – courtesy of anti-corruption sessions that are constantly being rolled out – are well-educated about the extremely grave consequences of any involvement with betting rackets. So even if a player does not comply with the match-fixers, choosing not to report the approach is an offence under the anti-corruption code of the International Cricket Council (ICC). It normally attracts a ban of between three to eight years. According to the ICC, reporting timely is hugely important because the “corrupt activity can be disrupted at the earliest possible opportunity”, or it can help uncover hidden dirt in incidents that other players elsewhere would have participated in. This is indeed an effective method and, as this investigation produced with support from the VMCZ investigative journalism fund on transnational crimes will exclusively show in this fact-finding story, an earlier approach made to another Zimbabwean player three years before that of Jongwe led to the ban of national team cricketers from another country who had agreed to a deal with the same syndicate. In Jongwe’s instance, Mupangano was arrested soon after the report was launched, and the 28-year-old from Harare admitted having approached the Zimbabwe bowling all-rounder on behalf of the Indian businessman. This investigation can reveal that police officers and other law enforcement agencies, guided by Mupangano, fished out the three Indian nationals at an apartment they were renting in the Avenues residential area of Harare. Cornered – WhatsApp exchanges with Mupangano still in their mobile phones – the Indian bookies also immediately admitted their offence, and pleaded for mercy. The VMCZ investigation was shown pictures of the three on the scene of their arrest, paraded in the apartment — all shirt-less, scared-as-hell and grim-faced — holding their Indian passports for the photographs. The images however could not be released to us for this project. Unlike neighbouring South Africa, Zimbabwe does not have legislation that outlaws match-fixing. So no prosecution took place in the country following the arrest of the Indian bookies, who were however ordered out of the country, and barred by immigration from entering again for a lengthy period. But this is expected to change soon. “We are working towards enactment of a sports and integrity Bill into law,” added Nengomasha. “That will be a welcome development. It’s at an advanced stage as we speak. It will address things like match-fixing, drugs and doping, sexual abuse, all that kind of stuff of a criminal nature in sports. Right now, we have people getting banned by ICC and Fifa, but right here in our own country we cannot do anything about it.” In the Jongwe case, a report was subsequently made to the ICC Anti-Corruption Unit, and the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc). The ICC investigated, charged, and banned the trio from all forms of cricket. Mupangano, for his trouble, was in February 2023 banned by ZC for five years for his unsuccessful attempt to involve Jongwe in the spot-fixing deal. The cunning syndicates, we established in findings of this VMCZ investigation, possess other crafty methods of making money through betting on matches as they take place, to cash in during their stay in the country. Arriving in Zimbabwe as fans, they strategically position themselves in the stadium to have a good view of the playing field, to flight instant bets. For instance, let’s say the batsman has played a pull shot between the mid-wicket and fine-leg. The bookmaker, quick as a flash – taking advantage of the slight delay in TV or internet live feed – places a bet on the piece of action as it has happened, betting on illegal gambling sites. The illegal gaming sites are a menace throughout the world because not only do they deprive the legal industry and state of revenue running into millions to billions of dollars, there is absolutely no control over such scourges as money laundering. Instant betting on illegal sites is just one of the syndicates’ means to earn extra money. But where the big money is, of course, is corrupting players for spot-fixing – directly and indirectly. These unlawful operations mostly prefer using people they think are close to the players, as in Mupangano’s case. It is not unusual to see fringe players in the domestic structure mingling with the internationals, as the same club cricketers are utilised for practice purposes as net session bowlers. This modus operandi resulted in the busting of a match-fixing attempt that had a former Indian cricketer and four United Arab Emirates national team players being slapped with bans following an ODI series in Zimbabwe in April 2019. The corrupters from India, we can exclusively report here, had their cover blown and arrested in Harare after being reported by Zimbabwean player Tarisai Musakanda. Mehar Chhayakar, an Indian cricketer who had previously played at domestic level in the UAE, was already working with some of the players in the Middle East side on the Zimbabwe tour, won 4-0 by the hosts in Harare. Attempting to spread their dirty network into the Zimbabwe side for extra gains, Chhayakar and his team approached Musakanda, who did not feature in that particular series. They offered the unselected Zimbabwean batsman an attractive incentive to broker a fixing deal with his playing colleagues. Musakanda duly reported the unsolicited advances to ZC, leading to the arrest of Chhayakar and three others at yet another rented Avenues flat, showing a pattern of the bookies’ preferred form of accommodation when they are in Zimbabwe for “business”. As opposed to the busier city hotels, there is less chances of scrutiny in the quieter corners of the Avenues, where their prospective “clients” can come in and out for meetings without drawing attention from the wider public. To the shock of the Zimbabwean authorities, all four men nabbed in Musakanda’s report were accredited VIP officials of the ongoing series between the Zimbabwean side and UAE. All fixing attempts were therefore thwarted and the series went ahead free of infiltration. And then further investigations by the ICC revealed that quite a number of players in the UAE team had been approached by Chhayakar & Co. Former UAE captain Mohammed Naveed and batsman Shiman Anwar – who were part of the Zimbabwe tour – were handed eight-year bans by cricket’s global ruling body in March 2021 chiefly for attempting to fix matches during the 2019 T20 World Cup qualification tournament in their home country. While it turned out that way in the pair’s verdict, Musakanda’s tip-off however must be recognised as having played a massive role in setting in motion the broader exposé. Meanwhile, two other UAE players – Qadeer Ahmed and Ghulam Shabber – banned for five and four years respectively a month after Naveed and Anwar, were sanctioned for their unlawful conduct during the Zimbabwe trip on top of other charges. As for the ring-leader Chhayakar, he fell even harder and in October 2022 was expelled from the game for 14 years on a charge-sheet also relating to Zimbabwe and the Global T20 Canada in 2019. Musakanda’s reaction had done a hell of a lot in exposing match-fixing that probably would not have been known to this day, perhaps never. There is something uncanny about crime that makes it impossible to hide forever. Somehow, criminal activity tends to be exposed in a manner least expected. Being caught red-handed in the process of a totally different investigation, involving somebody else, also nailed the revered but disgraced former Zimbabwe captain Heath Streak. A probe into Streak was launched when a player from Bangladesh reported an approach from an Indian businessman who was later discovered to have also been in contact with the ex-Zimbabwe fan favourite in a separate deal. Although he never got to fix any matches, Streak was in April 2021 handed an eight-year ban for his involvement with illegal bookies as a coach in franchise T20 tournaments abroad. Streak was found guilty of five breaches of the ICC's code for revealing inside information which could be used for betting purposes, and then failing to disclose a payment in bitcoin from a potential corrupter. Returning to the targeted UAE series, it has been pointed out as an important “eye-opener” in terms of helping to tighten security, and providing insight into how syndicates and their proxies infiltrate players and teams. A fictitious Indian company, Surya Pumps, had in fact paid US$30 000, working in cahoots with Chhayakar, to secure rights to beam that Harare series on TV. This would make illegal betting easier. So, the men from India had arrived in Zimbabwe rubbing their hands with glee after they had secured the UAE players in the foiled deal. In the course of investigating the depth of the match-fixing network and their operations here, we unearthed – hitherto unknown – how the country’s historic day-night Test match against South Africa, at the end of 2017, was heavily targeted by match-fixers from the Asian subcontinent. That period, and most of 2018, was recorded as the worst in terms of betting syndicates being on the prowl in Zimbabwe, as well as when the team was touring abroad. We were told in greater detail how Zimbabwe’s players – nearly half of the side – were directly and indirectly approached ahead of the four-day Test against the Proteas in Port Elizabeth in December 2017. A report was made to ZC’s anti-corruption department through then captain Graeme Cremer. ZC’s current director of cricket Hamilton Masakadza, who was still playing, was dispatched to a meeting at Meikles Hotel in central Harare to set a trap. This VMCZ investigation heard that Masakadza arrived at the five-star hotel with secret recording devices on him, whilst surveillance security cameras at the hotel captured the match-fixers as they also arrived and left. Arrests were swiftly made. The ICC accordingly investigated and effected appropriate bans. Backing up claims that 2017-18 had been the darkest period in the traffic of match-fixing maneuvers in Zimbabwe, Cremer himself – two months before the South Africa Test – had rebuffed an offer from an intermediary to bowl in a certain way during Zimbabwe’s two-match Test series at home to West Indies. The go-between, it turned out, was a well-known Zimbabwean cricket official, Rajan Nayer, treasurer of Harare Metropolitan Cricket and an ex-ZC board member. Nayer was in March 2018 banned by the ICC for 20 years after offering leg-spinner Cremer US$30 000 for a fix on behalf of an Indian bookmaker. ZC, meanwhile, explained how the body has invested in tightening security against potential match-fixers and illegal betting syndicates. “We now have a fully-fledged department of security and anti-corruption, headed by Robson Manjoro, and the department works closely with the ICC,” Makoni told us. “The threat of approaches by match-fixers is not just a Zimbabwean problem, it's everywhere. Match-fixers will be around for a long time, it’s just how prepared you are to deal with the problem. We have been holding awareness and educational programmes across the country, with both male and female players, from age-groups to senior teams, both at domestic and international level. We are delighted that the results are there for all to see, with our players reporting the approaches. We are working flat out to ensure that cricket in Zimbabwe is very clean, that our integrity is without any question.” How, you will ask, does illegal betting and fixing work in cricket? It appears simple from the looks of it. Some of the intricacies we have explained earlier: basically anything regarding how the game is played can have bets put on, especially on the illegal gambling sites. On the targeted UAE tour of Zimbabwe in 2019, one the tourists’ bowlers had been instructed to bowl poorly and concede 70 runs. A batsman, for example, may be asked to play a reverse-sweep shot on the first delivery that they face from the spin bowlers, regardless of the outcome. It is a potentially dirty game, a danger to life and reputation. Brendan Taylor, the former Zimbabwe captain, was in January 2022 banned for three-and-ahalf-years by the ICC after admitting to a breach of anti-corruption rules. This stems from an invitation Taylor accepted from a “friendly” Indian businessman to the cricket-mad Asian country, to discuss the launch of what promised to be a clean T20 competition in Zimbabwe. On the trip, Taylor claimed that he was coerced into accepting US$15 000, which turned out to be a “deposit” for spot fixing. The ex-Zimbabwe batting kingpin said he never partook in the arranged action, but did not report the fixing approach as well as receipt of the US$15 000 for four months as he was being blackmailed. It turned out that a video of Taylor taking cocaine was recorded at an event during the India trip, and used to blackmail him into going along with the fixing. The blackmail comes in different forms – from drugs to honey-traps, pretty much anything to get one to comply under pressure of being exposed and humiliated. Both married and unmarried players can be tricked into immoral and embarrassing sexual behaviour with stunningly beautiful women working for the syndicates. It could lead into drink spiking, being secretly recorded unknowingly in sexual acts in hotel rooms, and the clips used to trap the victims in a web of match-fixing from which there is no escape. Eltah Nengomasha Heath Streakey
ENOCK MUCHINJO HARARE – It was the most hair-raising phone call Luke Jongwe will ever receive in his cricket career and, as you might imagine, it put the fear of God in him. Did the surprise caller, in his right mind, realise just what he was trying to get the Zimbabwe national cricket team bowler into? Zimbabwe first made global match-fixing headlines through football, the country’s foremost sporting code, over 15 years ago. Between 2007 and 2009, the country’s national football team toured Southeast Asia to play in fixed matches organised by an Asian betting syndicate controlled by convicted Singaporean match-fixer Wilson Raj Perumal. Bewilderingly, senior administrators of the Zimbabwe Football Association (Zifa) were behind the tours of shame. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s niece Henrietta Rushwaya, recently implicated in Al Jazeera’s Gold Mafia investigative documentary revealing the alleged massive looting of Zimbabwe’s gold, was at the helm of Zifa during the dirty period. The officials made quite a fortune from it, whilst players and coaches were also paid varying sums of money to play in a manner that suited the fixers’ gambling activities in this scam, infamously known as Asiagate. Because Zimbabwe does not have laws to prosecute such crimes, the Asiagate cases fell away and heavy bans that had been imposed were lifted after some years. It is something that the Sports and Recreation Commission (SRC), Zimbabwe’s premier sports regulatory body, is trying to correct. “Zifa (the Asiagate scandal) was an eye-opener,” SRC director-general Eltah Nengomasha commented for this Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe (VMCZ) investigative project. “As long as we do not have laws to 50c PRICE SPORT Zim Cricket launches Premier League NEWS $60 Covid tariff for visitors & tourists CULTURE Community radio regulations under review @NewsHawksLive TheNewsHawks www.thenewshawks.com [email protected] Thursday 1 October 2020 WHAT’S INSIDE ALSO INSIDE Finance Ministy wipes out $3.2 Billion depositors funds Zim's latest land controversy has left Ruwa farmer stranded Story on Page 3 Story on Page 8 Story on Page 16 Chamisa reaches out to Khupe Unofficial president calls for emergency meeting +263 772 293 486 Friday 19 May 2023 ALSO INSIDE When a giant falls, entire nation feels the pinch Sports World Athletics ban transgender women from competition Juju nonsense: It’s never too late to say enough is enough How illegal betting syndicates’ persistent attempts on Zimbabwe helped world cricket’s ongoing cleansing process Luke Jongwe Givemore Makoni curb these illegal sporting activities, it will remain an issue. We are working with all the different national sporting federation to have ethics committees.” When Asiagate exploded, Jongwe – who is also a football fan like many people in Zimbabwe – was a young budding cricketer. He read about the widely-publicised scandal, and learnt at a young age of the dire consequences of succumbing to the whims of match-fixers. So for a moment when he received the call in 2022, a perplexed Jongwe tried to force himself into believing that the person on the other side of the line was having a barely funny attempt at humour by dangling an offer for a most heinous crime in professional sport: match-fixing. But Jongwe quickly figured that his caller, Edward Mupangano, was not at all trying to amuse both of them. He, in fact, was dead serious. Little-known club cricketer Mupangano, distantly familiar to Jongwe, revealed in the initial phone call that he had recently befriended some visiting and rich Indian nationals who desired to “do business” with the national team star. The time was August 2022, in the middle of an exciting period in Zimbabwean cricket, when a rejuvenated national team was drawing record crowds in both Harare and Bulawayo. India’s cricket team, one of world cricket’s favourite visiting teams, was touring for three One-Day Internationals (ODIs) in the Zimbabwean capital. As is the case for many years whenever “Team India” is in town, thousands of the Indian diaspora across other parts of Africa travel to Zimbabwe to watch and, if lucky enough, mingle with their sporting heroes from the ancestral land. Some of them, who include Mupangano’s “friends”, go the extra mile, literally, and fly all the way from India for the experience of a lifetime. Straight to the point, the offer was tabled: Jongwe was to receive payment of US$7 000 for bowling in a certain way during one of the three ODIs at Harare Sports Club. Mupangano, for his facilitation role, would be paid US$3 000 by the generous guys from India. If they succeeded in winning over Jongwe, the travelling illegal bookmakers – who had no links whatsoever with the touring Indian team or the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) – then placed bets on the pre-arranged actions and profit several-fold from their initial investment. Jongwe, who is a relatively well-paid professional cricketer by Zimbabwean standards, and no fool, instantly knew what he needed to do. To page 59