NewsHawks 25 August 2023

NEWS CCC rejects Mnangagwa win lock, stock and barrel Story on Page 6 NEWS Faz, military tension is likely to soar post-polls WHAT’S Story on Page 9 INSIDE SPORT Excitement over Liverpool’s signing of Zim's prodigy Story on Page 50 ALSO INSIDE Zim polls marred by multiple irregularities Price US$1 Friday 25 August 2023 Govt fears revolt over disputed election outcome

Page 2 #ZimElection2023 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 CIO deputy director-general Gatsha Mazithulela OWEN GAGARE THE Zimbabwean government is running a security operation, mainly in Harare, around the clock to prevent gatherings as it is fears an uprising and post-election violence over disputed poll results, intelligence sources have told The NewsHawks. This comes amid growing political tensions and an acrimonious dispute over results of the recently held elections, particularly the presidential race in which President-Elect Emmerson Mnangagwa scraped through by a wafer-thin 2.6%, marginally better than 2018, ahead of his close challenger Nelson Chamisa, the main opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) leader. Mnangagwa got 52.6%, while Chamisa got 44%. Tensions between Zimbabwe and its regional neighbours over the elections charade are also fueling the situation. Realising that the 23-24 August general elections had degenerated into chaos and a farce, government started deploying secret units of security forces, mainly law and order police, military intelligence and civilian intelligence, to gauge the mood on the ground and manoeuvre to prevent a potential revolt, the sources said. This involved a security threat analysis of the situation on the ground by intelligence services which concluded that the post-election environment is volatile, especially because Chamisa and his supporters believe the elections were stolen. One security unit in plain clothes has been going around in Harare beating up people in bars and restaurants. The move is an indiscriminate pre-emptive strike against the opposition. Zimbabwe's state security agency, Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) deputy director-general Gatsha Mazithulela was caught up in that operation. Mazithulela was badly beaten up on Thursday night by a law enforcement unit operating in suburban areas and town, violently closing bars and restaurants while forcing people to go home. Sources said Mazithulela was attacked at Zim Cafe Restaurant, which has two bars inside, at corner Kwame Nkrumah Avenue and Fifth Street in Harare; his favourite drinking place in the capital. Mazithulela, an academic who is one of the best scientists in the country and former pro-vice-chancellor at the National University of Science & Technology in Bulawayo, was beaten up by state security agents while he was having drinks in the company of a friend who is a senior local journalist at a state-controlled newspaper. Mazithulela has held top private sector positions abroad at the level of chief executive, especially in the chemicals, petrochemicals and energy sector, and also worked in government on technocratic capacities. "The incident happened on Thursday night at Zim Cafe, the one run by Isaac; not Isaac Moyo his CIO boss, but Isaac the socialite and businessman," a source told The NewsHawks. "A group of state agents stormed the bar and attacked people randomly. Mazithulela was unfortunately caught up in the situation and he was attacked in a bad way. He was injured in the process and taken to hospital." Police confirmed a day after polling stations closed – on 25 August – that they are conducting patrols following an assessment of the political and security situation in the country, especially in Harare. “Police officers are conducting motorised and foot patrols in Central Business Districts, residential, industrial and other areas Govt fears revolt over elections

in order to maintain law and order,” the police said in a statement. Police said there were individuals and groups who were causing “alarm” and ‘panic” by peddling falsehoods over election issues. They said police their deployments would continue as a result of the current situation. On 27 August, police issued another statement warning political parties against holding “unsanctioned car rallies” and “unlawful political gatherings” in celebratory moods. This confirmed the police operation underway was targeted at political actors. Main opposition CCC leader Nelson Chamisa has described the elections as a sham and their outcome a fraud. He told journalists in Harare on Sunday that V11 forms – the original document carrying results from a polling station signed by agents of all contesting parties – prove that he won the election. Earlier in the day, Chamisa had described the election outcome as a “blatant” and “gigantic fraud.” “We are rejecting this election as a sham; the process was flawed,” Chamisa said. Sources say the operation was a pre-emptive strike by President Emmerson Mnangagwa's government to prevent a potential revolt by opposition CCC activists in the capital over election results amid growing unrest and tensions around the issue. The operation is designed and calculated to contain political and security situation in the country, mainly in Harare. Police say their intelligence shows that there are political activists organised in small units in different parts of the country who want to travel and storm the capital under the guise of “citizen voter audit and verification”. They say this has been given credence by individuals and groups inciting violence through social media encouraging that. Sources said the ongoing security operation is also meant to prevent what happened in 2018 after the elections – the August 1 massacre. On that day, six ordinary people were killed in the streets of Harare after opposition activists had gathered in town protesting a delay in the release of presidential election results. The public witnessed a violent crackdown on the streets of Harare when uniformed soldiers indiscriminately fired live ammunition at people protesting delayed election results. Since 2018 post-election violence, state security forces have committed serious violations, including violent attacks, abductions, torture, and other abuses against the political opposition and civil society activists. At least 17 people were killed in 2019 when security forces were unleashed on the people during protests over fuel price increases. State-sponsored human rights abuses have not yet stopped in the post-Mugabe era. The late former president Robert Mugabe was ousted in a November 2017 coup by Mnangagwa and his cabal. In the past few days, police units have been getting increasingly aggressive amid paranoia and panic – a siege mentality from authorities. Law and order police agents on Saturday tried to disrupt an opposition CCC press conference addressed by party spokesman Promise Mkhwananzi at Sapes Trust in Belgravia, Harare, leading to clashes with political activists and reporters. Sources say state security agencies believe Chamisa replaced Fadzayi Mahere with Mkhwananzi, a former student activist and Tajamuka/Sesijilike leader, to cause trouble in the streets. Mkhwananxi has been arrested many times for political activism. Police say they are now looking over a 2020 warrant of arrest. Law and order police officers who stormed the CCC press briefing and grabbed a speech from Mkhwananzi – leaving him literally and metaphorically speechless - included Clifford Mugabiri, Jethro Tapererwa, Solomon Matambura and Panganai Gwati who led the aggression before they were repelled by the party officials and journalists. Prior to that, the state agents had attacked a bar in Belgravia on Downie Road widely known to its patrons as KwaAngie. The place is near Belgravia Sports Club close to the Malaysian Embassy. Just like at Zim Cafe, the agents had arrived in plain clothes and violently forced their way into the bar. They then randomly roughed up or beat up everyone, including some journalists who were drinking there. A reporter from Botswana who was in the country to cover elections was beaten up. He lost contact with his colleagues and had to be rescued by Good Samaritans who located his colleagues for him. The attack on Mazithulela has highlighted the problem of indiscriminate violence against innocent citizens. Mazithulela seems to have been unlucky of late. Last year a man was shot dead during a break-in at his Harare home on Crichton Road in the Groombridge area of Mount Pleasant. Three years ago, a CIO agent drunkenly pointed a gun at Mazithulela as he was leaving his farm in Norwood in Umguza, Matabeleland North province. Those who drink with say he is also sometimes aggressive, although on Thursday he was targeted from nowhere when he was minding his own business with a friend. Given the high political stakes, unstable environment and the volatile situation, the security operation underway would actually trigger what it seeks to prevent: A reaction. NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 News Page 3 Issue 146, 25 August 2023

Page 4 #ZimElection2023 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 OWEN GAGARE ZIMBABWEAN President-Elect Emmerson Mnangagwa last night stormed back to office after crudely leveraging the power of incumbency to remain at the helm as his bitter rival, main opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change leader Nelson Chamisa, emphatically rejected the disputed results amid protests of irregularities and brazen fraud. The evidence is overwhelming: The elections were characterised electoral illegalities, manipulation of the process, illegal interference by a shadowy intelligence structure, voter suppression on a massive scale, banning of rallies, intimidation and jailing of political opponents. There was also deportation of researchers, restriction of civil and political liberties, arrest of independent electoral monitors who usually provide alternative voter collation, voting trends and returns to shadow the official process. The run-up to the polls was also marred by endless fights over voter registration and inspection, delimitation of boundaries, nomination of candidates, the voters’ roll, polling stations, postal voting process, lack of transparency in the procurement process, botched delivery of voting materials on time, including ballot papers, and disruption of monitors. Some voters waited until polling stations closed at 7pm — having arrived before 7am, for instance in Warren Park, Budiriro and Glen View in Harare. Yet others had to wait for 24 hours in those areas to vote. In the process, thousands left in frustration without voting as voter suppression and disenfranchisement took hold. In all this fiasco, the courts and judiciary evidently took sides with the executive, while due process and justice suffered. The case of the disqualification of independent candidate Saviour Kasukuwere by a judge at the behest of a Zanu PF activist — without due process — stands out. The transmission, collation and verification of votes was done in haste — meaning an aberration on the process. To make matters worse, the elections were run behind the scenes by an unconstitutional structure and the spooky Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)-run unit Forever Associates Zimbabwe (FAZ) illegally using public resources. The CIO’s FAZ illegally seized control of the electoral process, taking over from the military’s Heritage Trust. Previous elections were run by the army before FAZ. Mnangagwa’s controversial re-election — rejected by some foreign election observers, including those from the Southern African Development Community (Sadc) from neighbouring countries — leaves Zimbabwe wallowing in the throes of a renewed crisis of legitimacy and economic failure. Elections are pivotal in Zimbabwe’s democratisation, yet they have been key to its backsliding under the leadership of Mnangagwa, who first came to power through a coup which ousted the late former president Robert Mugabe in November 2017. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec), claiming with a straight face to be independent, open, transparent, competent and to have integrity, declared Mnangagwa the winner with 2 357 711 votes — 52.6% of the vote. Chamisa got 1 967 343 voters; 44% of the vote. There were 6 619 691 registered voters. Of these, 2 062 290 did not vote. So total votes cast were 4 561 221. Voter turnout was thus 68.9% Chamisa’s party swiftly rejected the outcome. It said the election were “marred by voter suppression” and “egregious abuse” amid discrepancies which have become glaringly apparent. CCC spokesperson Promise Mkhwananzi said: “The outcome did not align with the evidence from our V11s, a stark deviation that underscores the need for scrutiny. The concerning absence of our presidential candidate’s election agent’s signature President-elect Emmerson Mnangagwa Mnangagwa in smash-andgrab disputed poll victory ... But what next after this?

NewsHawks News Page 5 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 #ZimElection2023 casts a shadow of doubt over the entire process”. Chamisa described the elections as a “blatant” and “gigantic fraud”. Local publisher Professor Ibbo Mandaza said: “A most depressing, if not cynical, feature about elections in Zimbabwe is the extent to which they are so brazenly stolen and voters rendered mere statistics.” The opposition also said some of the problems were highlighted by the Southern African Development Community (Sadc) electoral observer mission which was headed by former Zambian vice-president Nevers Mumba. “In conclusion, the mission observed that the pre-election and voting phases, on 23-24 August 2023 harmonised elections were peaceful, and calm,” Sadc said. “However, for reasons outlined above, the mission noted that some aspects of the harmonised elections, fell short of the requirements of the constitution of Zimbabwe, the Electoral Act, and the Sadc Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections (2021).” While celebrating the victory, Mnangagwa’s government has reacted with anger to the Sadc report, but the regional body is pushing back and standing firm, showing growing frustration over the protracted Zimbabwe situation. Mnangagwa — always at the centre of election rigging even during the Mugabe’s era — is keen to set the narrative through the media and arrange inauguration. He wants to back in the driving seat quickly, and attend the United Nations General Assembly meeting in New York next month. Vote-rigging has now become art form in Zimbabwe, but it always leaves the country worse off as a pariah state, with people languishing in the economic doldrums and social decay. Analysts say with Mnangagwa’s re-election, the economy and other things are likely to go south. They fear rapid macro-economic deterioration and the intertwined web of currency volatility, exchange instability and inflation worsening due to lack of confidence and uncertainty. Professor Gift Mugano said during the elctions Zanu PF is impervious to policy advice and nothing will change under Mnangagwa’s leadership. On Zimbabwe’s internationl re-engagement, Stephen Chan, a British professor of world politics familiar with Zimbabwe, having been involved in its affairs since his days working at the Commonwealth in the 1980s, says he sees no policy shift from the United States after these sham elections, which means targeted economic and financial restrictions are remaining. Chan, who was part of the Commonwealth election observer mission in 1980, was deported from Zimbabwe last week before the elections. Besides the series of illegalities, disenfranchisement, voter suppression, chaos and manipulation, there was jailing of opposition activists like Job Sikhala and Jacob Ngarivhume. Intimidation and coercion were rife. Brutality and violence were relatively low — hence the observers saying the elections were “calm” and “peaceful”, but still there. An opposition activist Tinashe Chitsunge, for instance, was killed by Zanu PF supporters. In every major election in Zimbabwe, someone has to die. In the past, hundreds would die during elections when they tried to express themselves. While the 1985 elections were the most violent since independence, the just-ended polls were the most shambolic. Apart from the irregularities, Mnangagwa and Zanu PF enjoyed structural advantages in their re-election campaign — control of the playing field — or communication through the state-owned media — experience and skill, traditional support base and recognition. Siphosami Malunga, Director of Programmes at Open Society-Africa, warned that elections were not going to resolve Zimbabwe’s political legitimacy crisis. He said the country was being rundown by a parasitic political elite which has long abandoned the national interest and concept of public service for self-aggrandisement, and that cabal must be stopped. Ritualistic elections like the ones Zimbabwe are instruments of authoritarian rule, and thus give incumbents considerable power and tools to hollow out the democratic substance of electoral contestation to remain in power. The opposition was not allowed to organise and campaign freely as incumbency is turned into hegemony. The Africa Union-Comesa observer mission headed by former Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan was more diplomatic than the others, but still noted the logistical nightmares of the elections. It said: “The AU-Comesa (election observer mission) observed that the 2023 harmonised elections were conducted, up to the counting process, in a generally peaceful and transparent manner despite logistical challenges with the availability and distribution of local authority ballot papers in some areas. The mission continues to observe the tallying process and will issue a comprehensive report within two months.” The Commonwealth team, led by Amina Chawahir Mohamed, former Cabinet Secretary for Education and Foreign Affairs of Kenya, said the challenges which characterised the elections compromised the “credibility, transparency and inclusivity. “In conclusion, our overall assessment of the voting process is that it was well conducted and peaceful. However, there exist a number of significant issues that impact on the credibility, transparency and inclusivity of the process,” it said. In a book titled How to Rig an Election, Nic Cheeseman and Brian Klaas provide penetrating analysis of pseudo-democratic methods by competitive authoritarian regimes around the world to retain control. Contrary to what is commonly believed, authoritarian leaders who agree to hold elections are generally able to remain in power longer than autocrats who refuse to allow the populace to vote. In their engaging and provocative book, Cheeseman and Klaas expose the limitations of national elections as a means of promoting democratisation, and reveal six essential strategies that dictators use to undermine the electoral process in order to guarantee victory for themselves. Based on their first-hand experiences as election watchers and their hundreds of interviews with presidents, prime ministers, diplomats, election officials, and conspirators, Cheeseman and Klaas document instances of election rigging from Argentina to Zimbabwe, including notable examples from Brazil, India, Nigeria, Russia, and the United States — touching on the 2016 election. The eye-opening study on election rigging taxonomy offers a sobering overview of corrupted professional politics, while providing fertile intellectual ground for the development of new solutions for protecting democracy from authoritarian subversion. In an article titled Democracy in Name Only for Africa, written about a week before Zimbabwe’s elections, Michelle Gavin and Alexandra Drent, say decades after multiparty democracy in Africa, many on the continent still face sham elections, restrictions of rights, and few improvements. “Democracy is in trouble in Africa. It’s not just the latest coup d’état in Niger, completing the belt of military governments stretching across the continent. It’s also an overall sense of dissatisfaction and disillusionment, and a fundamental problem of governance quality,” the article says. “The problems for champions of democracy run deep. The very meaning of the term has been called into question for too many populations who have experienced plenty of elections, but little in the way of real political choice or accountability. “This month alone, Gabon and Zimbabwe are likely to provide new fodder for democracy cynics. In Gabon, citizens will go to the polls in a process almost certain to provide another mandate for the Bongo dynasty, which has remained in control of the country for over half a century. “A compressed electoral timetable and move to single-round voting, combined with a long history of dividing and co-opting the opposition, leaves little room for doubt about the outcome. “In Zimbabwe, the electoral commission’s shenanigans and heavy-handed treatment of opposition candidates and supporters do not inspire confidence in the process to come. From faux-civil society organisations intimidating communities to ensure the ruling party retains power “in perpetuity” to cases before the deeply compromised judiciary aimed at undercutting challenges to the status quo, the pre-election climate is ludicrously unbalanced.” Mnangagwa and his supporters have been congratulating each other over their victory in a charade secured by fair means or foul, but the country and democracy are the biggest losers in their win. Jonathan Moyo, a professor of politics and former minister, says Chamisa performed poorly, since he won three out of 10 provinces. “Chamisa won only three out of Zimbabwe’s 10 provinces: Bulawayo, Harare and Matabeleland North. Effectively, and so to speak, Chamisa lost in all of Mashonaland's provinces, winning there only in metropolitan Harare. Notably, Chamisa did not win Masvingo, his home province. In Matabeleland provinces, Chamisa won metropolitan Bulawayo and Matabeleland North; while Matabeleland South voted in step with the rest of the country. This is the worst national performance by an MDC/CCC opposition presidential candidate since the formation of the MDC in 1999. Chamisa's poor national performance should give voters in Matabeleland provinces food for thought after they woke up this morning to the hard realisation that the region's vote is out of step with the voting of the rest of the country.” However, former deputy prime minister Arthur Mutambara said Chamisa, whom he describes as the leader of the only bona fide opposition party in Zimbabwe, fought a great fight. “Here we go again. The cycle of disputed elections continues. We must come together as a nation and cure this cancer. We must devise a way to conduct free, fair and credible elections,” Mutambara said. “Respect must go to President Chamisa and the CCC for fighting a great fight — Against all odds.” Prominent South African-based local researcher Phillan Zamchiya said Chamisa and CCC have six dominant options going forward. "These include: (1) boycotting parliament; (2) peaceful mass action; (3) seeking legal recourse; (4) an internal political settlement (a handshake); (5) Seeking an urgent Sadc intervention and or (6) After Action Review (self-introspection)," he said. "Whilst these might appear different blocks on paper, in practice they work in combination to varying degrees." Night voting at Haig Park school in Harare. —Picture: Owen Gagare

Page 6 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 #ZimElection2023 NATHAN GUMA THE main opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) has swiftly, categorically and emphatically rejected President-Elect Emmerson Mnangagwa’s disputed re-election which was marred by controversy, irregularities and illegalities. Soon after the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) chairperson Priscilla Chigumba announced Mnangagwa as the winner, CCC spokesperson Mkhwananzi said in a statement: “On Wednesday 23 August, under the administration of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Zec, our nation bore witness to an election marred by vote suppression and egregious abuse. The Sadc report transparently highlighted these transgressions for the global community. “Despite these overwhelming odds, the resilient people of Zimbabwean people came forward in vast numbers, casting their votes in hope of a brighter and better future. For the sake of that elder woman who walked two km and waited in line for two whole days to cast her vote, we will not rollover and accept fictitious lies. “However, tonight, as Zec declared their results, discrepancies have become glaringly apparent. The outcomes did not align with evidence from our V11s, a stark deviation that underscores the need for scrutiny. The concerning absence of our presidential candidate’s chief election agent’s signature casts a shadow of doubt over the entire process. The questionable actions of some Zanu PF officials, who seemingly were privy to results in advance, further tarnish the credibility and transparency of these elections. We fear that this once-respected institution can no longer be depended upon to safeguard our votes and our democracy.” CCC said its numerous concerns were also captured in the Sadc preliminary report. “The election observer mission’s preliminary report further echoes our concerns, pinpointing significant deviations from both national and international electoral standards. “We unequivocally condemn the continued intimidation faced by our agents. Some were unjustly recalled by Zec with the intent of amending the electoral results, an act that goes against the very essence of a democratic process.” In the aftermath of the stolen election, CCC says it will challenge the process anf its outcome. “In response to these challenges, the CCC has initiated a comprehensive citizen’s review of the vote count. This endeavour is firmly rooted in hard evidence collected from all regions of Zimbabwe. Our grassroots movement, made up of brave volunteers, endures intimidation, harassment and violence. Yet our commitment to uncovering the truth remains undeterred. Zec’s recent announcement only serves to galvanise our resolve further.” CCC added: “In due course we will address our nation, illuminating the path forward. Our unwavering allegiance to the millions of Zimbabweans advocating for transformative change is as steadfast as ever. We firmly believe that united, with truth as our compass and justice as our goal, we can and will usher in the change our nation profoundly desires. “In closing, I appeal to all champions of democracy: our quest is noble and just. Let’s remain resolute in our collective pursuit. A new chapter in our shared struggle awaits.” CCC rejects Mnangagwa win lock, stock and barrel CCC leader Nelson Chamisa

NewsHawks News Page 7 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 #ZimElection2023 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE ZIMBABWEAN President Emmerson Mnangagwa has cautiously waded into the ongoing row between Southern African Development Community (Sadc) and Harare authorities after the regional body took an unprecedented step to reject the country’s shambolic and disputed elections won by the ruling Zanu PF. In his acceptance speech at State House in Harare on Sunday, Mnangagwa responded to Sadc, saying: “There are no winners or losers, but one united people of Zimbabwe. Thus far, we have shamed our detractors who wished to see us divided and in turmoil,” Mnangagwa said. “I equally take this opportunity to thank various election observation missions who have been witnessing our electoral processes without bias. As a sovereign state, we continue to call on all our guests to respect our national institutions, as they conclude their work.” This followed clashes between the Sadc election observer mission head Nevers Mumba and his Zimbabwean authorities, particularly Zanu PF spokesman Chris Mutsvangwa, Mnangagwa’s spokesman George Charamba and Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi over the regional body’s damning report on the country’s sham elections. Despite the outrage from Harare, Sadc has refused to be intimidated and has stood firm. “The secretariat of the Southern African Development Community (Sadc) has noted with deep concern, statements made about the Seom and the personal attacks directed at the Head of the Sadc Electoral Observation Mission (Seom), Dr Nevers Mumba, the former Vice-President of the Republic of Zambia, since the Seom released its Preliminary Statement on 25 August 2023. Some of these statements and attacks which have been aired on television, social media and newspapers are crude, scurrilous and misleading. “The Sadc Electoral Observation Mission (Seom) is currently in the Republic of Zimbabwe to observe the electoral process of the 23-24 August Harmonised Elections in line with Article 3 of the Revised Sadc Principles and Guideline Governing Democratic Elections (2021). The chairperson of the Sadc Organ on Politics Defence and Security Cooperation, His Excellency Mr. Hakainde Hichilema, President of the Republic of Zambia, appointed Dr. Nevers Mumba to lead the Seom in Zimbabwe.” The Sadc election observer mission is mandated to observe elections in terms of the Sadc Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections, and all Sadc member states, including Zimbabwe, are signatory to these principles, which have been operational since 2004. All Sadc member states send individuals to serve as observers under the Seom. For the August 2023 harmonised elections in Zimbabwe, observers were seconded from Angola, Botswana, Eswatini, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania, and Zambia. “Based on observations made by the observers who were deployed to all the provinces of Zimbabwe, and consultations with stakeholders, the Seom issued its preliminary statement,” Sadc said. “This statement is a summary of initial findings adopted after consultations with Member States who form the Sadc Organ Troika, supported by advice from the Sadc Electoral Advisory Council (Seac), and with support from the Sadc Secretariat. ‘Therefore, the Seom preliminary statement is a collective observation position of Sadc Observers, Troika Members, Seac, and the Sadc Secretariat and not a subjective opinion of one individual. The Seom remains on the ground to observe the post-election environment and to prepare and adopt a final report on the electoral process in Zimbabwe, still following the Sadc Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections. Sadc reiterates its call for the people of Zimbabwe to remain calm and peaceful and use the legal system in case of any dispute regarding the outcome of the harmonised elections. The Sadc also calls upon all to exercise responsibility and decorum in how they express opinions regarding the electoral process and the Seom in general.” President-elect Emmerson Mnangagwa with Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema Mnangagwa wades into Sadc row Sadc Election Observer Mission head Nevers Mumba

Page 8 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 #ZimElection2023 BERNARD MPOFU FOREIGN election observer missions accredited to Zimbabwe have flagged the involvement of shadowy organisation Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz) in manipulating voting preferences predominantly in rural areas in the just ended general elections. Faz has been accused of intimidating the rural electorate while mobilising support for Zanu PF as part of its power retention plan. Zimbabwe went for elections on Wednesday and as the vote tally across the country continues trickling, human rights defenders, the opposition and most recently foreign observers have raised a litany of concerns over the democratic process. Regional bloc Sadc which has in the past been criticized for endorsing electoral process in some authoritarian states, said while the pre-election environment and polling day was generally calm and peaceful, the management of the elections fell short of some regional benchmarks. Zimbabwe has a history of disputed election outcomes which have in the past triggered post-election violence. Ahead of the election, the country’s security agencies have increased their presence fortifying the National Elections Command Centre. Head of Sadc election observation mission (EOM) Nevers Mumba said his team had noted concerns of voter intimidation allegedly being orchestrated by Faz members around the country. “The mission was informed that the rural vote may be compromised by alleged intimidation attributed to a group called Forever Associates Zimbabwe, which is said to be a quasi-security intelligence organisation,” Mumba said on Friday. “This group is said to have been deployed to wards and around 36 000 villages. The allegations were that people were intimidated to vote in a particular manner and were warned that it would be easy to determine who voted against certain parties. “In previous stakeholder consultations, a shadowy organisation called Forever Associates Zimbabwe was accused of conducting a country-wide exercise of electoral intimidation. Our observers confirmed the existence of this group as its officials or agents were easily identifiable at some polling stations as they were dressed in regalia emblazoned with the FAZ name and were accredited local observers. These, and other unidentified persons who were not polling officials were also observed taking down the voters’ names before they cast their votes. In some areas, voters were intimidated by the actions of these individuals.” Former Nigerian President and Head of the African Union-Comesa observer mission, Goodluck Jonathan also raised the red flag over the Faz’s involvement in the elections. “The mission notes with concerns of stakeholders on the presence of Forever Associates Zimbabwe,” said Jonathan on Friday. “The group is accused of intimidating citizens especially in the rural areas to vote in a particular way. The mission could not verify the allegations, however interaction with the Zimbabwe Republic Police confirmed that the group exists. “There was systematic presence of party agents in all the stations visited. Zanu-PF and Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) were represented in all the stations observed by the mission. Representation of independent candidate agents was also noted in certain polling stations observed.” “The AU-Comesa EOM noted that international observation groups and citizen observers were granted access to all polling stations visited. In few stations visited, the mission also noted the presence of Forever Associates Zimbabwe which in certain cases led to confrontations with voters.” In preliminary statement which came after the August 23 elections European Union Election Observation Mission said the electoral process curtailed fundamental rights and lack of Level playing field compounded by intimidation affected the credibility of the polls which were largely disorderly. “Despite appeals for peace by national and international actors, instances of violence, including battery, arson and kidnappings were noted by EU EOM, especially in rural areas. Cases increased as election day neared,” Head of EU Election Observation Mission Fabio Massimo Castaldo said on Friday. “A CCC supporter was killed in a so-called opposition no-go area; 15 people were arrested and charged, pending trial. The intimidating presence of Forever Associates of Zimbabwe (Faz), was observed by the EU EOM at many rallies. Several observers received first-hand reports of coerced/ incentivised attendance at ZANU-PF events. Cases of the latter’s supporters disturbing other parties’ rallies were observed in several areas.” As previously reported by The NewsHawks, Faz, took over roles traditionally carried out by Zanu PF’s commissariat in the run-up to the election, the shadowy organisation was accused of intimidating prospective voters, particularly in rural areas, collecting voter information, rolling out door-to-door campaigns, night vigils, community events, technology-based messaging while monitoring all stages of the electoral process. Foreign observers flag Faz for tormenting rural voters Head of Sadc Election Observer Mission Nevers Mumba Former Nigerian President and Head of the African Union-Comesa observer mission Goodluck Jonathan

NewsHawks News Page 9 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE TENSION between Zanu PF’s restive group Forever Associate Zimbabwe (Faz) and the military is likely to rise after if Zanu PF and President Emmerson Mnangagwa forms the next government after Wednesday’s elections given the president’s plan to push the military back to the barracks. Even before the polls, Mnangagwa had long orchestrated a plan to confine the army in the barracks and prop up the influence of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), which runs Faz through Deputy Director General Walter Tapfumaneyi. Mnangagwa after the last elections has been increasingly decreasing the influence of the army which he felt has been holding him hostage after staging the 2017 military coup that was led by the then Commander Defence Forces General Constantino Chiwenga. Chiwenga went on to swap his military fatigues for civilian power. He was appointed Vice President but his relationship with Mnangagwa has deteriorated over the years over unresolved succession issues. Although Mnangagwa has made changes to military commanders, removing some of Chiwenga’s loyalists and key players in the coup such as Retired Leuitenant General Anslem Sanyatwe — now Zimbabwe’s ambassador to Tanzania — he still does not trust the army hence his move to confine them in barracks if he forms the next government. Government officials say if Mnangagwa wins, the army will be forced to accept the new structure. The CIO secretly took over from the military running of the national elections early this year in a design meant to manipulate the process in favour of the incumbent Mnangagwa and his government. This role had always been clandestinely managed by the military for decades. The CIO seized control of the electoral process through Faz, which is not a constitutional or official arrangement, but an underground operational unit that has been campaigning for Mnangagwa and Zanu-PF in next week’s general elections. As a result, Faz has now displaced the army's structure called Heritage that used to perform a similar role and other functions. In 2018, the army ran elections through Heritage and Africom, a converged communication service provider. The CIO move and channeling of public resources to its shadowy structure has been unconstitutional, according to legal experts. Faz received US$10 million and 200 cars to run its affairs in preparation for elections. Faz's mandate, working together with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and its chair Priscilla Chigumba, has been to coordinate logistics and decisive forces to retain Mnangagwa in power. This has rattled the army which was previously in charge. One military commander previously described Faz as a "potential Frankenstein monster" during a conversation with a colleague. "Faz, which is a CIO structure, has taken over the running of elections within Zanu-PF and nationally," a source said. "It is run by Tapfumaneyi and is answerable to the President. It is a dangerous arrangement as this creature, which we don't even understand, and it may end up being a Frankenstein monster." The army and CIO have ongoing fierce rivalry which heightened during the coup in 2017. One CIO senior officer, Peter Munetsi, was killed by the army during the coup. The situation is worsened by Zanu-PF factionalism and an explosive power struggle over the party's unsettled leadership. Since the removal of the late former president Mugabe, the leadership question has not been fully addressed, hence occasional eruptions of the problem; with the deadly manifestation of the issue being the White City grenade attack in Bulawayo in June 2018. In his vigorous power consolidation process, Mnangagwa has purged nearly all key members of the coup coalition in a subttle coup-proofing strategy. This has left him relatively unchallenged. Even though Mnangagwa won at congress last October, those aligned to co-Vice-President Chiwenga say the succession battle is not yet over. Sources said Chiwenga is bitter because Mnangagwa hoodwinked him as they had initially agreed he was going to serve one term and hand over power to his deputy or any other candidate from the army to become state president, subject to elections. Informed sources said Faz was given the mandate to run the electoral process and elections behind-the-scenes to ensure Mnangagwa and Zanu-PF wins and then confine the army to the barracks. Faz liaises with Zanu-PF, government institutions and electoral agencies on behalf of Mnangagwa and his party to ensure things go right and they win. This is largely informed by the need to counter a growing fear of "bhora musango" or internal sabotage. Faz has been prepared, like the army always was, to rig the just ended elections for Mnangagwa if need be. Although it is not a constitutional government body but a CIO operational structure, Faz is funded through state resources. It was given US$10 million in public funds, 200 cars and a number of CIO officers to coordinate its activities to run elections for Mnangagwa and Zanu-PF. Its personnel are secretly paid in United States dollars outside the official government payroll. Tapfumaneyi, a retired brigadier-general, runs Faz and reports directly to Mnangagwa. As part of election campaigns, Faz sent out a large contingent of security operatives to the ground across the country to mobilise votes for Mnangagwa and Zanu-PF. The army is also organising and campaigning for Mnangagwa in a minimal way. These structures have been going around the country holding meetings, mobilising people and putting in place logistics for Mnangagwa's election campaigns. However, in the endgame, Mnangagwa, a natural schemer from the days of Mugabe, has planned to decrease influence of the military and rule with increased cooperation with the CIO if he won the Wednesday elections that pitted him with opposition Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) leader Nelson Chamisa. Analysts have however already predicted a tight race that could spill into a presidential run-off. Chamisa held his last rally in Harare on Monday where a record crowd joined him in rounding up a whirlwind campaign that sometimes ran into turbulence due to the heavy handedness of state security apparatus determined to slow down the charismatic opposition leader. The nation is now geared to know who between Chamisa and Mnangagwa forms the next government. Faz, military tension is likely to soar post-polls CIO co-deputy director-general retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi Zec chairperson Priscilla Chigumba #ZimElection2023

Page 10 NewsHawks RE-RUN Issue 146, 25 August 2023 The deployment of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)-run Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz) into electoral field prior to the just-ended general elections was the game-changer for Zanu PF in its bid to manipulate and rig the chaotic polls by various means. Faz mainly came to light during Zanu PF's primary polls held in March in preparation for the elections as a shadowy quasi-securocratic body comprising the (CIO), elements of the army, police and war veterans. It is led by CIO deputy director-general Retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi. Faz replaced the military's front structure Heritage Trust, the army's elite shelf company that was in charge of the running of the 2018 election won by President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Faz, formed in 2010 by Tapfumaneyi under the tutelage of former State Security minister Didymus Mutasa, the secretive group was influential and decisive in the just-ended elections. MORRIS BISHI THE shadowy Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)-run Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz), which has unconstitutionally seized control of the running of the 2023 elections to retain President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Zanu PF in power, has deeply penetrated communities and tightened its grip on the electoral process, an investigation by The NewsHawks shows. While Mnangagwa and Zanu PF leveraged the military to win the 2018 elections and other previous polls, this time round the CIO, working with other state institutions, is running the show to ensure Mnangagwa’s re-election amid fears of internal sabotage. Sidelined army commanders aligned to Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga, who ran the last elections and previous ones under the late former president Robert Mugabe, are sulking and furious about this strategy. The investigation, carried out in collaboration with Information for Development Trust under a project probing corruption, bad governance and electoral manipulation, revealed that the CIO-controlled Faz has spread its tentacles to every ward in the country, collecting vital voters’ details right down to household level using an army of 5 910 information gatherers. The information gatherers — three in each of the country’s 1 970 wards — are working under the close supervision of their CIO handlers. Each information gatherer is being paid US$380, meaning government is spending US$2 245 800 monthly on unbudgeted salaries. They are also getting generous portions of the local currency as part of their salaries. In previously elections Zanu PF has received election funding from dodgy business people and the sale of minerals, such as diamonds, whose funds are not sent to Treasury. The scientific-like CIO strategy enables Zanu PF to control the electoral process in terms of structures, numbers of registered voters and the actual voting process, as well as polling stations. It also promotes systematic voter intimidation and victimisation, especially at ward level. An operational Faz document titled Faz Campaign Scope, seen by The NewsHawks, says the organisation has penetrated all provinces up to household level through several tactics, leaving voters vulnerable to abuse during the 23 August elections. “Once the party has access to the voters’ roll, preferably broken down to constituencies and even to polling stations, volunteers must keep in touch with registered voters through texting and phoning. This must be done almost intrusively, as a way of maintaining intimacy. Volunteers should be in the habit of checking on the health and well-being of voters as a way of showing the party’s and candidate’s concern. This can also be used for reminding voters of important election-related events and issues, while also keeping them up to date on key developments,” the document reads. “Faz volunteers are required to intrusively access party cell registers, from party cell chairmen, and check and verify their accuracy and integrity. To this end, Faz then discretely conducts a head count of cell members, checking if they are registered to vote. If any party members or holders of positions of leadership are found not to have national documents or registered to vote, Faz, therefore, will handhold and assist all those to rectify the discrepancy under supervision. “Volunteers must be available to furnish voters with the party’s and candidate’s campaign literature in their homes and workspaces. This will be done door-to-door or at community gatherings. Literature will also be distributed at markets, bus termini or shops, thus helping to expand the campaign to voters outside the volunteer’s immediate area of responsibility.” Volunteers were also tasked with administering voter education, assisting undocumented or aliens to acquire national registration documents and to register to vote. “These interventions, which are already taking place in all constituencies nationwide, should result in a significant surge in registered voters who attriCIO-linked outfit took over ahead of watershed elections FOREVER Associates Zimbabwe (Faz) is a Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)-led outfit which has secretly taken over the running of national elections with the aim of manipulating the process in favour of the incumbent President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Zanu PF. The organisation, headed by CIO co-deputy director-general retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi, has representatives in every ward across the country. The takeover of electoral business is not a constitutional or official arrangement, but an underground operational unit campaigning for Mnangagwa and Zanu PF in the 23 August general elections. As a result, Faz has now displaced the army’s structure called Heritage that used to perform a similar role and other functions. In 2018, the army ran elections through Heritage and Africom, a converged communications service provider. Sources say, so far, Faz has received US$10 million and 200 cars to run its affairs in preparation for elections. More resources have been promised to capacitate the secret structure. Faz’s mandate, working together with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and its chair Justice Priscilla Chigumba, is to coordinate logistics and decisive forces to retain Mnangagwa in power. On its website, Faz says it is a private organisation that contributes, through active mobilisation, to win the hearts and minds of the electorate, to maintain Zanu PF’s governance. The group says it was formed in 2010 by students at Solusi University, an institution run by the Seventh-Day Adventist Church, to access business and empowerment opportunities then offered under the government’s Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Programme. Faz says it registered as a trust, with the support of the then ministry of State for Presidential Affairs. However, it says that its aspirations were thwarted by the “retrogressive internal competitive silo-like character of the Inclusive Government of National Unity that was in office from 2009-2013”, leading to its disbanding. The group says it relaunched in June 2022, and submitted its application for affiliate status in Zanu PF two months thereafter, a decision that it says is still pending. Faz has also denied any links to government. It has however taken over the chaotic voters’ roll inspection process and in April took over the running of Zanu PF’s primary elections. Faz profile . . .

NewsHawks News Page 11 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 bute that achievement to President ED (Mnangagwa) and Zanu PF. Volunteers must maintain contact with people they would have assisted to register to vote or to acquire national documents so that they are not won over to the opposition’s poisonous narratives,” the document reads. Critical information being collected by the agents and informers includes names, addresses, identity numbers and voter registration details at polling station level. Faz is also counting people at household level before recording the information on their tablets and smartphones. The information which will be computed, condensed into data and processed will be crucial in influencing and manipulating the electoral process in favour of Zanu PF through a combination of tactics, including persuasion and intimidation, in some cases. It is also being used to predict potential outcomes, using real figures, so that Zanu PF knows which constituencies and wards to put campaign resources in or activate its coercive machinery. Faz, which is registered as a private organisation focusing on philanthropic work, is led by CIO co-deputy director-general retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi at national level. The NewsHawks has previously gathered and reported that Faz received an initial disbursement of US$10 million and 200 cars to run its affairs in preparation for elections. Additional resources have been promised to capacitate the secret structure. The mandate of Faz, working together with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and its chair Justice Priscilla Chigumba, is to coordinate logistics and decisive forces to retain Mnangagwa in power. The NewsHawks investigation, which also focused on Masvingo, also established that Faz has structures at national, provincial, district, constituency and ward levels — where minute details are collected for use in the electoral process. The organisation is visible countrywide and has been sending shivers down the spines of many, especially opposition supporters, particularly in rural areas. Faz has now displaced the army’s structure called Heritage which used to perform a similar role and other functions. In 2018, the army ran the elections through Heritage and Africom, a converged communication service provider. With its members spread across provinces, Faz rose to prominence last year by playing a pivotal role in making Zanu PF cell registers before running Zanu PF primary elections this year. The organisation also mobilised people during voter registration and they caused panic due to their presence at Zimbabwe Electoral Zec centres during the recently held voters’ roll inspection exercise. How Faz operates Information gathered through interviews and reading an operational document shows provincial coordinators report to Tapfumaneyi. The provincial coordinators have teams in each district countrywide, led by district intelligence officers. The CIO structure include directors and branches they run at the top at its Chaminuka Building headquarters and its sub-offices in Harare; provincial intelligence officers and district intelligence officers. There also several other departments involved. So district intelligence officers and coordinators oversee operations in constituencies. At ward level, Faz has recruited and trained three Zanu PF-aligned members to collect information under the supervision of CIO operatives. A Faz operational document calls the three civilians in each ward “volunteers”. Zimbabwe has 1 970 wards, meaning Faz has recruited 5 910 volunteers who are part of its machinery to run the elections. In Masvingo province, which has 242 wards, there are 726 Faz volunteers in total. The volunteers report to CIO operatives who manage intelligence at constituency level and their information is transmitted through applications on their phones provided by Faz. They also collect GPS coordinates for each household and monitor political activities of people in their respective areas. The approach and systematic use of data for political and electoral purposes amounts to an illegal mass surveillance and data collection technique, an intricate “watch over” of people, in this specific case in Masvingo using technology and other means. CIO operatives and Faz volunteers attend most Zanu PF events and their presence is usually acknowledged by ruling party officials. Faz has a specific mandate to undermine the opposition. “The message must seek to thoroughly discredit the opposition and its candidate, rendering them unelectable. This includes anything that makes their candidate stink to the heavens, and speaking against their party’s anarchic, subversive, treasonous, undemocratic and terrorist pedigree and related actions,” the document reads. The document also carries the code of conduct for all Faz members which urges members to be ambassadors of Zanu PF who should only represent the interests of the party. “We do not and shall not claim to have any other identity than that we are members of Faz Trust, a private organisation, which is an affiliate of Zanu PF. We are as individuals, proudly members of Zanu PF and are unapologetic about this reality,” reads part of the code of conduct. The main opposition party, CCC this week wrote to ZEC complaining about Faz’s activities among other things. In a letter dated 29 May, addressed to Zec chairperson Priscilla Chigumba, senior party official Ian Makone. “The presence of FAZ organisation at the inspection centres must be explained because in some instances Faz officials are interfering with, and even controlling the process. We cannot have an illegal body overriding the operations of a Constitutional body,” wrote Makone. FAZ in Masvingo Investigations by The NewsHawks established that the leader of Faz in Masvingo is a CIO operative called Jacqueline Moloyi stationed at the spy organisation’s provincial offices at Nssa Building in Masvingo town. District Intelligence Officers (DIOs) coordinate Faz activities in districts and operatives in charge of constituencies coordinate operations of the organisation in constituencies. Faz members are receiving salaries which are higher than those of most civil servants. They are getting a monthly salary of US$380 and a generous portion in local currency. They also get other benefits which include phones (tablets) which they use to submit their reports. Efforts to get a comment from Moloyi were fruitless as she was continuously unreachable on mobile phone. A Faz insider told The NewsHawks that members were given tablets similar to those which were used by Zec officials during voter registration, so that they can use GPS coordinates, to make it easy to locate various people. “This thing is being run by our office. There is nothing like Faz as a non- governmental organisation since it is being funded by government. Our agents are in control of it, all the information being collected is coming to our offices for action. Have you noticed that Faz members are using tablets and those tablets are carrying various applications which use GPS for easy reporting? This is meant to drum up support for the President during the coming elections, that’s why the team is being paid handsomely,” said Faz member. Identify opposition members Faz members say they can easily identify non-Zanu PF members because they have access to Zanu PF cell registers. “The assumption is that one is either an opposition supporter or an undecided voter, if they are registered to vote but do not appear in Zanu PF structures. So, there is a deliberate effort to recruit from this pool and that’s where persuasion and propaganda come in,” said a Faz member. “Of course, some are known opposition activists or sympathisers. Intimidation is then deployed on such people. In rural areas, the message has been clear to such people that they are viewed with suspicion because they are not in party structures.” Zanu PF Masvingo provincial spokesperson Pepukai Chiwewe said his party does not work directly with Faz, which he said is just an affiliate of the party like other affiliates. Chiwewe said Faz members may campaign for Zanu PF, including attending party events, just like what state security agents do. “Faz is just an affiliate of Zanu PF and none of our members submit reports to it. Its members, just like any other security organisation of the party, are allowed to attend our events and we are not aware of where they submit their reports,” he said. Zaka rural district councillor for ward 19 Peter Imbayarwo (CCC) said Faz members have been intimidating people living around Jerera Growth Point by visiting homes. The NewsHawks visited Zaka South’s ward 24 during the process of voters’ roll inspection over the weekend and witnessed Anita Paidamoyo Chivingwi, a Faz member, sitting a few metres away from the centre, taking down details of all those who inspected the voters’ roll. Faz was deployed round the country to monitor the voters’ inspection process. Their presence was visible in Harare and Bulawayo, for instance, this week. Independent electoral experts and journalists saw and reported Faz activities. CCC also publicly complained about Faz. Independent Norton MP Temba Mliswa has made the loudest protests about Faz activities yet. A traditional leader said Chivingwi has been threatening opposition supporters with death before elections if they continue to support CCC. Former legislator and CCC senior official in Chiredzi Machirairwa Mugidho told The NewsHawks that Faz members working with CIO agents are violating fundamental human rights and constitutional freedoms. She said her party reported to police several cases of Faz members in Zec centres during inspection of the voters’ roll. “We are worried by activities of Faz members who are moving around threatening our people. They are doing this with support from CIO and this violates one’s freedoms as enshrined in our constitution. We witnessed several cases of Faz people taking details of voters at Zec centres and we reported the cases. In other instances, police chased them away, but they continued,” said Mugidho. Susan Mabunda, a single mother from Chilonga in Chiredzi South, said people in her community, especially women, are no longer free to participate in political activities due to the continued monitoring by Faz members who are forcing them to support Zanu PF. She said Faz members have been listing the names of CCC supporters and those attending the opposition party’s rallies and other political events, including the nomination process. “Faz is limiting our freedoms. Our area is less developed, maybe because we are the (minority) Shangaan people. This can be addressed only if we vote for a new government, but our political movements are being monitored by Faz members who are in our communities,” she said. While Mnangagwa and Zanu PF relied on the military to win the last elections, this time round Faz — a CIO-run shadowy outfit — is running the show and pulling out all the stops to deliver victory by fair means or foul. CIO co-deputy director-general retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi Faz the elections game changer RE-RUN

Page 12 #ZimElection2023 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 HAZVINEI MWANAKA MASVINGO — ZANU PF has continued its dominance in Masvingo province winning 23 out of 25 parliamentary seats, but why is this the case? Since the formation of a vibrant opposition party, MDC in 1999 and its participation in elections since 2000, Zanu PF has dominated in the National Assembly except for the 2008 elections. In 2008 MDC Alliance won 14 seats against with Zanu PF winning 12. In 2013 Zanu PF won all constituencies and in 2018 the ruling party won in 25 constituencies. MDC –A won the Masvingo urban. Analysts say the opposition has lost because of a number of reasons among them voter intimidation, rigging and vote buying. In a recent report by the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) and Election Resource Centre (ERC) said they have recorded cases of voter intimidation across the country. Citizens' Coalition for Change Masvingo provincial chief elections agent, Jefferson Chitando, conceded that the party had performed dismally in the province. “One of the reasons is that Masvingo is the province that is close to South Africa and the economic hardships pushes the young to the diaspora looking for greener pastures. Zanu PF knows the economic hardships in the country and it appeals to the older age and intimidate those who are easily frightened. Those who are easily frightened succumb to Zanu PF’s threats in referring to the liberation struggle experiences,” he said. He also said Zanu PF had taken advantage of the fact that Masvingo is a drought prone province, where many rely on food handouts. Chitando said traditional leaders are often used to frog march people to the polling stations while food handouts are part of the campaign strategy. “Masvingo has an experience of the liberation struggle which is so severe, so old age do not want to be reminded of violence of the liberation struggle. There is also the experience of violence since the formation of the MDC especially during the presidential run off of 2008, where many lives of opposition supporters were lost. Because of those experiences when we talk of the presidential run off, the people of Masvingo have bad experiences which force them to vote, not because they love Zanu PF but because of fear that the party is violent,” added Chitando. However, in an interview Zanu PF Masvingo provincial spokesperson Pepukai Chiwewe said his party has dominated in the National Assembly because it is a structured party and it stresses its roots to the grassroots. “Management of party is done at the cell level. Cells are found everywhere and our policies as a party comes from the cell level. We are also a mass revolutionary party and whatever we do resonates what people want. “Our party does not belong to an individual, it involves the people, every decision we make, we first consult the people so it is the structures that makes Zanu PF a strong party,” he said. Chiwewe said Zanu PF is also popular in the province because of the values of the liberation struggle such as land reform that are still being instilled in the party. “People are still aware of what they are voting for, currently as Masvingo we are moving forward with devolution. Government is coming up with policies and projects that answers challenges that people have on the ground. We are taking devolution to every household. It’s the continuation of our policies that are making us popular,” he added. Asked about the vote buying mechanism that the opposition alleges, Chiwewe said they are falsehoods as they do not buy people but they involve people in their projects. “We cannot stop to do a government programme because it’s an election,” he said. He also refuted that Zanu PF intimidates people. “We have never intimidated anyone, our president preaches peace before, during and after the elections and our structures respects this. Oppositions are the ones who intimidate us taking advantage,” said Chiwewe. Why Zanu PF dominates Masvingo

NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 News Page 13 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE DRAGNET arrests of 39 civic society actors from Election Resource Centre (ERC) and the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) on election day who had jointly set up two data centres in Harare for observation of the harmonised elections has been roundly condemned by the African Union and COMESA as well as the European Union (EU) observer missions. The British Embassy also condemned the arrests. One centre was at Holiday Inn and another one in the Grange in Harare. On the night of August 23, armed police raided both data centers, the organisations' offices; arrested staff and volunteers present and confiscated equipment such as phones and laptops. ERC and ZEN are independent, non-partisan organisations accredited to observe the election. Both organisations have been observing elections and supporting democratic, peaceful processes in Zimbabwe. As part of these efforts, ERC and ZESN analyse publicly available information and direct observations from accredited observers as recognised in the Zimbabwe electoral code. Therefore, the organisations' operations were well within the law. In its observation report, the AU and Comesa said they noted with concern arrest of the ZESN and ERC observers. “The mission is deeply concerned about the arrest of 39 civuil society actors and the confiscation of computers and documents from the Election Resource Centre (ERC) and Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN). The mission recommends that investigations are expedited within the legal provisions,” said the mission. The joint mission of the AU and Comesa also said the Criminal Law Codification and Reform Amendment ACT is reducing the democratic space so far gained. “Despite the challenges expressed regarding accreditation, the mission notes that 3 572 citizen observers were accredited for the 2023 harmonised elections. However the accreditation fee of US$10 for each observer and requirement to appear in person at the accreditation centres were noted as impeding factors on the number of observers CSOs could deploy hence reducing their capacity in playing a meaningful role in democratic consolidation in Zimbabwe,” reads the mission’s statement. The European Union also condemned the dragnet arrests. “On election night, there was a raid conducted across four locations in Harare, including at the Holiday Inn where the EU EOM and other international observation groups are based. “In these actions, 39 people from ZESN (Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network) and ERC (Electoral Resource Centre) were arrested; a police statement the next morning clarified that it was for “coordinating the alleged release of election results”. “These organisations are part of the Global Network of Domestic Election Monitors (GNDEM), a network that follows the Declaration of Principles for non-partisan election observation. Their initial denial of legal counsel for some 12 hours raised significant concerns,” said the EU observer team. The British embassy said independent observers must be respected and allowed to do their work. “We also echo the concerns of IEOMs regarding the arrest of 41 staff members from local election monitoring group arrested by the Zimbabwean police on the night of 23 August. Independent observers must be able to carry out their duties freely,” said the embassy is a statement. ERC and ZESN also condemned the arrest of its observers. “We express concern over the raiding of the ERC and ZESN Data centres and the arbitrary arrest and safety of staff members who were gathering electoral information by law enforcement agents last night. Moreover, the safety of the broader ERC and ZESN family, their members, observers, volunteers and partners is compromised. “At this point, ERC and ZESN's ability to promote transparency and accountability of the election has been severely undermined. ERC and ZESN are a signatory of the Declaration of Global Principles for ElectionObservation and Monitoring by citizen organisations which sets standards for the conduct for observers and underscores the importance of independent, professional and credible election observation. “The rights of citizen election observers are recognised by the UNSpecial Rapporteurs on Human Rights defenders who explicitly urge Member States to "take all necessary steps to establish conditions that allow national and international election observers to effectively do their work, and to protect them from any violence, threats, retaliation, adverse discrimination, pressure or any other arbitrary action as a consequence of their legitimate exercise of their rights and freedoms,” reads the statement. The organisations also insisted that from the information they gathered throughout the Electoral cycle, they will be in a position to appraise the credibility of elections as provided for in Section 40 G of the Electoral Act, SADC Principles and Guidelines on Conducting Democratic Elections, Article 22 of ACDEG, as well as international fundamental obligations. Meanwhile, the ERC and ZESN staff and volunteers arrested were given US$200 bail at the Harare magistrates court on Friday. Govt crushes independent observers

Page 14 #ZimElection2023 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 THE 35 Elections Resource Centre (ERC) and Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) observers arrested on Wednesday have described charges proffered against them by the State as an embarrassment. They are accused of attempting to announce general elections results in contravention of the Rlectoral Act. Through their lawyer, Alec Muchadehama, the group demanded that Patrick Chinamasa who actually announced results Thursday night should be arrested. They complained that the law was being applied selectively adding that they did not commit any offence. They however secured US$200 bail each with state's consent before they were remanded to September 28 for their routine court appearance. The 35 appeared before Harare magistrate Ngoni Nduna raising a slew of complaints against police officers who arrested them. "The accused have a number of complains they want placed on record against the police. "The first complain relates to the delay in advising the accused of the reasons why they are before the court. "We demanded a synopsis of the facts upon which these charges are based yesterday. None were given. We were only given the request for remand form today at 12:50 today and we were not even able to explain those charges to the accused persons. "That incapacitated us from adequately preparing for these proceedings," said Muchadehama. He said the officers intimidated his clients and scared them. "The police were heavily armed with Ak47 rifles, truncheons and other assortment of weapons swooped on the accused and arrested then in a dragnet style. "That was around 8pm on the 23rd of August 2023. They were made to lie on their stomach's. "Their cellphones and laptops as well as other gadgets they were using were taken away. "At the point of taking, none of the accused were advised of the reasons why they were taking them. This is in violation of subsection 60 (i) (a) which requires that an accused must be advised of the reason why they are being arrested at the time of the arrest. "The accused only came to know of these charges around 15:30 on 24 August when warned and cautioned statements were being recorded from them. "The third complaint is that the accused were held incommunicado. Upon being taken illegally, the police seized each of the accused persons personal cellphones, Asked for the passwords, switched them off and put them on flight mode before they took them away. "The accused persons were not able to communicate with their spouses, relatives, legal practitioners, doctors or anyone else. This is a clear violation of the Constitution which prescribes that an accuse person must be able to communicate with the outside world upon arrest. Where they are unable to do so the state must facilitate communication. "Fourth complaint relates to denial of legal representation. Upon their arrest, the accused specifically requested to call their legal practitioners. The police denied the accused to call their legal practitioners. The police went on to interview the accused in some instances taking videos of the accused persons. "We visited Harare Central Police station on the 24th of August 2023 and police feigned ignorance regarding the whereabouts of the accused persons. "We only managed to see the accused around 3 pm yesterday (Thursday)." Muchadehama said his clients were starved, and when they were allowed to eat they were made to buy their own food. "The fifth complaint relates to the denial of food by the police. Since their arrest on 23 August upto now, the police have not provided the accused persons food yet it is their duty to do so. "The police suggested that the accused should make contributions and buy their own food which they did when it was not their duty to do so. "The sixth complaint is that upon their arrest, whilst the police were searching the place, the accused were made to lie on their stomachs for over three hours. When they were taken to CID Headquarters and CID Law and Order, they were not detained in cells. "They were made to sleep on the floor without blankets, water, proper ablution facilities. "That kind of treatment is violation of section 53 of the Constitution which prescribes that no one should be treated in a cruel manner or punishment. He said the following day they were transferred to condemned cells . "The cells were condemned by the Supreme Court. They are still in the state they were in when they condemned . . . stinky, no water, full of bed bugs. "The accused reserve their right to challenge their placement on remand but my submission is that the arrest was unlawful because there are no proper charges before the court. "I can submit that the charges as currently framed are really grotesque and scandalous. "They are not based on any reasonable suspicion that the accused committed any offence. This was a dragnet arrest. "As you can see your worship from the charges, there is no complainant. ZEC has not complained. There is no government because it was devolved. There is no complainant. Zanu PF has not complained. No any other political party has complained so the police has outdone everyone . . . What the state is doing prophesising. "There is no just cause why the accused were engaged detained and why they are even before the court. "The 9th complaint is that the accused are being tried in the media. They ask that their matter be dealt with by the court. To demonstrate my point the police issued out a press statement on 23rd of August 2023." Muchadehama tendered a ZRP stayement confirming the arrest of the 35. Lancelot Mutsokoti appearing for the State objected saying what the defence produced was a screenshot not showing that the statement was boriginated by the police. Muchadehama hit back saying this should part of State's investigations. The lawyer said raising an objection was too early considering that the trial has not started. He complained that his clients were being tried in the media. Muchadehama said someone has been commenting writing suggestive statements and singled out Tinoedza Zvimwe 1 who he said is implying that accused persons are committing acts of subversion. Mutsokoti objected again saying Muchadehama should explain how his clients are being tried in the media and how Tinoedza Zvimwe utterances are related to the ZRP statement. "Ghost accounts are not relevant especially when we don't not have evidence who they belong to,"said the prosecutor. Muchadehama said, "What the police said is what Home Affairs said. They are acting in cahoots. My simple submission is that the police are behind this. "In a publication by the Herald today (25 August) page 2 you find a story attributed t the police. This is prejudicial . . . commenting on the issue before it even comes to court. "The police are making inflamatory statements about this case which is worrying. "When there is too much publicity about a case, that can be ruled as prejudicial. A person can actually be acquitted on that basis. The accused are entitled to equal protection of the law and a fair trial not to be tried by a person in the media. "The 10th complaint is that the accused are being discriminated against. It is alleged they attempted to announce the results. "The accused did nothing to be arrested...especially considering that its just an attempt...Patrick Chinamasa announced the results and nothing happened to him. "He was not arrested so the police must not apply the law selectively. If other people are allowed to go free the same should be done to the accused. "The state must investigate with the same overzealousness they had when they arrested the accused. Even during midnight....the witching hours. " said Muchadehama. The magistrate ordered the state to investigate the complaints by September 28. He said the State must bring him a detailed report of their investigations. — STAFF WRITER. ERC, Zesn observers immobilised

NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 News Page 15 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 NATHAN GUMA PEDZISAYI “Scott" Sakupwanya, the controversial moneyed gold dealer — who is close to President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his sons — ran the most expensive localised campaign since 1980 awash with cash, gifts and glamour but voters in Mabvuku had a different idea. Sakupwanya, lost the Mabvuku parliamentary seat to main opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) candidate Munyaradzi Kufahakutizwi, despite splashing money in the constituency, showing the nexus between money the electorate’s needs and wants. This is despite him making a flashy campaign in the constituency in the run-up to the general election, which include providing free transport to town, food and hampers and rehabilitation of some of the roads. The highlight of Sakupwanya’s campaign was the visit to Mabvuku by the multi-million-dollar former world boxing champion Floyd Mayweather Jr. ostensibly to promote the sport in Zimbabwe. But Mayweather appeared to be canvassing for Scot and Zanu PF during his brief visit. Sakupwanya was fingered in the Al Jazeera documentary by international news agency Al Jazeera, which revealed how well-connected elites are smuggling gold out of the country with government collusion. He has also been a key fundraiser to president Emmerson Mnangagwa’s re-election bid, and has been placed at the heart of Zanu PF’s illicit financing of its 2023 poll war chest. His plush campaign had put him as a favorite to wrestle Mabvuku constituency, which has been an opposition since 2000. “Scott has been contesting in Mabvuku since 2013, for the councilor seat without success. However, what tipped the scale this time around is the massive and brazen vote buying manifesting through truckloads of food hampers for the electorate. Even on the day of elections, voters were given chicken and chips from a popular fast-food restaurant after the vote. “He managed to wrestle the Ward 21 Councilor seat in Mabvuku Harare in March 2022. The seat had been a sanctuary for the opposition since 2000. “While money played a key factor, the influence of other factors like massive voter apathy and the internal conflict within the opposition cannot be ignored,” according to a latest report by ZimRights, Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum and the Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP). Sakupwanya’s loss has shown the nexus between splurging money in an electoral campaign and the electorate’s choice, which has seen political bigwigs falling by the wayside despite running well-oiled campaigns. Godwills Masimirembwa Apart from Sakupwanya, Godwills Masimirembwa, the former chairperson of the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC), a state-owned entity that had a 50% stake in all but one diamond mining companies operating in Marange, was an aspiring MP for Mabvuku constituency on a Zanu PF ticket in 2013. The ZimRights, Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum and ZPP reports says, Masimirembwa’s campaign, while it flopped, is said to have been supported by mining proceeds from ZMDC. “There are instances where Zanu Pf politicians out of the largesse from gold mining have been able to buy votes and wrestle constituencies and wards long held by the opposition. It is not surprising that the entanglement of mining and elections continued the trend in 2018 and is most likely to continue for the 2023 elections because of the increased country’s dependence on mining. In any case, Zanu PF will be represented by Scott Sakupwanya,” read the report. Mthuli Ncube Once rated as a favorite to win the Cowdray Park constituency in the just-ended general election, outgoing Finance minister Mthuli Ncube surprisingly lost to CCC’s Pashor Sibanda, despite having a well-oiled campaign machinery. Ncube splurged money in road rehabilitation, mobile computer labs with free Wireless Fidelity (WiFi) and rolled free nurse aid courses. In June, legislators on several occasions slammed Ncube for consistently refusing to avail himself to Parliament at a time they were demanding a ministerial statement explaining the plummeting Zimbabwe dollar amid skyrocketing inflation. Increased currency volatility and rising inflation which saw many Zimbabweans failing to access basic commodities, worsening the livelihoods of several workers that are already living in abject poverty. Rather than present a statement on the state of the economy, Ncube paid surprise visits to Bulawayo shops, ordering them to slash US dollar prices. After his raids, legislators challenged him to present a ministerial statement on the erosion of salaries and the incapacitation of many workers amid skyrocketing inflation, which he failed to do. Esau Mupfumi Zanu PF candidate for Dangamvura-Chikanga Constituency Esau Mupfumi has also lost to former Mutare Mayor Brian James, despite doling out money and food handouts to voters ahead of the elections. Mupfumi’s history has been under scrutiny, with allegations of vote buying through use of food handouts to solicit for votes ahead of Zanu PF’s primary elections held in March this year. During the elections, there were reports of widespread vote buying and intimidation and tampering with the voters’ roll. In Chinhoyi, another Zanu PF MP candidate, Thomas Chidzomba is being accused of barring people from fetching water from a borehole he sunk while campaigning. Chidzomba lost to CCC's Leslie Mhangwa. The monied sink as voters reject ephemeral promises Gold dealer Pedzisayi “Scott" Sakupwanya

Page 16 #ZimElection2023 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE COMMONWEALTH observer mission head, Ambassador Amina Mohamed, has urged the police to look into the murder of Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) activist Tinashe Chitsunge, who died on 3 August 2023 during skirmishes between opposition CCC supporters and ruling Zanu PF youths. Mohamed was presenting her preliminary report on the just ended polls during a press conference in Harare, where they indicated that the pre-election “We learnt about the death of an opposition supporter earlier this month from a number of stakeholders, as was confirmed by the Commissioner General of Police, who advised that an investigation is still under way. We hope that there will be an expeditious outcome to this investigation,” said Mohammed. Prior to her statement, the police indicated that 15 suspects were in the dock in connection with the skirmishes that claimed the life of Chitsunge. But, they were charged with participating in public violence and not the murder of Chitsunge. The police dispelled the widespread narrative that Chitsunge was stoned to death saying his head was crushed by the vehicle that carried his compatriots out of Glennorah. Chitsunge is the latest statistic of inter party violence in the run up to the elections with his death sending chills down the spines of residents in Harare. He left behind a 27 year old widow and two minors, a boy and a girl. Chitsunge’s murder is yet to be resolved, just like many others who died in the past. Elections in Zimbabwe have always been fraught with physical violence, murder and intimidation. Mboneni Ncube of Kwekwe died during a CCC presidential star rally in the build up to 26 March by-elections after suspected Zanu PF youths invaded the rally and attacked them. In the aftermath of the polls, Moreblessing Ali of Nyatsime in Seke was killed in cold blood by a Zanu PFlinked Pius Mkandi Jamba. Like all findings from other observer missions, Mohammed highlighted that intimidation from FAZ was rampant at many polling areas. “We observed, and received various reports, that an NGO called Forever Associate Zimbabwe (FAZ), had set up ‘exit poll survey’ tables in close proximity to polling stations, with governing party regalia. From our briefings with other civil society organisations and stakeholders, it was made clear that exit polling is currently not permitted within the legal framework of Zimbabwe,” she said. Investigate Chitsunge’s death: Commonwealth head demands Commonwealth observer mission head Ambassador Amina Mohamed The late CCC supporter Tinashe Chitsunge

NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 News Page 17 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE FINANCE Minister Mthuli Ncube has abandoned his neutral technocrat tag and is now fully embedded in Zanu PF, but his bid to grow his political clout suffered after he was defeated in the Cowdry Park constituency parliamentary elections by Citizens Coalition for Change’s candidate Pashor Sibanda. This is despite committing a lot of funds in the campaign which saw him drilling boreholes and tarring roads among other things. Ncube’s departure from being a neutral technocrat gathered steam when he threw his name in the race to contest in the Zanu PF primary elections in Bulawayo Metropolitan Province. The development came after Ncube was elected a Zanu PF central committee member last October, signaling an intention to grow his political reputation while entrenching himself in the party The central committee is Zanu PF’s highest decision-making body outside congress. How things change. When Ncube was appointed into cabinet as Finance Minister in 2018, he projected himself as a technocrat who was committed to tackling his tough mission and gave an impression that he was going to be far from intricate Zanu PF politics. Many Zimbabweans at home and abroad therefore gave a nod of approval, considering that he was held in high esteem. He was seen as the man who could rescue the economy which was on a downward spiral, given his massive leadership experience, reputation and academic qualifications. Besides being a holder of a PhD in mathematical finance from the prestigious Cambridge University, Ncube has also worked at the very top level of a number of prestigious institutions. He was previously chief economist and vice-president of the African Development Bank (AfDB). As chief economist at the AfDB, he oversaw the economics complex, which was focused on the process of knowledge management and economic research. As part of his duties, Ncube supervised the Development Research Department, Statistics Department and African Development Institute. As a vice-president of the AfDB, Ncube was a member of the senior management team of the bank and contributed to its general strategic direction. Before his appointment as Finance minister, he was managing director and head of Quantum Global Research Lab in Switzerland, which is part of Quantum Global Group, the largest private equity group dedicated to investing in Africa. He was also previously a regulator and a board member of the South African Financial Services Board (FSB), which regulates non-bank financial institutions in South Africa. Ncube was also chairperson of the board of the African Economic Research Consortium, chairperson of the Global Agenda Council on “Poverty and Economic Development” (World Economic Forum) and a governor of the African Capacity Building Foundation. He is also a distinguished academic as a professor at the University of Oxford in the United Kingdom where he taught economic development, public policy and doing business in Africa, at both the SAID Business School, and Blavatnik School of Government. He was also a distinguished professor of banking and financial markets at the University of the Witwatersrand in South Africa. His curriculum vitae therefore is not just impressive but reflects his lofty status in the academy. However, the bid to win Cowdray Park proved to be too big although, he put together a good campaign. The constituency was won in 2018 elections by the MDC Alliance’s Stella Ndlovu while it was still Luveve-Cowdry Park but after this year’s delimitation exercise, it was split into two constituencies- Luveve and Cowdry Park. In June 2019, Ncube was said to be in the run to represent Zanu PF in the Lupane East by elections that had been set for 3 August and it set indications of his intentions to join full scale party politics. Ncube is also among senior government officials and diplomats who last year seized the Midlands Black Rhino Conservancy, in a typical primitive wealth accumulation style. Mnangagwa’s brother Patrick is also among the invaders. The conservancy is a high protected area because it is a territory of the endangered species. Massive blow to Mthuli Ncube’s bid to widen political ambitions Finance Minister Mthuli Ncube

Page 18 #ZimElection2023 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE WITH the national election done and dusted, it has become apparent that there are several Members of the National Assembly from the ninth parliament that will not be joining the new faces at the new parliament building in Mt Hampden. They were the anchors of heated debates in Parliament and made meaningful contributions. Tendai Biti 15 June 2023, was the last we ever heard of him speak in Parliament was dissolved on the eve of the hamornised elections. No doubt Biti was one of the best among the outgoing crop of legislators from the opposition camp. He joined parliament in 2000 and for the 23 years, he was steadfast in articulating issues that relate with the general populace. Whenever chaos ruled the roast on the exchange rate, citizens would rely on Biti to interrogate the relevant authorities, especially the Minister of Finance and Economic Development, Professor Mthuli Ncube on what he was doing to address the challenges. He was renowned for taking authorities to task during debates in the August House and demand answers. “Madam speaker Mum, Mr. Cowdray Park, should bring a ministerial statement to explain what is going on with the exchange rate, namhla katesi the rate is at ZWL$3000 and he should explain how we got here,” roared Biti. “Mr. Cowdray Park” is Mthuli Ncube, a technocrat, who delved into politics was contesting in Cowdray Park. He lost the constituency to the opposition CCC’s Pashor Raphael Sibanda. As a result of the relentless pressure, Ncube introduced a raft of measures to stabilise the Zim Dollar to no avail, from 1:1 in 2016 to 1: ZWL$6 000 in August 2023. This was Biti’s terrain, but, he would put his voice in all national interest issues that would be brought to Parliament. At one time, the Minister of Energy and Power Development, Soda Zhemu, came to explain to the House to explain why there was so much load shedding in the country and to expound on what his ministry was doing to manage the situation. True to his nature, Biti, as an individual who is absorbed with numbers, was more concerned on how much the ministry had spent constructing thermal power stations, Hwange 7 and 8, vis-a-vis what they would have ordinarily spent. Searching for answers through grilling authorities in Parliament was his chore duty, and, in 2018, when he returned to the House after the general election, he got the post of Chairperson of the Public Accounts Committee. This was before turmoil hit his party then the MDC Alliance, when the outfit tore into two following internal fissures sparked by a succession battle after the death of Morgan Tsvangirai. Those that stood with Nelson Chamisa were recalled, except for the embattled Zengeza West lawmaker Job Sikhala and Harare West’s Joanna Mamombe and Warren Park’s Shakespear Hamauswa. Biti was a cut above the rest, whenever a draft bill was brought to the House for debate. On 18 May 2023, the House sat for ten hours, from 2pm until it adjourned at 0005midnight with the Electoral Amendment Act on the table. it was battle of the titans between the justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi, the tough-talking Biti, Charlton Hwende, Innocent Gonese, Willas Madzimure as well as other parliamentarians. During debate on the Health Services Bill, Biti wacame guns blazing taking the Minister of health and Child Care, Vice President, Constantino Chiwenga to task whenever he proposed things that he deemed to infringe the rights of workers. “Soko, Jena, chikumbiro changu kuti mupatarise ipapo, kuti vashandi havazogona kushanda zvakanaka thank you, maita basa, siyabonga,(It is my prayer that you amend that part so that health practitioners would work better, thank you tatenda siyabonga),” Biti would sign out. As a lawyer, law-making was his passion, as a result robust debates that would spun until midnight or even beyond were anchored predominantly around Biti. Not always serious though, Biti would at times also lead in the heckling in Parliament. At one point, after the Zanu Pf primaries, Buhera South MP, Joseph Chinotimba came to the House and as soon as he stepped in, Biti called him by the name of the candidate that had defeated him “ Chinotimba, Mudekunye”. He once asked the Speaker of Parliament to caution Matangira Toendepi Remigiou, Bindura South MP from Zanu Pf against wearing “pyjamas” in Parliament. Remigiou was not dressed in really pyjamas. “We know its cold madam speaker,” Biti giggled. But mapyjama haazoitewo madam speaker,” he added. Murisi Zwizwai Biti’s partner in crime in heckling was the then Harare Central MP, Murisi Zwizwai. Zwizwai lost during his party’s internal selection process. He had been in Parliament as Harare Central’s representative since 2003. The usually latecomer and at the same time non frequent comer to Parliament would be constantly thrown out the House for “behaving unparliamentarily.” In 2022, he and nine other MPs, who had been re-elected into Parliament, challenged the Speaker and Parliament for not allowing them to wear yellow neckties in the House. The High Court application was dismissed by Justice David Mangota. Innocent Gonese In his corner was then Mutare Central MP Innocent Gonese who was avid about electoral reforms. In the second session, he was popular for cynically quizzing the police over its silence on the security of the First Lady, Auxillia Mnangagwa after the President’s wife was heard in a leaked audio screaming at a commander of the Presidential Guard, referred to only as Murombo. She accused of him spying on her movements. The First Lady is also heard in the leaked audio ‘pleading’ that whoever was ‘after her life’ should spare her and go for President Mnangagwa whom she says should be the principal target of the First Family’s supposed enemies. In July, Gonese, standing in for the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, requested the expulsion of the head of Mvurwi Secondary School, Nathaniel Marusho, who continued reporting for duty despite contesting in the Zanu Pf primaries and winning the ticket to represent the ruling party in the just ended elections. In the same month, Gonese wrote to the Zimbabwe Prisons ad Correctional Services Commissioner, General Moses Chihobvu, demanding action over the misconduct of ZPCS officer Caroline Manjongo, who took up a Zanu PF political post in violation of the constitution. He was also once ejected from Parliament for smuggling in an issue regarding the incarcerated Job Sikhala during a debate on the Electoral Amendment Bill. Gonese gained admiration as he fought tooth and nail to address all illegalities and any forms of injustice in his capacity as both a legislator and lawyer. Willias Madzimure Other lawmakers of note who will not be returning to Parliament is Willias Madzimure. He was famous for his slip of the tongue when he referred to “castrated MPs” when he was meant to say incarcerated MPs. But for the past five years he was relentless in his push, albet to no avail, to have answers on the whereabouts of outspoken human rights activist, Itai Dzamara, who disappeared in 2015. Every chance he got in Parliament he would rise and ask the Minister of Home Affairs, Kazembe Kazembe to bring a ministerial statement on the whereabouts of the journalist cum activist. But for the past three years, Kazembe did not bring the statement. His last request in the House was met with the usual answer from the presiding Speaker: “The minister will be informed.” “Thank you Mr. Speaker Sir. It is now almost eight months since I raised a point of national interest on the disappearance of Itai Dzamara. I asked the Minister of Home Affairs to come to this House and inform us on the investigations that he had said they were conducting on the disappearance of Itai Dzamara who disappeared on the 9th March, 2015. On two occasions the minister promised to bring a Ministerial Statement updating the nation on the investigations. It is now more than eight years. Thank you,” he said. The presiding Speaker simply said he would ensure that the statement would be brought to the House. “I take responsibility with my clerks at the table to ensure that the Minister will give that statement,” he said. And that was it. Dexter Nduna On the Zanu PF side, stood Dexter Nduna, a controversial politican, whose entry into Parliament was shrouded in controversy. Nduna managed five years in the August House despite losing in the national election. He would stand up to demonstrate his wide comprehension of English vocabularies before making his issue about Chegutu West. “Madam speaker, my heart is on the right side on this matter with the people of Chegutu West. When it comes to issues to do with effective and efficient utilisation of the resources that we have to get energy, my ear is on the right side,” he would always say. “Here is an opportunity to use our minerals, particularly lithium. They spoke so vociferously about lithium but we are calling upon the Elon Musk of our time, if he is listening to this, I know he is going to download this debate and hear that this Hon. Member from Chegutu West Constituency, close to Patricia Nyamadzawo, Sarah Chikukwa, Marjory Ruzha and Million Daniel, was talking about the lack of exportation of lithium in its raw form,” he once said. Nduna would also project an image of being a messenger and would say: “The people send their love”. Joseph Chinotimba On his side also stood, Joseph Chinotimba, a man known for his inclination towards the vernacular Shona language. His two terms in Parliament have left dents of laughter and was famed for raising issues of national importance. When the opposition CCC MPs came into Parliament for the first time they wore yellow ties, and the objection came from Chinotimba complaining that the MPs were in breach of Parliament regulations by wearing their party regalia. As a result, the yellow colour became literally an illegal colour in Parliament. Hoping the new comers to the National Assembly will bring as much life to the House as Chinotimba did. Temba Mliswa The biggest shock from the elections is the loss of Temba Mliswa, the vociferous politician who brought life to the Ninth Parliament with robust contributions. Mliswa lost the Norton parliamentary seat to the CCC’s Richard Tsvangirai. He was the only independent candidate in the Ninth Session and would be very vocal about the welfare of parliamentarians and Zimbabweans in general. Mliswa also had his fair share of expulsions usually from heated sessions. Chamisa badly missed veterans Former Harare East MP Tendai Biti

NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 News Page 19 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 NATHAN GUMA ZIMBABWE'S sham elections have been boldly rejected by the South African Development Community (Sadc) in a major dramatic and unprecedented political move never seen before in the region, leaving the elections widely badly discredited. The elections have been marred by gross illegalities characterised by chaos and brazen manipulation. Sadc says while the polls were largely peaceful, they simply did not meet its principles and guidelines governing the conduct of democratic elections in the region. Former Zambian Vice-President Dr. Nevers Mumba is the head of the Sadc election observer mission. “The Mission observed that the pre-election and voting phases, on 23-24 August 2023 harmonised elections were peaceful, and calm. However, the Mission noted that some aspects of the harmonised elections, fell short of the requirements of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, the Electoral Act, and the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections (2021). The mission also highlighted gerrymandering during the delimitation exercise. In representative democracies, gerrymandering is the political manipulation of electoral district boundaries with the intent to create undue advantage for a party, group, or socioeconomic class within the constituency. “The mission was informed that the delimitation exercise that was conducted in 2022 was marred with controversy. In one way or another, concerned stakeholders claimed that the report that Zec submitted failed to observe the constitutional requirements for such an exercise, and that there were divisions amongst serving commissioners of the Zec regarding the veracity of the report,” read the preliminary report presented by Mumba in Harare this week. “The main allegations made against the report was that it constituted gerrymandering, and that it failed to observe the correct methodology for calculating the 20% variance constitutional rule with respect to minimum and maximum sizes of the 210 constituencies. The courts dismissed legal challenges brought against the delimitation report of 2022.” The preliminary statement has also highlighted Zec’s failure to release an auditable copy of the voters roll on time for candidates to audit. Main opposition party, the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) has on several occasions requested for an auditable voters’ roll. For instance, in March, Harare North opposition lawmaker Allan Markham filed a Supreme Court appeal after his request for the release of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) electronic voters’ roll was blocked by the High Court. Markham’s appeal was blocked by High Court Justice Never Katiyo citing security reasons, which critics claim reflects lack of democracy in Zimbabwe. The SEOM preliminary report has also revealed an unlevelled playing field, with several CCC rallies being banned by the police through the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act (MOPA), “thereby denying the Citizens their right to freedom of assembly”. In his final rally, CCC president Nelson Chamisa said that over 100 rallies were banned by the police in the run up to the 2023 general election. The mission report has further highlighted controversy in regards to freedom of expression and nomination of candidates and independence of the judiciary, which have been under fire for violating the constitution. “The mission noted unprecedented amount of litigation surrounding the elections amongst others, concerning the nomination of candidates. In this respect, we further noted the protest and litigation of Mr Savior Kasukuwere, who believes that he was unfairly disqualified as a presidential candidate; however, the courts dismissed this particular complaint. “In the view of significance in the event of the legal challenges in the context of the electoral process, some stakeholders expressed the view that the government comprises the judiciary. A key justification for this perception was information received that the judiciary received large financial and material incentives, which the stakeholders viewed as an attempt by the government to buy the loyalty and allegiance of the judiciary,” reads the statement. Zec’s in hike in nomination fees has also been flagged as a major hindrance to participation by several candidates. In June, the electoral body hiked nomination fees from US$1 000 to US$20 000 for presidential candidates, and US$50 to US$1 000 for parliamentary candidates. “These amounts were also cited as unduly restrictive to less well-off members of the community such as women who lack the means,” reads the report. The Sadc has in the past been under fire for endorsing Zimbabwe’s elections despite them being riddled by irregularities, according to a paper by renowned human rights lawyer Musa Kika and Justice Alfred Mavedzenge, programmes director at the African Judges and Jurists Forum titled Towards Elections That Work in Zimbabwe. 2002 election Sadc has been under fire for sitting on the 2002 Zimbabwe presidential election report produced by judges Sisi Khampepe and Dikgang Moseneke, who constituted the judicial observer mission appointed and deployed by the then South African president Thabo Mbeki. The Khampepe Report entirely discredited that of the South African Observer Mission (SAOM), which legitimised Zimbabwe’s general election despite its flaws. “This report was embargoed and not released until 2014, following 12 years of litigation in the South African courts. The report concluded that 'having regard to all the circumstances, and in particular the cumulative substantial departures from international standard of free and fair elections found in Zimbabwe during the pre-election period, these elections, in our view, cannot be considered free and fair',” says the report. The 2002 election was underlined by serious violence, with the army largely involved in electoral processes. For instance, in 2002 the service chiefs led by the then commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF), Vitalis Zvinavashe, in a joint Press conference, said they would not salute anyone without liberation war credentials, a threat to a possible exchange of power. “Let it be known that the highest office on the land is a ‘straight jacket’ whose occupant is expected to observe the objectives of the liberation struggle. We will therefore not accept, let alone support or salute anyone with a different agenda,” Zvinavashe said. 2008 election In 2008, following Mugabe’s defeat by opposition NDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, the army took over and became arbiter of Zimbabwe’s fate during this period, playing the role of political commissar of Zanu PF. In an attempt to reverse Mugabe’s defeat, the military subverted the electoral process and unleashed violence and intimidation on a wide scale, ahead of the runoff. Presidential election results took five weeks to be announced. South African president Mbeki sparked controversy by reporting that “there is no crisis in Zimbabwe”, a position that his then rival Jacob Zuma contested. At that time, Zambian president Levy Mwanawasa called an emergency meeting of Sadc leaders on 12 April 2008 to discuss the post-election impasse, stating that Zimbabwe's "deepening problems" meant that the issueneeded to be "dealt with at the presidential level". 2018 election When the election outcome was contested in 2018, the region was muted in its response. According to Kika and Mavedzenge’s report, it was likely that the regional endorsement of Zimbabwean elections would continue, unless it is confronted and regional powers are engaged and sensitised on the need to ensure that Sadc Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections are followed to the letter. Sadc blasts Zim’s sham elections

Page 20 #ZimElection2023 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE THE European Union Observer Mission(EUOM) and the Commonwealth Observer Group have slammed the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) for asserting that they were ready to conduct the polls only to bungle, with a chaotic process on 23 August. Presenting its preliminary statement on the elections, EUOM Chief observer, Fabio Massimo, told journalists that despite the chaos that characterised polling day, ZEC insisted beforehand that they were ready for polls. “ZEC’s pre-electoral preparations went largely according to schedule. However, court disputes over candidate registration caused delays in ballot printing and impacted postal voting. Nevertheless, ZEC repeatedly said all systems are good to go. This was not the case on election day and resulted in a second day of voting,” said Massimo. Massimo’s sentiment was echoed by the Commonwealth Observer Group led by Ambassador Amina Mohamed who said, ZEC appeared prepared on the eve of the election only to experience several hiccups on polling day. “Prior to election day, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission had provided various assurances of its preparedness and readiness to conduct the elections as scheduled. However, on election day the late opening of polls due to the late arrival of ballot papers in the major urban areas of Harare and Bulawayo, raised concerns and heightened tensions, noting that these areas represent a significant proportion of the overall population,” said Mahomed. She noted that the explanation of multiple litigation from the most affected provinces, Harare and Bulawayo, being the cause of delay in delivery of ballot papers is insufficient. “While we note ZEC’s explanation regarding challenges with logistics and the impact of late court cases, we would welcome a more detailed explanation from ZEC in the coming days, and we will reflect further on this matter in our final report,” she added. Polling day was marred with chaos and confusion in the capital city as well as Bulawayo and Manicaland. Many polling stations in Harare including Warren Park constituency had ballot papers arriving as late as 7pm and voting only commenced at 8pm to 8am the following day. There were even reports of one man collapsing on the voting queue while waiting for the ballot papers. There was no communication from Zec, the presiding officers were absent from the polling stations and people waited for the whole day just hoping to vote. Massimo commended Zimbabweans for such resilience. The Electoral Management Body has been slammed across the board by observer missions for poorly running the election. Some members of the electorate could not find their names on the voters’ roll while others were sent from pillar to post in search of their names, the case of Mabvuku. Others had found their names during voters’ roll inspection and on the *265# mobile platform but could not find it on the physical voters’ roll. He added that the explanation on the late supply of ballot papers was insufficient and also took the opportunity to raise a stink over the lack of transparency with the official ballot, which he said the observer missions were supposed to get beforehand. Zec misled observers on readiness to conduct elections: EU Mission Chief observer of the European Union Election Observation Mission to Zimbabwe Fabio Massimo Castaldo

NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 News Page 21 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa’s authoritarian hand was laid bare this week when globally acclaimed figures who command international respect were deported from Harare to keep them away from witnessing the elections predicted to be a sham. Several other perceived local critics were stopped from being observers by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. On Tuesday, Zimbabwean authorities deported well-known and well-travelled British academic Stephen Chan, a professor of world politics at the University of London. After his deportation Chan, a New Zealand-born British academic who was an international civil servant with the Commonwealth secretariat and who observed Zimbabwe's first democratic elections in 1980, said: “Yes, I was deported on arrival in Zimbabwe. The insurgency story was clearly a cover. They just don’t want people to see an election that is not fully proper." A few days before that development, Zimbabwe-born South African public policy analyst and strategic communication expert, Chris Maroleng, had also been subjected to a North Korean-style deportation with his colleagues. Maroleng is currently international chief executive of Good Governance Africa. Good Governance Africa is a South African-based research and advocacy non-profit organisation with centres across the continent focusing solely on improving governance across Africa. On Tuesday and a day before the polls, 30 of the Carter Center’s 48 short-term observers complained that they had not received accreditation from Zimbabwean authorities. The Carter Center has an international reputation for providing impartial, constructive election observation. The organisation complained that the delay in accreditation was unprecedented in its 30-plus years of observing elections across the globe. On the other hand, close to 10 people, who had submitted applications to ZEC to observe the general elections held on Wednesday had their applications rejected by ZEC, which in some cases cited undisclosed “security reasons” for arriving at such an arbitrary decision. Among those barred from observing the general elections were clergyman Bishop Ancelimo Magaya, human rights lawyers Musa Kika and Arnold Tsunga, pro-democracy campaigners, Tapiwanashe Chiriga, Rashid Mahiya, Blessing Vava, Rachel Kadau and Dephin Magaya. While Magaya, Kika, Tsunga, Chiriga, Mahiya, Vava, Kadau, Magaya were awaiting to be accredited by ZEC to observe elections, their representatives who made enquiries with the elections management body, were told that their applications had been rejected with no reasons being given. Chan is a scholar of African politics at SOAS University of London's Department of Politics and International Studies, Centre for Global Media and Communications, and Centre of African Studies. His research interests span multiple areas and disciplines centres on the political thought and practice in Africa. For years, he has taught African Political Thought, Political Thought on the Just Rebellion, Religion and World Politics, and Politics of Africa. The state-controlled media alleged that Chan, who was previously associated with Zimbabwean opposition politics, was in the country to help main opposition CCC leader Nelson Chamisa in his election strategy and plot an insurgency against President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Labelling him a "rabid government critic", the state-controlled daily Herald also claimed Chan was in Zimbabwe to "trigger mayhem". The Herald, which usually reflects the official voice, alleged Chan was in Harare to plot a revolt if the opposition loses, not to train martial arts as he stated on arrival. The Herald accused Chan of being a Chamisa adviser and a subversive infiltrator who was in the country to train political insurgents to incite a revolt after voting on Wednesday. It said Chan had arrived in the country under a visa pretext to train karate, a martial arts discipline, within Zimbabwe. The Herald alleged that he failed to adhere to necessary regulations and fees stipulated by the Sports and Recreation Commission. In a statement the Carter Centre bemoaned denial of accreditation of its observers. “Any further delay in accreditation will prevent the Center from deploying these observers and will hinder its ability to observe polling, counting, and tabulation in many locations. Furthermore, false and hostile comments about the Center and its work continue to be published in local and regional media. These attacks endanger Carter Center observers. We urge Zimbabwean authorities to publicly reiterate its welcome of The Carter Center and ensure the safety of its observers and staff,” reads the statement. Following an invitation from the Zimbabwean government, the Carter Center had already dispatched its team to observe the elections. Attahiru Muhammadu Jession of Nigeria, was leading the mission. The Carter Center has since 1989, observed more than 110 elections in 40 countries, including the United States. The organisation says it conducts its missions in accordance with the 2005 Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation. It further says its assessment and analysis of elections are based on regional and international human rights obligations and standards for democratic elections, including the SADC Principles and Guidelines and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. Morelang lambasted the government over his deportation. In a scathing attack on Mnangagwa’s administration, posted on his Twitter handle, Maroleng said: “The recent events that unfolded in Zimbabwe, leading to my abrupt deportation, are not just a reflection of bad governance, but a stark indication of the lengths to which the government will go.” He said they had followed all protocol and decried the clamp down on civilian rights. “This is a call for the people of Zimbabwe to rise up against tyranny and demand the change they so desperately deserve. Our purpose in Zimbabwe was noble and clear - to conduct vital field research on election conditions and challenges,” he said. “ We followed all the necessary protocols, but what awaited us was a shocking and horrifying ordeal. It served as a brutal reminder of the bullying tactics employed by the Zanu PF-led government, as they seek to stifle dissent and silence any voices that dare to challenge their autocratic rule.” Moraleng called upon Zimbabweans to vote out the Mnangagwa regime for its brazen governance failures and autocracy. “This is not an isolated incident; it is a clear indication of the extent to which the government will go to suppress the truth and maintain their grip on power. "We cannot afford to be silent in the face of such tyranny. This incident is a wake-up call for all Zimbabweans to rise up against the oppressive forces that seek to undermine their democratic rights and aspirations. We must channel our anger into action, demanding accountability!" he seethed with anger. Authoritarian hand laid bare South African public policy analyst and strategic communication expert Chris Maroleng

Page 22 #ZimElection2023 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 NATHAN GUMA THE African Union and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa Election Observer Mission (AU-Comesa) to Zimbabwe’s 2023 general election says several voters are likely to have been left out of the voting process due to lack of national identification cards, amid reports that the registration process was not transparent in some parts of the country. The general election has been marred by several irregularities, with concerns arising over voter registration and accessibility of the voters’ roll among others. In a joint statement presented by former Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan, the AU-Comesa EOM says confidence in the polls has been whittled down by a less transparent national ID registration process and irregularities in the voters’ roll. In June this year, Zec presided over a chaotic voter registration process which saw people, particularly prominent members of the opposition, fail to locate their names in the voters roll. “The Mission takes note of Zec’s efforts to reach out and register as many eligible voters as possible. This effort was appreciated by some stakeholders the Mission interacted with, but also raised some issues of concern as follows; “(a) That many potential eligible voters were left out due to lack of National Registration Cards which is one of the requirements for registration as a voter. They claimed that the process for obtaining the National Identity Cards was not transparent in some areas of the country. “(b) Failure to open the review of the voters’ roll to political parties as a confidence building measure. (c) The limited time of only five days allocated to voters to check their registration status. (d) Late release of voters’ roll to political parties candidates and other interested stakeholders. (f) Limited Community,” reads the report presented in Harare this week. According to the report, while Zec has made an effort to register new voters, some of them have been failing to access their names from the voters’ roll. “For the 2023 harmonised election, the Mission notes the Zec conducted three phases of enhanced voter registration from 1-28 February 2022, 11-30 April 2022 from 12-26 March 2023. This yielded 450 000 new voters bringing the total registered voters to 6 619 690. Voters who wished transfer to the other electoral areas could do so during this period. “The provisional voters’ register was displayed for the public inspection from 27-31 May. Additionally, voters could verify their registration status on their mobile phones using USSD code *265# or through Zec’s website. However, there were concerns raised by some stakeholders and voters on election day and the USSD was not always working. “Section 17A of the Electoral Act provides for the conduct of continuous voter registration by Zec. In addition, Zec periodically conducts enhanced voter registration where additional voter registration centers are opened for defined periods of time. To be eligible to vote in an election, a person must be a Zimbabwean citizen of at least 18 years old, in possession of either a national identity card or a valid Zimbabwean passport and have proof pf residence,” reads the report. As previously reported by The NewsHawks, Home affairs minister Kazembe Kazembe presented a ministerial statement after multiple requests from Citizens' Coalition for Change legislator Allan Markham, saying close to three million people had been registered between February and September last year in a national ID registration exercise. In Hatcliffe, Markham said there were more than 2 000 eligible voters who were not yet been registered. In other parts of Borrowdale, he said there are at least 500 people who have not yet been registered. Markham, recommended that the national identity registration blitz caters for Gukurahundi victims and ex-farmworkers, among other vulnerable groups that have continually been excluded from obtaining IDs. Kazembe said the Civil Registry department had managed to issue over a million identity documents to youths nationwide during the blitz and 1 423 of those were for Hatcliffe and Borrowdale residents. Investigations by The NewsHawks have also revealed that more than half of the people in Chiredzi South are finding it difficult to participate in economic development programmes due to lack of national identity cards and birth certificates, resulting in youths from the area crossing illegally into South Africa to look for menial jobs. The constituency, located in the middle of the Limpopo, Runde, Sengwe and Bubi rivers, borders Mozambique and South Africa. More than 80% of the people come from the Shangani community. The Shangani have been under-represented in Zimbabwe as a minority group inhabiting the remotest parts of the south-east lowveld with their culture and values having been criticised as backward and conservative. The area neither has proper roads nor mobile network coverage and locals are relying on Mozambican and South African telecommunications service providers. Local radio and television transmission also not accessible. Zim polls marred bymultiple irregularities — AU-Comesa The AU-Comesa EOM says confidence in the polls has been whittled down by a less transparent national ID registration process.

NewsHawks News Page 23 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 #ZimElection2023 EVIDENCE CHIPADZA SEVERAL people with disabilities, especially those who use wheelchairs for mobility have appealed to Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) to design voting booths suitable for them. Joyce Togarepi from National Council of Disabled Persons in Zimbabwe (NCDPZ) who casted her vote at Takunda B Primary School Mkoba Gweru narrated that she had to struggle to get to the polling station. "Yesterday I was very happy to exercise my right as a Zimbabwean but at the same time the station was not easily accessible, "said Togarepi. She added the classroom did not allow smooth movement for her wheelchair as it had some holes. "This proves that they ignored the disability people 's plight because the classroom floor was not suitable at all but i managed to cast my vote,"she said. Audrey Rusike from Quardraplegics and Paraplegics Association of Zimbabwe (QPAZ) highlighted that despite the challenges she faced with her wheelchair to reach the polling station she was assisted with the polling officers . "The polling officers assisted me with my wheelchair and asked other voters to wait outside so that i can have my privacy since my wheelchair could not fit in the booth,"she said . The ballot papers which were being used did not cater for the visually impaired as there was no brail . Sijabulile Tongo a visually impaired man from ward 7 said his right was infringed as he was not sure if his aid had put an X where he wanted. "I feel ZEC should put a brail section so that I can cast my vote confidently yes I was assisted but this is not fair our government must know that we exist," he said . Nyasha Mahwende Director for Young Voices said there is need to channel resources towards people with disabilities so that they are not left behind . "We continue to cry for accessible polling stations in Mambo Ward 7 there were no rumps for wheelchair users more resources should be channeled to PWDs,"said Mahwende. Meanwhile the other issue of concern which was raised on the election day was capacitation of polling officers with sign language for easy communication with the the deaf community . Disability community appeals for user-friendly polling stations

Page 24 #ZimElection2023 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 NATHAN GUMA THE 2023 general election saw a sharp fall in the number of political parties who fielded candidates in the presidential, parliamentary and local authority elections, with a further drop in women candidates attributed to high nomination fees, an analysis has shown. Zec has been under fire over the exorbitant fees, which civic society and activists say have been put to inhibit opposition participation in the election. An analysis of the Nomination Court results by elections think tank Electoral Resource Center (ERC) has shown that 38 parties had their nomination papers approved, down from 55, while 19 parties fielded parliamentary candidates down from 55. The court which sat on June 21 also approved 10 presidential candidates, down from 23, a fall which has largely been attributed to the increase in nomination fees through Statutory Instrument 144 of 2022. Nomination fees for Presidential candidates were increased from US$1 000 to US$20 000. Nomination fees for parliamentary candidates were also hiked from US$50 to US$1 000, while nomination at local authority level was free. The grossly unreasonable fees would see a party fork out US$238 000 to field a full slate of candidates in a general election. Zec also pegged voters’ roll access fees at US$10 for each polling station; US$15 for the ward level voters’ roll; US$50 for the constituency voters’ roll; US$150 for the provincial voters’ roll; US$200 for the national voters’ roll; US$1 per page for the physical copy, raising outcry. Read the ERC analysis: “The 2023 Nomination Court sitting saw 19 political parties successfully file nominations for the National Assembly election. A total of 636 people were successfully nominated for the National Assembly election. 568 (89.3%) are representing political parties while 68 (10.7%) are nominated as Independents. “38 political parties submitted candidates for the Local Authority election and 19 political parties submitted candidates for the Presidential and National Assembly Harmonised Elections. Notably; ZCPD and National People's Congress (NPC) submitted Presidential Candidates, Trust Chikohora and Wilbert Mubaiwa respectively, but failed to field any National Assembly candidates.” “United Zimbabwe Alliance (UZA) submitted 27 National Assembly candidates and failed to file papers for their Presidential candidate, Elizabeth Valerio. “A total of 636 people were successfully nominated for the National Assembly election. 568 (89.3%) are representing political parties while 68 (10.7%) are nominated as Independents.” The number of women candidates has also dropped from 14.4% in 2018, to 11.0% for the 2023 elections, which has been attributed to the high nomination fee hikes. Out of the major political parties, opposition UZA performed best in gender inclusion with 29% of their nominated candidates being women, while Zanu PF had 11% and nine percent for main opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC). In local authorities, 38 political parties successfully filed nominations for the local authority election with a total of 4,999 candidates successfully nominated for election to the 1970 wards. “14.9% of the nominated candidates in the Local Authority elections are women candidates. Zanu PF is the only political party to successfully nominate candidates in all 1970 wards (100%), while CCC successfully submitted candidates for 1865 wards (94.7%) and failed to field candidates in 105 wards. “90 Local Authority seats were uncontested with Zanu PF winning all 90 as the only party to submit nominations. “CCC, Zimbabwe Coalition for Peace and Development (ZCPD) and Zanu PF submitted double candidatures. CCC submitted double candidates in 23 wards, however, they have distanced themselves from 19 of the 23 candidates who presented themselves as CCC representatives. Zanu PF noted double candidates in four wards while ZCPD noted double candidates in one ward,” reads the report. Zanu PF and CCC also successfully filed women’s quota party lists in all ten (10) provinces, while MDC-T successfully filed in Manicaland and Matabeleland North only. Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) successfully filed one women’s quota party list in Matabeleland North province. On the youth quota CCC, MDC-T and Zanu PF successfully filled party lists in all ten (10) provinces. MDC-T successfully filed one youth quota party list in Matabeleland North province. High nomination fees deter 2023 political participants — Picture: Aaron Ufumeli

NewsHawks News Page 25 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 #ZimElection2023 PROVINCE CONSTITUENCIES ZANU PF CCC OUTSTANDING HARARE 30 4 26 - BULAWAYO 12 0 12 - MASVINGO 26 23 2 1 MASH CENTRAL 18 18 0 - MASH WEST 22 16 6 - MIDLANDS 28 23 5 - MAT NORTH 13 4 9 - MAT SOUTH 12 8 4 - MAT EAST 23 19 4 - MANICALAND 26 21 5 - Parliamentary polls final results

Page 24 #ZimElection2023 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE THE Movement for Democratic Change party founded by the late opposition movement icon Morgan Tsvangirai and Gibson Sibanda, as well as scores of industrious trade unionists, students, farmers and academics has been officially buried after Wednesday’s elections. Its founding leaders, Tsvangirai and Sibanda must be turning in their graves as their project is now relegated into the dustbin of Zimbabwe politics. Similarly, it now appears that MDC activists who were killed while fighting for democratic space in Zimbabwe could have died in vain. The roll call of those who lost their lives and maimed for the MDC is long. The once formidable opposition party failed to make an impact at Wednesday’s polls after it failed to field parliamentary candidates while its leader Douglas Mwonzora withdrew from the presidential race at the last minute obviously sensing an embarrassing defeat. Mwonzora, who is accused by his political nemesis of effectively selling the MDC project to Zanu PF, has become the historic and official political undertaker of the once forceful opposition party. This is widely seen as a dubious distinction on which history will judge Mwonzora harshly. The MDC failed to field candidates in all constituencies around the country, save for one in Gweru Urban where former Parliamentary Public Accounts Committee chairperson Brian Dube sponsored himself. The party was too broke to pay nomination fees for its members and observers say its leadership hid behind a technicality that the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) had refused the MDC to transact electronically using the swipe system to pay for nomination fees. This was despite the fact that the party had been consistently receiving funds from the government under the Political Finances Act after it successfully wrestled the party name from Nelson Chamisa through a High Court ruling. Mwonzora managed to raise US$20 000 to file his nomination papers for the presidential election. He was supposed to battle it out with 10 other presidential candidates but despite his eleventh-hour withdrawal from the race, his name could not be removed from the ballot thereby driving the MDC to the political cemetery. Mwonzora had no realistic chance against Mnangagwa and Chamisa. The MDC has now been consigned to the political graveyard yet it was once a robust opposition party which resisted repression and Zanu-PF authoritarian rule for two decades. In an interview with The NewsHawks, Mwonzora’s spokesperson Lloyd Damba, however, said the MDC has not perished but rather has drifted into a reset mode where it will strategise and come out stronger. “The withdrawal of the famous 87 candidates, the withdrawal of our Presidential candidate and even the captured Judiciary will not weaken us but in fact strengthen us,” Damba said. “At the moment we will go back to the drawing board, the party is now on reset mode. Let me also reassure you that the MDC president as well as the party will remain relevant after this election because of the many things that we predicted will come to frustration and it is not the last election this country will ever have.” Proportionally, the MDC was one of the biggest opposition parties not just in Zimbabwe but also in Africa. It had become a local, regional and international brand. It fought for democratic reform and change, albeit without succeeding in taking over power. However, it was part of the government of national unity formed after the violent 2008 elections run off. The party's contributions to Zimbabwe's democratic politics was immense, even though its critics described it as a negative ‘unpatriotic' force. The party's dramatic decline was accelerated soon after Tsvangirai's death without a succession plan. The origins of the MDC date back to 26 February 1999 when the idea of its formation was mooted and endorsed by over 700 delegates from all walks of life who converged at the Women's Bureau in Hillside, Harare, for two days. After some deliberations, delegates set up various committees and sub-committees to examine a whole gamut of Zimbabwean issues and the way forward. Among other issues, they resolved to challenge Zanu-PF politically and fight for political change in Zimbabwe. The key resolutions were adopted and their implementation led to the formation of the MDC. The working people's convention steered the formation of the MDC, seven months later at Rufaro Stadium in Harare on 11 September 1999. On 26 January 2000, the MDC held its inaugural congress at the Chitungwiza Aquatic Complex. Tsvangirai became president and Sibanda his deputy. A constitution for the party was adopted. Zanu-PF immediately reacted with a torrent of demonisation, intimidation, violence and brutality. Then President Robert Mugabe and Zanu-PF were not used to a strong opposition since the days of PF Zapu led by Joshua Nkomo, a luminary of Zimbabwe liberation struggle and to some extend the Zimbabwe Unity Movement, which was led by Edgar Tekere, another giant of the struggle for independence. From the onset, the MDC was labelled a puppet party funded by white commercial farmers, the British government and other Western sponsors. But despite such characterisations the MDC resonated with workers, given its roots to the country’s labour movement and ordinary people amid growing social discontent due to political and economic problems. Zimbabwe had begun a turbulent descent into political turmoil amid demands for reform by the MDC. The MDC was an eclectic mix of trade unionists, church, students, political activists, professionals, and farmers, among other groups. It was destroyed by infighting which erupted within the MDC-Alliance between party leaders Chamisa and his rival Mwonzora. On 26 January 2000, the MDC held its inaugural congress at the Chitungwiza Aquatic Complex. Tsvangirai became president and Gibson Sibanda his deputy. A constitution for the party was adopted. Zanu-PF reacted with a torrent of demonisation, intimidation, violence and brutality. This resulted in bloodshed and strife. In the MDC’s pursuit for democratic change in Zimbabwe, hundreds of its activists were killed , the same fate that had befallen other opposition parties before it. Despite massive violence in the run-up to a general election held on 26 June 2000, the MDC garnered 57 seats while Zanu-PF got 63 seats. The violence intensified after the elections, causing further bloodshed as the country braced for the 2002 presidential poll. By the time of the presidential election in March 2002, political savagery and murders were commonplace. Repression intensified as the economy collapsed under the weight of mismanagement, corruption and targeted Western sanctions. Zimbabwe also became a pariah state. In 2005, the MDC participated in the parliamentary election under protest which was against a background of violence and intimidation, as well as an uneven electoral playing field. The party won 41 seats of the 120 contested seats, which was a decline from the 57 it won in the 2000 elections. Soon after that, the MDC split in 2005 due to a dispute over its participation in the senate elections. One faction said it was strategically important to participate in the poll to keep democratic gains, while the other argued it was not only a waste of resources but doing so would also not advance the central strategic objective of the party, that is bringing Zanu-PF hegemony to an end. Post the 2005 split, from 16-19 March 2006 the MDC held a watershed congress. The congress adopted a roadmap to legitimacy whose signposts and benchmarks saw the collapse of the Zanu-PF monolith and the termination of that party's political monopoly. Following the historic March 2008 general elections in which Tsvangirai won the first round of polling against Mugabe in the presidential election, on 25 August 2008, the MDC officially took control of Parliament. It elected the then acting national chairperson Lovemore Moyo as speaker of Parliament, a post held by Zanu-PF since independence in 1980. Due to Mugabe's defeat, results of the presidential election took six weeks to be released. When they were eventually released the MDC’s Tsvangirai had won 47.9 percent of the ballots against Mugabe’s 43,2 percent but they had to go to for a runoff election since the first round had failed to produce a 50 percent plus one majority for either candidate The run-off election was marred by violence which resulted in the death of several MDC activists and supporters. Tsvangirai withdrew from the elections leaving Mugabe to be declared the winner of the sham run-off election. The run-off electoral victory was not internationally recognised, culminating in negotiations brokered by then South African president Thabo Mbeki. After intense round the clock negotiations, on 11 January 2009, Tsvangirai became prime minister. Mugabe remained president. The coalition government which lasted until 2013 brought political and economic stability after years of upheavals, including an economic meltdown and record hyperinflation. That was the best period of economic recovery and stability in Zimbabwe since 2000. Meanwhile, the MDC held its third national congress in April 2011. Apart from the new national executive and national council, Mwonzora and others rose through the ranks into the standing committee. Mwonzora became secretary for information and publicity. Following the government of national unity, general elections were held on 31 July 2013 and Zanu-PF won with a landslide amid MDC protests of vote-rigging. The MDC suffered another split in 2014 after secretary-general Tendai Biti broke away to form the People's Democratic Party. At one point it was also led by Arthur Mutambara. Job Sikhala, who is currently in political detention for over a year, also broke away and formed his own MDC99. The MDC had held an extraordinary congress in October 2014. At the 4th national congress, Mwonzora took the reins as the party's secretary-general after beating Chamisa. Tsvangirai later appointed Chamisa, together with Elias Mudzuri, as vice-presidents on 16 July 2016. Given that Thokozani Khupe was elected at congress as the only vice-president, the party then had three vice-presidents. Tsvangirai became tormented with ill-health, suffering from colon cancer resulting in a succession power struggle, as his lieutenants Jostled to succeed him. On 14 February 2018, Tsvangirai eventually succumbed to colon cancer sparking a fierce battle to succeed him. As Tsvangirai was being buried at his rural home in Humanikwa village, Buhera, on 20 February 2018 chaotic scenes took centre stage as MDC supporters rallying behind Chamisa attacked his rivals Khupe and Mwonzora. On 23 March 2018 th MDC’s national council fired Khupe and several other senior party officials. This resulted in yet another split within the MDC, this time within the MDC-T which was led by Tsvangirai until his death. The other MDC faction was led by Welshman Ncube. Chamisa emerged as the new leader and ran in the 2018 presidential election as a candidate for the MDC Alliance against Mnangagwa . Mnangagwa scraped through with 50.8% of the vote. He received 2.46 million votes of the 4.8 million votes cast while Chamisa got 2.14 million votes or 44.3%. Mnangagwa needed to win by more than 50% to avoid a runoff vote, which he barely avoided by 31 000 votes. Amid renewed in-fighting in the MDC Alliance, Chamisa lost the party to Mwonzora and he formed the Citizens' Coalition for Change, now the main opposition party in Zimbabwe. All this illustrious MDC history, including the good, the bad and the ugly, will soon be buried by Mwonzora — the party's political marking the end on an era and the end of a gigantic party. MDC dead and buried MDC leader Douglas Mwonzora

IRENE KALULU THE two female candidates in Kwekwe District, Midlands Province, who contested for the parliamentary and local government seat were victorious, despite the odds being heavily stacked against them. Melody Chingarande, the only female council candidate, retained her ward 5 seat in Mbizo while Judith Tobaiwa retained her seat as the member of Assembly for Kwekwe Central. They both stood under the banner of the main opposition political party, Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC). According to Kwekwe central constituency Chief Elections officer Willard Fazhe Judith Tobaiwa garnered 10 933 votes to beat Energy Dhala Ncube of ZANU PF who received 6 541 votes. Chingarande got 2 657 while Zanu PF’s Tapiwa Muganhu receiving 908 votes. “Thank you to the citizens for remaining vigilant against all odds. The people have spoken and shown who they want to lead them. Campaigning was pretty hard and even the day of voting there was a lot of intimidation but citizens remained strong and firm. You chose me to represent you and for the next five years I shall be your servant,” said Tobaiwa. Chingarande, who was recalled from council by MDC-T leader Douglas Mwonzora and was not able to fulfil her term, was ecstatic at being given another chance. “I’m happy to be back in council. It wasn’t an easy road to these elections. I stood against five males who had better resources at their disposal but the citizens have spoken,” she said. The number of women taking part in active politics has been dwindling. Only one female candidate participated in the presidential election, Elisabeth Valerio. Parliamentary candidates  dropped from 14% to 11% while local government candidates fell from 17% to the current 15%. “I really wanted more women in council so that we could collectively represent the needs of women. The women’s quota will be a plus for us but more women really need to rise up,” she said. The drastic drop in women's political participation has been attributed to a number of factors which include the cost of nomination fees, verbal and sexual abuse of female candidates and an unfavourable environment characterised by patriarchy. “Campaigning for this election hasn’t been easy; the environment is very toxic. I was vicitmised daily and some people had the audacity to come chant slogans by my gate calling me all sorts of names,” she said. “My family and I live in constant fear but I persevered because it is my desire to see political change in my generation. Women’s organisations, lobby groups, and the government need to take appropriate action as there is need for intensified advocacy for 50-50 participation and representation in all positions.” Challenges women face are the same across political parties. Yeukai Paradza, the ZANU PF council candidate for Vungu Rural District says that women in politics aren’t valued much as people prefer men as they have more resources and power within communities. “Men in politics use their money and power to influence other women to spread malicious lies about you as a woman in politics. You get labeled as a prostitute and men who hold influential positions in politics look at you more as a sex object than competition,” she said. The constitution of Zimbabwe has a number of provisions to bolster the participation of women in politics. Section 17 states that the State must take positive measures to rectify gender discrimination and imbalances resulting from past practices and policies. A National Gender Policy and Strategy is also in place. To add to this, section 124 1 (b) of the constitution calls for proportional representation in the National Assembly. But factors such as the exorbitant nomination fees stifle the involvement of women in politics. According to the Long Term Feminist Analysis 2023 Pre-election report, young women and women from across the political divide experienced body shaming and vitriol targeted at their gender and sex. Women said that sexual harassment that is rooted in patriarchal culture hinders them from pushing for gender equality agenda even when elected to positions of power as they sometimes play according to the whims of men in their parties.  The report also states that the CCC candidate selection process was costly and delays in finalising the selection processes resulted in high costs to travel to the venues for the different rounds of voting thereby disadvantaging women aspiring candidates who had to pay for their supporters’ transportation to attend the multiple voting and screening processes. Sally Ncube, National Chairperson for Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCoZ) said that political violence played a major role in the drop in numbers drop. “Some women pulled out of the race or postponed to the next election because of violence that they have gone through or that they see aspiring candidates going through. Whether it's online violence, hate speech, it has a way of deterring women from stepping up,” she said. Ncube  also said that political institutions are viewed as not safe and they don't have safety mechanisms and structures that confidently share how they support women who would have been harassed. “But in this election, we also saw that some women did not show up because they are not confident of themselves as worthy candidates. For some it's an issue of time poverty because they have responsibilities at family level, at workplaces so if you have to choose livelihood against political office you would then see that quite a number of women could not show up,” she added. The Gender Audit produced by the Zimbabwe Gender Commission hints at legal reforms that need to happen to create an enabling environment for women to participate. One condition would be for ZEC not to accept lists that are not in compliance with section 17 of the constitution that touches on gender parity. Ncube went on to say that for this to be effective, political parties need to be held accountable so that they are gender responsive and women's rights responsive. “There is need for a comprehensive safeguarding mechanism where all political parties are  made by law to have internal organisational policies for safeguarding and prevention of sexual exploitation and abuse and capacity building to know when to detect violence and how to respond,” she said. Zimbabwe is signatory to various conventions that call for equal representation of women across all sectors. These include the United Nations (UN), Africa Union (AU) and Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Conventions and Protocols. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) upholds women’s right to participate in public life and the (1995) Beijing Platform for Action is an appeal for women’s empowerment. While Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) Number Five provides for gender equality in governance and all spheres of life,. Zimbabwe is still a long way from achieving gender equality especially in politics. NewsHawks News Page 25 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 Citizens Coalition for Change legislator for Kwekwe Central Judith Tobaiwa Women thrive to progress their leadership aspirations

Page 28 News NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 Voting day in pictures The electorate votes in 2023 general elections in Mabvuku, Kuwadzana and Epworth on Wednesday. — Pictures: Aaron Ufumeli

NewsHawks Page 29 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 THE Venezuelan strongman’s former nurse, Claudia Díaz, became head of the country’s treasury. She’s now serving a term in a U.S. prison for laundering millions — but European investigators are looking into the rest of her fortune. She didn’t stash it alone. Other than their wealth and their cosmopolitan lifestyles, Ronnie Budja and José Alcántara de la Torre appear to have little in common — at first glance. Budja, 41, is a Swiss banker with a seaside Monaco apartment and a penchant for cross-country skiing in the Alps. Alcántara de la Torre, 43, originally from Venezuela, has a Cypriot passport, a Parisian apartment, and a spot on an acquisitions committee of London’s Tate Modern museum. But the two men share a secret connection: A document obtained by prosecutors in the European microstate of Liechtenstein grants them both the authorization to remove dozens of gold bars out of a secret vault. That gold is now under investigation by local authorities, who believe it was stored there as a way of laundering the proceeds of corruption by a former high-level Venezuelan official: The head of the country’s treasury under President Hugo Chávez. In just a few short years, Claudia Patricia Díaz Guillén, a one-time nurse, had risen from taking the president’s temperature to overseeing billions of dollars of state funds. And though she left the position after Chávez’s death in 2013, in the subsequent years it emerged that she had been among the many elite Venezuelans who enriched themselves while plundering the country of hundreds of billions of dollars. This April, Díaz and her husband were sentenced to 15 years in prison by a federal judge in Florida. The court found that, while she directed the Venezuelan treasury, the couple had accepted and laundered more than $136 million in bribes from a billionaire media mogul in exchange for letting him buy bonds from the treasury at a favorable exchange rate. (She and her husband are appealing their conviction.) The prosecution of a former Venezuelan official in the United States — which required her to be extradited from her new home in Spain — was possible because illicit cash from the scheme had flowed through the U.S. financial system. But the case did not reveal the entire picture. In a sentencing memo, a Justice Department attorney noted that the couple were “additionally in control” of millions more dollars abroad. The whereabouts and provenance of Díaz’s remaining fortune remain a mystery. But at least some of it appears to have made its way into the Liechtenstein vault. Prosecutors in the bucolic alpine state allege that, in 2014 and 2015, an offshore company owned by Díaz bought the 250 gold bars, worth $9.5 million, which were then stashed in a private vault she had leased. The Liechtenstein prosecutors have a “strong suspicion” that the gold — which was gradually removed and sold between 2018 and 2019 — had been purchased with “incriminated” funds, according to filings from the case at the country’s national court. The existence of the Liechtenstein investigation was previously reported by the Associated Press. Now, followInternational InvestigativeStories Hugo Chávez’s nurse stashed gold bars in a secret vault in Europe, investigators allege. Here’s who they say helped her Claudia Diaz leaves the national court in Madrid, Spain in 2018. Credit: AP Photo/Paul White International Investigative Stories

Page 30 International Investigative Stories News NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 ing a trail of court records and other documents, OCCRP and its partner Armando.Info were able to identify Budja and Alcántara de la Torre as two of Díaz’s helpers and glean previously unreported information about their backgrounds. Bank statements, orders for the removal of gold, and other documents obtained by prosecutors show that Budja, at least, appears to have played a key role in actually handling the gold. The two men, who are now living privileged European lives, have not been charged with any crime. But they may hold the key to the whereabouts of the rest of Díaz’s fortune. Their alleged involvement in her apparent efforts to launder money out of her homeland and keep it beyond the reach of international investigators points to the vital role played by various enablers in helping corrupt Venezuelan officials plunder their country. Budja’s lawyers declined to comment and told reporters they “do not wish to be contacted.” Requests for comment left at Alcántara de la Torre’s Paris apartment received no response. Díaz’s lawyers did not respond to multiple requests for comment. According to the latest information provided to reporters by Lichtenstein authorities, the investigation against her and several alleged co-conspirators was still active as of this July. Budja was also investigated, but prosecutors did not confirm whether he remains a person of interest today. No charges are known to have been filed. ‘Victory is Near!’ After Chávez’s death in March 2013, Díaz moved to Cap Cana, a luxury resort in the Dominican Republic, leaving behind a posh Caracas apartment where local authorities later found luxury watches, works of art, designer clothes, weapons, and highend cars. Her life had not always been so full of riches. Born in the Andean city of San Cristobal in 1973, Díaz trained as a nurse at a military school, obtaining both a nursing degree and a rank as an officer. After several stints at hospitals and clinics, she was hired in 2002 to work at the Miraflores presidential palace under Carmen Meléndez, a powerful woman who is now the mayor of the largest district of Caracas. As Díaz tells it in an unpublished biography obtained by Armando. info, her first encounter with Chávez took place that December, during a tense period when the nation’s workers stood up against the government in a general strike. As she tells it, the then-President was in a somber mood, contemplating a nativity scene in the palace courtyard. “Hey, comandante,” she recalls shouting. “Victory is near!” A few months later, Díaz’s boss Meléndez was appointed head of the national treasury, and Díaz became her assistant. Almost right away, the biography reads, Díaz was recruited by Chávez to also work for him: “I want her to work for you and me at the same time,” he told Meléndez. The young officer, then just turning 30, became the president’s nurse and constant companion. Taking care of Chávez was a “24- hour” experience, she recalls in her book, describing a time of “intense responsibilities, tensions, emotional and sensory richness … all wrapped up and developed within a routine that required me to take his pulse, his temperature, put on his glasses, and other simple signs of dedication to his health.” “I helped and served him in everything,” she recalled, “anticipating his needs — the paperweight, the papers themselves, or any object he needed. … In the evenings I would accompany him until he fell asleep.” Díaz’s devotion was rewarded. In 2008, she received a senior position at the Ministry of Economy and Finance. Three years later she reached her highest role, becoming director of the National Treasury Office, which orders, executes, and approves Venezuelan state payments. Her career there lasted for a few years — but it did not outlast her boss. After Chávez’s death from cancer in 2013, Díaz was dismissed. Her husband left the country for the Dominican Republic, where she joined him in 2014. The couple later settled in Spain. The Gold Shuffle In the following years, suspicions began to emerge that Díaz and her husband may have taken illicitly accumulated wealth abroad. In 2016, their names appeared in the Panama Papers, a major investigation into the offshore world, in connection with the establishment of several companies. The Venezuelan government later requested her extradition from Spain on the basis of those reports, but the request was rejected on human rights grounds. Díaz has steadfastly maintained her innocence of any wrongdoing and attributed her prosecution in Venezuela to political machinations by the government of Chavez’s successor Nicolás Maduro. In 2020, Díaz was indicted in the U.S. case that would eventually land her in federal prison. By that time, investigators in Liechtenstein were already on the trail of another financial vehicle Díaz allegedly used to retain corruptly obtained funds: Millions of dollars’ worth of one-kilogram gold bars. A document describing the case was obtained by reporters, providing a glimpse of the convoluted details. The file — an English translation of a request for international legal assistance sent to by Liechtenstein investigators to their Swiss counterparts — is ambiguous on several points and presents the information in a scattershot fashion, making it difficult to reconstruct the full details. What it makes clear is that the Liechtenstein prosecutors obtained evidence that the gold bars had been acquired on Díaz’s behalf using allegedly criminal proceeds — and that Budja, the Swiss banker with a penchant for skiing, played a key role in their handling. According to the file, 250 bars of gold were acquired in 2014 and 2015 by Amaze Holding Limited, an offshore company of which Díaz was a beneficial owner, for about $9.5 million. They were then stored in a private Liechtenstein vault rented by Díaz on behalf of herself and her underage son. The document states that Budja acted as a representative of both the company and Díaz in the purchase of the gold and that he also “physically received” the bars, though it is unclear whether he deposited them in the vault himself. It also cites a letter, written by Diaz, that indicates Budja was one of two men empowered to “empty the vault and dispatch all of its contents.” Several years later, he appears to have done just that. Over the course of 2018 and early 2019, as Díaz was fighting a legal battle in Spain to prevent her extradition to Venezuela, Budja sold a nearly identical amount of gold bars from the same vault and deposited the proceeds in Swiss bank accounts. To establish these facts, Liechtenstein prosecutors relied heavily on documents provided by a representative of Liemeta AG, the Liechtenstein-based precious metals trading company that managed the storage of the gold. A representative of the company did not respond to requests for comment. Budja’s Background It is unknown how exactly Budja entered Díaz’s inner circles, though social media posts hint at a personal connection: In the early 2010s, he appeared to be in a romantic relationship with the daughter of a Venezuelan Díaz associate also mentioned in the Liechtenstein files. Aside from this tie to Venezuela, Budja appears to have lived a high-flying European life. He was born in Zurich and built a career in banking, including at the Swiss Bank Julius Baer, which was previously reprimanded by Swiss authorities for failing to comply with anti-money laundering regulations, especially in connection with cases involving Venezuela. Budja’s sister Nathalie also worked at the bank, where, according to documents obtained by reporters, she managed the account of a former Venezuelan deputy minister who is facing corruption proceedings in Spain and the United States. Reporters found no evidence that either sibling engaged in any wrongdoing at the bank. In response to requests for comment, Nathalie Budja wrote that she does not wish to be contacted by reporters. In 2017 and 2018, Ronnie Budja co-invested millions into several investment vehicles registered in Luxembourg. In one Liechtenstein company, BV Diamonds, he sat on the board alongside Daniel Vogt — a Swiss man who, according to the Liechtenstein prosecutors’ file, personally picked up 90 kilograms of gold from Díaz’s vault on Budja’s orders. (The file does not specify who physically handled the rest.) According to the Liechtenstein investigation, a company belonging to Vogt’s family was involved in the handling of the gold, with almost all of the relevant documents bearing the firm’s stamp. Vogt did not respond to requests for comment. Today, Budja maintains an address in Monaco and participates in ski races in the Swiss Alps. Golden Passports The other man authorized to remove Díaz’s gold, Alcántara de la Torre, is not described in the Liechtenstein files as having taken any specific action. But his background is intertwined both with hers and with Budja’s. Alcántara de la Torre was also born in Venezuela and also had at least one stint as an official, working as a mid-ranking director in the finance ministry along with Díaz from 2008, though he held his position for less than a year. Just like Díaz, his life path took him outside his country after Chávez’s death. In 2013, he hired the specialist law firm Henley & Partners in an attempt to obtain a Maltese passport — one of the world’s best in terms of visa access and ease of travel — which requires a 600,000 euro investment. He does not appear to have succeeded. However, the same year he also applied for a Cypriot passport, which was granted through an investment of at least 2.5 million euros. In April 2014, he became a Cypriot citizen. (Cyprus canceled the golden passport program in 2020 after it was linked to dozens of people identified in corruption and money laundering cases). Alcántara de la Torre also bought an apartment that year in an exclusive Paris district, where he still sometimes stays, according to building staff. (Requests for comment left at the apartment were not answered). In addition to their common connection to Díaz’s gold, Alcántara de la Torre and Budja did business together in other ventures. In 2015 they partnered in a private company called Goodfellas, registered in the Isle of Man. And in 2016, Alcántara de la Torre was added as a co-owner to Midas Group, a Monaco company established by Budja that was later renamed JR Group. The purpose of these companies could not be established. Budja and Alcántara de la Torre also appear to share an interest in contemporary art: Both have donated to the Serpentine Galleries, an exhibition in the British capital’s Kensington Gardens. In the late 2010s, Alcántara de la Torre joined the acquisitions committee for Latin America at the Tate Modern Gallery in London. He remained a member as recently as March 2022, according to the Tate. Budja has also made other philanthropic donations, stepping forward as a donor to an AIDS research foundation and attending a high-profile fundraising gala in Milan in 2017. At the end of 2018, when the Liechtenstein gold vault was almost entirely emptied, Alcántara de la Torre and Budja’s Monaco company, JR Group, was dissolved. ‘I Earned a Lot of Money’ What happened with the proceeds of Díaz’s gold is unknown, beyond the deposits of some of it into Swiss bank accounts. But the origins of Díaz’s finances appear to be well-established. A U.S. prosecutor said Díaz “acted knowingly and deliberately” to enrich herself from public funds, despite being the person “entrusted by the people of Venezuela to be a steward of their national wealth.” Despite such responsibilities, she claimed to not even know how much she herself had been making. “I earned a lot of money, but I did not have time to spend it,” she said in a rare interview with the Spanish newspaper El Mundo. “I saved,” she told the reporter. “I am a public servant who earned my money for my work.” When asked how much her salary was when she was treasurer, she replied, “I do not remember.” — Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project. Hugo Chávez

NewsHawks Page 31 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 International Investigative Stories NEW York’s governor is on the cusp of signing off on a plan to create a public database that would unmask the owners of shell companies used to anonymously buy real estate and stash dirty money. With Kathy Hochul’s signature, the new state law — dubbed the LLC Transparency Act — will go into effect in one year and require owners of limited liability companies to disclose their identities to state authorities. In an op-ed published by the Albany Times Union in May, state Rep. Emily Gallagher, who co-sponsored the bill, said it was intended to “strike a blow against slumlords, human traffickers, fentanyl importers, tax cheats, terrorists, political corruption, kleptocrats and Russian oligarchs.” But some experts have warned the current proposal relies on weak civil penalties for enforcement. The LLC Transparency Act is closely modeled on the federal Corporate Transparency Act, which was approved by the U.S. Congress in 2021 after ICIJ and BuzzFeed’s FinCEN Files investigation exposed billions in dirty money flowing freely through the global banking system. The CTA was hailed as a landmark reform by transparency advocates and mandated the creation of a beneficial ownership registry, which is a database of company owners. But the process of building it has been beset by delays and disagreements over how to collect the information that feeds the database and who should be able to access it. New York intends to sidestep some of those issues by offering a public, searchable database. Under the act, LLCs created or doing business in New York would be required to report the names of their beneficial owners and business addresses to the New York Department of State. The new legislation defines beneficial owners as those who “substantially control” a company or own at least a 25% stake in it. Under current laws, all that’s required to open an LLC in New York is an official business name, disclosure of the county where the business will operate and a post office box. Based on the current timeline, New York’s public database is likely to be the first of its kind in the U.S., paving the way for other states to follow suit. In California, two state lawmakers filed similar bills this year. The federal law requires businesses to disclose LLC ownership to the U.S. Treasury Department’s enforcement arm, the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network, known as FinCEN, to be stored in a private, encrypted database. How ‘privacy’ shields bad actors LLCs are legitimate business structures that shield their owners from personal liability. They’re also popular in the financial secrecy world. In New York, a longtime hotspot for hiding foreign wealth, shell companies are often used to purchase luxury properties while the real owners remain anonymous. The lawmakers behind the new bill have said they want to stop the abuse of LLCs for criminal activities such as money laundering and tax evasion and to expose unscrupulous landlords seeking to avoid scrutiny or sanctioned Russian oligarchs stashing funds in overseas property. “This move by the New York legislature is an important sign that the United States no longer wants to be a home to the world’s dirty cash,” Erica Hanichak, government affairs director at the FACT Coalition, a transparency advocacy group, told ICIJ. “Particularly in a market as important as New York, it is vital that there be better corporate transparency to deny fraudsters, oligarchs and terrorists access to our financial system to move dirty cash.” While transparency advocates and trade unions support the proposed law, some real estate brokers have criticized it for unnecessarily outing property buyers. “The vast majority of corporate purchases are people who simply want to maintain their privacy and not see their names emblazoned across the media if they purchase an expensive property,” Frederick Warburg, who runs a high-end real estate brokerage in New York City, told The Real Deal. ICIJ investigations based on leaks of secretive financial records, such as the Panama Papers and Pandora Papers, have revealed a parallel global economy that allows the rich and powerful to dodge taxes and hide their wealth in tax havens. In recent years, and in response to rolling exposés, corporate ownership registries have gained popularity worldwide as a key tool to ensure transparency and facilitate government oversight. The consequences for noncompliance One concern over the new legislation is whether the penalty for noncompliance will act as a strong enough deterrent. The bill calls for a civil fine of $250 if LLCs fail to meet reporting requirements for two years and two months. Joshua Bromberg, a Manhattan-based attorney, told Axios he had “serious doubts” about the efficacy of the proposed enforcement mechanisms. Rep. Gallagher, who cosponsored the bill with state Sen. Brad Hoylman, told ICIJ the penalty was initially higher but was lowered during legislative negotiations to align with non-filing penalties established under state law. In a statement, she clarified that the fine isn’t the only consequence businesses could face for noncompliance. “Under the text of the bill, businesses that fail to disclose their beneficial owners will be designated as ‘delinquent,’ and only an up-todate beneficial ownership disclosure form and the payment of a $250 fine will remove that designation,” Gallagher said. “I expect that honest businesses will have no trouble complying with the law; delinquent enterprises may find it more difficult to do business in New York if it seems like they have something to hide.” Gallagher said that if non-compliance becomes widespread, she will seek tougher penalties, such as barring business from operating in New York and removing LLC protections. By comparison, the CTA, which goes into effect in January, includes penalties of up to $10,000 and two years imprisonment for “willfully” reporting or attempting to report false or incomplete beneficial ownership information to FinCEN. Hanichak, from the FACT Coalition, said that the New York bill would put additional pressure on business professionals filing beneficial ownership information to know who they are working with, because there is no “plausible deniability.” She said she expects most businesses and individuals to comply. “To the extent that there are bad actors, they might still file, but they might just list themselves instead of the true beneficial owner on the paperwork,” Hanichak said. “While that’s not perfect, it is at least a starting point for law enforcement to be able to understand how to follow the money for an investigation.” — International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. New York is set to pass a new state law intended to end the misuse of LLCs. As US company registry stalls, New York forges its own path toward transparency

Page 32 The NewsHawks is published on different content platforms by the NewsHawks Digital Media which is owned by Centre for Public Interest Journalism No. 100 Nelson Mandela Avenue Beverly Court, 6th floor Harare, Zimbabwe Trustees/Directors: Beatrice Mtetwa, Raphael Khumalo, Professor Wallace Chuma, Teldah Mawarire, Doug Coltart EDITORIAL STAFF: Managing Editor: Dumisani Muleya Assistant Editor: Brezh Malaba News Editor: Owen Gagare Digital Editor: Bernard Mpofu Reporters: Brenna Matendere, Ruvimbo Muchenje, Enock Muchinjo, Jonathan Mbiriyamveka, Nathan Guma Email: [email protected] SUB EDITORS: Mollen Chamisa, Gumisai Nyoni Business Development Officer: Nyasha Kahondo Cell: +263 71 937 1739 [email protected] Subscriptions & Distribution: +263 71 937 1739 Reaffirming the fundamental importance of freedom of expression and media freedom as the cornerstone of democracy and as a means of upholding human rights and liberties in the constitution; our mission is to hold power in its various forms and manifestations to account by exposing abuse of power and office, betrayals of public trust and corruption to ensure good governance and accountability in the public interest. CARTOON Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe The NewsHawks newspaper subscribes to the Code of Conduct that promotes truthful, accurate, fair and balanced news reporting. If we do not meet these standards, register your complaint with the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe at No.: 34, Colenbrander Rd, Milton Park, Harare. Telephone: 024-2778096 or 024-2778006, 24Hr Complaints Line: 0772 125 659 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] WhatsApp: 0772 125 658, Twitter: @vmcz Website: www.vmcz.co.zw, Facebook: vmcz Zimbabwe Editorial & Opinion He fought a good fight! Dumisani Muleya Hawk Eye Citizens' Coalition for Change leader Nelson Chamisa NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 "THERE are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen." These immortal words — attributed to Vladimir Lenin — are a perfect description of the current political turmoil in Zimbabwe in the aftermath of a shambolic election that has transfixed the world's attention. In an unprecedented development, the Southern African Development Community election observer mission says the election fell short of the requirements of the Zimbabwe constitution, the Electoral Act and the Sadc Principles and Guidelines on Democratic Elections. Sadc has finally grown a spine — and what a breath of fresh air! Even in 2008 when Zanu PF criminals murdered more than 200 opposition supporters in an election which astonished the global community, Sadc was not this emphatic in denouncing the bloodbath. In fact, history will recall that, after the blood-dimmed 2008 election, Sadc was complicit in shielding Zanu PF by facilitating a problematic power-sharing arrangement. Not this time around. Sadc has spoken — and emphatically so. For decades, this regional grouping has been a shameful club of dictators. But after the Sadc observer mission issued a brutally truthful preliminary report on Zimbabwe's sham elections, there is hope yet for Africa. "One person, one vote" is the birthright of every African. The days of unrestrained autocracy are over. The people shall govern. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission’s handling of this election has been nothing short of catastrophic. In past elections, Zec, as part of its political machinations, has shown a determination to be seen as impartial, fair and law-abiding. In the current polls, Zec's mask has completely fallen off, exposing a Chapter 12 institution that has totally gone off the rails. The Zanu PF government's kneejerk response to the Sadc report has been hysterical, nay unhinged. Dr Nevers Mumba, a respected former vice-president of Zambia who is chairing the Sadc observer mission, has been subjected to a torrent of verbal abuse by all manner of dodgy characters ranging from Emmerson Mnangagwa’s thoughtless spokesperson George Charamba to an apoplectic Zanu PF spokesperson Chris Mutsvangwa. Nobody is buying into their threadbare vitriol, of course, and they are now in real danger of causing a diplomatic fallout between Harare and other Sadc states. Charamba's crude invective targeted at Dr Mumba and Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema has been particularly cringeworthy — another reminder that, far from being the strategic communications expert he masquerades as, Mnangagwa's spokesperson is just a bombastic chap desperate to secure his ill-gotten supper. It is laughable to imagine that the likes of Charamba and Mutsvangwa think they can intimidate a man of Dr Mumba's stature. Those who watched videos of the Zambian statesman eloquently dismantling the Zanu PF government's "cheap" propaganda will testify that he is made of sterner stuff. Even the thoroughly unconvincing Ziyambi Ziyambi was wheeled out in a bizarre effort to intimidate the Sadc observer mission. His war talk backfired spectacularly. He did not have the posture of a victor. Only losers come out swinging in such a wild manner. Hopefully, former Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano told Mnangagwa some home truths when they met at State House on Saturday morning. The champaign socialists who run Zanu PF are in the habit of accusing anyone who tells them the unvarnished truth to be a puppet of imperialists. Well, Joaquim Alberto Chissano is neither an imperialist nor a puppet. The former Mozambican president is a founding member of the Liberation Front of Mozambique (Frelimo) and is the kind of leader who earned his stripes as a bonafide revolutionary in the halcyon days of post-independence euphoria. Chissano — who is also chief facilitator of Zimbabwe's High-Level Debt Resolution Forum — has been observing the election and holding discussions with various stakeholders. He even attended Zanu PF and CCC campaign rallies. He has seen for himself what the main issues on the ground are. We must remember that a clean and credible election is the topmost reform enunciated by the Debt Resolution Dialogue which Chissano has been facilitating. If he indeed gets to emerge as the new Thabo Mbeki on the Zimbabwe crisis, he must guard against betraying the sovereign will of the people of Zimbabwe. The people of this country have not forgotten how Mbeki facilitated dialogue which led to a power-sharing arrangement which essentially rescued a murderous Zanu PF from political annihilation. The power-sharing government of 2009-2013 did not deliver the political, electoral and governance reforms which were badly needed to really move Zimbabwe forward. The 2023 sham election is a direct consequence of that tragic failure. Mnangagwa and his cabal must sober up. They cannot win a fight against Sadc, the African Union, the European Union and the rest of the global community. Legitimate power comes from the consent of the governed. This election is not an expression of the free will of the people of Zimbabwe. Sadc finally grows a spine

NewsHawks Page 33 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 HAS 23 August emancipated the nation from corruption? One may wonder why economists are also interested in analysing the political economy. Many economic issues are seen through the eyes of political beliefs as such every economist should be worry of the 23 August political process. The term “corruption” covers a wide range of behaviour, including the misappropriation of public funds and resources by government agencies, the use of state assets for personal gain, the payment of kickbacks in illegal deals, bribes, and nepotism. However, it may also take the form of less evident, legal or questionably legal acts like lobbying or state capture, where a party’s political self-interest directs the country’s decision-making process in order to covertly advance its own objectives. The different interpretations of corruption suggest that it is a flexible and unstable idea. Although there are many phrases that conflict and overlap when describing corruption, illegality and breach of duty are the most common ones. Since corruption is a reflection of the social, political, and economic structure of a particular nation, it may also be a response to subpar or unfavourable policies made by officials. People may exploit these monitoring inequalities to circumvent the law when the institutions in charge of policing compliance are ineffective or incompetent people are given positions of authority. Corruption may occur on various levels. Petty corruption occurs where citizens interact with state representatives during the delivery of public services, whereas grand corruption occurs at the highest levels of governance and necessitates deeper infiltration into the political, judicial, and business sectors. Corruption may become endemic, permeate the system, and give rise to a sustained corrupt hierarchy if a State is unable to control its misdeeds owing to organisational flaws, political, economic, or social instability. Conflicting interests, arbitrary policies, a lack of transparency, monopolisation of power, poor wages, and immunity from punishment are all signs of systematic corruption. These indicators are insufficient to identify corruption, however, as it is a covert activity that is challenging to watch and assess. Since Zimbabwe’s founding in 1980, from Britain, it has battled the issue of corruption. Zimbabwe thus acquired not only the British legal system but also the institutions that were well-known for their strong bureaucratic elite that had been brought up to support British rule. Additionally, Zimbabwe’s anti-corruption legislation was created to defend the political establishment rather than the entire public. Given this, it is not surprising that the anti-corruption legislation was essentially set apart from the interests of the general people. The effectiveness of the anti-corruption bodies was further harmed and degraded by strong influence on the operations of the anti-corruption agenvies by the political elite. This assertion can be supported by the observation that there have been no significant advancements in the fight against corruption in any civilian government. The highest levels of corruption continue to be a huge problem for the nation and obstruct real social improvements. A change in policy has become necessary for the country’s progress, along with the strengthening of democratic institutions, particularly the judiciary. Regardless of the perpetrators, it is imperative to expose the truth in order to bring about justice or at the very least to give the general public more of a sense that corruption cannot go unpunished. Corrupt officials are held accountable and punished severely under Zimbabwean law, although this only happens on paper since society frequently has a tendency to normalise and excuse certain fraudulent practices. The major institution responsible for combating corruption is the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission was preceded by the non-independent Anti-Corruption Commission established on the 8th of September 2005 by the Anti-Corruption Commission Act (Chapter 9:22). It was established with a key mandate to combat corruption, theft, misappropriation, abuse of power and improper conduct in the public and private sectors. However, the ZACC faces severe constraints. In cultures with high levels of social division, such as Zimbabwe, the use of public power for personal benefit is likely to create an environment where it is likely to receive societal acceptance and appreciation. This is what is known as the “moral view of corruption,” according to which an act of corruption is justified when a public official offers and receives favours from his or her relatives, friends, and supporters. The illegal acquisition of (overseas) properties by government officials, Zimbabwe’s ruling class, and army personnel is not a recent occurrence. Neither is corruption, money laundering, or the laundering of corrupt funds. All facets of public life demonstrate how ubiquitous corruption, a lack of institutional isomorphism, and a lack of social cohesion are in the nation. The only time a lion works is when he is starving; else, the predator and prey coexist quietly. However, it appears that in Zimbabwe, rulers, whether elected or dictatorial, never manage to satiate their appetite for wealth and power, leaving the nation swinging for decades in a cradle of political anarchy and illegal rule, where the common people are left defenceless and without any hope for peaceful development. The highest levels of corruption continue to be a huge problem for the nation and obstruct real social improvements. A change in policy has become necessary for the country’s progress, along with the strengthening of democratic institutions, particularly the judiciary. Regardless of the perpetrators, it is imperative to expose the truth in order to bring about justice or at the very least to give the general public more of a sense that corruption cannot go unpunished. The populace deserves a Zimbabwe free of corruption, based on institutions of accountability run by upright leaders. *About the writer: Kaduwo is a researcher and economist. Contact kaduwot@ gmail.com, call/WhatsApp +263773376128 Corruption eradication, a dream for Zim Econometrics HawksView Tinashe Kaduwo New Perspectives

Page 26 NewsHawks Issue 76, 15 April 2022 Business MATTERS NewsHawks CURRENCIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE USD/JPY 109.29 +0.38 +0.35 GBP/USD 1.38 -0.014 -0.997 USD/CAD 1.229 +0.001 +0.07 USD/CHF 0.913 +0.005 +0.53 AUD/USD 0.771 -0.006 -0.76 COMMODITIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE *OIL 63.47 -1.54 -2.37 *GOLD 1,769.5 +1.2 +0.068 *SILVER 25.94 -0.145 -0.56 *PLATINUM 1,201.6 +4 +0.33 MARKETS *COPPER 4.458 -0.029 -0.65 BERNARD MPOFU THE United Arab Emirates (UAE) took pole position as Zimbabwe’s export destination for the month of July this year overtaking the country’s major trading partner South Africa due to increased gold trades, a report by the country’s statistical agency has shown. Before this development, the UAE consolidated its position as Zimbabwe’s second-largest export destination as gold shipments to the region maintained an upward trend. After being ejected from the London Bullion Market Association after output plunged to three tonnes in 2008, Zimbabwe began selling the precious metal via South Africa’s Rand Refinery. Gold is Zimbabwe’s single largest foreign exchange earner. Latest statistics from the Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency show that the UAE, which is at the centre of an investigation by Al Jazeera exposed a complex web of illicit gold trades and money laundering between Harare and the oil rich gulf state overtook neighbouring South Africa as Zimbabwe’s top export destination during the period under review. The investigation, which has riled the authorities and some Zanu PF activists, reveals how syndicates have turned Western sanctions meant to target Zimbabwe’s government into an opportunity to smuggle large quantities of gold and launder hundreds of millions of dollars through a complex web of companies and bribes. The ZimStat report shows that in July 2023, the main export destinations were United Arab Emirates (27.6%) and South Africa (23.6%). At 26,7% of the total exports for the period under review, semi-manufactured gold was the major export followed by nickel mattes 11,1%. Tobacco was fourth at 8%. The total value of exports in July 2023 was US$603.2 million representing a 5.96% decrease from US$641.5 million reported in June 2023. Total Imports for July 2023 were US$782.9 million indicating an increase of 7.62% from US$727.4 million reported in June 2023. The trade deficit for July 2023 was US$179.6 million. This represents a decrease of 109.0% from a deficit of US$85.9 million recorded in July 2023. The main products exported were semi-manufactured gold (26.7%) and industrial diamonds (19.2%). The main products imported were mineral fuels and mineral oil products (18.8%), machinery & mechanical appliances (12.6%). Cash-strapped Zimbabwe needs hard currency because the country’s own currency has lost its value in international trade due to hyperinflation. LOW-COST airline fastjet has announced an additional flight frequencies from Bulawayo’s JM Nkomo International Airport to Johannesburg’s OR Tambo International Airport as trade and tourism between the two countries improve. South Africa is Zimbabwe’s major trading partner and also home to an estimated two million Zimbabweans who left the country in search of better economic fortunes. According to the airline, flights from Bulawayo to Johannesburg will increase from a daily service to 12 weekly flights with the re-introduction of a morning service adding a choice of frequencies and flexibility for travel between these cities. “The wait is over, and we are delighted our passengers will now enjoy a heightened level of service unlocked by the new airport terminal,” said Nunurai Ndawana fastjet Zimbabwe’s spokesperson. “We are pleased to offer our customers enhanced travel frequencies for business and leisure between Bulawayo and Johannesburg. Our additional flight frequency will provide a choice to the people from the city of Bulawayo with the convenience of a day’s return trip to Johannesburg.” Fastjet Zimbabwe’s Chief Commercial Officer, Vivian Ruwuya, said the increased flights would improve the airline’s flexibility. “As a proud Zimbabwean airline, we remain committed to connectivity. We are delighted to offer 12 weekly flights from Bulawayo to Johannesburg,” she said. “These extra frequencies will greatly enhance the flexibility we offer. It will allow for a genuine day trip for the South African on business whilst also offering a similar opportunity for the Zimbabwean traveller. By selecting the best of our new fare families to suit the traveller’s requirements, these new flights will greatly enhance the products we offer at fastjet”. — STAFF Gold aides UAE to become Zim’s top export destination Fastjet increases Zim flight frequencies

NewsHawks Page 35 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 Companies & Markets PRISCA TSHUMA ZIMBABWE STOCK EXCHANGE listed broker, Fincent Securities has warned that the country’s textile industry may collapse due to plethora of factors such as porous ports of entry among others. Despite being one of the leading cotton producers on the cotton, exporting to far-flung markets such as China, Zimbabwe’s textile industry has since the turn of the millennium been in the doldrums sending thousands jobless. An influx of cheap second-hand clothing, smuggling of apparel into the country and a weakening economy has thrown formal clothing retailers and manufacturers into the doldrums. Local manufacturers are failing to compete with the prices being offered by retailers who import clothes due to the high costs of production and taxation of locally produced clothing apparels. The government has tried to recapitalise the industry to improve its contribution to the country’s GDP to no avail. According to a research note done by Fincent, the sector may not recover, as it is likely to witness more closure of companies due to the influx of imported fabrics and clothing. According to the Zimbabwe Statistics Agency, the textile and clothing industry demonstrated a year-on-year decrease of 6.0% in the production index, while the quarter-on-quarter comparison showed a substantial decline of 41.4%. On the contrary, the clothing and footwear subsector witnessed a remarkable year-on-year percentage increase of 434.7%. However, during the first quarter of 2023, there was a 13.8% decrease in production compared to the previous quarter. “This subsector's performance seems to be affected by multiple factors, including competition from imported goods, high production costs, and a shortage of skilled workers and its outlook remains uncertain,” said the stockbroker. “This dip is likely due to the sector's closed period, which typically occurs from mid-December to the end of January each year. “Despite governments efforts to revive the local textile industry after entering into an agreement with diversified business group, Agro-Value Chain (AVC) to accelerate the revitalization of David Whitehead Textiles,” Fincent said. Through the agreement, the group injected US$18 million to pave the way for the installation of new equipment, which includes ginning and spinning machines. The biggest challenge that the industry is facing is completion from the trade of second-hand clothes commonly known in Zimbabwe as mabhero. The bales of second hand clothes are primarily sourced from abroad via Tanzania, Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia and the merchandise is sold at open-air markets that have sprouted throughout the country over the years. Last month, the Council of Ministers for the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) adopted a protocol to ban trade in second-hand clothes across the continent, to promote value-addition and industrialisation in the textile industry. The ban would restrict traders from importing second-hand clothes, making the market favourable for formal players in the textile industry. PRISCA TSHUMA TREASURY sees an uptick in the country’s manufacturing sector growth post the general elections, driven by strong domestic consumption and exports. Zimbabwe this week went for general elections which were characterised by delays in some urban centres. The results for Parliamentary sets have begun trickling in amid indications that Zanu PF is currently leading. If the ruling party returns power, t seeks to roll out a new blueprint for the manufacturing sector-- Industrial Development Policy (IDP) of 2024- 2030. According to the Zimbabwe Statistics Agency, Volume of Manufacturing Index (VMI) for the first quarter of 2023 was 289.5, a year onyear decrease of 14.8% from 339.6 recorded in the same period last year. The manufacturing sector has been hampered by factors, which include policy changes such as the lifting of import restrictions on basic goods. This affected the competitiveness of local products in both domestic and global markets. The government lifted import restrictions on basic goods to mitigate escalating prices on foodstuffs, in May. “The contribution of the sector to exports and progress in value addition has remained low on account of productivity challenges, high input costs and disruptions to supply value chains,” said the ministry in its 22024 Budget Strategy paper. Through the IDP (2024-2030), the government projects a manufacturing growth rate of at least 2% per annum, growing manufacturing sector investment by 3% per annum, increasing manufactured exports by 10% per annum, and increasing the share of manufacturing employment to 20% by 2030. This growth is underpinned by assumptions of productivity improvement, transformation and competitiveness. To enable this growth, the ministry said adopt supportive measures such as improving access to funding; implementing the local content policy, ease of doing business reforms, economic empowerment, consumer protection and quality assurance programmes. “Taking advantage of the strong linkages and interdependences between manufacturing and the agricultural sectors, special focus will be on Value chains development in areas such as fertiliser, Soya, Cotton, Dairy, Sugar, Leather, Pharmaceutical, Bus and Truck, Engineering Iron and Steel and Plastic Waste Value Chains, considered low-hanging fruits for a structurally transforming economy,” the report reads. The strategy paper also proposed to implement measures that boost growth in emerging industries that adopt the latest technology for the innovation and new focus areas of lithium value addition, solar energy, recycled waste and enhanced value addition in the agro-processing area among others. “The National Venture Capital Fund will be central in facilitating the establishment and development of emerging industries and startups, particularly from the country’s youths and women,” reads the report. The Finance ministry said it would continue to will continue to identify cost drivers affecting competitiveness of the productive sectors through the National Competitiveness Commission (NCC) and make recommendations for policy interventions. “In addition collaboration between industry and institutions of higher learning will be sustained to ensure the country takes advantage of the Fourth Industrial Revolution and new production and commercial technologies being developed at local universities,” added the ministry. ‘Textile industry faces imminent collapse’ Treasury projects uptick for manufacturing sector

Zimbabwean constitutional and human rights lawyer Dr Musa Kika says whatever could go wrong went wrong in the country's general elections, signifying a political crossroads and breaking point. Kika says "the process towards change has just accelerated and moved many notches up!" Instead of seeing this fiasco as just a crisis, Kika says it is a big catalyst for change. DR MUSA KIKA POLLING day is finally here. It is a shambolic election; it is a charade. It is a disputed election. Showing lack of faith in the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) and the entire electoral process, everything has been litigated: delimitation report, voters’ roll, dates of election, nomination, nomination fees, statutory instruments gazetted for this election, accreditation of observers, printing of ballot papers — anything and everything. No doubt, the outcome will be litigated too. For the first time in years, we are headed into polls with a publicly divided Zec — remember the seven commissioners who wrote to the President and to Parliament distancing themselves from the delimitation report earlier this year? Yet elections are so important in our constitutional democracy. We need them; we cannot discard them. So, I went to vote, and afterwards I played another civic duty, and this is what I came across. Peace and quiet, as beautiful spring approaches Many areas and polling stations were quiet and peaceful, even jovial. It is a good atmosphere to exercise suffrage. But a caution: election-related violence often escalates after polling, in particular in the wait for results and immediately after announcement. This is what the history of the election cycles of the past two decades tell us. So, we must stay put and be vigilant. I hope violence is now a thing of the past — it is ugly! The age of WhatsApp So much information is moving on WhatsApp in real time. It has become the most important communication platform for this election. People are getting to know what is happening elsewhere as they are standing in the queues. There on WhatsApp, people encouraged each other to endure long hours of waiting for polling to start. Yes, distortion is also a reality, but lots of credible and accurate information filters through timely. Everywhere I went, I saw people glued to their phones on WhatsApp and X, getting real-time updates and discussing developments of the day. In the age of WhatsApp and X, real news reaches people before the propaganda machine kicks in. What a blessing! Intimidation: “Exit Polls” At a number of polling stations, Zanu PF and/or Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz) set up what they termed “Exit Poll Survey Desks”, with uniform white material covering tables, bearing the party emblem. These were within 300m radiuses of the polling stations. At these desks, people could be seen taking ID numbers of voters and recording them. People would queue at these desks. Far from this being an “exit poll”, in many cases people were recorded before going in to vote. This was so brazen and in the open; open defiance to the law. But thanks to mobile phones, videos were taken and shared on WhatsApp and X. In some cases, citizens disrupted these exit polls and removed the people manning these. In one instance, citizens snatched the book Faz was writing the names in, and even identified by name the people who were taking down voters’ details. What commendable bravery and citizen action! In some cases, the police removed these exit poll desks and people. And this was not only in rural areas where the desks were set up; even at Courtney Selous Primary School in Harare’s Greendale suburb this desk was set up. In Bulawayo, David Coltart, a local council candidate for the main opposition CCC, took a video of a similar desk that was set up, with the people manning the desk covering their faces in shame and embarrassment, and not wanting to be identified. I must say though that I could not help but notice the demographic group that was queuing at these exit desks: these were older people. The young were not seen here. There is an observation to be made: it could be that these fear and intimidation tactics still grip the older, vulnerable and manipulable group. The young, not so much. Or that the young were absent from the polls? Voter suppression Harare and Bulawayo are the traditional opposition strongholds. I think though this is shifting, and rural areas will shock many! Zec issued a statement on polling day saying only 23% of polling stations in Harare started polling at the stated 7am. In Bulawayo, 75% opened at 8.15am. In Manicaland it was 85%, but everywhere else it was 95%, with 3 provinces registering 100%. The pattern is clear. There were no local council ballot papers at most polling stations in Harare and Bulawayo. Some turned back home after some waiting. Zec blames litigation which led to delay in printing of ballot papers. But the pattern betrays them. This is voter suppression in urban opposition strongholds. The plan is to delay, get people agitated and frustrated, get people to leave, and get those still at home to receive the message that it is not worth it to go to the polling stations. At my polling station, Belgravia Sports Club in Harare, we started voting at 9.20am — two-and-half hours after the scheduled time. Elsewhere, by 4.30pm, polling had not started at Haig Park Primary School, Westlea and at Sanganai Tent, all in Harare West constituency. At Sanganai Tent, the officials were not giving any updates to people who were waiting. People had to resort to speculation and asking each other, one frustrated voter told me. “It’s very concerning”, they said. Then another dynamic: people could not find their names on the rolls posted outside polling stations. This happened at many polling stations. This was not due to the lack of being organised on the part of voters; people could not find their names at stations they have voted for years! “I checked the *265# Zec platform, and it confirmed I vote at Alfred Beit Primary school, but I am here and I can't see my name”, said a frustrated middle-aged male voter to me in Mabelreign. He was making his way out to check other polling stations. So, the online platform that voters check has been misleading. Others only got to know their new and unilaterally-assigned polling stations because someone saw their name there and told them. “My father did not vote. For the first time since 1980. He is extremely disappointed. His name miraculously disappeared on that very day it really mattered. His vote won’t count. How many suffered this very same fate? Atrocious!”, a colleague posted in a WhatsApp group. His father lives in Bulawayo. Yet people endured; people stayed put. People showed determination. In some stations, by midday there were very few people and people were voting smoothly. This was the case with many polling stations in Dzivaresekwa, Mabelreign, Chisipite and Avondale. People kept trickling in slowly. It seems the turnout is quite reasonable and perhaps good actually. We will know when the figures are out. “Do not vote!!! Election is Stolen. Stay at Home” This is the message peddled by the flier that was thrown all over major cities the night before the election. People woke up to streets littered with these fliers. In Tynwald, in Waterfalls, in Bulawayo, in Greendale, in Belgravia, in Kambuzuma, in Mabelreign — everywhere. Some woke up and swept the fronts of their houses; some picked these up and destroyed them. These were propaganda fliers likely by Faz and/or Zanu PF. CCC denied issuing this. Now, these fliers are not surprising: autocrats know elections work and they don’t like them. Autocrats are scared of elections. Autocrats do not want huge turnouts; autocrats do not want people to believe in the efficacy of elections. Yet the message being sent is clear: elections work! These fliers were thrown in opposition strongholds, in Harare and Bulawayo mainly. Not in rural areas, thought to be Zanu PF strongholds (and I opine that this is changing and shifting). This is part of voter suppression, to keep people from participation. This must be read as part of the pattern which includes delayed commencement of voting in Harare and Bulawayo, and the general lack of voter registration mobilisation and voter education by Zec, Zanu PF and the government. It was all calculated. “Ama 2000s” Ama 2000s stayed away. At my polling station, when I went to the desk where the age group was entered, I noticed that the majority voting group was 30 to 50. Those below 25 were negligible. This was not surprising. Every polling station I visited, Ama 2000 were conspicuous by their absence. This is concerning, but confirms our worries and fears. The majority of the young are aloof and have chosen disengagement as their mode of being. There is work to be done here. Yes, this is an election with almost 1 million more voters registered compared to the 2018 plebiscite, but it would appear this added 1 million constitutes less of the younger generation. A moment in history This election is a moment. It seems like a ceiling we have reached. All that could go wrong has gone wrong. So, what's next? I think Zimbabweans will start demanding better and more credible elections. Leaders will be held to a greater standard. It is a moment of change. People now understand rigging and electoral theft machinations. People now understand their duty. An anecdote: day before polling on 22 August 2023, afro-fusion artiste Selmor Mutukudzi posted on her Facebook page that she and her bag had just landed in London for a music performance. Oh boy, didn't her followers register extreme displeasure in the comments for their “selfishness” and dereliction of duty by leaving before voting? I sent the link to the post to a couple of people; I was impressed with how people are now conscious of the importance of voting and how they were calling each other out! Whatever happens, whatever outcome, this election is a moment in history and a defining one for that. The process towards change has just accelerated and moved many notches up! Meanwhile, it is a long many days before this election is over; let us watch and be vigilant. *About the writer: Musa is a constitutional and human rights lawyer, with a PhD in Public Law from the University of Cape Town, and an LLM from Harvard Law School. Page 36 The Big Debate Zim elections a chaotic farce, but a major catalyst for change Dr Musa Kika NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023

The Big Debate Page 37 ON the Election Days, the Sadc Electoral Observation Mission [SEOM] observed the voting process in 10 Provinces of the Republic of Zimbabwe. The deployed observer teams covered 172 polling stations in their respective areas. The political contestants have continued to call for peace during this election period and after. The SEOM observed the following critical aspects at the 172 polling stations that we visited: (a)  The environment at the polling stations was relatively calm and peaceful. (b)  Several voters expressed concern due to a lack of, or late arrival of ballot papers and poor administration at some polling stations. However, voters remained patient to exercise their constitutional right to vote. (c)  Professional and attentive police presence enhanced the overall peace and secure environment in all the polling stations observed. (d)  64% of the voting stations observed opened on time, 36% did not open on time for the 07:00am stipulated opening time. Some polling stations opened more than 12 hours after the stipulated time. The reason provided by Zec [Zimbabwe Electoral Commission] for this unprecedented development was the unavailability of ballot papers, particularly for the local authority elections, and also due to previous litigation. This challenge was, however, specific to Harare and Bulawayo Provinces. Due to the delays, some voters left without casting their votes, while others remained in the lengthy queues throughout the day and night. By 06:00am on 24 August 2023, some voters in these two provinces had still not voted. Consequently, these delays also had a knock-on effect as they dissuaded voters from voting in the first place. Against this observation, we further note as follows: i. Section 52(1) of the Electoral Act provides that for any election, the Zec shall ensure that every constituency elections officer is provided with polling booths or voting compartments and ballot boxes and shall provide papers, including ballot papers. ii. Before election day, Zec had assured our Mission and other stakeholders that all necessary voting materials, including ballot papers, were available and ready for use. This communication was made in the context of section 52A(2) of the Electoral Act which requires Zec to provide information on the number of ballot papers and publication of details regarding them. Based on these two considerations, the subsequent information from Zec that they did not have adequate ballot papers has the unfortunate effect of creating doubts about the credibility of this electoral process. (e) The voters roll was unavailable at 1% of the polling stations observed and was therefore not displayed outside the polling stations for the convenience of the voters and verification by party/candidates agents. (f)  During the voting period, and at 26% of the polling stations observed, not all voters who turned out could vote. The reasons advanced for this included: Voters were identified, but their names were not found on the voters’ roll; It was not possible to establish the voter’s identity; Voters were at the wrong polling station; and Voters did not have a national identity card or passport, or due to the absence of an official witness confirming an elector’s identity. (g)  8% of the polling stations observed were not accessible to voters living with disabilities. (h)  At 50% of the polling stations, voters living with disabilities, the elderly, and pregnant women were not given priority to vote. (i)  In 3% of polling stations observed, indelible ink was not checked on the voters before allowing them to cast their vote. (j)  At 97% of the polling stations observed, voting was free from irregularities. (k)  Voting proceeded in an orderly manner at 95% of the polling stations observed. (l)   Ballot boxes did not remain locked and/or sealed at 2% of the polling stations. (m)  As a result of the excessive delays in the opening of polling stations in Harare and Bulawayo provinces, at least 36% of the voting stations observed did not close at the scheduled closing time of 1900hrs, while some had not even opened by that time. It was announced that voting would be extended to proceed into 24 August 2023 to compensate for the late opening. (n)   In previous stakeholder consultations, a shadowy organisation called Forever Associates Zimbabwe [Faz] was accused of conducting a country-wide exercise of electoral intimidation. Our observers confirmed the existence of this group as its officials or agents were easily identifiable at some polling stations as they were dressed in regalia emblazoned with the Faz name and were accredited local observers. These, and other unidentified persons who were not polling officials were also observed taking down the voters’ names before they cast their votes. In some areas, voters were intimidated by the actions of these individuals. (o)  The Mission observed the closing and vote counting processes. A proper analysis of these two processes shall be provided in the final SEOM Report. Recommended improvements in the electoral process At this juncture, allow me to recall that the SEOM is continuing the process of electoral observation in the post-election phase. As such, the Mission will not be rendering comprehensive recommendations and detailed qualifications of the election at this stage. However, the Mission has observed the following areas of the electoral process and system that relevant stakeholders may wish to consider improving: (i)  Access to the voters roll: In order to improve perceptions amongst the public, political parties and candidates, ZEC is advised to strictly follow the provisions of the Constitution on transparency, access to information, and timeously avail the voters roll in accordance with the stipulations under the Electoral Act. (ii)  Nomination fees: In order to enhance the openness and inclusivity of the political process, Zec is urged to engage with all key stakeholders in the process of revising nomination fees for candidates and attempt to benchmark the revised fees in the context of the Sadc region and Zimbabwe’s economic realities. (iii)   State-owned media coverage: The relevant media regulatory authorities are urged to ensure the implementation of measures that require impartiality in the coverage of political events by State-owned media. (iv)  Voting materials: Zec is urged to strengthen transparency in the procurement process , and delivery of all voting materials, including ballot papers, and put in place a monitoring system that includes the participation and verification by electoral stakeholders. In addition, there is need for the Electoral Act to be revised to put in place clear timeframes within which these processes should be completed. (v)   Participation of women: Effective and practical measures should now be put in place at the earliest sitting of the next parliament to enhance the equal participation of women as candidates in electoral processes. Conclusion In conclusion, the Mission observed that the pre-election and voting phases, on 23-24 August 2023 Harmonised Elections were peaceful, and calm. However, for reasons outlined above, the Mission noted that some aspects of the Harmonised Elections, fell short of the requirements of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, the Electoral Act, and the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections (2021). The Mission commends the people of Zimbabwe for maintaining a peaceful political environment during the pre-election period, and on voting day. The Mission will release its final report after the validation and proclamation of final results, as provided for in the Sadc Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections. The final report will be shared with the Zec and all stakeholders. In terms of the Sadc Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections, our long term observers will remain on the ground to continue with the post-election observation until the 1st of September 2023. The SEAC shall return at an appropriate time, to undertake a post- election review to determine the extent to which the recommendations of SEOM have been implemented and the nature of support, if any, that the Member State holding elections may require from the Sadc region, to implement those proposals. In the event of any electoral disputes, the Mission appeals to all contestants to channel their concerns through established legal procedures and processes. The Mission urges all political parties and the people of Zimbabwe, and all other stakeholders to allow the Zec to announce the final results as legally mandated. The SADC Electoral Observation Mission is led by former Zambian Vice-President Dr Nevers Mumba. Damning Sadc election observer report Sadc election observers NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023

Page 38 The Big Debate NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 CARLOS GARCÍA RIVERO ON the night of  13 January 1963, Togo’s president Sylvanus Olympio was shot dead by rebels in the first military coup staged in Africa. A long list, as shown below, was to come. From the 1960s to the end of the millennium, there were an average of four military coups a year on the continent. By the end of the 1990s this phenomenon seemed to have faded away. But since August 2020 six African nations have suffered seven coups or attempted coups. First came  Mali, in August 2020. The military took advantage of social unrest and insecurity caused by the activities of violent extremists. Mali had two coups or attempts in a ninemonth span. In April 2021, Chad followed the same path. In March 2021, there was a coup attempt in Niger, and in September 2021 it was  Guinea’s  turn. A month later, it was  Sudan. In  Burkina Faso, an attack in November 2021 led to the coup in January 2022. More recently, a coup was launched in Niger, deposing President Mohamed Bazoum. Two days later, General Abdourahamane Tchiani declared himself the leader of Niger. All together, that is more than  100 million people  being ruled by the military after power was seized violently. All are in the Sahel. This has alerted governments in the region. Researchers, analysts and journalists have pointed to mismanagement, incompetence, corruption, economic crisis and state weakness as the main factors propelling military coups all over the world and, of course, in Africa. State weakness is a factor in the recent instances in Africa. They have happened partly because of governments’ failure to stem the spread of groups linked to Al Qaeda and the Islamic State all over the Sahel. But there are two intertwined characteristics that differentiate Africa from the rest of the world. One is the public support of many citizens on the streets when there is a coup. The other is the society’s rising support for military rule as a form of government. Popular support for military rule has grown in the last 20 years. My research explored the reasons for this. I used survey data to examine whether support for nondemocratic rule was mainly due to poor institutional and economic performance or to an existing so-called authoritarian personality and culture in the region. This type of personality refers to values existing in certain societies that make them more prone to embrace authoritarian forms of government. This distinction is relevant because if the reason for military rule support is cultural, then societies will continue to endorse authoritarian regimes. If the reason is institutional performance, then as long as incumbent governments perform efficiently, both politically and economically, democratic support will overcome authoritarian support. Citizen discontent I carried out a quantitative analysis using  Afrobarometer  survey data gathered from 37 African countries, both from North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa. The analysis looked for underlying factors propelling the rise in support for military rule. Respondents were asked about the extent of their support for military rule as a form of government plus a number of other potential explanatory questions such as perception of corruption, governing and opposition parties performance, economy evaluation and socio-demographic issues like their level of education. The data shows that from 2000 to the present, the level of support for military rule as a form of government has doubled, from 11.6% of people supporting “much” or “very much” military rule as a form of government to 22.3%. Of the 37 countries  analysed, there were 11 where support for military dictatorship was decreasing and 26 where this figure was on the rise. The latest  Afrobarometer data shows that support for democracy has fallen in the last year. Out of 38 countries, only four show decreasing support for military rule since 2000, whereas 34 show higher support for higher military rule than in 2000. Support  for military rule was higher in “partly free” and “not free” countries than in “free” countries. (They were categorised according to the  Freedom House index.) But there were some exceptions. In South Africa, which is a constitutional democracy with regular elections, one in three South Africans supported military rule as a form of government. In democratic Namibia the level of support showed that one in four Namibians supported military rule. Reasons to support military rule The analysis points to three conclusions: • In sub-Saharan Africa, the legitimacy of military rule is mainly based on institutional performance and economic management. These are weakened by jihadist organisations rapidly expanding throughout the region. State institutions are not able to tackle their expansion throughout the region. • In North Africa, institutional performance plays a role but authoritarian personality plays a larger role in the support for military rule. • Education seems to be an antidote against authoritarianism. Those with higher level of education, according to survey data, show higher level of democratic endorsement. If citizens perceive that politicians don’t care about them, this will invite the military to continue overthrowing civil governments, with society publicly legitimising their intervention in politics. If military, political and economic solutions are not found, military coups in the region will increase and people will continue gathering on the streets to welcome them. Niger’s recent coup may not be the last one. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Carlos García Rivero is associate professor at Universitat de València in Spain. Civilian support for military coups rising in parts of Africa Niger coup leaders salute thousands of coup supporters in a stadium after they ousted President Mohamed Bazoum on July 26.. Image: BBC

Page 39 INTRODUCTION Following the invitation by the Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe to observe the23 August 2023 H armonised elections, the African Union (AU) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) deployed a Short-Term Election Observation Mission from 16 to 29 August 2023. The Mission comprises of eighty-two (82) shortterm observers (STOs) from twenty-nine (29) countries across Africa and is led by His Excellency Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, former President of the Republic of Nigeria, deputised by Rt. Hon. Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda, former Prime Minister of the Republic of Uganda and a member of the COMESA Committee of Elders. They were supported by H.E. Domitien Ndayizeye, former President of the Republic of Burundi and Chairperson of the African Union Panel of the Wise; His Excellency Ambassador Bankole Adeoye, AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security and Her Excellency Chileshe Mpundu Kapwepwe, Secretary General of COMESA. The joint AU-COMESA Election Observation Mission (EOM) was preceded by the deployment of a joint technical Pre-election Assessment Mission from 3 to 7 July 2023. The Mission assessed the pre-election environment and general level of preparedness for various election stakeholders. The findings of the pre-election assessment guided the deployment of the STOs and stakeholder engagements. The objectives of the joint AU-COMESA Mission were twofold: first, to assess the technical compliance of the 2023 electoral process in line with AU and COMESA principles and normative frameworks and other international obligations and standards for democratic elections, as well as Zimbabwe’s national legal framework; secondly, to ascertain that the environment was peaceful for the conduct of democratic elections and acceptance of the electoral outcome. The Mission held a technical briefing for the observers to orient them on the context and preparations for the elections and observation methodology before deployment to the 10 provinces of Zimbabwe. This statement represents the Mission’s preliminary findings and assessment of the conduct of the 23 August 2023 harmonised elections. It is issued while tallying and announcement of provisional election results are still ongoing. Therefore, this is not an overall or final assessment of the electoral process. The Mission will continue to observe the immediate post-election environment, including the results management process and resolution of electoral disputes, and may issue another statement on the pending operations. The Mission will issue a final report which will provide comprehensive findings and recommendations for improvement of future elections in Zimbabwe, two months after the conclusion of the electoral process. B. PRELIMINARY FINDINGS (i) Political Context of the Elections The 2023 Harmonized Elections are the fifth in the country’s electoral history and the second to be conducted after the 2017 transition. The Elections are coming at a time of renewed interest on Zimbabwe with a number of foreign organisations and countries making efforts to re-engage the country. The context is also characterised by socio-political tensions around the enactment of the Criminal Law Codification and Reform Amendment Act (Patriotic Act), and the Private Voluntary Organisations Amendment Bill which is awaiting presidential assent. Notwithstanding, there was a reduction in levels of political violence compared to previous elections. (ii)Legal Framework The legal framework governing the conduct of the 2023 harmonised elections comprises of the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Act, 2023; The Electoral Act (Chapter 2:13) and various Regulations. Other substantive and operational laws including provisions and procedures for contesting elections and determination of election petitions are exemplified in the Constitutional Court Act, Constitutional Court Rules, Supreme Court Act, Supreme Court Rules, High Court Act, High Court Rules and the Electoral Court Rules. The Mission also noted that Zimbabwe has taken important steps in aligning its legal framework with international and regional obligations. The Mission commends Zimbabwe for ratifying the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. (iii) Electoral System Zimbabwe operates a hybrid electoral system that combines the First-Pastthe-Post system and the Proportional Representation system- a multi-party electoral system. The First-Past-the-Post system is adopted for elections for the lower house of Parliament (the National Assembly) and for local authority elections. The Proportional Representation system applies for the selection of 60 members of the Senate, 60 members of the National Assembly all of whom must be women and for the Provincial Councils in the eight (8) non-metropolitan provinces. The Electoral Act provides for detailed formula for allocation of seats to eligible parties. To qualify, a party must have filed its party nominations list during the nomination court proceedings otherwise it loses eligibility for seat allocation. (iv) Election Management Article 239 stipulates the functions of Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, namely, to conduct and supervise elections to the office of President and to Parliament; elections to provincial and metropolitan councils and the governing bodies of Local Authorities and elections of members of the National Council of Chiefs established by Section 285. In accordance with the Electoral Act (Chapter 2:13), Zimbabwe Electoral Commission appointed and published the names of the National Assembly and Presidential Constituency Elections Officers, General Notice 1131 of 2023. Polling officials were drawn from the secretariat and seconded civil servants. Concerns were raised that some officials were seconded from the army and hence the impartiality of the polling officials was questioned. The Mission noted the establishment of an observer accreditation committee tasked with the responsibility of considering and approving applications for accreditation from individuals, institutions and organisations. Accreditation of observers commenced on 20 June 2023. The Mission noted confirmation by Zimbabwe Electoral Commission that the government provided the entire budget for the elections as requested and a National Logistics Committee was established to streamline election logistics. On 21 August 2023, ZEC reported that 98% of all preparation were done and election materials had already been delivered to the polling areas. However, on election day, the Mission observed late opening of some polling stations. The delay was attributed to late delivery of ballot papers for the local authority elections. The Mission further noted that there seemed to have been a gap in timely communication of the situation to relevant stakeholders especially political parties and candidates which led to speculations and anxiety amongst the political players. (v)Delimitation The Constitution of Zimbabwe in sections 160 (1) and (2) provides for the number of constituencies and wards while section 161 outlines the delimitation process. The Electoral Act provides further guidance on the process and the factors to be considered. The boundaries delimitation process started in 2021 and was concluded on 21 February 2023 with the gazette of the final delimitation report. The report was however challenged in court, but the Constitutional Court of Zimbabwe dismissed the case. The 2023 Harmonised Elections are being conducted in the 210 constituencies and 1970 wards based on the new constituency and ward boundaries. The Mission’s interactions with civic and political actors revealed that concerns persist regarding the process and outcome of the delimitation exercise. These included: allegations of inadequate consultation with stakeholders despite assertion by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission that there were consultations at all levels; use of inaccurate population figures; gerrymandering in some areas to produce pre-determined election results; and limited civic education on the delimitation. (vi) Voter Registration Section 17A of the Electoral Act (Chapter 2:13) provides for the conduct of continuous voter registration by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. In addition, the Commission periodically conducts enhanced voter registration where additional voter registration centres are opened for defined periods of time. To be eligible to vote in an election, a person must be a Zimbabwean citizen of at least 18 years old, in possession of either a national identity card or a valid Zimbabwean passport and have his/her details as proof of residence. For the 2023 Harmonised Elections, the Mission noted that the Commission conducted three phases of enhanced voter registration from 1 to 28 February 2022, 11 to 30 April 2022 and 12 to 26 March 2023. The total number of registered voters is African Union and COMESA election observation mission to the 23 August 2023 harmonised elections in Zimbabwe A woman checks for her name on the voters roll in the just ended 2023 harmonised voting process. NewsHawks The Big Debate Issue 146, 25 August 2023

Page 40 The Big Debate NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 6,623,511. The provisional voters’ roll was displayed for public inspection from 27 to 31 May 2023. Additionally, voters could verify their registration status on their mobile phones using USSD code *265# or through the Commission’s website. However, there were concerns raised by some stakeholders and voters on election day that the USSD code was not always working. The Mission takes note of the Commission’s efforts to reach out and register as many eligible voters as possible. This effort was appreciated by some stakeholders the Mission interacted with but also raised some issues of concern as follows: a. That many potential eligible voters were left out due to lack of National Registration Cards which is one of the requirements for registration as a voter. They claimed that the process of obtaining the National Identity cards was not transparent in some areas in the country. b. Failure to open the review of the voters’ roll to political parties as a confidence building measure. c. The limited time of only five days allocated to voters to check their registration status. d. Late release of the voters’ roll to political parties, candidates and other interested stakeholders. e. High fees required to be paid for those wishing to obtain a copy of the voters’ roll. f. Limited communication by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to its stakeholders regarding the process and state of the voters’ roll. (vii) Civic and Voter Education Chapter 12: Section 239 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe mandates the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to conduct, supervise and accredit voter education service providers. The Mission acknowledges the importance of civic and voter education to conscientise citizens to understand their rights, roles and obligations in the electoral process and commends the efforts made by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission through mainstream media and social media to reach out and urge citizens to register and participate in the elections. However, the Mission noted the concerns from stakeholders, particularly civil society organisations, concerning the delay in accreditation for voter education. Most organisations received their accreditation certificates which are valid for one year in August 2023, just a few weeks before elections. As a result, civil society organisations could not fundraise to conduct meaningful voter education. (viii) Political Party Registration and Candidate Nomination Following President Mnangagwa's proclamation (4 of 2021) on the election date, the Nomination Court on 21 June 2023 approved 5,565 candidates for the 23 August Harmonised Elections. Eleven candidates were approved for the presidential election, 637 candidates from 14 political parties and 67 independent candidates for the National Assembly election, and 4,816 candidates from 42 political parties and 272 independent candidates for the local authority elections, of which 91 are contesting unopposed. The Mission noted the concerns raised by stakeholders on the high increase of nomination fees for all levels of elections, the highest being for presidential nomination that was raised from USD 1,000 to USD 20,000. This high increase disenfranchises eligible contenders particularly from underrepresented groups. The Mission further noted the nullification by the Zimbabwe High Court of the candidacy of one of the prospective presidential contenders and the withdrawal of the Movement for Democratic Change - T presidential candidate, though his name still appeared on the ballot in compliance with section 107 of the Electoral Act. (ix) Election campaigns Statutory Instrument 85 of 2023 on 31 May 2023, contained Proclamation 4 of 2023 setting 23 August 2023, as the day of Zimbabwe’s Harmonised Elections. Campaigns began from the day of proclamation up to 24 hours before voting as contained in Section 9(1) of the Fourth Schedule (Section 160A) of the Electoral Act. Political parties, candidates, election agents and supporters are required to abide by the Electoral Code of Conduct for Political Parties and Candidates as contained in the Fourth Schedule of the Electoral Act. A political party or candidate can hold a campaign in public within the period subject to them notifying the responsible local authority and the police in charge of the area of the time and venue of the campaign. While the Mission appreciates the largely peaceful campaigns, some stakeholders consulted highlighted serious concerns regarding the enacted Maintenance of Peace and Order Act that repealed the Public Order and Security Act. Stakeholders reported that the new Act was being used to violate some of the fundamental freedoms. Opposition political parties and candidates that were consulted highlighted the selective and disproportionate application of the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act by the Zimbabwe Republic Police to limit large-scale campaign rallies by the opposition. (x)Inclusion in Electoral Processes (a) Gender The Constitution and the Electoral Act provide the framework for the exercise and protection of Zimbabwean women’s political rights to participation and representation in line with international and regional benchmarks. Specifically, Section 56 of the Constitution guarantees the fundamental principle of gender equality and nondiscrimination while Section 57 safeguards women’s right to vote and to stand for election for public office. Furthermore, Section 3 of the Electoral Act upholds the right to every citizen to participate in government directly or through freely chosen representatives without distinction on the ground of gender. The women’s quota in Parliament, adopted in 2013 and set to expire in 2023, was extended by two more electoral cycles. The extension of the women quota is highly commendable. This positive step is in line with the spirit of the recommendation of the 2018 AUEOM report on the need to put in place mechanisms to increase women’s participation as candidates in the elections. Out of eleven (11) presidential candidates, only one woman vied for the presidency compared to the four (4) female presidential hopefuls in the 2018 elections. Women representation in parliamentary elections stands at 11% out of a total of seven hundred and four (704) candidates and at 14% out of five thousand and eighty-eight (5,088) local authority elections. Notwithstanding the affirmative action, the 2023 election recorded a lower number of female candidates compared to the 2018 elections, which witnessed the participation of 14.4% female parliamentary election candidates and 17% female local authority election candidates. Reduction in the number of female contestants has been attributed by stakeholders to the high nomination fee for presidential candidates and low political representation of women in political parties’ hierarchy. The low participation of women as candidates, undermines Zimbabwe’s constitutional aspiration and international/regional commitment towards gender equality. Reported cases of gender-based violence on social media were brought to the attention of the Mission by some stakeholders. (b) Youth Section 20 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe provides for effective political participation of youth. The Mission commends Zimbabwe for the adoption of a youth quota in the elective National Assembly. This affirmative action for increased youth representation in political governance is in line with its constitutional requirement and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. (c) People Living with Disabilities Section 56 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe guarantees the right of every person to equal treatment and non-discrimination based on disability. The Mission regrettably noted that the number of senatorial seats allocated to persons living with disabilities remains unchanged since the 2018 elections despite renewed calls made by organisations advocating for increased political representation of persons living with disabilities in decision-making bodies. (xi) The Media Environment Section 61 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe guarantees freedom of expression and media as well as access to information. Media stakeholders such as the Zimbabwean chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa, claim that the regulatory environment in the country continues to be defined by restrictive and inhibitive media policies and laws even years after the adoption of the 2013 Constitution, which contains a universally acceptable Bill of Rights, with no meaningful shift in the country’s statutory media regulation legislation and policies to make these constitutional gains a reality. Furthermore, while public broadcasters shall afford all political parties and independent candidates contesting an election free access to their broadcasting services as may be prescribed, as provided for in Section 160G of the Electoral Act, some stakeholders the Mission interacted with however, raised concerns about unequal access to State broadcasters. (xii) Security Context The management of security during election is guided by the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Act, 2023; the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act, 2019; the Police Act and the Electoral Amendment Act and regulations. The Mission noted that the security environment ahead of the 2023 Harmonised Elections remained largely peaceful and calm. The majority of stakeholders the Mission interacted with noted a significant reduction in violence compared to previous elections. Section 219 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe clearly lays out the functions of the Police Service whilst part II of the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act regulates the management of public gatherings by the Police Service. The Mission noted the positive security preparations for the elections. This includes establishing a specialised unit for the Harmonized Elections and the development of a booklet on the Code of Conduct for its Officers during elections. In addition, the Zimbabwe Republic Police leadership reported that deployments of police officers and prison officers (to complement the Police) were adequate, between three to five per polling station. Special support units were deployed throughout to manage any potential unrests. The signing of peace pledges by political parties was noted as very important for the political environment. Furthermore, the Mission noted constant peace messaging by President Mnangagwa which enhanced confidence that the 23 August elections would be peaceful. The Mission noted the concerns of stakeholders on the presence of Forever Associates Zimbabwe. The group is accused of intimidating citizens especially in the rural areas to vote in a particular way. The existence of the group was confirmed by the Zimbabwe Republic Police. (xiii) The Role of Civil Society Organisations The Mission appreciates the role of Civil Society Organisations and takes note of the achievements they have made so far. They have been instrumental in advancing peace messages, providing voter education despite the challenges of delayed accreditation and conducting local election observation. The Mission noted the concerns expressed by civil society organisations on the farreaching implications of the Criminal Law Codification and Reform Amendment Act (Patriotic Act) in reducing the democratic space so far gained. Despite the challenges expressed regarding accreditation, the Mission noted that three thousand five hundred and seventy-two (3,572) local observers were accredited for the 2023 Harmonised Elections. The accreditation fee of USD10 for each observer and requirement to appear in person at the accreditation centres were noted as impeding factors on the number of observers civil society organisations could deploy hence reducing their capacity in playing a meaningful role in democratic consolidation in Zimbabwe. The Mission is deeply concerned about the arrest of civil society actors and the confiscation of computers and documents from the Election Resource Centre and Zimbabwe Election Support Network. The Mission recommends that investigations are expedited within the legal provisions. (xiv) Electoral Dispute Resolution In Zimbabwe, electoral disputes are mainly arbitrated in the different courts as provided for in the legal instruments governing elections. The Mission noted that an alternative dispute resolution mechanism has been established through the Multiparty Liaison Committees at the national, provincial and constituency levels. The Committees were established to handle electoral disputes that might arise in line with Section 160 B of the Electoral Act and are chaired by Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. Presidential candidates ’disputes are handled by the national multiparty liaison committees. However, some stakeholders reported that since inauguration, the Committees have largely remained inactive. Other initiatives included setting up of a Media Monitoring Committee to monitor media conduct and compliance with the Electoral Act and appointment of special police liaison officers to investigate cases related to electoral violence. Each of the 10 provinces was assigned two special police liaison officers. C. ELECTION DAY OBSERVATION The AU-COMESA EOM deployed 33 Short-Term Observer teams in the 10 provinces across the country where they observed opening, voting, closing, and counting procedures on 23 August 2023. This statement also reflects preliminary findings made by observer teams in selected wards where voting was extended till 24 August 2023. The Mission visited a total of five hundred and sixty-six (566) polling stations of which 75% (424) were in urban and 25% (142) in rural areas. a. Polling Atmosphere The AU-COMESA EOM noted that the atmosphere on Election Day was generally peaceful and calm with no incidents of violence witnessed. Although long queues were observed up to mid-afternoon of day one of voting, they were largely orderly, except in a few isolated cases where the crowds became agitated because of delays in opening of polling stations, particularly in Harare and Bulawayo. b. Accessibility of Polling Stations The AU-COMESA EOM noted that 94% of polling stations visited were easily accessible to all the voters. Accessibility was challenged in a few instances where polling station ground was not levelled appropriately, and crowds obstructed the entrance. c. Opening of polling The AU-COMESA EOM observed opening procedures at 35 polling stations across all the 10 provinces. The Mission noted that 81% of these polling stations visited opened at 0700hrs, the legally stipulated time. There were queues in 97% of polling stations visited before and during the opening of the polls on the morning of 23 August. The Mission noted delays in opening of polling stations, particularly in Harare and Bulawayo, which was largely due to delays in the distribution of local authority ballots. This was confirmed by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission in its statement on 23 August. It was observed that 65% of the polling stations visited opened on time while 35% opened late. d. Polling Staff The AU-COMESA observer teams noted an average of eight polling staff in every station including, the presiding officer. In all polling stations visited, the polling staff demonstrated adequate levels of professionalism, competence, understanding of their roles and responsibilities, adherence to procedures and a sense of commitment. e. Polling Procedures There was no campaign material or campaigning near the polling stations visited by the AU-COMESA EOM. Priority was given to voters, including the elderly, persons with disabilities and expectant and nursing mothers, and assistance was also provided to voters who required such support in all the stations visited. Observer teams witnessed some voters being turned away in 30% of stations visited, and in most cases, this was either because of not having the correct voter identification or voters presenting themselves at the wrong polling station. In such cas-

es, observers confirmed that most voters were re-directed to the right polling station. The Mission noted that voting proceeded uninterrupted in all the polling stations visited throughout day one of voting. The secrecy of the vote was guaranteed by the appropriate lay-out of all polling stations visited which ensured the privacy of the ballot. The Mission also noted that postal ballots were opened, verified, and stamped by the presiding officer which could have compromised the secrecy of the ballot. f. Political Party/Candidate Agents and Observers There was systematic presence of party agents in all the stations visited. ZANU-PF and CCC were represented in all the stations observed by the Mission. Representation of independent candidate agents was also noted in certain polling stations observed. The AU-COMESA EOM noted that international observation groups and local observers were granted access to all polling stations visited. In a few stations visited, the Mission also noted the presence of Forever Associates Zimbabwe which in certain cases led to confrontations with the voters. Regrettably, the Mission was informed of the Zimbabwe Republic Police raid on the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network offices in Harare, seizure of election-related equipment and the arrest of leaders of the Network and the Election Resource Centre. The Mission is concerned about such actions which have the potential of undermining the peace and integrity of the ongoing process. g. Participation of Women The AU-COMESA EOM noted the high participation of women on election day. Women were represented as election officials (72%), political party and candidate agents (54%), and local observers (51%) in all polling stations visited. The Mission also observed the strong presence of women as voters and security agents. h. Security Agents A visible presence of security personnel was noted inside and outside all the polling stations visited from opening to closing of day one of the polls. Their presence was observed to be non-intrusive and professional in all the stations visited by the Mission. i. Closing of Polls and Counting The AU-COMESA Mission observed the closing process in 28 polling stations, 86% being in urban areas and 14% in rural areas. The Mission observed that 75% of polling stations visited closed at 19h00, the legally stipulated time. The Mission also observed that polling stations that opened late made up for the delays in line with the law, which prescribes that voting must carry on for twelve (12) hours. The Mission was pleased that the Electoral Commission reaffirmed, in a press communiqué, its commitment to comply with the regulation and to ensuring that affected voters were granted the opportunity to exercise their constitutional right to vote. The Mission observed that there were voters in the queues at the closing of polls in certain polling stations visited on 23 August. All voters in the queue at the closing time were allowed to cast their vote. The Mission was also informed that polling stations that opened late made up for the delays in line with the law, which prescribes that voting must carry on for twelve (12) hours. The Mission was pleased that the electoral commission reaffirmed, in a press communiqué, its commitment to comply with the regulation and to ensuring that affected voters were granted the opportunity to exercise their constitutional right to vote. All the necessary documentation was completed, and results were posted at the polling stations visited. The AU-COMESA Mission was informed of a proclamation, issued in the evening of 23 August, which extended voting till 24 August in the wards affected by late distribution of ballots. The Mission was also informed that voting would run on 24 August from 8h00 to 16h00. The Mission is of the view that the extension of voting is a positive measure that sought to safeguard the right of vote of all affected voters, including those who may have been disenfranchised as a result of the long wait on day one of voting. D. RECOMMENDATIONS Based on its findings, the Mission offers the following preliminary recommendations for consideration in improving future electoral processes in Zimbabwe: To the Government and Legislators 1. Expedite the resolution of the emerging issue relating to the arrest and detention of some civil society actors within the merits of the law. 2. Exempt local observers from paying accreditation fee in line with international best practices. 3. Review the legal framework to increase representation of persons living with disabilities in elective positions. 4. Revise the legal framework to include binding provisions that compel political parties to increase representation of women on National Assembly candidate lists. 5. Domesticate, implement, and report on the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. To the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission 1. Enhance the enforcement of the electoral code of conduct to address issues related to intimidation of voters by political party affiliates. 2. Open the review of the voters’ roll to political parties as a way of building confidence among the stakeholders. 3. Consider making the election calendar flexible to accommodate emerging issues, including court cases, and communicate the same to electoral stakeholders in a timely manner. 4. Provide regular updates to the public throughout the electoral process, particularly on election day. 5. Ensure effective communication between the Commission’s headquarters and polling officials to help address any emerging issues, including logistics on election day. 6. Review the procedures on postal voting to enhance the secrecy and transparency. 7. Recruit polling officials outside of civil service and the army since they are perceived to be pro-government. 8. Finalise of the voters’ roll on time and avail it to stakeholders in line with the provisions of the Electoral Act in order to enhance transparency. 9. Accredit Civil Society Organisation on time to provide voter education throughout the entire electoral cycle. 10.Further decentralise the accreditation process for local observers. 11.Ensure that polling stations are accessible to persons living with disabilities and the elderly. 12.Match the colour of the lid of the ballot boxes with the colour of ballot papers to speed up the voting process and avoid stray ballots. To Political Parties 1. Ensure that political party supporters and candidates abide by the electoral code of conduct. 2. Strengthen internal party democracy to promote more inclusive and competitive selection of candidates during primaries. 3. Implement internal voluntary gender quotas to strengthen the role of women, youth, and persons living with disabilities in political party leadership positions towards increased representation in national and local elections. 4. Stop political activities of affiliates on election day. To Civil Society Organisations 1. Continue advocating for key legal and electoral reforms, including participation in elections. 2. Promote increased participation of women, youth and persons living with disabilities in elective bodies and leadership positions in political parties. 3. Further promote transparency, and accountability in the management of the electoral process to deepen democratic credentials of Zimbabwe. E. CONCLUSION The AU-COMESA EOM observed that the 2023 Harmonised Elections were conducted, up to the counting process, in a generally peaceful and transparent manner despite logistical challenges with the availability and distribution of local authority ballot papers in some areas. The Mission continues to observe the tallying process and will issue a comprehensive report within two months. The AU-COMESA EOM commends the people of Zimbabwe for their patience, resilience, and commitment to express their will at the polls. As the country awaits the announcement of results by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, the Mission urges all stakeholders to remain committed to the rule of law and democratic principles until the conclusion of the process. The Mission further encourages any aggrieved party to use legally established channels to seek recourse. His Excellency Goodluck Jonathan Head of AU-COMESA Election Observation Mission (Former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria) Page 41 Former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan. [Photo Credit: Ikenga Chronicles] NewsHawks The Big Debate Issue 146, 25 August 2023

Page 42 NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 HAZEL CAMERON Trigger warning: this article contains accounts of sexual violence. ZIMBABWE held its elections on 23 August. The current President of Zimbabwe, Emmerson Mnangagwa, is running for re-election. This is despite his having oversight in the execution of the genocide of a minority group of Zimbabweans in the south-west region, as evidenced in my newly published study. As a genocide scholar, I have studied the nature, causes and consequences of genocide and mass atrocities, as well as the role of external institutional bystanders. Since 2011, I have researched the crimes of the powerful of Zimbabwe. Much of this has involved an analysis of official British and US government communications. This has shed new light on what knowledge was available to the British and US governments about  atrocity crimes targeting the Ndebele in the early post-independence years of Zimbabwe. My  latest study  explores a military operation, known as Gukurahundi, between 1983 and 1984 in Matabeleland and parts of the Midlands in Zimbabwe. Drawing on 36 in-depth interviews with survivors, my study provides new insights into Operation Gukurahundi. It identifies systematic patterns of rape and other forms of sexual violence in the operation. The study concludes that these patterns indicate a state policy of systematic genocidal rape in 1983 and 1984. This policy was deployed with the intent to destroy, in part, a specific ethnic group: the minority Ndebele of Zimbabwe. My study acknowledges the immense suffering of the victims of the genocide and their descendants. It also illustrates that genocide creates victims across generations. Time cannot eliminate the trauma inflicted or the need for justice. The genocide In January 1983, the Zanu PF government of  Robert Mugabe, in the newly independent Zimbabwe, launched a massive security clampdown on the Ndebele. This was  both politically and ethnically motivated. At the heart of the operation was a strategy of state-ordered terror. It was perpetrated by a 4 000-strong all-Shona Fifth Brigade of the Zimbabwean National Army led by Perrance Shiri. Mnangagwa  had oversight over both the army’s Fifth Brigade and the Central Intelligence Organisation in his role as minister of internal security and chairman of Zimbabwe’s  Joint High Command. He reported directly to Mugabe. Mnangagwa, however, has denied accusations he played an active role in Operation Gukurahundi. The stated objective of the campaign was to rid the country of “dissidents”. However, the overwhelming majority of those targeted by security forces were non-combatant Ndebele civilians. The government viewed them as supporters, or potential supporters, of the political opposition. In 1983, the Fifth Brigade moved from village to village in Matabeleland North and some areas of the Midlands. Their presence led to extreme violence. The operation shifted to Matabeleland South in February 1984, where state-led atrocities and violence continued. This included the  orchestrated starvation of the Ndebele. Estimates vary on the number of non-combatant civilians massacred during Operation Gukurahundi. One conservative estimate is between 10 000 and 20 000. However, Dan Stannard, the director internal of Zimbabwe’s Central Intelligence Organisation during Operation Gukurahundi, believed that between 30 000 and 50 000 Ndebele may have been killed. Although the peak of the violence occurred between 1983 and 1984, the operation didn’t end until December 1987 with the signing of a national unity accord. Rape and sexual violence My research reveals what has, until now, been omitted from criminological scrutiny: a state policy of rape and sexual violence that targeted the Ndebele people during Operation Gukurahundi. The  International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda  made a  historic judgment  which established that rape and other forms of sexual violence could be acts of genocide as defined by the United Nations Convention on Genocide Article II. The tribunal recognised how rape and sexual violence functioned to destroy the minority Tutsi group of Rwanda in 1994. I gathered data for my  study  from 36 in-depth interviews with male and female survivors in a representative sample of geographical locations across Matabeleland. While small in comparison to the sheer scale of the violence and the numbers who were victimised, this study nonetheless establishes reliable conclusions about the nature of events. The patterns I identified include: • public spectacles of multiple perpetrator rape targeting children and adults • people forced to witness the rape of female and male family members • rape and sexual violence followed by mass killing • forced intrafamilial rape • forced bestiality • forced nudity. These are acts that can be interpreted as “deliberately inflicting on the (Ndebele) group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part”, a contravention of Article II (c) of the UN Genocide Convention. The systematic dehumanisation and degradation of the Ndebele through forced intrafamilial rape was a recurring pattern of state harm. It was pervasive in both Matabeleland North and Matabeleland South. One of the people I interviewed, Bukhosi, who was 19 in 1984 and living in Matabeleland South, shared the cruelty of knowing that the Fifth Brigade might force him to attempt to have sex with his relatives. They would threaten to shoot him if he refused. There were times we were afraid even to be in the company of our sister, even to go to the shop. Because I know when these guys come and see us together, they say ‘sleep with your sister’. Then you are afraid to go with your mother because something terrible would happen, they will say ‘do this to your mother’. You are afraid even to be with your brother at home, because they … these guys (Fifth Brigade), when they find the two of you. It is terrible … So we were all separated …. Such rituals of degradation are found wherever a policy of genocidal rape is adopted. They cause shame and humiliation. They leave communities and individual families destroyed, their bonds crushed through the annihilation of social norms. Forty years later, the intergenerational impacts of Operation Gukurahundi on the Ndebele group are profound. My interviewees widely reported mental health issues. Children born of survivors are angry and struggle to understand their family’s brutal history when questions about these painful experiences are met with silence. I also identified patterns of reproductive violence targeting males and females. These included: • killing the foetuses of pregnant women • internment in concentration camps for sexual servitude (rape camps) • forced pregnancies • genital mutilation. Fifth Brigade officers targeted the wombs of pregnant women with knives, bayonets or through stamping. These acts can be interpreted as “imposing measures intended to prevent births within the (Ndebele) group”, a contravention of  Article II (d) of the Genocide Convention. Every participant in my study reported the presence of a military rank structure – and complicity of senior officers in mass rapes and sexual violence. There was no evidence of sexual predation by army personnel for personal satisfaction. Another study participant, Phindile, was 37 and lived in Matabeleland South in 1984. There were 21 homesteads in her village. She told me there were three commanders in her area. Those were the ones who were giving the instructions. Rape was done (by) daylight and darkness but most were done in the evening. The commanders would be there eating. The chief commander would be sitting at a distance and giving instructions on what to do. They used to do the raping according to their rank. My research establishes that the policy of rape and other forms of sexual violence was systematic and predicated on the government’s intent to destroy the Ndebele in part. The policy reflects the ideology and strategic goals of those in high office. The fundamental human rights of many survivors remain affected to this day. Swept under the carpet Prosecution for genocide extends to those who plan, instigate, order, commit or aid and abet in its planning, preparation or execution. In the early 1990s, reports of state-organised rape, the detention of women in rape camps, enforced pregnancy and other sexual atrocities trickled out of Bosnia and Croatia. Securing indictments became an international political priority. Similar  reports had trickled out  of Zimbabwe a decade earlier but were swept under the carpet. Intelligence on genocidal rape and other atrocities was minimised by British representatives  in Zimbabwe. This was clearly politically influenced, as expressed in  numerous diplomatic cables  between Harare and London. The crimes of genocide committed by the Third Reich in Nazi Germany, the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia or the Hutu government of Rwanda were subjected to investigation, prosecution and judgment in international courts. Yet, 40 years after the mass atrocities of Operation Gukurahundi, there has been no official investigation, prosecution or judgment. The most senior surviving person accused of overseeing the genocide and other crimes against humanity, the incumbent president of Zimbabwe, enjoys impunity. He is endorsed and flattered – for example, he was invited to the May 2023 coronation of King Charles III of the UK. Rather than being subjected to a process of international justice before a court with the jurisdiction to try the mass crimes of Gukurahundi, Mnangagwa will stand for re-election on 23 August. The survivors will continue their  search for justice and accountability. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Hazel Cameron is honorary senior research fellow at the University of Stirling in the United Kingdom. Zim’s president was security minister when genocidal rape was state policy in 1983-4. Now he seeks another term Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Tafadzwa Ufumeli/Getty Images The Big Debate

Reframing Issues Page 43 DOREEN RUMBIDZAI TIVENGA AS Zimbabwe holds its 2023 elections, young creatives are taking to social media like YouTube to discuss politics and to create comic spoofs and critiques that speak back to the country’s autocratic government. One notable social commentator is Taffy Theman (Tafadzwa Ngubozabo), who hosts a popular YouTube channel that uses comedy, music and a mock news studio to parody the powers that be. Another is youth media platform Bustop TV, which offers skits, animation and talk shows to express views on social issues in the country.  Magamba TV, meanwhile, creates scathing political satires about politicians. Like  other countries in Africa, Zimbabwe is a youthful nation. Over  65%  of the population are believed to be below the age of 35. Yet, Zimbabwe’s youth have been the most affected  by the country’s exclusionary politics and marginalisation by an aging government. Of the 210 members of parliament elected in the previous polls in 2018, only five were under 35. Young Zimbabweans have also been violently harassed and have been  victims of political patronage and electoral manipulation, sometimes being used as agents of political violence. Despite this, new social media platforms are being created by young people who use comedy and satire for political dissent and to caricature political leaders. Young people have also made use of these platforms to express their views on the elections, take part in voter education and encourage each other to vote. As a lecturer in English literary and cultural studies, I have focused much of my research on popular culture, youth culture, music and social media for political protest in Zimbabwe. I recently delivered a conference paper on urban youth cultural activism in the social media age. It is my view that the digital era – and YouTube in particular – is offering new opportunities for young people to engage in debate despite the suppression of dissenting voices in Zimbabwe. This signals the effectiveness of the internet and social media as instruments of political activism. The youth vote Elections have failed to bring transformation, especially to the lives of young Zimbabweans living at the margins of the country’s collapsing economy. This has contributed to political apathy among the youth. The 2013 elections saw only 8% of eligible Zimbabweans under 30 registering to vote in a poll characterised by violence. But 2017 saw the  fall  of  Robert Mugabe  in a  coup  after 37 years in power. The 2018 elections witnessed a remarkable increase in the number of young people registered to vote. The number of urban youth who registered rose by 77% due to factors such as the “pre-election peaceful environment, youth-to-youth mobilisation, the hope of a new dispensation, civic education” and others. But the polls were followed by post-election violence which led to the death of at least six people at the hands of the army. The ruling Zanu-PF party was now entrenched under the leadership of Emmerson Mnangagwa. Yet, once again, a substantial number of young Zimbabweans are participating in 2023. About 65% of those aged 18-25 and 86% of those aged 26- 35 registered to vote. Social media use In my research I have argued that due to exclusionary politics young Zimbabweans, especially the urban youth, have turned to popular culture and social media. Not only for entertainment and comic relief, but also as a means of political expression. However, there have been  debates among scholars about how effective social media can be as a tool for the expression of political dissent. Some critics, like Zimbabwean activist and journalist  Hopewell Chin’ono, have gone as far as berating the “unfocused youth” for their nonchalant attitude on social media towards meaningful political issues. Yet in the past years a growing number of online content producers have emerged with incisive political commentary. And comedians and musicians  in particular have raised their voices, sometimes becoming victims of government repression, arrests and torture. Taffy Theman The 33-year-old Australia-based Zimbabwean YouTuber and comedian Taffy Theman uses mainly parody and satire to offer commentary on Zimbabwean politics. He releases videos that range from spoof songs to a news studio that analyses developments among the ruling elite. In a recent video called The Political History of Zimbabwe from Cecil John Rhodes to Mnangagwa, he is of the view that Zimbabwe is headed towards another disputed election due to enduring electoral flaws. He traces a history of Zimbabwe’s political problems from the colonial period to the present. In another he uses a speech by Mnangagwa to create a spoof song that highlights the president’s lack of oratory skills and the intellectual bankruptcy that characterises his speeches. Bustop TV and Magamba TV Bustop TV and Magamba TV are social media houses that feature young people who use social media, comedy and satire for political dissent and to caricature political leaders. Between them they have offered critiques of political intimidation and vote buying. They have addressed the  issue  of young Zimbabweans used as political pawns by the ruling party and the manipulation of the electoral process. They’ve also  tackled  the empty campaign promises from political leaders from both the ruling elite and the opposition. Bustop TV has also gathered young Zimbabweans to hear their views on the 2023 elections, creating The People’s Bus, a talk show format. These views have included  support  for the ruling party. Change and hope Watching the YouTube content of these creators, it is evident that many young people are fed up with Zimbabwe’s politicians, the lack of transformation and the stagnancy of the country’s electoral processes. Despite this, some young voters express a belief that change is still possible and that young Zimbabweans have a responsibility to participate in elections to bring about that change. Despite their scathing portrayals, the new social media creators discussed here have maintained a vigorous optimism, urging young Zimbabweans to register to vote or arguing for them to vote for change. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Doreen Rumbidzai Tivenga is a lecturer at the University of the Free State in South Africa. Young Zimbabweans are using YouTube to ridicule politicians and educate voters Taffy Theman uses YouTube to deliver funny, scathing critiques of the ruling elite. Screengrab/YouTube/Taffy Theman NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023

Page 44 Reframing Issues World News NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 As long as Africans that hold different mother tongues continue to look at each other as tribes, aliens, and outsiders in Africa, the integration and liberation of the continent will remain elusive WILLIAM J. MPOFU MOST Africans agree that there are enormous benefits in African unity. One such benefit is the integration of people who have been divided by colonial borders but who have similar value systems and ways of life. However, they also recognize that when they meet they can hardly communicate without turning to an alien language that often does not carry the sensibility of their shared values. Hence, if Africans are serious about asserting their humanity and pursuing unity, liberation, and integration, then the promotion and preservation of our indigenous languages must become a priority. Here is why. For starters, indigenous languages are furnitures of the indigenous minds that are spiritual gifts of a deep kind. They are meaningful signs from the depths of the human soul. That is why every language is a sign language. In text, the shapes that we scribble on a surface to signal messages and meanings are spiritual artefacts. In speech, the sounds that we throw into the air to send messages and meanings are soul-signs that transmit our very humanity. In other words, a people are their language. It is no accident that in all human creation stories, including the biblical one, there is emphasis that "in the beginning there was the word," language that preceded human existence and that also made human existence superior to other existences. Human languages are at once human creatures and human creators. People produce and are produced as identity groups by their languages. The Zulus, for instance, are Zulus because of the Zulu language as much as the Zulu language is because of its Zulu owners and performers. Languages are performances of identity, being and belonging of a people. As such, something big dies in and about a people when their language is compromised in any way. Secondly, the enduring suppression of indigenous African languages is a monumental part of the unfinished assignment of African liberation. A people may not be free if their cultural being and identity remain suppressed. For Frantz Fanon, for instance, a people’s language is part of the “weight of a civilisation” of which their being and belonging are part. Language does not exist and walks alone on some legs but is carried by human bodies. Languages are embodied, performed, and enworlded by living people. To obscure a language, therefore, is to suppress a part of humanity, and that is a crime against that part of humanity. Moreover, language, being, and belonging may not be separated. Something about Africa is short with the continued minimisation of African languages in African public affairs. The fact that African public affairs are not conducted in African languages but in colonial languages not only speaks to the colonial humiliation and dehumanisation of Africans as the conquered of Empire but also undermines the quest for meaningful liberation. As Fanon correctly observed, “the business of obscuring language is a mask behind which stands the much bigger business of plunder” of a people’s resources. The fact that African languages remain obscure in Africa means the triumph of coloniality and the cultural imperialism that accompanies it and ultimately facilitates the continued exploitation of the continent. Thirdly, a people’s language is not only an integral part of their being and belonging but also a central ingredient of their power and values. No successful integration can occur without reclaiming that power and these values. The suppression of indigenous African languages that has continued in post-colonial Africa is indicative of the disempowerment of Africans that remain alienated from their cultural history, identity and values. In terms of time categories, we are told of precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial Africa as if the continent was created by the colonial experience. African sub-regions are still called Francophone, Lusophone, and Anglophone Africa. Africa is named after European languages and identities, trapped in colonial signifiers as if the continent has no existence outside colonial history. African countries are also ordered to embrace Western values as if they have no values of their own. All of this begs the question: On what basis do countries without history, identity, and values of their own pursue integration? Do we pursue integration as colonial creations or as people whose commonalities – in terms of shared history, identity, and values – we seek to promote? At any rate, there is the political and cultural work of building indigenous African languages into languages of knowledge, education, and professionalism. That work must be followed by Africans of different countries and locations actively learning each other’s languages to give them the cultural and political currency that they require to be unifying media of communication. An example that with political will, any language can be built into a language of culture, education, and power is ironically provided by the Afrikaans language, a language of apartheid. It is knowledge in the public domain that in 1903 Afrikaans was introduced in primary schools. By 1913 the dialect had grown to a language that was found in high schools. In 1925, Afrikaans was in the courts and in Parliament. The Afrikaans bible was published in 1933. All of this shows that any African language can be built, cultivated, and circulated. It is Pan-African homework for Africans to build their languages, give them political and cultural stamina, and use them to unite the continent. The continued valorisation of colonial languages in Africa, a crime against a significant part of humanity, is mainly based on the colonial myth that Western culture, including language, is the culture of civilisation and modernity. That myth has been exploded by such countries of the Global South as China and Singapore that have managed to modernise while decolonising and centralising their indigenous languages. Africans need to develop their indigenous languages into languages of modernity and prosperity or remain enveloped in the tyranny of colonial languages.  African languages, in other words, matter. Indigenous languages together with indigenous knowledges, values and histories are part of the package of African liberation that is yet to be delivered in postcolonial Africa. And as long as Africans that hold different mother tongues continue to look at each other as tribes, aliens, and outsiders in Africa, the integration and liberation of the continent will remain elusive. — The Pan African Review. *About the writer: Dr William J. Mpofu is a researcher at the Wits Centre for Diversity Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, and a senior research associate at Good Governance Africa, Sadc region. He writes in his personal capacity. African unity must revolve around shared indigenous languages

Reframing Issues Page 45 Book Excerpt from: In Search of the Elusive Zimbabwean Dream, Volume III (Ideas & Solutions) Author: Professor Arthur G.O. Mutambara Publisher: Sapes Books. EVERY Monday afternoon at 2:00 pm, a day before Cabinet, which takes place Tuesday morning, we meet as the three GNU [Government of National Unity] or GPA Principals — President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and me. We are running the country as a trio — a threesome. There is no such platform as a meeting of just the President and Prime Minister, as the MDC-T propagandists and overzealous Tsvangirai advisers would want the nation to believe. Three Principals signed the GPA; hence we govern the country as such. Mugabe and I occasionally pour derisive scorn at documents that Tsvangirai sometimes brings to our discussions titled “For the Meeting of the President and Prime Minister”. In fact, one day, Mugabe directly chastises him: “Why don’t you tell your surrogates that there are no such meetings?” Tsvangirai sheepishly giggles in utter embarrassment. The worst aspect of the Prime Minister’s advisers is that they give him complete documents to read in our meeting of only three Principals. They neither trust the Prime Minister with mastery of the material nor the ability to articulate the relevant issues. Hence, they neither adequately prepare him nor give the Prime Minister talking points. No. They give him long documents in complete prose and paragraphs that he is not conversant with. He literally reads the material to us, clumsily and incoherently, for that matter. One of my saddest lingering and abiding images of those Monday meetings is Morgan Tsvangirai, with his glasses on, reading to an audience of two. Shame on the MDC-T handlers. Sometimes, the MDC-T publicity operatives and their sympathetic media outlets, such as DailyNews and NewsDay, go overboard in referring to our weekly discussions. They have misleading headlines such as: “Tsvangirai to confront Mugabe on Monday” and proceed to presumptuously predict what will happen in a ‘bilateral’ meeting between the Prime Minister and the President. First and foremost, such a platform is fictitious. It is not a bilateral forum but a trilateral one. Secondly, in the five years of the GNU, there is never an occasion where Tsvangirai robustly challenges Mugabe in our threesome meetings. Because Morgan physically reads material drafted by handlers, when Mugabe challenges an assertion presented, he sheepishly recants and does not defend the argument or position in the document. Why? Because he is just reading and has not internalised the content and arguments. On most occasions, when it is a critical matter whose efficacy I also share, I aggressively barge in and say: “No, no, Mr President. The Prime Minister is right.” I then comprehensively defend the proposition at play. I can engage in such interventions and support more effectively if the Prime Minister and I share his material before our threesome meetings. However, this does not always happen. The Prime Minister does not consult or share with me in advance most of the time. Maybe it is because: “After all, it is a meeting of the Prime Minister and President,” as his inept and incompetent handlers occasionally posit. Their affinity for a fictitious bilateral platform blinds them to the detriment of the GNU and the Prime Minister’s effectiveness. There are other insightful aspects of our GNU Principals’ discussions, which not only take place on Mondays but as and when necessary. We meet just the three of us — the President, the Prime Minister and me — without a notetaker or secretary. This creates an interesting dynamic. How do we keep records of our deliberations? How do we communicate our decisions? We must address these logistical matters at the beginning of the GNU. “Ah, you are the youngest – the energetic Professor – of course, you will take the minutes,” Mugabe bellows in his distinctive baritone. Tsvangirai joins in: “Indeed, who else can minute our discussions? That is your task, DPM Mutambara. You will also communicate on our behalf, as and when it is necessary.” We then officially agree that I will document and share the deliberations with the other two for verification. I will also speak on behalf of the three Principals on specific issues when the matters to be communicated are agreed upon and unambiguous. Of course, this is a lot of work for me, but also a source of significant power and undue influence. Light-heartedly, I would Dynamics of the GNU principals’ meetings Former Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara with the late former President Robert Mugabe (centre) and the late former Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai (left). NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023

Page 46 Reframing Issues World News NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 From left: Former Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara, the late fromer President Robert Mugabe and the late former Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. mischievously joke later in some setting: “Well, I can just write what I want and communicate what I fancy!” Another aspect is the issue of who is more influential among the GNU Principals in their discussions. Who is driving the agenda? Obviously, the President and the Prime Minister have extensive positional power that they bring into the platform, compared to a Deputy Prime Minister. However, in an open discussion, decisions, resolutions or conclusions are not arrived at by leadership positions. They are achieved for their inherent correctness and efficacy. Of course, these outcomes are influenced by the participants’ careful prior preparation, compelling and persuasive argumentation; intellectual rigour and sophistication; and mastery of the issues and nuances. With that in mind, it is pretty evident that I have inordinate, if not excessive, leverage and sway in our meetings. Furthermore, I am the Principals’ rapporteur and spokesperson. However, our colleagues in MDC-T and ZANU-PF are slow in appreciating the impact of a lowly Deputy Prime Minister, who is way more intelligent, prepared and organizes than his two colleagues! One GNU Principals’ session where Robert Mugabe is so miserable and vulnerable is in 2010 when he brings to our meeting a false internet report saying that his beloved daughter — the apple of his eye — Bona (named after his mother) was raped in Hong Kong. In a quivering voice, a devastated Mugabe proceeds to read out the entire set of sordid allegations to us. He is particularly irritated and annoyed because someone in the Prime Minister’s office has re-circulated the untested story. It is a sad occasion for the three of us. Mugabe and his people do not talk about this subject in public. The claims are only rubbished three years later, in 2013, after Bona’s marriage to Simba Chikore, by a visibly upset Grace Mugabe, who asserts that her daughter is still a virgin. In all our interactions with Robert Mugabe, I must confess that Tsvangirai and I let our guard down security-wise, in particular, concerning the consumption of food and drinks. “We are jolly good GPA partners, aren’t we? So why the fuss?” That seems to be our disposition, with hindsight, a foolish one indeed! We are not careful about eating food or taking beverages at State House or any other venue where we meet. Given later cases of the alleged poisoning of Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Vice President Constantino Chiwenga, I am a bit circumspect and concerned about our probably naive and carefree attitude. Eating and drinking at the same table and from the same source as Robert Mugabe might be safe, but accepting food and drinks on our own while waiting for him seems on the reckless side. On 14 February 2018, Morgan Tsvangirai succumbs to colon cancer. There is much speculation. Slow-acting poisons can induce these cancers. Was he poisoned? Was he poisoned during the GNU or even afterwards? All these are speculative thoughts that do the rounds among paranoid Zimbabweans, with probably some justification. As already intimated, in my interfacing with Mugabe during the GNU, he proves to be given to primitive gossiping. He has rumour-guzzling instincts. In addition to the ‘lunch paMereki’ story, another compelling and instructive case occurs when Morgan Tsvangirai is going through his women-chasing phase after the death of his wife, Susan Tsvangirai. For just a week, he marries a woman called Locardia Karimatsenga (Tembo) — a well-known ZANU-PF member — and then parts ways with the poor lady. At the peak of that drama, in one of our bilateral meetings, Mugabe says to me: “Eh, ko nyaya yaLorcadia yave papi (What is the latest on that Locardia saga)?” I just laugh and say: “Mr President, you have the CIO. You surely have more information on this matter than I do!” Clearly, I could not dignify that appetite for rumour-mongering and gossip-guzzling with a substantive response. When Tsvangirai eventually marries Elizabeth Macheka — a daughter of a prominent ZANU-PF member (the former Mayor of Chitungwiza) — Mugabe has a field day. In one of our GNU Principals’ meetings, he says: “Vakadzi vemuZANU-PF kunaka, hamuvapedzi (You guys, there are so many beautiful ZANU-PF women. You cannot exhaust the supply)!” Tsvangirai responds: “Well, we don’t ask for political party membership cards when proposing to these women.” We all have a good laugh and proceed with the day’s governmental business. *About the writer: Prof. Arthur G.O. Mutambara is the Director and Full Professor of the Institute for the Future of Knowledge (IFK) at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. This is an excerpt from the book: In Search of the Elusive Zimbabwean Dream, Volume III (Ideas & Solutions), By Prof Arthur G.O. Mutambara.

JONATHAN MBIRIYAMVEKA ZENZO Nyathi, the prolific Zimbabwean stage actor, is set for a one-man play in Malawi. Titled An Act of Man, this hugely anticipated piece will be staged in bustling Lilongwe. It is part of the Madsoc Theatre Summer Season programmer, hosted by Mwezi Arts. An Act of Man has a short run from 29 to 30 September with a potential show slated for Blantyre on 1 October 2023. One not to be missed, An Act of Man is told through a zestful mix of storytelling, mime, dance and song. The one hander play adventurously interrogates the role that traditional knowledge systems and science play in a fast-changing world and in climate change intervention. Workshopped by Global Creative Collaborations and Ingxoxo Arts and Directed by Memory Kumbota, the play is a must watch for theatre lovers and all those who advocate for environment and climate change. The Malawi tour is a collaborative partnership between the venue and the production company under Madsoc Theatre’s Network Platform. The platform seeks to forge network between venues and theatre producers, agents and companies to collaborate in efforts to tour production within the region and continent. With each step, Madsoc Theatre is geared to invite and host more companies from other nations while they also look forward to their season productions to broaden the performance and audience base. The network also incorporates Theatre Festivals, lobbying them to organise and host touring productions beyond their festival dates or period. The objective is to initiate sustainable dynamics between thespians, venues and consumers of the theatre arts. Theatre goers in the Warm Heart of Africa are in for a treat as Zenzo is set to deliver yet another memorable performance following his successful Premiere in Bulawayo and Harare and his recent tour of Eswatini. Bulawayo-based Nyathi is a Zimbabwean actor and a graduate of Amakhosi Performing Arts based in the country's second largest city. He is also a stage performer, director and writer. He featured in more than a thousand performances in the past two decades. Nyathi is the founder and the managing director of Ingxoxo Arts, based in Bulawayo. He has directed Climate Smart Agriculture Theatre for Policy Advocacy pieces at both national and regional levels. He is a Climate Smart Agriculture (CSA) champion trained in Climate Change Leadership and Policy Advocacy. STYLE TRAVEL BOOKS ARTS MOTORING Porsche just got angrier Being a Fashion Model Life&Style Page 47 Issue 146, 25 August 2023 An Act of Man in the Warm Heart of Africa Zenzo Nyathi doing what he knows best on stage

Page 48 People & Places Sport Zim elections fell short of standards: Observers NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023

I AM glad I got people talking last week when I criticised the composition of Zimbabwe’s Emerging squad on tour of South Africa. This is what I was looking forward to, not to merely criticise for the sake of it, but to be constructive in doing so, for the sake of the future of our beloved sport and country. I’m also chuffed that many cricket fans in Zimbabwe agreed with me, a few didn’t and I respect their opinion. I will try again in this follow-up piece to break down things and suggest a way forward. I still insist that filling an “emerging” side with experienced players is a totally wrong move. This move not only sparked debate, but also highlighted critical issues concerning the development and progression of Zimbabwean cricket. The concept of an "emerging squad" holds great promise for nurturing and grooming young talents on the brink of making their mark on the international stage. However, the recent composition of the Zimbabwe Emerging squad, primarily consisting of players with substantial international and first-class experience, has cast doubts on the true intent behind such tours. The need for a genuine emerging squad: Zimbabwean cricket faces a pivotal juncture, where fostering young, genuine emerging talents is essential for the nation's sustained success in the sport. The concerns raised by cricket enthusiasts are valid and call for a recalibration of the approach to nurturing these talents. Identifying and nurturing young uncapped players: Zimbabwe Cricket (ZC) must prioritise the identification and nurturing of young uncapped players who exhibit potential and promise. The talent pool from the last few Under-19 World Cups holds untapped potential. These youngsters need exposure to high-quality cricket and mentoring from seasoned professionals to develop their skills and gain valuable experience. By featuring promising talents who have not yet established themselves on the international scene, Zimbabwe can create a truly emerging squad that aligns with the purpose of providing exposure and developmental opportunities to players who need them the most. Strategic talent development: To ensure the long-term growth of cricket in Zimbabwe, a well-structured talent development program is imperative. This program should include grassroots initiatives, age-group cricket, and a clear pathway to transition from junior to senior cricket. Investing in coaching, infrastructure, and resources for young players will pay dividends in the form of a strong and competitive cricketing culture. Balancing experience and youth: While experienced players have a role to play in guiding and mentoring younger talents, it's crucial to strike a balance that doesn't overshadow the developmental objectives of an emerging squad. A mix of experience and youth can provide a healthy learning environment, but the focus should remain on the latter's growth and progress. Talent identification camps: ZC should consider organising talent identification camps across the country to unearth hidden gems in remote regions. These camps can serve as a platform for undiscovered talents to showcase their skills and catch the eye of selectors. Good example is Tinotenda Maposa an 18-year-old exciting right-arm fast bowler who was recently unearthed and showed his exploits during the just ended ZimAfroT10. Creating a pathway to senior cricket: A robust pathway from domestic cricket to international representation is vital. Young talents need to understand the steps required to make the transition and should have access to quality coaching, competitive matches, and mentorship. The way forward: To rectify the current situation and uphold the integrity of the term "emerging squad," ZC should commit to fielding a team that genuinely represents the nation's young, uncapped talents. This approach will ensure the growth and prosperity of Zimbabwean cricket, cultivating a generation of players ready to make their mark on the international stage. ZC stands at a crossroads, where decisions made today will shape the future of the sport in the nation. The focus must shift towards nurturing genuine emerging talents, empowering them with opportunities, and creating an environment conducive to their growth. By doing so, Zimbabwe can rebuild its cricketing legacy and rise as a competitive force in the international arena once again. Sport Page 49 Nurturing Zim cricket's future: A path forward for genuine emerging talent Tinotenda Maposa with Zimbabwe senior team talisman Sikandar Raza during the Zim Afro T10. NewsHawks Issue 146, 25 August 2023 JOSEPH MADYEMBWA HawkZone

AMIDST the buzzing transfer atmosphere, Liverpool make headlines not just with their big-name signings, but also by fortifying their academy ranks. The recent acquisitions of Trey Nyoni and Amara Nallo have given fans and football aficionados much to talk about. This talented young lad, who celebrated his 16th birthday in June, has transitioned from Championship team, Leicester. Nyoni is no stranger to the football arena. His name echoed 13 times in the U18 Premier League last season, and he was part of the squad that graced the FA Youth Cup. Donning the England jersey at U16, he has the potential to represent Zimbabwe in the future. After Nyoni’s triumphant goal against Brighton in March, Adam Barradell, Leicester’s U18 coach, remarked: “It’s really good to see Trey get on the scoresheet with a great individual goal. He moved into the U18s squad just before Christmas and he’s getting to grips with U18s football. He’s a young boy and he’s had a good impact on the group which is pleasing to see.” The midfielder’s tenure with Leicester began when he was merely six. As he bids adieu to the club, he expressed his gratitude on Instagram: “I am grateful to all the players and staff at the club who have helped me develop over the past 10 years and I wish nothing but success to everyone at the club.” With a history of success, like aiding England’s U16 in clinching the Montaigu Tournament, Nyoni’s journey looks promising. Come November, Amara Nallo will celebrate his 17th birthday, but before that, he celebrates his transition from West Ham to Merseyside. His exceptional talent hasn’t gone unnoticed. Last season, in the U18 Premier League, he stood opposite Nyoni. The description of Nallo as a “Rolls Royce” by Carlton Cole, the West Ham legend, adds weight to the anticipation surrounding him. As West Ham’s U16 coach, Cole further lauded Nallo: “I would describe Amara as a Rolls Royce of a centre-back. He has a great left foot and is elegant when he moves with the ball. He can play the ball with both feet and has been working on his heading as well. He’s a player who has a high ceiling.” Both Nyoni and Nallo proudly displayed their new Liverpool jerseys on Instagram. Nyoni donned the No.8, while Nallo chose No.5. These dynamic youngsters will train under Marc Bridge-Wilkinson’s guidance in the U18 squad. If the trajectory of Ben Doak, Bobby Clark, Stefan Bajectic, and Kaide Gordon is anything to go by, these new signings might just be the next stars to rise from Liverpool’s ever-evolving academy. The Daily Mirror has reported on this exciting chapter in Liverpool’s journey, as the club continues to invest in its future. With such budding talent joining the ranks, the Merseyside club’s horizon gleams with promise. – AnfieldIndex NEWS $60 Covid tariff for visitors & tourists CULTURE Community radio regulations under review @NewsHawksLive TheNewsHawks www.thenewshawks.com Thursday 1 October 2020 WHAT’S INSIDE ALSO INSIDE Finance Ministy wipes out $3.2 Billion depositors funds Zim's latest land cStory on Page 3 Story on Page 8 Chamisa reacout to Khupe Unofficial president calls for emergeFriday 25 August 2023 ALSO INSIDE Nurturing Zim cricket future: A path forward for emerging talent Sports Brought together by the power of sport, and a family affair The excitement over Liverpool’s signing of Zim-linked prodigy Trey Nyoni