NewsHawks 2 February 2024

Price US$1 Friday 2 February 2024 NEWS Chamisa remains formidable brand Story on Page 7 NEWS Sakupwanya appointment to Mines committee scandalous’ WHAT’S Story on Page 12 INSIDE SPORT Kwena gave us a glimpse of what we also used to have Story on Page 48 ALSO INSIDE Mutsvangwa failed war veterans Why Mnangagwa sacked Chris Mutsvangwa

Page 2 News NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024 Why Mnangagwa sacked political ally Mutsvangwa OWEN GAGARE PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa fired his outspoken political ally Christopher Mutsvangwa as Minister of Veterans of the Liberation Struggle Affairs with immediate effect for various reasons, but the trigger was his outburst against Information minister Jenfan Muswere — a presidential blue-eyed boy — over recent state-controlled media board changes. Informed official sources told The NewsHawks that some of the reasons the militant Mutsvangwa was sacked include his dodgy business dealings with Chinese investors, his son Neville’s commercial undertakings, especially regarding United States Starlink satellite internet service operated by the world’s richest man Elon Musk’s aerospace company SpaceX and fallout with war veterans ahead of their expected congress whose date is yet to be announced. Besides, Mutsvangwa has bad relations with Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga, who was Acting President when Mnangagwa was recently on leave, and the military top hierarchy. Sources say Mutsvangwa’s attack on Muswere was the last straw. Muswere is close to Mnangagwa and his son Emmerson Junior. He was instrumental in helping Mnangagwa escape the country into Mozambique and then South Africa after he was fired as vice-president by the late former president Robert Mugabe in November 2017, a trigger to the subsequent coup which brought him to power within two weeks of his expulsion. So, Muswere, appointed ICT minister after the coup, is like a son to Mnangagwa. “Mutsvangwa was fired for several reasons, but the final straw was his attack on Muswere — and by extension Mnangagwa — over new board appointments at ZBC and Zimpapers. Mutsvangwa wrote to Mnangagwa complaining about Muswere, saying he was removing information or propaganda chiefs who helped Zanu PF win elections and does not know anything about party policy. This was seen as gross interference in another ministry’s affairs, brazen arrogance and unacceptable challenge to the highest appointing authority, the President,” a source said. “There were also other issues concerning his business dealings with the Chinese and his son’s commercial undertakings, especially his connection with Starlink. The issue of war veterans who are disgruntled with him was also a major factor.” In a direct challenge to Mnangagwa and Muswere, Mutsvangwa told journalists at a Press briefing at Zanu PF headquarters in Harare on 27 January that the removed board chairpersons of the state-owned Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) and state-controlled Zimbabwe Newspapers (1980) Ltd Dr Josaya Tayi and Thomas “Tommy” Sithole respectively were accomplished professionals who did a tremendous job during their tenures, particularly during last year’s general elections. Mutsvangwa reminded the President and the minister that Tayi and Sithole were at the forefront of Zanu PF’s disputed elections victory last year as they delivered an information tour de force, a great performance. When Muswere was appointed by Mnangagwa as Information minister to replace Monica Mutsvangwa, Chris Mutsvangwa’s wife, he moved to replace the ZBC and Zimpapers boards. More changes are coming at managerial and editorial levels. Muswere appointed new boards, with Mnangagwa’s approval, but Mutsvangwa was sulking. He was upset that Muswere had replaced board chairpersons appointed by his wife. Mutsvangwa was already bitter that his wife was removed from the influential Information ministry to the less prominent Women Affairs, which disrupted alignment of government and ruling party communication services. With his wife at the Information ministry and him as Zanu PF communication boss, Mutsvangwa ran the show at both government and party levels. He had become an information czar, with bigger political ambitions. During the 27 January Press conference, Mutsvangwa openly supported Tayi and Sithole, saying they had done a sterling job in leveraging the public media to support Zanu PF during the recent elections. This was a rare admission by Zanu PF that they were abusing public media for a partisan party political agenda. The opposition and election observers have always accused the ruling party of capturing the public media, a charge Mutsvangwa inadvertently confirmed in his defence of Tayi and Sithole. At the media conference, Mutsvangwa said: “I will divert a little bit because I’m the information secretary of the party. There have been changes now at the boards of the Ministry of Christopher Mutsvangwa was fired as minister of Veterans of the Liberation Struggle Affairs with immediate effect.

NewsHawks News Page 3 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024 Information, with new boards coming in. “Unfortunately along the way, there have been aspersions cast upon the performance of some of the former board members. We want to say as a party those boards and their chairmen performed sterling work during their term of office. They are the ones who superintended the information and publicity drive of the party during the elections which we won. They delivered an information victory for the party those board members at ZBC and Zimpapers. They did a sterling job. They were selected in some instances personally by the head of state. “I definitely know that chairman Tayi of ZBC was selected by the President. Every knows he is a professional doctor and everybody knows what he did to save the President in 2017 after the poisoning which happened in Gwanda. Everybody knows Comrade Tommy Sithole, the former chairman of Zimpapers, a professional in the media field, but a long-time cadre of the party even during the days when we were in the national liberation war. He is an accomplished sports administrator with footprint even in the International Olympic Committee and the President literally had to cajole him. “I use the word cajole him to become the president [chairperson] of Zimpapers. Not only did he do a good professional job, he also ran the institution well. It made money, it is making money by the loads. So he is a man of supreme, exceptional achievements. “We would not like people of that calibre to feel that after rendering such service to the President, to the party and to the organisation, there is impingement on their professional standing. No. They are competent Zimbabweans who loved their country, who render service and my department will be going to the President to make sure that we will throw a party for them here at party headquarters to recognise the sterling work they did in their term of office, particularly surrounding their covering of the national elections where every aspect was being made to cast our elections in a bad light. They defended the integrity of the Zimbabwean electoral process and that is a domain of information. They did a good job. “Of course, we will be extending the invitation to the minister and his team so that they can come to the party of revolution and fully understand that we work as a team and we tap on the professional competence of Zimbabweans, their history, their patriotic credentials when boards are being selected and that they serve the president, they need to be recognised. So I just felt that we would want to put it on record that thank you Comrade Tommy Sithole and your board, thank you Comrade Tayi and your board at ZBC. You did a great work.” By publicly challenging Muswere — and Mnangagwa by extension — Mutsvangwa sealed his fate as minister. He was fired with immediate effect — a week later. It is not the first time Mutsvangwa — who has a sense of entitlement about the liberation struggle and romanticises the anti-colonial war with hyperbolic stories while peddling delusional stories of economic recovery — has previously been sacked as minister or senior government official. In 2018, Mnangagwa removed Mutsvangwa as his special adviser following the military coup which brought him to power. Mutsvangwa played a key role in the coup. In 2016, Mugabe also fired Mutsvangwa as War Veterans minister over his acrimonious leadership succession battle. He was booted out for "gross misconduct and disloyalty" and fanning factionalism in the party. Mutsvangwa’s dismissal came as Mnangagwa also appointed three deputy ministers. The appointments were announced by the Chief Secretary to the President and Cabinet Martin Rushwaya through a statement from Mnangagwa’s spokesperson George Charamba. The three deputy ministers are Omphile Marupi, who has been appointed deputy minister of Information, Publicity and Broadcasting Services; Sheila Chikosho, deputy minister of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, and Benjamin Kabikira, deputy minister of Local Government and Public Works. Mutsvangwa (69) has worked as a senior public servant, diplomat and minister during his long political career, which has been characterised by dismissals. FORMER Foreign Affairs and Tourism minister Walter Mzembi has shed some light and insight on how fired War Veterans minister Chris Mutsvangwa behaved in cabinet meetings during the late former president Robert Mugabe's prolonged reign. Mzembi says Mutsvangwa's shock dismissaI by President Emmerson Mnangagwa may be attributed to his long history of being chaotically ungovernabIe and cIashes with authority figures, while exhibiting disruptive behaviour, especially during cabinet meetings, ultimately leading to divisions in government. Mzembi writes: "So many theories are being thrown around as to what may have led to Cde Chris Mutsvangwa's abrupt dismissal by @edmnangagwa President Mnangagwa. I proffer my own based on what led to his dismissal by Mugabe in 2016. "It's simply that Chris is ungovernable and does not submit to the authority of anyone let alone the collectivity of cabinet and the President. He is an all-knowing man of many words who does not know when to mute himself. "On several occasions inside cabinet in 2016, he would take on Mugabe to an embarrassing point where @edmnangagwa himself then Vice-President would be the only one able to silence him with the strongest rebuke and I quote his bellow: 'Chris, Chris I said shut up, shut up Chris, I am your commander Chris I order you to shut up!' "At this point Chris would pack his cabinet file and leave in a huff! Mugabe believed in the superiority of ideas and would allow exhaustive debate on any item, but our brother Chris knowing it all, would roughshod over everyone at which point Mugabe would come in to exercise his authority as chairman to restore order & decorum and the Minister of War Veterans would refuse to recognise that authority. Disagreements were mainly around the agency he seemed to carry over Chinese Investments which would often blind his judgment. Our cabinet team had strong characters who could withstand and fight back, I wonder though whether the current pedigree of ministers can withstand his bullish behaviour without seeking the protection of Mnangagwa, which may be the case here. Mnangagwa himself left him out of his cabinet line up in 2018 because he was minding this disharmony he would bring in his new team. He instead appointed him Special Advisor, but even this would not cut. It was a gamble from the very beginning bringing him back into cabinet . "Exploiting his parallel authority of @ZANUPF_Official party spokesman his last Press conference last week was an intrusion into other ministerial mandates and may have actually became his proverbial Waterloo. Going further to declare his ambition in his soliloquy he sealed his fate on that day! "With his highly opinionated acerbic style of delivery clearly misrepresenting the collective he has been responsible for even how some of us have not found each other with our former party . "No wonder across the board his dismissal has been popularly received and secretly celebrated inside Zanu PF ranks and Government. I hope at personal level he has time for reflection on many things before his next move. He still is party spokesman @ZANUPF_Official and may keep it but clearly many are watching whether he will continue weaponising it against perceived and imagined enemies." — STAFF WRITER. Mzembi sheds light on Chris’ explosive outbursts in cabinet Former Foreign Affairs and Tourism minister Walter Mzembi

Page 4 News NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024 NATHAN GUMA FIRED War Veterans and Liberation Struggle Affairs minister Chris Mutsvangwa was at loggerheads with war veterans, who believe he did little to improve their welfare and incorporation into the development matrix. President Emerson Mnangagwa on Saturday sacked Mutsvangwa, who has been his key ally, but did not give reasons. Mutsvangwa played a key role in the 2017 military coup that brought Mnangagwa to power. He has however been colliding with war veterans over the years, having been fired as chairperson of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans' Association (ZNLWVA) in April last year, over accusations of unprofessionalism and failure to improve their livelihoods, before dramatically bouncing back as minister after the disputed general elections. Although he said he does not know why Mutsvangwa was fired, ZNLWVA secretary-general Edward Dube confirmed there was bad blood between the executive and the minister. “The association does not celebrate but is not disappointed when an appointing authority disappoints a minister who has failed to collaborate with the war veterans community on matters of association and national interest which the association has been advocating since his appointment,” said Dube. “The issues were raised in writing to the honourable minister, but he did not respond or acknowledge receipt. “He was not propagating constitutional and statutory obligations stated in the Veterans of the Liberation Struggle Act (Chapter 17:12) and the constitution of Zimbabwe.” The ZNLWVA executive wrote a congratulatory letter to Mutsvangwa in last October after his appointment as minister, highlighting their grievances and key priority areas of collaboration. He neither responded nor acknowledged. In the letter dated 22 October 2023 seen by The NewsHawks, war veterans urged Mutsvangwa to prioritise collaboration and mending relations while rebuilding lost trust. “Congratulations on your appointment as the Cabinet Minister of Veterans of the Liberation Struggle Affairs in Zimbabwe. This esteemed role presents a valuable opportunity to make a significant impact on the lives of war veterans,” read the letter by Andrease Mathibela, ZNLWVA chairperson. “We recognise that there has been an unsynchronised relationship between the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans’ Association (ZNLWVA) leadership and the ministry in the past. However, we believe that by adopting an inclusive approach, you can rebuild trust and foster a productive collaboration.” The ZNLWVA said the inclusive approach should address the needs of war veterans and ensure their overall well-being through policy development, advocacy and representation and access to benefits and support. The war veterans’ grouping urged Mutsvangwa to collaborate with the ZNLWVA to develop policies that directly address challenges faced by the former freedom fighters, by seeking recommendations based on their firsthand experiences. “The collaboration should recognize the ZNLWVA as a strong advocate for war veterans within the government. Emphasize that you value their role in safeguarding the interests of war veterans and commit to actively involving them in decision-making processes. By working together, you (Mutsvangwa) can effectively communicate and address the concerns, rights, and welfare of war veterans within the government structure,” reads the ZNLWVA letter. “Collaborate with the ZNLWVA to ensure that war veterans have seamless access to the programmes and benefits administered by your ministry. Seek their input in designing and delivering benefits, while jointly identifying gaps and proposing improvements to enhance the support provided to war veterans.” The ZNLWVA also urged Mutsvangwa to develop initiatives that promote entrepreneurship, skills development, and employment opportunities specifically designed for war veterans to sustain their livelihoods. The grouping has also demanded that Mutsvangwa ensure that social support and welfare services are made readily available to war veterans, which includes healthcare, counselling services, housing and other social welfare programmes. On land ownership, the ZNLWVA said Mutsvangwa should promote access to farmland and residential stands for war veterans. The grouping also demanded adjustments to the land tenure system that would see them having long-term access to land. The ZNLWVA also demanded that Mutsvangwa assist war veterans to access affordable housing loans, subsidies, or grants, while establishing partnerships with financial institutions to provide favourable funding terms. “The proposed partnership with the ZNLWVA can address the needs of war veterans and ensure their overall well-being through access to farming land. “Collaborate with the ZNLWVA to facilitate access to farming land for war veterans. Identify suitable agricultural land, provide necessary support in terms of land allocation, secure tenure rights, and assist war veterans with farming inputs, equipment, and training. By ensuring access to farming land, war veterans can engage in agricultural activities, secure a sustainable source of income, and contribute to food security and agricultural development in Zimbabwe,” reads the letter. “Advocate for legislative reforms and policies that protect the land rights of war veterans. Collaborate with the ZNLWVA to address land disputes and ensure secure land ownership for war veterans. By securing land tenure rights, war veterans can have long-term access to land for farming, residential purposes, and other productive activities. “Provide agricultural support and training programmes for war veterans who have access to farming land. Collaborate with the ZNLWVA to offer technical assistance, capacity-building workshops, and knowledge-sharing platforms to enhance their farming skills, productivity, and sustainable agricultural practices. Facilitate partnerships with agricultural institutions and provide financial resources to support war veterans in their agricultural endeavours.” However, Mutsvangwa never responded to the letter, with nothing being done to improve the lives of war veterans. This is not the first time for Mutsvangwa — who has a sense of entitlement about the liberation struggle while also always giving completely unrealistic explanations about the state of the economy detached from reality — has been sacked as minister or senior government official. In 2018, Mnangagwa removed Mutsvangwa as his special adviser following the 2017 military coup which brought him to power. Mutsvangwa failed war veterans Fired War Veterans and Liberation Struggle Affairs minister Chris Mutsvangwa colliding with war veterans over the years.

NewsHawks News Page 5 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE AN illegal import of cyanide — a deadly fast-acting chemical — by criminal syndicates in Bulawayo has raised fears that Zimbabwe’s wildlife is now under growing threat of toxic poisons amid poaching and killing of animals for their body parts for profit. A lot of animals are killed for their parts, for instance elephants for their tusks, rhinoceros for their horns and crocodiles for their skins. The parts are money-spinning in local and international markets, particularly Asia where ivory and rhino horns are popular. Wildlife crime is a big business. Run by dangerous local and international networks, animal parts are trafficked much like illegal drugs and arms. Wildlife trade escalates into a crisis when an increasing proportion is illegal and unsustainable — directly threatening the survival of many fauna species in the country. It is second only to habitat destruction, which affects flora and fauna, in overall, threats against species survival. Southeast Asia, for example, is a wildlife trade hotspot, functioning as supplier, consumer and a general import-export emporium. Some of the products come from Africa through poaching. Cyanide is widely used to facilitate killing and trade in animals. In a grim reminder of the problem, police in Bulawayo were a few days ago alerted to an illegal and criminal import and storage of cyanide worth thousands of dollars at a warehouse around the city. This was reported to police and the Environmental Management Agency (Ema) after owners of the company involved, Posryn Properties (Pvt) Ltd, which owns the warehouse, conducted an inventory update following the termination of a contract run by an erstwhile director. Police and Ema have not moved with speed to deal with the problem, raising suspicions that some people want to sweep the cyanide scandal under the carpet. Sources say former Posryn Properties director Marida Maria Magdalena Van Der Spuy, a South African national, had stored the cyanide illegally and in criminal contravention of health and safety laws on behalf of Wayne Jardine, a Bulawayo-based businessman and professional hunter, as well as his associate Li Song. The cyanide was stored at 105 Plumtree Road which is owned by Posryn Properties.  Transporting cyanide without a permit is illegal. Jardine says he does not own the chemical, but he arranged and oversaw its freight for Li Song. Storing of the substance is also illegal. This makes Li Song and Marida answerable in this case. As the use of cyanide becomes more prevalent in the artisanal and small-scale gold mining sector worldwide, miners, government regulators and other stakeholders need to urgently ensure safer cyanide use and management. A growing body of evidence suggests that cyanidation is spreading from industrial gold mining to smaller mining operations, and now poaching.  In the past decade, poisoning of wildlife waterholes in Zimbabwe has been rife. In 2013, more than 300 elephants died in the Hwange National Park as a result of poachers lacing the park’s watering holes and salt licks with cyanide poison. After that, Zimbabwean rangers in 2015 found bodies of 22 more elephants that were poisoned with cyanide. The grim discovery brought to 62 the number of elephants poisoned by poachers around Hwange. In 2016, five elephants were poisoned cyanide. This trend was repeated throughout the decade and still persists at the moment. Wildlife crimes continue to rise in the global, regional and local markets. The African region, among other developing countries, faces grave challenges in the conservation of wild animals, especially in relation to big game such as elephants and rhinoceros. In Zimbabwe, thousands of specimen wildlife (plant, animal and bird) are lost to poachers annually. Among the commonly reported major wildlife crimes are the illicit trade in wildlife products, failure to comply with existing wildlife laws and the capturing of the near extinct pangolin. However, Zimbabwe is a signatory to an International Treaty on the use and handling of cyanide.  According to Zimbabwe’s Hazardous Substances Act, cyanide can only be sold to qualified customers in the mining and chemical industries by expert chemical distributors. Most of these customers are gold miners who need to write documentary evidence that Illegal cyanide imports fuel Zim poaching big business Former Posryn Properties director Marida Maria Magdalena Van Der Spuy

they have the right to hold and use cyanide. Qualified chemical distributors must obtain a license from the Mining and Mineral Development Department first. The import and storage of cyanide in the Bulawayo scandal was unbeknown to the owner and co-directors of Posryn Properties as it was done some former employees. However, once the contraband was discovered, the company owners alerted authorities. “Following the termination of a contract of one of our directors of the company, a routine inventory inspection was held to ascertain what was on site for the purposes of accounting. That is when the cyanide contraband was discovered in the process,” a Posryn Properties spokesperson said. “Knowing it was a criminal offence, with no paperwork to trace how the toxic substance been bought and brought onsite, we made a report to the police and Ema. We also signalled our willingness to help in investigations, confiscation of the chemical by the state, moving it from our site and prosecution of those behind the illegal act.” However, over a week after the report was made, the cyanide remained stored at the premises. Reached for comment, Bulawayo investigating officer detective chief inspector Dube said he could not speak on his private phone, demanding he should be called on a landline. “This is my private number, call on the landline,” Dube said. Professional hunter Wayne Jardine admitted to storing cyanide at the warehouse despite it being unfit for such storage. Van Der Spuy on why she stored cyanide illegally and unprocedurally said: “The possession of untraceable and illegally stored cyanide is a problem, especially in Matabeleland, where clandestine use of the chemical has been a perennial problem; the substance is transported and housed below the radar of authorities to poison water bodies targeting elephants and other animals for their tusks and horns. “This has not only caused massacres of elephants and other wildlife, but a domino effect on environment which could see death of other animals drinking from the same watering holes, as well as a myriad of other environmental problems.” This year alone so far, six adult elephants were found dead in the Lupane area in a suspected case of cyanide poisoning by poachers and wildlife traders. Decomposing carcasses of the elephants were discovered at a waterhole adjacent to Hwange National Park. Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority spokesperson Tinashe Farawo confirmed the incident to The NewsHawks, indicating suspects have been arrested and would appear in court soon. “We have an incident where six elephants were found dead in the Lupane area. Some suspects have been arrested and will be appearing in court soon,” he said. “Our veterinary doctors are still investigating the cause of death, but we are dealing with the situation.” Conservationists suspect cyanide as the watering hole was laced with the deadly substance. The removal of tusks confirmed that poaching was the motivation, as ivories are smuggled to the far-flung Asian market and elsewhere. The stash of cyanide around Bulawayo and lack of adherence to storage and holding protocol raised serious concerns to the property owners, whose premise is being abused for criminality. “The incidence of abuse of cyanide by criminal syndicates cannot be overemphasised, hence our report and our keen interest to follow up on how the cyanide is handled after it leaves our premises to ensure there is accountability for any wrongdoing and that the law takes its course,” a Posryn Properties spokesperson said. Zimbabwe loses thousands of specimen wildlife (plant, animal and bird) to poachers yearly. Because the trade in wild animals and plants crosses borders between countries, the strategy to regulate it requires local and international cooperation to safeguard certain species from poaching and illicit trade. Page 6 News NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

BRENNA MATENDERE RESIGNED Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) leader Nelson Chamisa must not retrace his footsteps back to the opposition outfit due to its high levels of infiltration but should rather pick up the pieces and form another party fixated on organisational dexterity if he is to emerge as a serious political gladiator, analysts have said. Chamisa last week brewed a shocker when he announced that he was quitting the CCC and “will have nothing to do with sewer politics," in a 13-page statement. He won about 44% of the votes in last year's presidential election which was plagued by allegations of massive rigging and voter suppression. Several MPs from his CCC party later lost their seats in what  Chamisa said was sabotage  by his nemesis and self-imposed secretary-general Sengezo Tshabangu who presided over unrelenting recalls of the legislators with support of state institutions such as the judiciary.  While the 45-year-old Christian pastor and lawyer insisted he remains grounded in opposition politics, declaring "giving up or giving in is not an option," he is yet to articulate the political direction he now intends to take. Tswane University of Technology-based political scientist Dr Ricky Mukonza, who is based in Pretoria, South Africa, said Chamisa’s next step must hover around formation of a political party that embraces democratic tenets that do not revolve around him as an individual. He said Chamisa must certianly avoid a repeat of the “big man politics” that has seen the downfall of several African politicians. “I think Chamisa is going to begin a movement mobilised around him. What he could not withstand is the challenge posed by some senior leaders like Biti and others. Of course infiltraton by Zanu PF could have been the other key factor. “Now he has an opportunity to start something where he will be a political 'godfather' without question. He carries with him the advantage of being popular and appealing to a good number of Zimbabweans,” he said. Mukonza reiterated that Chamisa at all cost must avoid centralising the architecture of his future politics solely on himself. “Whatever he is going to start, he must ensure that it's founded on democratic tenets and not solely on him as an individual. This will separate him from the general crop of African leaders, past and present, whose politics revolved around them as individuals. The curse of big man politics,” said Mukonza. University of Zimbabwe political scientist Professor Eldred Masunungure said Chamisa’s political survival rests on forming a political party that completely abandons his “strategic ambiguity” approach that was followed by the CCC, leading to his exit from the outfit. “Presently, there is a lot of confusion and uncertainty as to Chamisa’s next move, which appears to be a continuation of his ‘strategic ambiguity’, that is, keeping everyone guessing. “Assuming though that after his exit from the CCC he still wants to be a political gladiator, he has little option but to form another political vehicle to champion his political ambitions,” asserted Masunungure. He added that under such a development, Chamisa would need to avoid the mistakes of non-organisational politics he carried from the MDC-T going into the MDC-Alliance and until recently, the CCC. “He [Chamisa] will then have to learn from the past, especially the immediate past in non-organisational politics, that serious politics without a serious organisation leads to a cul-de-sac as he bitterly experienced. The simple message is: there is no substitute for organisational politics,” said Masunungure. Professor of world politics Stephen Chan, who is based at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies, said the only way for Chamisa is to form a structured political party. “Chamisa is very unlikely to return to the CCC. He is a very stubborn man  (with)  — both a great strength and a great weakness. A weakness in that he never gives himself room in which to be flexible. “His only way forward would be to start a new political party. But that means starting from scratch, without any pre-existing organisation, facilities and funds — as there were in the MDC when he became its leader,” he said. He said with limited time to the next general elections slated for 2028, chances of sustained successes will be also limited in the event that the CCC he abandoned regroups and emerges stronger without him. “But five years is a long time. Much will depend on how well the CCC he left behind will do. If it fails to oppose well, that would be his point of entry with a new party. But if the CCC does oppose well, there will be no need at all for any new party,” said Chan. Rashweat Mukundu, a Zimbabwean-based political analyst, opined that Chamisa must emerge stronger from the problems he has faced thus far in his political career and and craft with others a formidable opposition political party. He urged Chamisa to stay away from the toxic CCC. “The CCC in its current formation is a madhouse. It's a political space that is too confused for anyone to make sense of what can be done.  “For this reason, it makes sense for Nelson Chamisa to say he is stepping out and maybe starting something new or inform on his next move. “The reason being that once Nelson announced his resignation from CCC, we then saw the levels of conspiracy within the Tshabangu scandal from very senior political leaders who now claim to be occupying various positions in the CCC, but who were not forthcoming in resolving these issues when Tshabangu started its problems. “And it appears that for Nelson Chamisa, it appears CCC is irredeemable and those that want to remain in it must take ownership and run with it,” he said. Mukundu added that eventually Chamisa must form a new political party. “And maybe Nelson needs to start something and the people of Zimbabwe obviously are the ultimate judges in what they believe,” he said. Political analyst Vivid Gwede said Chamisa must ride on his popularity to put together a forceful party to contest for state power, but he needs to first introspect.    “Chamisa remains popular across the country and will likely play a leading role in opposition politics. That probably means he will do so through another movement or party. In the meantime, he will probably have time to reflect on what has gone wrong and how the lessons can strengthen his next steps,” he said. Chamisa remains formidable brand Resigned CCC leader Nelson Chamisa NewsHawks News Page 7 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024

Page 8 News NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024 NATHAN GUMA ZIMBABWE's ruling Zanu PF swept all parliamentary by-elections held at the weekend to secure a game-changing two-thirds majority, courtesy of main opposition CCC's self-imposed secretary-general Sengezo Tshabangu and his political allies whose anti-democracy agenda has now been fully exposed. While Tshabangu and others may have had some key and genuine issues which needed to be addressed at the beginning, they chose a scorched earth policy which benefitted Zanu PF and left democracy in the intensive care unit. The ruling party went into by-elections needing only two seats to win an absolute majority. It had 184 out of 280 seats. Now the party has more than a two-thirds majority required to change the constitution: 190 out of 280 seats. At the Saturday polls, Zanu PF candidates won in Seke, Mkoba North, Pelandaba-Tshabalala, Chegutu West, Goromonzi South and Zvimba East. These seats were previously held by the CCC then led by Nelson Chamisa after hardfought elections. Tshabangu and his political allies' candidates dismally lost in the two rounds of by-elections which ironically they caused, proving that they have no popular support among voters. Backed by the executive, Parliament and judiciary, as well as the security apparatus and vindictive individuals, Tshabangu succeeded in one thing only: Handing over CCC seats to Zanu PF, while destroying the opposition. The ruling party is immeasurably grateful to Tshabangu and his political allies for delivering the seats on a silver platter. Having delivered, Tshabangu may now name the price, those close to him say. In the general elections last August, Zanu PF had failed to win two-thirds. It secured 136 out of the 209 contested seats, while CCC had 73 seats. However, like a bat out of hell, Tshabangu came with arbitrary recalls and removed elected MPs, senators and councillors, as well as mayors, destroying the CCC and strengthening Zanu PF's authoritarian grip on power, entrenching despotism. President Emmerson Mnangagwa desires a two-thirds majority as he weighs his options, including the possibility of changing the constitution to run for a third term. There is however strong push-back by the military, which is resisting his third-term manoeuvres. In last year’s August elections, Zanu PF failed to garner a two-thirds majority, getting 136 of the 209 National Assembly seats contested, while the CCC got 73. The party also got 33 proportional representation seats and seven youth quota seats, bringing the total number of seats to 176 and 10 seats short of a two-thirds majority. Zanu PF’s John Paradza won the Gutu West election last November after it was postponed following the death of independent candidate Christopher Mutonhori Rwodzi in a car accident, reducing the required number to nine. Last December, Speaker of Parliament Jacob Mudenda placed a four-session ban on CCC MPs for protesting Pedzayi "Scott" Sakupwanya’s fraudulent win in Mabvuku-Tafara constituency. The February by-election was prompted by further recalls on CCC organising secretary Amos Chibaya (Mkoba North), who was also chief whip of the party, deputy spokesperson Gift Ostallos Siziba (Pelandaba-Tshabalala), Admore Chivero (Chegutu West), Tapfumaneyi Willard Madzimbamuto (Seke), Oliver Mutasa (Zvimba East) and Stephen Chatiza (Goromonzi South). The party was also given an advantage a fortnight ago after High Court judge Pisirayi Kwenda ordered that 23 names of recalled opposition CCC MPs, including key officials Chibaya and Siziba, be removed from the ballot. Other CCC candidates, for instance Willard Madzimbamuto, who had won in August, chose to run as independents. Zanu PF used its two-thirds majority in the previous Parliament to change the constitution. Mnangagwa, through the Zimbabwe Constitution Amendment (No.2) Act, changed the supreme law to remove the running mate close so that he has a pliant deputy, while giving himself greater control over cabinet, the Prosecutor-General and Public Protector. The Act permitted the President to promote judges of the High Court and the Supreme Court to a higher court on the recommendation of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC), without the need for public interviews, opening the door to promotions on the basis of political suitability and cronyism. It allowed judges of the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court to continue to serve beyond the current retirement age of 70, if the President, after consulting the JSC, consented to that. Lawfare Zanu PF also used the two-thirds majority to pass laws and bills that stifle the opposition, in particular the Private Voluntary Organisations Bill, which clamps down on civil society. While the Bill had lapsed upon dissolution of the 9th Parliament, it was sent back to the 10th Parliament by Mnangagwa for reconsideration. Using the two-thirds majority, Mnangagwa’s government also gazetted over 120 Statutory Instruments in the first half of the year 2023 towards the general elections, a rate which is higher than his first three years into power, amid growing concerns of rule by decree and total consolidation of power. Statistics produced by Veritas last year show Mnangagwa gazetted 122 statutory instruments between January and June, signalling an increase compared to his first three years in power. Mnangagwa promulgated over 200 statutory instruments between 2017 and 2019, which were largely pushed for by Zanu PF’s two-thirds majority in Parliament during his first term in office. However, the statutory instruments increased in the run up to the disputed general elections, raising fears of unrestrained repression, with some of the laws seeing a gradual shrinking of the civic space at all stages of the election. For instance, some of the laws passed during the period include the Delimitation of Constituencies and Wards: Proclamation 1 of 2023 — corrected by Statutory Instrument 29 of 2023, which was roundly condemned by analysts for gerrymandering on behalf of Zanu PF, giving it an unfair advantage over the opposition. Zanu PF secures new two-thirds majority CCC self-imposed secretary-general Sengezo Tshabangu

NewsHawks News Page 9 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024 BRENNA MATENDERE CITIZENS' Coalition for Change (CCC) members of Parliament who resign in solidarity with former leader Nelson Chamisa who quit the party last week are free to contest again in by-elections called to fill the ensuing vacancies if they want to retain their seats, checks by The NewsHawks have revealed. Qualifications and disqualifications for election to Parliament are provided for in section 25 of the constitution. Sub-section one paragraphs (a) and (b) outlines what makes one qualify for election. It says one must be a registered voter and “is at least twenty-one years of age: unless he or she is disqualified under sub-section two or three". The mentioned sub-sections say: “A person is disqualified for election as a Member of the National Assembly if- (a) he or she is disqualified under the Fourth Schedule for registration as a voter or (b) within five years before the election, he or she vacated a seat in the Senate or the National Assembly in terms of section 129 (l) (I)through having been convicted of an offence.” The constitution also outlaws floor crossing and says a person who ceases to be a member of a political party that supported them to Parliament cannot resign and contest under the same party name. The plain interpretation is that the MPs who resign in solidarity with Chamisa can still contest on the ticket of a new movement he promised to form or they can run as independents. The latter has already happened in Seke where Chamisa’s candidate who was recalled from Parliament, Willard Madzimbamuto, is contesting the 3 February by-elections as an independent against CCC Sengezo Tshabangu’s candidate Evaristo Chisi. In the 26 March 2022 by-elections, Chamisa MPs recalled by Douglas Mwonzora from the MDC-Alliance were also allowed to contest under a new name, CCC. Former opposition MDC chief whip and Mutare Central MP Innocent Gonese, who is also a seasoned lawyer, said the same can still happen with MPs who resign in solidarity with Chamisa. “One's resignation as a member of Parliament or as a councillor does not preclude or bar that person from standing in an election subsequently called in the constituency or ward concerned. “According to section 129 of the constitution, it is very clear that one of the ways in which a seat becomes vacant is through the member resigning, that is section 129 (1b). “However, you will find that when you look at section 125 and similar sections which relate to the Senate, it is clear that there are disqualifications, but one is not disqualified because of a resignation,” he said. Gonese explained what translates to a disqualification. “What disqualifies a person is, for example, if a person ceases to be registered as a voter or if a person has vacated a seat through having been convicted of an offence. “Nowhere does it mention having relinquished his seat through resignation. And one can understand the rationale, because you will find that in terms of [section] 129-1K, it is quite clear that if one ceases to belong to a particular political party, or having been elected as an independent in terms of L, and becomes a member of a political party, in those two reverse circumstances, the seat becomes a vacant. “So, in my opinion, if someone was elected under a certain political party and they ceased being members of that party and instead of being recalled, they simply resign and they want to stand again on a different platform whether as an independent or as a member of a completely different political party, then those people or that person would be perfectly free to do so,” said Gonese. He added: “And it actually syncs with our logic that if, for example, the party under which you are elected is no longer in sync with your political views or the party changes direction, then you are perfectly entitled to relinquish that seat and seek a fresh mandate. So, in short, I believe that any person who never resigned is perfectly at liberty to stand again on a different political party platform.” Clerk of Parliament Kennedy Chokuda said only Zec which administers the Electoral Act can know whether an MP who resigns can contest in a by-election to fill the ensuing vacancy. “Kindly direct your questions to Zec who are responsible for administering the Act,” he said. Contacted for comment, Rodney Kiwa, the Zec deputy chairperson and acting spokesperson, strongly refused to shed light. "I am not prepared to speak about that matter. I recently addressed a Press conference and that matter must have been raised during that platform. In other words, I am saying I can't talk about that or anything else at the moment," he said. So far, only top opposition politician Fadzayi Mahere has resigned as MP for Mt Pleasant in solidarity with Chamisa. Two other CCC legislators, Eric Murai (Highfield East) and Corban Madzivanyika Resigned MPs can contest again without hindrance Seke candidate Willard Madzimbamuto

Page 10 News OWEN GAGARE THE Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) has disintegrated into three distinct yet fluid factions following last week’s resignation of Nelson Chamisa which took some legislators and party officials by surprise. The freeing of the fiery Job Sikhala from prison after spending almost two years behind bars has added other dynamics to the saga. Chamisa quit CCC in a huff last Thursday after its descent into political turmoil due to recalls of MPs and other elected representatives by self-imposed leaders. He said the party had been infiltrated by Zanu PF and its subversives. The resignation has resulted in a scramble for the heart and soul of the party, with three factions emerging: one loyal to Chamisa, the other which has coalesced around former MDC-Alliance vice-presidents Welshman Ncube and Tendai Biti as well as the self-imposed CCC interim steering committee, also known as the recalls committee, led by Sengezo Tshabangu. There are, however, sharp divisions and mistrust within the recalls committee amid indications that Tshabangu is gravitating towards the Ncube-Biti camp. The Chamisa camp, which has the likes of Amos Chibaya — the party’s organising secretary, spokesperson Promise Mkwananzi and deputy spokesperson Gift Siziba, met in Belvedere on Tuesday under the Citizens' National Assembly (CNA), as they sought to control the party. The CNA comprises cluster leaders from CCC bureaux across the country. CNA members have been trying to negotiate with Chamisa to reconsider his resignation, given the implications it has on the party and elected officials, who have been left in a quandary. Chamisa’s backers believe the 46-year-old charismatic politician is the best foot forward for the opposition party. Many legislators also say they will support Chamisa’s vision although they are not willing to resign from Parliament in solidarity with the leader. Only one legislator, Fadzai Mahere of Mt Pleasant, has resigned in solidarity. The CNA has put in place a committee chaired by Jameson Timba to negotiate with Chamisa, and protect the party from other factions seeking to seize control. There are, however, divisions even among those supporting Chamisa, as seen by the CNA’s decision to reject Mkwananzi’s move to grab the presidency albeit on an interim basis. The decision was made at the Tuesday meeting, well after Mkwananzi had written letters to various stakeholders, including Parliament, informing them he was now in control of the party. There are indications that Chamisa will form a movement to further his political ambitions, but the form and shape is not yet crystal clear. He, however, favours a social or political movement that will be citizen-centred and works differently from conventional political parties. “He wants a clean break from the MDC and the baggage it carries. So whatever he will form will be totally new, so that he avoids the legacy bottlenecks which have affected all parties emanating from the MDC, including CCC,” said an official in the Chamisa camp. “He had problems asserting control in the MDC-T, then MDC-Alliance and CCC because of legacy issues. The new movement will offer him total control and enable him to get rid of senior officials he does not trust, or those who don’t respect him.” Chamisa’s backers in the CNA believe the movement which he will form should have its base in the support he already enjoys in the CCC. The Ncube/Biti faction is unhappy with the way Chamisa has been running the party. They believe he is a dictator, hence his decision to abandon party structures or his failure to ensure the party has a constitution. They believe this weakness was exploited by Zanu PF during the 2023 elections. The faction believes the party should have structures and has mobilised the MDC-Alliance structures elected at the party’s Gweru congress in 2019. Chamisa formed the CCC after the party was hit by recalls orchestrated by Douglas Mwonzora, who had successfully wrested the leadership of MDC-A. Ncube chaired an extraordinary meeting of the National Standing Committee, which was elected at the Gweru May 2019 Congress. The meeting, held on Monday, accepted Chamisa’s resignation. Ncube, Biti and Lynette Karenyi-Kore were elected as vice-presidents at the congress. 2019 Karenyi-Kore turned down an offer to lead the party on an interim basis after siding with Chamisa. Biti and Ncube are the two most senior persons elected at the 2019 congress In an interview with NRTV this week, Biti declared he was CCC vice-president and was not going “anywhere”. Following Monday’s meeting, the national standing committee said, after receiving, considering and debating the secretary-general’s report, it resolved that the “resignation of Advocate Nelson Chamisa as President of the party is, with regret, accepted.” The committee said the party should return to legitimacy. “This means all legitimate party structures as at the Gweru Congress of May 2019, and which were in place up to and including the 24th January 2022 when the National Standing Committee announced the rebranding of the party to CCC, that is, from branch to National Council are recognised. These structures should carry out their respective responsibilities,” read the statement. The committee also said all legislators and councillors should remain in office and discharge their duties. Some CCC officials who had initially sided with the Ncube/Biti camp have pledged loyalty to Chamisa, after seeing that he was still in the game. Chalton Hwende, who was elected MDC-Alliance secretary-general who gave an overview of the party at the national standing committee meeting, is siding with Chamisa. Hwende, who is Kuwadzana East MP, wrote on social media: "On Tuesday I had a 2 hr conversation with President @nelsonchamisa and we discussed his resignation statement. He is clear that he will never return to the CCC and he will make an announcement on his next move in the near future. I agree with his decision. Tomorrow I will begin a series of consultations with the people of Kuwadzana East so that I can be guided on the next move. President Chamisa remains our best foot forward to bring change in this country." Marondera MP Caston Matewu, for example, has pledged loyalty to the CCC faction loyal to Chamisa, while rejecting co-option as one of the three spokespersons by the group now coordinated by Ncube. Matewu, however, initially accepted the position and even changed his X handle to indicate that he was CCC spokesperson before making a U-turn. The other two spokespersons are Nqobizitha Mlilo (main spokesperson), who is loyal to Biti, and Decent Bajila, Ncube's ally. The self-imposed CCC interim steering committee is also fighting to control the party and is unhappy that the Ncube/Biti faction has moved in. The committee has Dingilizwe Tshuma, former legislator for Entumbane-Njube constituency in Bulawayo as chair; Albert Mhlanga (former Pumula MP and deputy); Sengezo Tshabangu (secretary-general); Khaliphani Phugeni (information); Sikhululekile Moyo (interim chairperson for women); Nomvula Mguni (ex-proportional representation MP), Mbuso Siso (treasurer) and Benoni Ncube (youth). Tshabangu, who has been the face of the committee, is however at loggerheads with his peers as he wants to join forces with the pro-2019 group, where he is eying a prominent role. Sources in the faction say Tshabangu does not believe the committee has the gravitas to sustain the party. The committee plotted recalls after consultations soon after the August general elections. Their main grievance was what they felt and described as imposition of candidates on the party candidates list prior to the elections during CCC’s unique primaries, which the party termed a consensus-based nomination process. Following nomination, there was a vetting process through which the recall activists claim candidates were imposed. In order to execute the recalls, a mechanism was needed to drive the process which required a strategy and tactical approach to work in an environment where the ruling Zanu PF — which wanted a two-thirds parliamentary majority — had failed to secure it. Taking advantage of the CCC’s lack of traditional party organisational structure, national structures, office-bearers, pecking order, offices, bank accounts and other relevant administrative services, the disgruntled activists formed their own structure: interim steering committee. The recalls were later hijacked by other disgruntled CCC officials, Zanu PF and state security agents as they sought to ensure Zanu PF wins a two-thirds majority in Parliament through the backdoor. Some CCC officials have remained on the fence to see which faction will emerge victorious. These include Job Sikhala who was this week removed from prison. Some officials and party supporters view him as a potential leader, given that he is generally considered to be fearless and proactive. The majority of the players, however, see Chamisa as the best foot forward, given his mass appeal. This includes many in the Ncube/Biti camp as well. CCC splits into three warring factions Former CCC leader Nelson Chamisa (right) with Welshman Ncube (left). NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

NewsHawks News Page 11 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE AWARD-WINNING human rights lawyer Darlington Marange has torn into the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act (Mopa), saying it is a reincarnation of the discredited Public Order and Security Act (Posa). In the recent issue of the Journal on Democracy, Governance and Human Rights, Marange writes that Mopa is no different from the repealed Posa which was deemed draconian. “The Maintenance of Peace and Order Act [Chapter 11:23] (MOPA) was promulgated in 2019 as a new law that repealed the Public Order and Security Act [Chapter 11:17] (POSA). As demonstrated in this paper, POSA was a centrepiece of state-sanctioned repression. A closer analysis of MOPA shows that it is hardly different from POSA,” Marange said. “POSA was enacted when the opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party, was gaining popularity and challenged Zanu PF’s hegemonic dominance of Zimbabwean politics. POSA incorporated many provisions of LOMA (Law and Order Maintenance Act) and introduced even more repressive measures. The legislation became the centrepiece for state-sanctioned repression and was widely condemned by the international community for infringing on freedom of assembly. Members of the opposition and civil society became targets of a broad scheme to restrict the capacity to coalesce, organise, and engage in mass action. In doing so, POSA significantly increased asymmetries of power, as well as the spatial distance between the general public and their constitutionally guaranteed right to assemble,” he said. Under Mopa, many requests by the opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change to hold rallies have been denied, with the partisan police claiming that the party failed to fulfil the requirements of convening a public meeting. The police can still ban a gathering if they think it will cause public disorder under section 8(3). This, Marange argues, can be used to stifle freedom of assembly. “The import of section 8(3) of the Act is to give the OIC [police officer-in-charge] the discretion to cancel proposed meetings. As long as there are threats of serious disruption of vehicular or pedestrian traffic, injury to participants in the public meeting or other persons, or extensive damage to property or other public disorder, the OIC is allowed to cancel the proposed meeting. The yardstick to cancel the proposed meeting is the availability of ‘real threat’ and this is a fluid and subjective term. It means the OIC has unfettered discretion to cancel proposed meetings. He/she is not bound by the opinion of the parties invited to the consultative meeting,” he said. The Act suggests that the officer-in-charge can order an arrest where conveners of a meeting fail to notify the police of their engagement. In January 2023, 25 members of the Citizens' Coalition for Change were arrested during a political party meeting for allegedly contravening this section. Marange notes that an arrest is too aggressive a punishment for people seeking mere assembly. “The limitation of the right to assemble with a criminal sanction is inconsistent with the international standards for restricting this right. This provision is against international standards of necessity and proportionality in restricting the right to assembly. There is no necessity to limit this foundational right with criminal sanction where there are other available less intrusive measures. Under MOPA, as long as the conveners and the participants fail to notify the police about their meetings, they are liable for prosecution. This provision is also inconsistent with standards that require the responsible authorities to respect and protect all assemblies as long as they are peaceful. This is so regardless of whether conveners complied with the notification procedures. Under MOPA, spontaneous meetings are not exempted from prosecution. There is no defence for attending spontaneous gatherings,” said Marange. He concludes his paper by noting that, Mopa has been used to silence dissent. “Sections 7(5), 8(3), 8(9), and 8(11) of MOPA are used as weapons by the Zimbabwe Republic Police to close the operational civic space. Section 7(5) is employed to persecute human rights defenders and civic actors through prosecution. It is being used to raid and disrupt CSOs' [civil society organisations] meetings. It has a chilling effect and deters CSO actors from convening public assemblies for fear of arrest and prosecution,” he said. Lawyer Darlington Marange Mopa reincarnation of Posa

Page 12 News NATHAN GUMA CIVIL society organisations say the appointment of Zanu PF gold baron Pedzai "Scott" Sakupwanya to the parliamentary portfolio committee on Mines and Mineral Development, which monitors the mining industry, could result in a conflict of interest as he is underfire for harmful mining practices in Penhalonga. Sakupwanya faces many questions over his dealings. This week,Sakupwanya, an ally of President Emmerson Mnangagwa, was appointed to the portfolio committees on Mines and Mining Development and Local Government, Public Works and National Housing. In December, Sakupwanya controversially rose to become a legislator, albeit through the backdoor after losing in the 23 August general elections to the CCC’s popular Munyaradzi Kufahakutizwi. Sakupwanya secured the parliamentary seat after Kufahakutizwi was recalled by the impostor secretary-general, Sengezo Tshabangu. Kufahakutizwi was barred from contesting the by-election, leaving Sakupwanya duly elected unopposed. Sakupwanya's appointment to the portfolio committee on Mines and Mineral Development has enraged civil society which has been condemning his operations in the mineral-rich Manicaland province that have led to the endangerment of miners and loss of lives. For instance, on 5 January, the ministry of Mines and Mining Development wrote to Betterbrands Mining Company, owned by Sakupwanya, suspending operations at Redwing Mine in Penhalonga to pave way for investigations, after 15 miners were trapped underground in one of the shafts. While the miners were all rescued alive, calls for sustainable mining methods at Redwing have been growing louder over the years, amid indications of horrendous working conditions. An extractive sector watchdog, the Centre for Natural Resource Governance (CNRG), says Sakupwanya’s appointment is likely to result in a conflict of interest as he will now be expected to monitor safe mining practices, yet he is tainted. “I think there is a clear or rather potential conflict of interest in that the committee was created to monitor mining activities in the country. And since he belongs to the mining sector, he cannot monitor himself. So, it compromises the committee itself in that it will lack that independence to carry out its duties without fear or favour since one of them belongs to the other side,” said Farai Maguwu, CNRG director. “The committee was setup up to monitor and to keep the sector under check. So, that is my main concern. They could have found him another committee where he does not have a conflict of interest.” Another pressure group, the Centre for Research and Development (CRD), says Sakupwanya’s appointment shows the Zanu PF government’s penchant for capturing the mining industry for personal gain. “This is what we have been saying that the mining industry is captured and meant to serve the interests of the political elites. It is very unfortunate that someone who is compromised and responsible for the death of 150 people is now given a portfolio committee to provide oversight in the ministry of mines,” says James Mupfumi, CRD director. “I think what is here is the drive by the state to establish a kleptocracy. What we are now seeing is a political institution trying to amass wealth from public goods. In trying to protect that wealth, they are now manipulating state institutions and taking control, like what has been happening in the case of Scott Sakupwanya. They appointed someone who is under investigation where his mine has been suspended because of continuous deaths.” Mupfumi added: “You can see that what is being manipulated here is the judicial system and parliamentary system altogether that allowed Tshabangu's recall papers to be accepted. So they are now getting into positions of power in government, Parliament and judiciary so they can continue suppressing the people of Zimbabwe.” Harmful mining practicesSakupwanya’s Betterbrands Mining Company has had a track record of harmful mining practices in Penhalonga.  With over 132 claims in the area alone, Betterbrands has been deeply involved in mining and milling operations at Redwing Mine. Betterbrands contracts artisanal and smallscale miners to extract and surrender ore to the company, which has become a new mining model, as the company seeks to reduce operational costs. Redwing has also been a cash cow for politically-connected elites in Mutare and Mutasa in Manicaland province, who have been partly responsible for granting access to mining pits, endangering the lives of artisanal miners who are subjected to horrific working conditions. On 5 January, the Mines ministry said it is opening investigations into Betterbrands operations, for the third time in four years over harmful mining practices, which have led to endangerment and loss of lives. According to the letter, Redwing’s mining methods have not been adhering to mining standards such as maintaining pillars between shafts at a distance of not less than 35 metres, while some of the shafts are ill-equipped to prevent collapse. The letter pointed out that Redwing does not have updated surface and underground plans as per requirements of section 78 of Statutory Instrument (SI)109 of 1990, which requures that all shafts have demarcated infrastructure and contours in compliance with SI 109 of 1990. As reported by The NewsHawks, mining activity by Better Brands Mining at Redwing Mine and surrounding areas in Manicaland is leaving a trail of destruction, with hazardous chemicals being deposited into Penhalonga’s Lake Alexander which supplies over 25% of the city of Mutare’s drinking water, sparking fears of a health hazard. The company has been under fire for the pollution of the lake and other surrounding water bodies. The gold processing plants are illegally accessing gold ore from porous mining activities by Better Brands. These processing plants cannot account to the government for the gold that they are processing because they are not registered. The miners transport their ore to the company’s milling facility, where mercury is used to extract gold from ore, while others send it to private millers, who dump the toxic waste into surrounding rivers and streams. Illicit financial flows Sakupwanya was exposed in the documentary by Qatari-based news organisation Al Jazeera as President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s runner who helped him build a war chest in the run up to the 2023 general elections. The four-episode explosive documentary showed how the country has been losing gold through illicit flows, spearheaded by people close to Mnangagwa. In a phone call with Mnangagwa’s envoy, Uebert Angel, Sakupwanya said he can move huge sums of money anywhere in the world. He was Mnangagwa’s key fundraiser in his 2023 re-election bid and was named in the Zanu PF resource mobilisation committee responsible for fundraising for the party’s campaign. Angel phoned Sakupwanya and offered him money from Al Jazeera reporters posing as gangsters, so that he could buy gold. He accepted the offer, promising 10% interest. Asked by Angel how he can transfer profits to the undercover journalists, Sakupwanya said he can transfer money anywhere in the world. Angel made a call to Sakupwanya who told him he had sold six tonnes of gold in 10 months. “I guess I can do 10% per month. It depends on where they are from (the investors). If they are from Dubai, I can pay into their Dubai account. Anywhere. Anywhere in the world I can manage to transfer. Not a problem for me,” Sakupwanya said in the phone call. Sakupwanya appointment to Mines committee scandalous Zanu PF gold baron Pedzai "Scott" Sakupwanya NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

NewsHawks News Page 13 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024 ZIMBABWE Platinum Mines (Private) Limited (Zimplats) has won a case in which it was being sued by a community member on accusations of failing to give back to the community despite thriving financially. The Mhondoro Ngezi-based mining company was at loggerheads with Tatenda Gwinji, a community member, who sought declaratory and consequential relief including an order declaring that Zimplats is obliged to allot to the trust ordinary shares in the share capital of Zimplats constituting 10% of issued share capital. However, High Court High Court judge Jacob Manzunzu dismissed Gwinji’s application, ruling that he failed to support his claim. This was after hearing arguments from the mining company and other respondents including Zimplats Mhondoro Ngezi Chegutu Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (the Trust), Industry and Commerce minister, Zimplats head corporate affairs Sibusisiwe Chindove and Godfrey Sigobodhla as second to fifth respondents respectively. “Mr Mugabe for the plaintiff was put on a hill start. He was brief. He agreed that as a general rule, an agreement to agree was unenforceable,” said Justice Manzunzu. “He created a duty for himself to assist the court, as to what are the exceptions and whether this case falls within the exception. He fought, but in my view, a losing battle.” Justice Manzunzu said given the non-fulfilment of the condition precedent, it logically follows that Gwinji cannot seek to enforce any rights emanating from clause 3.2 or 3.3 of the trust deed. “The plaintiff has not established any valid cause of action. The exception ought to be upheld. It disposes of the plaintiff’s claim. In that event, it is pointless to deal with the special plea,” he ruled. “The exception to the summons and declaration by Zimplats and Chindove is upheld with costs. The plaintiff’s claim be and is hereby dismissed.” Gwinji filed his court application on 21 November 2022 in terms of section 14 of the High Court Act. Under this section, Gwinji sought a declaratory and consequential relief including an order declaring that the Trust is entitled to subscribe to, and Zimplats is obliged to allot to the trust, ordinary shares in the share capital of Zimplats constituting 10% of the issued share capital. This, he said, was also in terms of clause 3.2 of the trust. Gwinji also sought an order declaring that Zimplats’ failure and/or neglect to comply with clause 3.2 of the trust deed was ultra vires section 13 of the constitution of Zimbabwe, 2013 and regional and international instruments to which Zimbabwe is a state party in respect of his right to national development. He wanted the court to consequently make an order that, within 14 days of this order, Zimplats execute with the trust a subscription agreement relating to the community shares in terms of clause 3.3 of the trust plus costs of suit on the legal practitioner and client scale. Zimplats is a private limited company duly incorporated under the laws of Zimbabwe. It is involved in platinum mining in the Mhondoro Ngezi area. Under the indigenisation laws, it was a requirement that Zimplats submit an indigenisation implementation plan. According to court papers, it did so by expressing its intention to allot 10% of its issued shares to the local community in which it carries out its platinum mining activities. “To that end, on 13 October 2011, a memorandum of understanding ('the MOU') was signed between the Government of Zimbabwe and Zimplats.The MOU recorded that a community share ownership trust ('the Trust') would be set up for the benefit of the various communities affected by Zimbabwe Platinum’s mining activities,” said Gwinji. The court heard it was further recorded that Zimplats would dispose of 10% of its issued share capital to the trust for fair value, on terms and conditions to be agreed upon. The MOU further acknowledged that the disposal of the shares was subject to, inter alia, the execution of definitive agreements relating to the disposal of the shares to the trust, including a share sale agreement between Zimplats and the trust. On 11 December 2011, a trust deed was registered in the Deeds Registry which effectively gave birth to the trust, being the 1st defendant in this matter. Gwinji’s cause of action is premised on clauses 3.2 and 3.3 of the trust deed. He submitted that despite Zimplats making profits and declaring dividends, it has refused and/or neglected to allot to the trust ordinary shares in its share capital constituting 10% of the issued share capital. He attributed the delay and/or failure to give birth to the subscription agreement to Zimplats. Gwinji instituted this action in his personal capacity as a resident and beneficiary of the trust and in the public interest on behalf of other residents and communities who are beneficiaries of the trust. Chindove and Sigobodhla were cited in their official capacity as founding trustees of the trust. Zimplats and Chindove raised an exception to the summons and declaration in that they do not disclose a cause of action. They also raised special pleas, that of prescription, lack of “locus standi of the plaintiff; and that the court has no jurisdiction to deal with the action which is not commercial dispute.” They argued that both the MOU and the trust deed provide that the allotment of shares will be subject to the execution of the subscription agreement. — STAFF WRITER. Zimplats wins in community share ownership trust dispute

Page 14 News NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024 NATHAN GUMA A SOCIAL justice watchdog, the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development (Zimcodd), says while the country is targeting a 3.5% economic growth rate in 2024, this is likely to be hampered by unserviced debt, a toxic political environment and the reluctance to implement reforms. The country has been locked in a political quagmire since Zanu PF won the disputed 23 August general elections which were rejected by key observer missions, including the Southern African Development Community (Sadc), over gross irregularities. Since then, the country has been locked in election mode with controversial recalls of elected members of the main opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) by self-proclaimed secretary-general Sengezo Tshabangu. Electoral reforms have been a key cog in the debt resolution process to restore goodwill with international creditors. The political situation has been worsening, with High Court judge Pisirayi Kwenda ordering that 23 names of recalled opposition CCC MPs, including those of key officials Amos Chibaya and Gift Ostallos Siziba, be removed from the ballot papers as candidates for the 3 February by-elections after a successful application by Tshabangu. Last week, CCC leader Nelson Chamisa quit the opposition party, citing infiltration by Zanu PF. This week, Zimcodd economist Zvikomborero Sibanda told The NewsHawks that Zimbabwe’s increasingly toxic political environment has been further blighting the country’s debt resolution agenda, which is likely to hamper economic growth. Zimbabwe’s debt has remained unsustainable, with domestic public and publicly guaranteed debt (PPG) now at US$5 billion, while external debt is pegged at US$12.7 billion. This has seen the country fail to access loans from international financial institutions. “Considering what is happening, we are coming from an electoral season where the incumbent is disputed with the opposition alleging vote rigging, as supported by international observer missions. Also considering the ongoing recalls are a repeat of the destruction of the opposition. We started with the MDC-Alliance, before the courts took over and gave the mantle to [a faction within opposition led by Douglas] Mwonzora. Now we are in the same situation with Tshabangu. This toxic politics is leading to lack of cohesion,” Sibanda said. “It is good that political actors come together under an external mediator. Without that, nothing may materialise. Even with the Structured Dialogue Programme (SDP) led by AfDB president Akinumwi Adesina and former Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano, without a political solution, we will remain isolated within the global community. We really need that political dialogue. We did it before with the Government of National Unity (GNU) in 2009.” He added: “If you look, since 2019, government is trying to institute various measures to stabilise the economy. But, we are still on the same path. That is why we are not going anywhere due to lack of that dialogue.” Sibanda also said lack of political will to implement meaningful political reforms has been exerting pressure on the country’s monetary system. For instance, chronic inflation was persistent in 2023, with year-on-year (YoY) inflation averaging 84.1%, while month-on-month inflation (MoM) averaged 6.95%. “On political will, we are looking at what has been causing all these inflationary pressures and others. We are saying some of the causes are structural in nature. We are talking about corruption, illicit financial flows and other rigidities that we are facing right now. In governance, we have to improve on human rights and the rule of law,” Sibanda said. “We need the political will to institute reforms. For instance, we had the Lima Process led by Chinamasa. It got nowhere because there was no political will to reform. Without democratic reforms, we are fooling ourselves and going nowhere. If the Zanu position is that 'let us look East' and as we are not puppets of the West, then we are going nowhere, because the largest number of our creditors are from the West.” “Of the US$17.7 billion, China owns only US$2.4 billion. The bulk are bilateral and multilateral creditors, largely the World Bank, Paris Club and International Monetary Fund and the arrears are continuing to mount. More than 50% of our US$12.7 billion external debt are arrears and penalties. So you can see that we are facing a real challenge. So we are saying government must implement real reforms, and resolve the illegitimacy question. After the dialogue, we are saying let us have the will to implement.” During last year’s Zimbabwe Second Structured Dialogue Platform Meeting, President Emmerson Mnangagwa told delegates that the country is upholding tenets of good governance and democracy as part of efforts to resolve the debt crisis, which differs from the reforms being demanded by opposition players and human rights watchdogs. For instance, in his opening address, Mnangagwa said he has been expediting economic and political reforms. His remarks were in stark contrast to opposition parliamentarians and civil society who accuse him of presiding over a ruthless and corrupt dictatorship.   “Under the Governance Pillar, my administration is unwavering in its adherence to constitutionalism, the rule of law and the tenets of good governance and democracy. We will ensure that our laws are applied consistently, without fear or favour,” Mnangagwa said then. “Zimbabwe will conduct free and fair elections this year, consistent with our constitution and electoral laws. In addition, human rights concerns are being addressed in line with our country’s laws and international conventions.” Unserviced debt hampers growth

NewsHawks News Page 15 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024 NATHAN GUMA THE coordinator of the Job Sikhala solidarity campaign, Obert Masaraure, says the movement will continue operating despite the opposition stalwart's release from 595 days in pre-trial detention. Masaraure says the Free Job Sikhala Solidarity Movement will continue operating so as to provide solidarity for all Zimbabweans facing repression amid a worsening socio-economic crisis. However, he says the campaign will not transition to a political party. This week, Sikhala was released from Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison after spending 595 days in prison, since his arrest on 14 June 2022 while representing slain Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) activist, Moreblessing Ali. In May last year, Sikhala was convicted, after spending almost a year in prison following his arrest and was slapped with a suspended sixmonth custodial sentence and a US$600 fine. He remained in custody for the prolonged period, with the state arguing he had outstanding cases. Even though the Job Sikhala Solidarity Movement was set up to push for his release, coordinator Masaraure said its work will continue to push for the socio-economic and political rights of oppressed Zimbabweans.  “The movement is actually escalating. The movement is now a solidarity movement for all Zimbabweans. It will offer solidarity for all Zimbabweans. It will give all Zimbabweans solidarity, all those who are failing to access education, all those who are failing to access healthcare among others,” Masaraure told The NewsHawks. “The workload is now immense. We need to step up our work, harness our work and move forth. We are not turning back. The Job Sikhala Solidarity Campaign seeks to unite all citizens to push back against judicial capture. To demand freedom for all political prisoners. The campaign appreciates that the judiciary is at the centre of ensuring that citizens enjoy their rights, including socio-economic rights.” Masaraure said the campaign will also push for economic rights, with most Zimbabweans now being driven into poverty. Last year, Finance minister Mthuli Ncube presented the 2024 National Budget statement which proposed the widening of the revenue base through several taxes and levies targeting both the rich and the poor. Immediately after announcing the new tax regime, Ncube faced enormous disparage- ment, with critics saying the fiscal statement was not well-thought-out. “Today citizens are carrying an unbearable tax burden because people are barred from protesting. The judiciary has been deployed to unjustly cage all those who reject government’s flawed policies. Zimbabwe’s elections are pe- rennially rigged, because the judiciary is not a fair arbiter,” Masaraure said. “Our judiciary is clearly bidding for the ruling Zanu PF party. All electoral disputes brought to court have seen Zanu PF emerging victorious. The Job Sikhala Solidarity Cam- paign therefore becomes an important cog in the fight for the restoration of the liberation promise of justice, freedom and equality.” Masaraure says the campaign is an import- ant cog in the fight for the restoration of the liberation promise of justice, freedom and equality. He said the solidarity campaign will however not transform into a political party. “Zimbabwe has more than enough political parties, what is lacking is a free and fair playing field. The movement will come in to assist dif- ferent political parties to enjoy a level playing field. "We have no appetite to form an opposition party, opposition parties are useless if they have no potential of capturing state power,” he told The NewsHawks. Masaraure says the Job Sikhala Solidarity Movement already has ambassadors who will spearhead the campaign in their respective fields, while being mandated to mobilise dif- ferent international players to apply diplomatic pressure on Harare. The government has been under fire for persecuting opposition members. For instance, leader of the opposition Transform Zimbabwe Jacob Ngarivhume was released from prison in December following his conviction in April last year on accusations of inciting violence using his X handle. A bid to convene the 31 July 2020 anti-corruption protests failed after they were violently quashed by security forces. Ngarivhume was slapped with a 48-month sentence, with 12 months suspended. He was released eight months after his High Court appeal was successful. Award-winning novelist and activist Tsitsi Dangarembga was also acquitted in May last year after being arrested for protesting in the empty streets of Harare during the 2020 Covid-19 lockdown. In April last year, the government resuscitated the prosecution of human rights activist Rashid Mahiya on charges of attempting to overthrow the Mnangagwa government, four years after he was initially accused. Mahiya, the executive director of Heal Zimbabwe civil society organisation, was arrested in 2019 alongside several pro-democracy campaigners, trade unionists, civil society and opposition legislators after countrywide demonstrations against fuel price hikes. The state resuscitated his case, accusing him of unlawfully convening a meeting at Wild Geese Conference Centre in Harare’s Pomona suburb between 3 December and 6 December 2018 which the National Prosecuting Authority says was aimed at toppling Mnangagwa. Sikhala solidarity campaign not disbanding: Masaraure Job Sikhala solidarity campaign coordinator Obert Masaraure. Pic by Brezh Malaba.

Page 16 News NewsHawks Issue 163, 26 January 2024 BERNARD MPOFU IT all started in our Tuesday day-end planning meeting on how to cover Job Sikhala's release from Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison. This was after a Harare magistrate had earlier on handed down a two-year wholly suspended custodial sentence on him. While making the ruling, the magistrate indicated that Sikhala would walk out the country’s high-security detention centre a free man on Wednesday morning. That changed. Momentarily, The NewsHawks team was alerted that one of the country’s longest-serving modern-day political prisoners who had been in pre-trial detention for 595 days had been freed under the cover of darkness. Sikhala was charged and convicted for inciting public violence in the aftermath of the murder of opposition activist Moreblessing Ali whose killing was suspected to have been politically motivated. The state disputes these claims. Ali’s killer has since been convicted and sentenced, but her family insisted that Sikhala’s release was the only precondition for the burial of her body lying in a public hospital morgue in Harare. Immediately, contingency plans had to kick in. Speed and efficiency became the game plan. In haste, the news crew left its offices for Chikurubi, a security zone that has been described by many as a hell-hole. The facility which has been home to the 1970s liberation war heroes has ironically been used by the post-colonial governments of the late Robert Mugabe and now President Emmerson Mnangagwa to intimidate and silence dissenting voices. A rush hour drive along Arcturus Road — which leads to the detention facility — ordinarily would have been hectic and we only had a sigh of relief when we made a turn into a resurfaced road which takes one to the holding cells. Upon arrival at the prison, two cars were parked outside—a black sports utility vehicle with tinted windows and a white station wagon. Sikhala was nowhere to be seen and there were no journalists interviewing him or supporters to welcome a politician who has been arrested countless times since he joined mainstream politics in 1999. Prison guards manning the main entrance of the prison closely watched as we parked adjacent the two cars. They did not enquire why we were there. Instinctively, we then called Sikhala’s lawyer Harrison Nkomo to enquire on his whereabouts. Nkomo and Sikhala were both seated in the same car getting ready to drive off home. It is at this moment that we learnt that passengers aboard the white vehicle included Sikhala’s son and allies. We were good to go. After exchanging pleasantries with the freed politician — who was clad in a white golf shirt and greyish joggers and his lawyer who looked dapper in a black Italian-designed suit — we knew that a scoop was awaiting us. Harnessing the power of technology, we livestreamed the exclusive interview on our Facebook page and, like most bona fide journalists, being first to break the news in real time was quite some heart-warming experience. The interview Just before going live, Sikhala expressed mixed emotions on his release. On one hand he was delighted to taste freedom after nearly 20 months of incarceration. On the other he feared for his life. “I think they (government agents) wanted to abduct me after throwing me out of prison. I am so grateful that when I contacted my lawyer Harrison, he got here in no time,” Sikhala said. When asked to share his feelings soon after his release, Sikhala said his arrest was political. “Absolutely, this was an act of persecution. What you have to understand is that if somebody is convinced to say that I’m suffering for a just cause, I am not feeling anything,” he said. “These people who have kept me in this place for a long time should understand that my determination to pay any price for the love of this country is beyond reproach.” During the interview, which lasted seven minutes, more people, including an elated Doug Coltart, a human rights defender, drove to the prison. Coltart was clearly over-joyed and was captured during our livestream expressing his emotions. That was not the case for other unknown sympathisers who wished Sikhala well but were uncomfortable to be in front of the camera, understandably so given the country’s history of intimidation, repression and brutality. Sikhala said his detention had given him the resolve to continue fighting for a modern democratic state where fundamental rights are upheld and the rule of law observed. “When you get into a very difficult situation, a proper revolutionary must be able to adapt to any situation,” he told The NewsHawks. “I had to make sure that I gather mental strength for me to be able to sustain myself in this situation.” He said he is now awaiting judgements for three other cases which also led to his incarceration, adding that nothing will distract him from his cause. The rulings are expected to be handed down this month. “I already have their scars so that whatever will happen, I am prepared for anything that How The NewsHawks got Sikhala’s exclusive Former Zengeza West MP Job Sikhala

NewsHawks News Page 17 1ssue 163, 26 January 2024 will happen,” he said. “I need to take time for me to take a proper reflection because it is almost two years when I was away from the people of Zimbabwe, when I was away from my family, when I was away from my job. I need some time to reflect on what is best for me to do,” he said after being quizzed to comment on his political trajectory. “I am going to have a state of the nation and international affairs [speech] on where I stand in all this chaos that has been happening during my absence. I owe an obligation to the people of Zimbabwe and also the world at large for them to know what I am thinking vis-a-vis issues that have been happening in my country.” At the end of the first interview outside Chikurubi, Sikhala jumped into Nkomo’s car. We followed. The drive: Decoys and suspicion After driving for a few minutes along Arcturus, a speeding police car with its unmistakable beacon lights drove past our cars. Nkomo pulled over and stopped for a moment to observe, suspecting that the worst could still occur after Sikhala’s release. Kamfinsa shopping centre was the next stop, but this time to refuel Nkomo’s car and obviously monitor if there were any more cars closely following the small entourage. We also topped up and set off for Chitungwiza. Nkomo then headed all the way to Samora Machel Avenue from Greendale Road before turning left into Glenara Avenue which would later take him to the road which leads him to his home located in the dormitory town of Chitungwiza. Again, Nkomo made several stops in between whenever it appeared that unfamiliar cars were driving too close for comfort. Along Seke Road, Nkomo pulled over at a popular watering hole where the convoy, which at this stage included Coltart’s vehicle, stopped. Nkomo offered Sikhala a drink, but he chose to have some potato crisps. As he waited for his order, we had a chat with him during the nearly 20-minute stopover at Paramount Signature, a popular watering hole in the capital. The home-coming drive continued. Homecoming As the one-hour mark of driving, decoys and everything in-between lapsed, we finally reached St Mary’s turnoff. Unbeknown to us was what awaited Sikhala given that his release had been conducted away from the public glare. One cannot journal the history of Zimbabwe’s opposition politics without mentioning St Mary’s. This is where Sikhala built his career as a firebrand opposition lawmaker and ruffled feathers along the way. In St Mary’s he also experienced a fallout with the then main opposition party, Movement for Democratic for Change led by the late Morgan Tsvangirai. In 2018, after years of political hiatus, Sikhala re-launched his political career when he represented the MDC-Alliance, a shaky coalition of democratic forces which challenged Zanu PF’s hegemony during the general elections. As we tailed Nkomo’s car to the Sikhala family home, we were suddenly stopped by a group of supporters who had waited patiently for their hero’s arrival. They shouted Wiwa, Wiwa!, referring to Sikhala’s college nickname. Cars were also honking, celebrating his release. He jumped out of the car and, before he could come to terms with what was awaiting him, supporters were tossing him in the air. He was overjoyed. At this moment, he chose to walk home with the euphoric crowds who were extolling him “Baba Vauya (Father is back)” or curiously “President”. Still fearful, he would occasionally check if his lawyer was still driving close-by. Encouraged by the singing and praises, he kept walking. New slogan introduced As the crowd — which predominantly comprised of young people — grew bigger, Sikhala, who had walked for over half a kilometre, stopped and so did his followers. “When I say Zii, you shout Zimbabwe, and when I say Zimbabwe, you shout Nyika yedu (our country),” he rallied the supporters. They joined in the new cryptic slogan which came at a time when his party, the Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC), is engulfed in internal party struggles. He continued rallying the supporters to acclimatise with the new slogan and it was all smiles for him as they embraced it. Home sweet home After enduring the long walk mobbed by opposition faithful, Sikhala safely got home to re-unite with his family. It is at this moment that militant unionist Obert Masaraure, who represents rural teachers, came into the picture. In his New Year’s message in which he narrated the pain and betrayal he suffered from compatriots within the opposition movement when he was arrested, Sikhala named Masaraure as one of the few people who had stood by him, fuelling growing speculation that a fallout with then CCC leader Nelson Chamisa was imminent. A family member took a dining chair from his house and placed it a few metres away from the property’s perimeter wall. Masaraure took to the make-shift stage, announcing that Wiwa had finally been freed. He also bellowed the new slogan in isiNdebele — one of the country’s official languages main spoken in in the Midlands and Matabeleland provinces — an attempt to appeal to a larger constituency. They broke into a yesteryear revolutionary song, “Jobho Muranda (loosely translated to Job the servant)” which reminds many of the struggles the politician endured in his fight for democracy in Zimbabwe. The hymn is originally a church song encouraging believers to remain strong in the face of adversity, just like the biblical Job did. Again, Sikhala shouted the new slogan in Shona and isiNdebele before he began delivering his impromptu speech. His voice sounded different and many said it resembled that of the late South African anti-apartheid icon, the late Nelson Mandela. “Ndaitirwa mashura kuChikurubi. Vanhu ava, vakandipinza muhunhapwa kwemakore anoda kusvika maviri (Something unusual occurred at Chikurubi Prison where I was kept like a slave for nearly two years,” Sikhala told the supporters. “Nhasi vaita chijudgment chavo kucourt. Ndavaudza kuti nyangwe honai ndine zvinhu zvakawanda mamange muchindichengetera muchiroom. Ndanga ndichichengetwa for the past 595 days muroom manga ndichigara ndega. Manga musina magetsi. Magetsi aidzimwa achiti paanopfutidzwa paya fluorescent yemagetsi yagona kuvhara maziso ako (Today, Tuesday, my judgment was handed down. I told them that I had several belongings in my solitary cell where I have been held for 595 days when I gathered that they wanted to release me later that day. There was no lighting in the room and on occasions they would turn it on the fluorescent lamp, it would make my eyes sore).” “The level of brutality and cruelty I met and faced at Chikurubi Maximum Prison should not be forgotten by the people of Zimbabwe. But what makes me happy is that I did not go to prison for selfish interest of my family or myself. I was suffering on behalf of the people of Zimbabwe," he added, much to the jubilation of the supporters. Towards the end of his speech, he paused for a moment after noticing that his grand arrival had not only caught the attention of his supporters. A few metres from his house, a police truck with officers brandishing rifles unnerved a few supporters who were eagerly following the speech. One supporter encouraged Sikhala to continue, saying nothing would happen to them. He complied, knowing so well that the presence of the cops was a cue for him to take a bow. Under the country’s laws widely seen by human rights defenders as repressive, police approval is required ahead of any public gathering. At the end of his speech, The NewsHawks team and a few journalists were privileged to enter his home to witness his reunion with his family and witness him watch his favourite English Premier League team, Arsenal FC. Debate on whether he was mimicking Mandela or this could have been due to the psychological effects of his long detention gained traction on our social media platforms. As his political capital continues to grow after his long detention, decisions he will make in the midst of the chaos within the opposition will either usher him to a new season or soil his political career. During an interview with him outside the maximum security prison, Sikhala took a measured approach in outlining his political ambitions after his release. “I am not interested about power,” he said. “My suffering and everything that I have been doing has not been motivated by power. It is because I represent the conscience of the people. That is where it begins and ends. What will come thereafter is completely out of question . . . The biggest deployers (constituency) of any cause in politics are the people. I will listen to what the people say.” Sikhala behind bars at Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison

Page 18 News NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE PLANS to bury the murdered Citizens' Coalition for Change activist, Moreblessing Ali, are in motion after family lawyer and representative Job Sikhala secured his freedom earlier this week. The family had insisted since Sikhala’s arrest on 14 June 2022, that burial would only take place in the presence of their family lawyer and representative. Tafadzwa Montgomery, sister of the deceased, told The NewsHawks that the family will deliberate on the way forward and make a media announcement. She however pointed out that the family would like some privacy in dealing with the matter. “Thank you for reaching out. It is yet to be determined when it will be as there is a lot involved! Once an executive decision is made by our family, we will proceed. Thank you for your kindness in respecting our privacy as we soldier through this,” said Montgomery. Moreblessing Ali was killed in cold blood by suspected Zanu PF activist Pius Mukandi alias Jamba on 25 May 2022. Her dismembered body parts were discovered in a disused well at Laina Mukandi’s homestead in Beatrice. Laina is mother to Pius. Jamba was apprehended days later and arraigned in court where he was found guilty of the murder and sentenced to 30 years in prison. After the murder of the CCC activist, Sikhala was arrested and faced two charges, one of inciting public violence by saying that Ali’s death had to be avenged, and the other of obstruction of justice for accusing Zanu PF of being behind the murder of Ali, thereby misleading the police. Sikhala was convicted of both charges and languished in prison for 595 days. He was finally released after his two-year sentence was suspended by a Harare magistrate. A day after his release, Sikhala posted on his X account that he was saddened to learn that Ali was yet to be buried almost two years after they discovered her body. “It's sad that Moreblessing Ali is still not buried since my arrest. This issue needs to come to closure. I am engaging my clients, the Ali family, to make arrangements for her burial as soon as possible,” he posted. Now that Sikhala is a free man, Montgomery says she and her family, as well as their lawyer and representative, need time to reflect. “Just because VaSikhala (Mr Sikhala) has been released does not mean that every social media platform should come hounding us for evidence. We are asking that as a family you give us due respect, especially for the Sikhala family to do what we need to do to give Moreblessing a decent burial,” she said. In December 2020, some members of the Ali family attempted to bury her without the knowledge of her children. The NewsHawks went to Mabvuku cemetery and were informed that the scheduled burial had been cancelled. Ali’s burial imminent, two years after murder Late CCC activist Moreblessing Ali

NewsHawks News Page 19 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024 BRENNA MATENDERE THE United Kingdom High Court order compelling Zimbabwe to comply with a 2015 ruling requiring the payment of US$125 million to two firms whose land was seized during the country’s contentious fast-track land reform in the early 2000s has rattled President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s government, which has since directed Attorney-General Virginia Mabhiza to appeal. The Attorney-General is the government of Zimbabwe’s chief legal adviser and also sits in the Senate. The High Court in London on 22 January  ordered the Zimbabwean government to honour the eight-year-old ruling by the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) to pay US$125 million to Border Timbers Ltd and Hangani Development Ltd whose land was forcibly taken away  during the chaotic land reform programme. However, in an interview with The NewsHawks, Mabhiza said the UK court misdirected itself and the government of Zimbabwe has resolved to appeal. “The application in London was for the reversal of the registration of the ICSID award so that it is recognised as a judgment of the High Court of England. This was done without notice to Zimbabwe," Mabhiza said.  “It was this registration that Zimbabwe sought to have reversed on the basis that in bringing the application, Border Timbers did not comply with certain provisions of the State Immunities Act of 1978.” She added: “Although the court agreed with Zimbabwe that Border Timbers had breached the said provisions, it did not reverse the registration.” The Mnangagwa administration’s top lawyer insisted that the government's concern is not about the amount to be paid as compensation but the technical aspect of the issue. “Zimbabwe never had the intention to avoid payment of the ICSID award, but simply objected to the registration in breach of the duty of full and frank disclosure on whether or not Zimbabwe enjoyed sovereign immunity in terms of the State Immunity Act,” she said. Mabhiza revealed that the government had already been granted permission by the UK court to appeal its order and so Harare is now preparing the papers. “Zimbabwe has been granted leave to appeal against the honourable judge's decision. We are therefore appealing,” she said. Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi said he was not prepared to speak about the issue. "Just speak to the Attorney-General. She was the one handling the case," Ziyambi said. The Zimbabwean government in the past rejected the July 2015 ICSID ruling on the grounds that the World Bank’s dispute resolution body had no jurisdiction over it. London High Court judge Julia Dias, however, dismissed as “irrelevant” the Zimbabwean government’s argument that it is immune to the jurisdiction of English courts. In the early 2000s, against the backdrop of former president Robert Mugabe’s land reforms, farmland owned by a Swiss-German family, the von Pezolds and their company Border Timbers was invaded and in 2005 the government took ownership of a large part of the land. The land redistribution programme that was mainly meant to keep Zanu PF in power following the formation of a popular opposition political party, MDC in 1999, displaced more than 4 000 white farmers. However, seizure of farms and property owned by Border Timbers Ltd was in violation of the Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement between Zimbabwe and Germany of 1995. In terms of the agreement, farms owned by Germans were protected from seizure under Zimbabwe’s land reform programme. Accordingly, it was this contractual breach that led to Border Timbers approaching the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) in 2010 to seek redress. Border Timbers initially applied to get a settlement of US$345 million but the ICSID granted US$125 million back in 2015. Zimbabwe applied to get the arbitral award annulled by ICSID through a procedure provided for by the ICSID Convention. The application was dismissed in 2018. Seeing that the Zanu PF successive governments of the late Mugabe and Mnangagwa failed to make any payment to the company, in 2021 Border Timbers successfully applied to the High Court in England to register the arbitration award so that it could be recognized and enforced in the same way as a High Court order in England. The effect of the registration is that assets belonging to the government of Zimbabwe could be seized and sold in execution to pay the US$125 million owed to Border Timbers Ltd. However, upon being served with the registration order, Zimbabwe applied to the High Court in England in July 2022 to try and set aside the registration order on the grounds that Zimbabwe was immune from the jurisdiction of UK courts by virtue of England’s State Immunity Act. It is therefore the latest ruling that has thrown out this application by the government which it now says it will appeal.  UK High Court order rattles govt Attorney-General Virginia Mabhiza

Page 20 News BRENNA MATENDERE MDC-T leader Douglas Mwonzora is battling to retain the party’s Harvest House headquarters in Harare grabbed from the then MDC-Alliance led by Nelson Chamisa in June 2020 amid revelations that unpaid workers are frantically working to take over the building as part of efforts to recover their 18 months outstanding salaries. On 8 January this year, a group of youths linked to the disgruntled workers stormed the building, attempting to gain entry and take control, but was repelled by Mwonzora’s security and later reported to the police. Aaron Makahamadze, the MDC-T spokesperson, confirmed the incident, saying "former leaders" of the party were behind the attempted takeover. “A group of armed thugs attempted to unlawfully and forcibly take control of the party’s head office. Due to the vigilance and preparedness of our security department, these barbaric actions were swiftly suppressed and the incident reported to police. “In connection with the incident, the ZRP arrested three individuals. Preliminary investigations indicate that former leaders from the MDC may be implicated,” he said. He would not divulge names of the “former leaders”, but The NewsHawks was informed by MDC-T officials that Elias Mudzuri and Morgan Komichi are being implicated as working with the disgruntled workers to take over the building. Mudzuri and Komichi, who were fired from the MDC by Mwonzora, both denied any involvement in the attempted takeover. Sources who spoke to The NewsHawks said the disgruntled workers had planned to take advantage of the lean security at Harvest House on 8 January to grab the property as most party security agents were on festive season break that ended this week on Monday.  Part of Harvest House has been rented out to private businesspersons who are paying just above US$10 000 in monthly rentals. Other tenants are renovating some sections of the building and will soon also be paying more.  The sources said the plan was to gain entry, chase away party security and take control of the building before calling for a national council meeting that would pass a vote of no confidence in Mwonzora and pave the way for a payment plan for outstanding salaries with new leadership. “Besides the issue of unpaid salaries, there is general dissatisfaction with the leadership of Mwonzora as many feel he has failed to steer the ship after having garnered only two council seats in Nkayi during the last general elections. The MDC since 1999 had never performed so dismally. “On his part, Mwonzora is saying he can only be removed in the next congress set for 2027 if people feel he has failed to lead the party,” said the source. Another source said in a bid to thwart the resistance of unpaid workers, the party suspended six of them, but the resolve to take over Harvest House continues. "New ways are being planned by workers to take over Harvest House. However, the party has since beefed up security and any of those seen as threats are no longer allowed anywhere near the building," said the source. On 26 June 2020, High Court Justice David Mangota dismissed two applications by Chamisa’s party trying to regain control of the party headquarters after it was grabbed by then MDC-T leader Thokozani Khupe who eventually lost to Mwonzora at an extra-ordinary congress the following year. With the help of the police and soldiers, Khupe took over Harvest House buoyed by a 30 March Supreme Court ruling that recognisedher as the legitimate MDC-T acting president ahead of Nelson Chamisa after the death of iconic founding leader Morgan Tsvangirai. Back then, Chamisa’s MDC-Alliance party then approached the court, through its lawyer Alec Muchadehama, seeking an order declaring the seizure of the building as illegal, but Justice Mangota threw out the application. Harvest House fights intensify NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

NewsHawks News Page 21 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024 BERNARD MPOFU WHEN Grace Muradzikwa was appointed CEO of one of the country’s largest short-term insurance firms — NicozDiamond — after overseeing the merger of Nicoz and Diamond, many popped the champagne, celebrating her rise up the corporate ladder. She had broken the proverbial glass ceiling nearly a decade after the southern African country had become party to the famous Beijing Declaration of 1995, which pushed for equal opportunities regardless of gender, colour or creed. In years to come, more success stories of female executives were to make headlines in business sections of the country’s legacy media. For a largely patriarchal society, her achievement would not go unnoticed. Put differently, Muradzikwa became the proverbial “poster girl” of Zimbabwe’s commitment to gender equality at the workplace. Zimbabwe’s financial services sector was among the first to adopt equality. Pindie Nyandoro led Stanbic Bank between 2002 and 2007, making her one of the first females to take charge of a leading corporate in the country. Her star continues to shine. Now she is Norfund’s regional director for southern Africa. Norfund is the Norwegian Investment Fund for Developing countries. Nyandoro, whose long career can be traced back to established companies like Unilever, Standard Bank Africa, Stanbic Bank Zimbabwe, and Standard Chartered Bank, also earned her stripes, confirming a study by McKinsey that female executives were generally meticulous in their work. A few years later, Charity Jinya was to lead MBCA, which later changed its name to Nedbank Zimbabwe. She left the bank after reaching retirement age. She may have retired but not tired. Her years of experience are being used to shape national policy. In 2021, Finance minister Mthuli Ncube appointed her to the Monetary Policy Committee. Chipo Mtasa took the reins of one the largest hospitality companies, Rainbow Tourism Group. It was not a bed of roses for her. Facing active shareholders like Nicholas van Hoogstraten was one of her nightmares notwithstanding the shareholding wrangles which then engulfed the group. Other notable names which emerged after the first 10 years of the new century include Ruth Ncube who was appointed First Mutual Life managing director. The list goes on and on and no pun intended for those mentioned. Fast forward. As the momentum gathered, a new breed of women business leaders was introduced. After leading the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Zimbabwe, Gloria Zvaravanhu assumed her new role as Old Mutual Insurance Company managing director. Lydia Tanyanyiwa also took charge of Minerva Risk Advisors as managing director following changes to its shareholding structure. Minerva was previously known as Aon Zimbabwe before business mogul Shingi Mutasa’s Masawara took over the entity at a time foreign firms were unnerved by the country’s indigenisation laws which were later relaxed. As talented young Zimbabweans continued to rise, stories of their unceremonious exits began to emerge. Some fell victim to boardroom fights and could not stand the heat while others were kicked out for corporate delinquency. In a male-dominated corporate world, the ascendancy of women is widely celebrated and caught the attention of the market but lately there have been purges of several women at the top, dragging backwards the women's empowerment and gender equality agenda in Zimbabwe. The past year has seen a handful of female executives leaving their high-paying influential roles under unclear or controversial circumstances after serving for relatively short stints compared to their predecessors or other women luminaries. Prisca Mutembwa, former Cottco chief executive, could be the most high-profile boss to have the shortest tenure. Her contract was terminated just three months after she was appointed, raising eyebrows on her competence or circumstances surrounding her exit. She was appointed last October after taking over from Pious Manamike who threw in the towel following a series of corruption-related cases at the entity. The saga continues at Cottco. Winnie Muchanyuka, Zimbabwe Tourism Authority chief executive, retired in a huff following board purges over alleged corporate governance misdemeanours. It is understood that there is gnashing of teeth at the authority after her exit. Adelaide Chikunguru, Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) chief executive, is facing the heat and could be on her way out. She is one the few female executives born after Zimbabwe’s Independence in 1980 to lead large companies such as the publicly owned broadcaster. Among the first graduates of the Media and Society degree programme at the Midlands State University which began in 2000, Chikunguru took different corporate communications roles such as consultant at Mike Hamilton Public Relations and later spokesperson for the local unit of Tongaat Hullet. At an editors’ meeting held a few years ago at a restaurant in Harare's Chisipite suburb, then Information minister Monica Mutsvangwa could not hide her joy when she hinted that the ZBC was on the brink of appointing a young female executive. Now Chikunguru's head is on the block. The recently-appointed ZBC board which comprises President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s niece and former executive of the entity — Helliate Rushwaya — is understood to be baying for her blood and her days in office may be numbered. She is being investigated for flouting laid down procedures after she sponsored an advertisement outlining why the previous board left. This is not the first time she has faced turbulence. After facing an internal revolt over her leadership style which was reportedly master-minded by the old guard, she had to play the political card to live for another day. Reports show she invoked her parents' war credentials to remain on the job. Her mother, Margaret Chikunguru, died last year. Former Edgars group chief executive Tjeludo Ndlovu also typified a new wave of leadership renewal led by relatively young female executives. Last year she shocked the market when it was announced that she was exiting the clothing retailer on 31 October 2023. Ndlovu had been with the group for 11 years, having joined in 2012 as group accountant. She has led the group successfully since 2020 at the peak of the Covid-19 pandemic, but the group had lately been facing headwinds, prompting majority shareholder Sub-Sahara Capital Group (SSCG) to effect changes to shore up the struggling apparel retailer. Her second-in-command, Happiness Vundla, who served as chief financial officer, was also pushed out. The new CEO is Sevious Mushosho, a former executive of SSCG, who was appointed to the Edgars board after SSCG bought the majority stake from South Africa’s Edcon in 2019. Before this wave, there were reports that Eunice Ganyawu-Magwali was leaving Nestlé Zimbabwe to pursue other interests after 17 months at the helm of the food. The food and beverage concern became a talking point as people pondered women's empowerment and the battles female executives face as they grapple to keep their heads above the water. Roselyn Chisveto of Turnall and Precious Nyika of Lafarge now Khaya Cement also have stories to tell about Zimbabwe’s corporate politics after leaving their lofty positions. What is in store in the New Year? Time will tell! But it has not been a season of champagne popping for the sisters in the cockpit. From breaking the glass ceiling to being the shattered glass . . . Business executive Grace Muradzikwa l Agonising tale of women execs

Page 22 News NATHAN GUMA WHEN Zimbabwean nurse Mollin Ziwira (50) left the country two decades ago and settled in the United States, her tough background drove her into philanthropy. Growing up in rural Murehwa in Mashonaland East province, she was raised by her struggling aunt who had no income. Ziwira had a frugal upbringing, relying on her mother’s meagre income she earned working as a maid in the capital, Harare. Despite the hardships, she pushed hard to change her life, starting off as a cross-border trader until she migrated to the US and settled in Dallas, Texas, where she pursued a career in nursing. As she worked as a nurse in Dallas, she then set up a non-profit organisation with the aim of giving back to the community back in Murewa where she grew up struggling to eke out a decent living. Now, through her non-profit organisation, Orphan Guardian Angel (OGA), Ziwira is using the sewing machine and education to eliminate early marriages and drug abuse in her village. Through this, Ziwira is helping young people create their own sources of income. Under a tent in her rural home, hand sewing machines are whirring, as birds chirp on the nearby conical hill. Young people of high school going age, all clad in black and white uniform, have gathered for the first time in the area, as they are being introduced to a new sewing project that has been introduced in their village. While Ziwira initially introduced the project to Mabvuku, a high-density suburb in Harare, where it had been running over the past years, she had not contemplated bringing the project to her home village. Last week, she introduced the project to her rural home in Marembo Village, Murehwa and the community is excited about the project. In addition to the sewing project is also a library. She hopes to enhance young people’s academic knowledge and reading skills, while giving them the much-needed exposure. The library has an assortment of books with a range of topics, including religion, mathematics and biology. Meanwhile, the sewing project is already producing desired results. “One of the students we trained is now doing well and had been doing work for Nyaradzo Funeral Services. We hope to replicate the same with the students we are now helping in Marembo,” Ziwira said. Every weekend, the participants meet at Ziwira’s homestead to learn basic sewing skills that include cutting cloth and measuring. For Esnath Petukayi (33), a young mother from the same village, the sewing project has given her a second chance, which she says is going to help her look after her family. “I am really thankful for the project that has been introduced in our village. We always faced several challenges in the village, but now we are grateful that we now have a source of income to raise our families and children,” Petukayi says. “This is going to change our lives as we are going to be learning ways of getting income, through projects that we are going to be carrying out. This is a great opportunity for us and we really hope this is going to go through.” Another mother, Purity Takawira (28), said the project is going to help her raise her young family. “My child is still young and this project is going to help me through. I just pray for its success as it is going to help us create our own sources of income,” she says.  OGA coordinator Noah Mbeluwe says the project will help stamp out drug abuse, unwanted pregnancies and other social vices. Zimbabwe’s fight against drugs is currently facing a strain, with a recent policy document by governance institute Accountability Lab Zimbabwe (AL Zimbabwe) showing that the country has only 17 psychiatrists, six clinical psychologists, 13 clinical social workers and 10 clinical occupational therapists. “We are doing these livelihoods trainings in Marembo, but have been carrying out the same in Rusape, Harare and, now, Murewa. These projects have been a great success in areas we have been operating in. A lot has been happening,” Mbeluwe said. “For instance, others have been getting into drugs, theft, and others into prostitution. So, at times, they tend to do some things socially. These projects will help these young people get some life skills, so that they cannot be vulnerable.” Added Mbeluwe: “They will be independent, do their own things and sustainable and having their own sources of income.” Through OGA, Ziwira has assisted more than 1 000 children since 2010, and has continued to do so over the years, particularly at Murewa’s Zengenene Primary School and Rusape’s Tsanzaguru Primary School. Diaspora-based nurse ploughs back into local communities Mollin Ziwira poses with some of the books from the library set up by Orphans Guardian Angels in Marembo Village, Murewa. Student, Esinath Petukayi tests out some of the machines donated by Ziwira's charity organisation. NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

NewsHawks News Page 23 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024 BRENNA MATENDERE IN a development that could spark a cholera outbreak in Kwekwe, the Civil Protection Unit (CPU) in the district has relocated hundreds of pupils from Globe and Phoenix Primary School which caved in due to illegal mining last year, to another school outside the town without expanding water and sanitation facilities at the institution. Fortune Mpungu, the Kwekwe CPU chairperson, confirmed to The NewsHawks the relocation of the pupils to Russel Primary School now known as Sally Mugabe Primary School. When Globe and Phoenix Primary School caved in last year after consistent illegal underground gold mining by mostly Zanu PFaligned youths, 14 pupils were injured. The pupils were admitted to Kwekwe General Hospital. The government decided to shut down the school as the illegal miners continued to operate. This week, Mpungu told The NewsHawks that the relocation of affected pupils to Sally Mugabe Primary School will be temporary. “We have provided temporary classroom tents at the school where the pupils have been relocated to and that is Sally Mugabe Primary. In terms of water and sanitation facilities, all the students are using the old ones. They are enough,” he said. When asked about the risk of a cholera outbreak, Mpungu said his department had roped in officials from the ministry of Health to conduct regular monitoring at the school. “We are working with the ministry of Health on preventing cholera at the school. We feel we are on top of the situation. Besides, plans are already there for construction of a new school and we are waiting for the rainy season to end so that the work can begin. “Plans and designs for the new school have already been drawn and very soon construction will begin. The stay of the pupils at that school is temporary,” he said. However, sources at Sally Mugabe Primary School said a health time bomb is looming at the institution as there have not been any mobile toilets or water bowsers brought in to cater for the increased number of pupils. “We are talking of about 1 300 pupils who have been relocated to a school that already had overpopulated children with limited water and sanitation facilities such as ablution blocks. “The number of students is overwhelming the facilities already and general workers are failing to maintain hygiene at the toilets. When there are water outages, there are no additional supplies that are on standby,” said the source. Kwekwe is yet to record a single case of cholera, but the situation across the country is bad. As at 31 January 2024, Zimbabwe had recorded 23 835 suspected cases and 2 387 confirmed cases, according to the Health ministry. There have also been 71 confirmed deaths and 426 suspected deaths as well as a case fatality rate of 1.91 %. On the same day alone, the Health ministry said 196 new suspected cholera cases had been recorded and two suspected deaths. Again, hospitalised cases recorded on that same day stood at 234 spread across such areas as Chiredzi (22), Bikita (5), Chivi (4), Masvingo (4), Gutu (5), Chipinge (17), Zaka (4), Matobo (2), and Gwanda (4). Cases were also reported in Hwange (7), Zvishavane (4), Sanyati (7), Kariba (3), Chitungwiza (1) and four cases at Thorngrove Hospital in Bulawayo. Hwange Colliery Hospital in Matabeland North recorded five cases. Kwekwe pupils vulnerable to cholera Globe and Phoenix Primary School in Kwekwe was previously affected by illegal goild mining.

Page 24 News NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

News Page 25 DONALD MADONDO THE functionality of every society is hinged on systems that work properly to serve the people. It is in these systems that memebrs of society gain trust in how they are governed and who governs them. The criminal justice system is a key component of the justice delivery system. Within the criminal justice system are two important components, namely the bail system and the trial system. These two fundamental components are governed by the constitution of Zimbabwe, with the bail system hinged on section 50 of the constitution and the trial component failing mainly under section 70 of the constitution. Section 50 of the constitution provides that any person who is arrested must be released unconditionally or on reasonable conditions pending a charge or trial unless there are compelling reasons justifying their continued detention. The advent of the 2013 constitution changed the nomenclature of the bail system. Prior to 2013, an accused person had the onus of proving why they were a candidate for bail, but the provisions of the 2013 constitution fundamentally changed that in that the state now has the onus to prove why an accused person must not be released on bail. There are of course exeptions to this general rule where an accused is charged with what are deemed Schedule 1 offences. These include murder, rape and armed robbery. So, in practice, when one appears in court on a charge, all they have to do is state that they are applying for bail and the state if opposed has to show the court why it will be undesirable to release the accused person on bail. The accused person is required to rebut the assertions by the state and the court makes a ruling. The court is at large to impose conditions on an accused person who is released on bail. The system is designed in this manner for various reasons. The first is a constitutional right that every accused person is presumed innocent until proven guilty. At arrest stage, allegations are not proven and one must not be easily deprived of their freedom. The bail process is designed to have an accused person attend court whilst coming from home. Bail is then only denied where the court in a wide sense is of the view that an accused person will not attend trial if released or they will commit other offences whilst on bail or they will interfere with witnesses. The system thus works with the cooperation of the three main actors in the proceedings who are the state which is comprised of the police and prosecutors on one side, and the accused person on the other side which is the regarded as the bench. On the side is the presiding officer who is either a magistrate or a judge and they sit as the court effectively dispensing the duties of a referee who makes an impartial decision. As l have already stated above, the court is inclined to grant bail unless cogent reasons have been given why one is not a suitable candidate. When Job Sikhala was arrested, the criminal justice was put to the test. Did it pass the test of the reasonable onlooker in the street? The exam was written and here on this column we give it a distinction in failure. Like Paul Matavire would sing, it was a "U", ungraded. Sikhala was denied bail by the magistrates’ courts and the High Court in turn. The reasons for denying him bail were rather absurd as the courts on more than one occasion made a finding that Sikhala had a propensity to commit offences. The question is: What other crimes had he been found guilty of before his arrest in June 2022? The man, although boasting of having been arrested more than 60 times, did not have a conviction when he was arrested in June 2022. The High Court in its own previous rulings has often stated that when considering propensity to commit crimes, the first inquiry to be made is whether an accused has been convicted before. But the inquiry in the requirement for propensity does not end with establishing a previous conviction, but it must be a previous conviction for a similar crime. The courts consistently denied Sikhala bail until he gave up and resigned to staying in prison. The state wanted him as a guest although he had not been convicted. He was accommodated in a facility meant for convicted criminals and not just criminals but hardcore criminals. He was placed in solitary detention as if he was on death row committal. His release only came as a result of a conviction and a suspended sentence that recognised the nearly 600 days of pretrial detention. The two-year suspended sentence was effectively served if one is to take into account that Sikhala had stayed in prison for that long. Further, the court failed the test because, as we have said on this column in the past, the judiciary must act without any fear, favour or prejudice. Justice minister Justice Ziyambi Ziyambi was at the forefront of making unsavoury remarks on why the courts should deny Sikhala bail. This is the political head of the justice system who pre-empts court rulings by making political remarks. The band of government secretaries who are supposed to dispense information often got excited on X and revealed to all with the inner legal eye a concept introduced by the good Professor Lovemore Madhuku, that there was massive interference.  What did the courts do with the interference? They sadly succumbed. Instead of standing by their oaths of office, the different magistrates and judges who had Sikhala’s case simply looked out of the window and sacrificed the justice delivery system on the altar of political expediency. Can the ordinary man and woman in the street trust a system that persecutes opponents of political players to dispense justice for them when they disagree in domestic disputes? Can the ordinary man and woman in the street trust a system with magistrates and judges who act in fear and in favour and have prejudice? It is often said, justice delayed is justice denied and for Sikhala it is justice denied is no justice at all. The wheels of justice usually turn slowly, but when they move slowly at the expense of the liberty of a person, that is no justice at all. Remember l promised you that l will one day give you the experience of the billboard at the Rotten Row magistrates' courts and what it sees. I have not forgotten that promise; we will deliver on it soon. Until next time, be on the right side of the law, the system is acting rogue, it might incarcerate you for long periods just because it can, not that it must. Later. Justice delayed is justice denied Legal Insights NewsHawks 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024

Page 26 NewsHawks Women in Politics Issue 164, 2 February 2024 Sponsored by: TAKUDZWA GIFT WASHAYA UNITED Zimbabwe Alliance (UZA) president Elisabeth Valerio says her party is going to be at the forefront of challenging gender stereotypes in political leadership and governance. Valerio was the only woman among the 11 presidential candidates in the August 2023 elections. In a Press statement, the Hwange-based politician said gender disparity has become a norm in Zimbabwe and it has negatively affected women who aspire to take up political, economic and social leadership posts. She said there is a need to educate the electorate to realise the consequences of suppressing women's voices in politics and other leadership roles. "We will actively engage with the electorate and emphasise the point that for our beloved country to realise its great potential, we cannot afford to marginalise 52% of the population and relegate them to subservient roles," she said.   "We will also emphasise the point that the days of deriving political leaders only from the male section of the population, which is less than half of the population, are long gone". Valerio, who got 0.2% of the total votes cast in the disputed polls, said a country like Zimbabwe which has been bedeviled by problems since Independence in 1980 cannot afford to entrench male dominance in politics, a problem she said will plunge the nation into further political disarray. She said her party will continue engaging the citizens on the importance of gender equality for the development of the country. "We will also educate our people on the supreme and binding principles of gender equality that are guaranteed in our grundnorm, the constitution of the Republic of Zimbabwe," she said. "In this regard, we will robustly engage with the electorate on the gender equality values of our basic law, the constitution, to highlight the need for a paradigm shift from male chauvinism in leadership, to the modern and progressive paradigm of gender equality in leadership." She also said UZA is going to focus on economic development through different initiatives as a way of increasing party membership and drumming up support for future polls. "On our plans to drum up support from the electorate, we will focus to a larger extent on delivering a message of economic growth and development, accountability and stability to the electorate in order to win their votes," she said. According to a United Nations Women 2024 report, there are  only 26 countries in the world with female heads of state or government and there are only 13 countries in which women hold 50% or more of the cabinet positions. Zimbabwe is among countries that are struggling to promote gender equality in the politics of the land as only two women are at the helm of political parties. The problem is also visible in Parliament where men are dominant. Sidelining women in politics ruins Zim Elisabeth Valerio

Women in Politics Page 27 NORMA TSOPO BATTLE-HARDENED political activist Lynnette Mudehwe is a bitter woman. Mudehwe had a near-rape experience that makes her hate the government and the country’s state security with a passion. Mudehwe has been arrested more than 10 times throughout her political career but her spirit is however still undaunted and she stands ready to fight for what she believes is right for every Zimbabwean who she says deserves a better life. Following one of the several arrests and detentions, Mudehwe told The NewsHawks in an exclusive interview that she was set up for rape while in police holding cells. “On one of the arrests I have encountered I was detained at Southerton Police for 48 hours and I was the only lady there. The police would take a naked man into the holding cells and all the other cells were locked from outside but only mine was not locked and anyone in the courtyard could open my cell,” she said. “So, this man opened my cell twice every night and I would hide and lock him inside the cell and called for the police to help. What I think with everything that happened is that they wanted me to get raped and I was fortunate that man did not touch me.” Rape is a horrific experience that violates women's lives. Because of the devastating impact it has, political thugs and despotic political parties use it as a tool to deter women from participating in politics. Weaponisation of rape is a scourge that has not spared Zimbabwe across its many periods of political turmoil even before Independence. Violent sexual crime is however generally underreported and victims hardly receive the necessary assistance. Top human rights lawyer Passmore Nyakureba told The NewsHawks that rape is used as both punishment and a scare tactic. “Generally, women are vulnerable to the weaponisation of political violence and rape is used against women as a weapon to punish them,” said Nyakureba. “In toxic politics and in politics of violence, rape is more often than not used as weaponed punishment and once a woman has been violated or raped it is treated as a way of punishment and to humiliate women.” Nyakureba said the idea of weaponising rape is to scare women away from active politics. “At the end of the day it is to discourage female politicians from participating in politics. So, you have situations where female politicians are abducted or kidnaped, assaulted and in the process, they are also raped either physically or through use of weapons like a spear, a knobkerry, or a gun etc,” Nyakureba said. In 2020, the Zimbabwe Gender Commission launched a gender audit Rape, threat of rape being used to keep woman out of politics …Mudehwe retraces torrid political journey of the main political parties and one of the key findings was that women occupied non-key positions while men took up influential positions due to lack of confidence in women’s leadership abilities. Also cited were various barriers including political violence, cyber attacks, negative social and cultural norms and prejudices which marginalised women from effective participation. However, little to none has been said on the use of rape as a weapon of political violence against women. Even now a nine-year-old unresolved criminal case that could land the tough-talking Mudehwe in jail is dangling over her head. She may not be in jail, but she is not a free woman. She has yet to taste freedom since the year 2015 when she got arrested for protesting the then vice-president Phelekezela Mphoko‘s lengthy stay in a five-star hotel for a scandalously long period at taxpayers' expense. She is however trying to fight back and has since sued the state for unlawful arrest and detention. The battle-hardened political activist believes the state has not dropped charges against her completely to avoid having to account for its action through her lawsuit. But she vowed to fight until justice is served. Born to a forester father and a nurse mother, Mudehwe grew up in a middle class family. She is a teacher by profession and her political career started as a student activist from where she graduated into mainstream activism and active politics.      Student activism Mudehwe slightly pulled up her army-green shorts which matched with a green and white checkered blouse she was wearing as she sat on a white plastic chair in an incomplete part of her family house in Dangamvura, a sprawling high-density suburb in Mutare. Exuding confidence, she narrated how the withdrawal of students’ grants led to the beginning of her political career. “I was a student at Mutare Teachers’ College when I started my activism. I am a trained science teacher by profession. When we were at college in 2004 that was the time the government suddenly decided to withdraw students' grants and I was one of the beneficiaries getting into my third year,” Mudehwe said. “Life was okay with me until I came face-to-face with reality when the government started failing to provide what it is supposed to provide and willy nilly withdrew the support, so I led demonstrations, protesting against the withdrawal even though I was not in the students’ union leadership.” Mudehwe’s height in student activism came with her election into the Zimbabwe National Students Union (Zinasu) leadership as the national information and publicity secretary. While with Zinasu, she suffered bullying as women were always in the minority. “In a group of 10 nationwide leaders, we were two females, the first in a national executive. It was a men’s club and also the first time teachers and polytechnic colleges joined Zinasu as it used to be a UZ (University of Zimbabwe) issue,” she said. “Because it was a boys’ club, we were at the receiving end of bullying, serious bullying and serious scheming by the boy leaders and most of them are now national leaders and members of Parliament.” Mudehwe served in Zinasu from 2004 to 2007 before joining the opposition MDC-T as an employee. An escapade with MDC-T Recounting how her political career unfolded, Mudehwe laughed in a sarcastic manner as she adjusted her seating posture as if trying to find a comfortable spot, and sank back into her chair. Too relaxed to care, Mudehwe said her stint in the party proved that there is a struggle within a struggle for women in politics. “Someone approached me and asked if I could help Mr Tsvangirai, as the national women’s co-ordinator. I was employed to do this job, a very traumatising job. All the violence of 2008, I was there,” Mudehwe reminisced. Mudehwe said she realised the brutality of the Zanu PF regime and how violently women were treated. Her cheeks turned red at the mention of the regime. “I really realised the brutality of the regime when I was working for MDC-T. I saw women raped, I assisted women who were displaced, their houses burnt down to the ground by political thugs in most rural areas. I saw displaced children and I will never forget the experience. “That time I was also a marked person and working in Harare so I had to move from one place to another for security reasons,” she added. Mudehwe said she was unfairly dismissed from her MDC-T job, and jealous older women within the party of orchestrating her victimisation. After her dismissal she sued the party. “I was dismissed unfairly when I was with the party by an organisation spearheaded by older women in the party, that was in 2009. I realised there is a struggle within the struggle because I experienced older women unfairly treating and bullying younger women in political structures,” said Mudehwe. “There was no hearing, charges were flimsy and did not even tally with the code of conduct, so I had to fight for justice outside the organisation because I could not get within the party. Even the then secretary-general, Tendai Biti, could not assist me. It seems it was a women’s issue to him. So after a year of frustration, I sued MDC-T for unfair labour practices.” Mudehwe won the labour case and was awarded US$16 000, which was paid in tranches. She also questioned the sincerity of some of the women in influential positions and their ascendancy. “Not all women who are in influential positions are telling the truth that they resisted sexual manipulation and are there on merit,” she said. Mudehwe believes that the 50/50 gender provision must be made law to ensure balanced representation. “50/50 must be made law because right now it is just a constitutional provision. We have an all-male presidium, why? Yet we have the 50/50 provision. Even at party level it should be made law that there is balanced representation. We want a zebra electoral system, at least the Senate is more balanced,” she said. Lynnette Mudehwe NewsHawks 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024

Page 28 NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024 WHEN she was a teenager, Sevinj Vaqifqizi wanted to be a journalist so badly that she almost sabotaged her college application. “We were given the chance to list our top 10 choices of places to study,” she once recalled in a personal essay for OCCRP. “I filled in eight of them, and in every slot I wrote the same thing: the School of Journalism at Baku State University.” “My teachers told me it would be better to list another choice, in case my test scores weren’t good enough,” she added. “But my decision was firm: journalism or nothing.” It’s a career path that has now landed her in jail, along with five colleagues and dozens of other critics of Azerbaijan’s authoritarian government. The crackdown that has swept through the country in recent months has entangled whistleblowers, activists, union organizers, other journalists, and a well-respected academic whose life may be hanging by a thread. As they languish behind bars, the country’s President Ilham Aliyev is projecting confidence. He has fought publicly with the United States, defied international human rights bodies, and found time to celebrate his most recent victory: the expulsion of over 100,000 Armenians from their homes in the long-disputed Azerbaijani territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. Aliyev has also called a snap election for February 7, the outcome of which is, of course, not in doubt. It will take place in an environment that has been swept clean of any trace of organized criticism or opposition. It’s been a long road. Azerbaijan was already a dangerous place for independent-minded reporters back in 2005, when Vaqifqizi was still applying to university. Just a few years earlier, as Azerbaijan’s previous president lay dying in an American hospital, his son Ilham Aliyev won his first election, marked by rampant fraud and intimidation of his opponents. It wouldn’t be the last. Each subsequent vote or constitutional change only served to cement the younger Aliyev’s corrupt and dictatorial rule. By 2010, when Vaqifqizi graduated from university and took her first newspaper job, the term limits on the presidency had been abolished. In 2013, the year she started working for the well-known Azadliq newspaper, election ‘results’ touting an impressive Aliyev victory were accidentally released before the voting had even started. But Vaqifqizi kept reporting. She covered poor schools, decrepit hospitals, environmental pollution, and corrupt government contracts, impressing her colleagues with her professionalism and her ability to maintain a strict line between journalism and activism in a country where many did not feel they had that luxury. “As the years passed, we got used to it,” she wrote for OCCRP in 2021. “Fear faded out. Honestly, I don’t feel fear anymore. I know what they can do, and it does not stop me.” By that point, she had already faced a four-year ban on foreign travel and had her phone hacked by spyware of terrifying power. But this November, she was forced to prove her mettle again. While on a trip to Turkey, the 34-year-old Vaqifqizi — now the editor-in-chief of Abzas Media, one of the few remaining independent outlets in Azerbaijan — got word that her boss, the outlet’s founder Ulvi Hasanli, had been arrested. Authorities claimed to have found 40,000 euros held in the organization’s office illegally, which Abzas Media says did not belong to them, implying the money had been planted by law enforcement agents. But though the departure lounges in Istanbul airport lead anywhere in the world, Vaqifqizi would countenance only one destination: home. “I couldn’t bear to live abroad while Ulvi is in jail,” she told a friend who International InvestigativeStories ‘Total control’: Azerbaijan’s jails fill with journalists and dissidents as election approaches In October 2023, President Ilham Aliyev kisses an Azerbaijani flag in Khojaly, a town that had been retaken by his military the previous month. Credit: President.az International Investigative Stories

International Investigative Stories tried to dissuade her from returning. “I would rather die in Azerbaijan.” Then, still in the departure lounge, as other travelers milled around behind her, she made a defiant statement on behalf of herself and her colleagues. In an interview with an outlet based in exile, Vaqifqizi laid the blame for her colleague’s detention at the president’s feet. “The arrest of Ulvi Hasanli is on the order of Ilham Aliyev, because we’ve proven how companies belonging to [Aliyev’s] family members won projects … with opaque mechanisms,” she said. “Their purpose in detaining Ulvi Hasanli and making false charges against him is to stop the work of Abzas Media. From now on, there should be no journalists or media organizations exposing the corrupt crimes that occurred in our country.” “We will continue to do what we believe is right,” she said with a final flash of her eyes. “They should not think they can stop these investigations by arresting individual persons. It will not happen. And we will continue to disappoint them.” Vaqifqizi boarded her plane. Hours later, as she disembarked in the Azeri capital of Baku, she was arrested before even reaching passport control. She wasn’t the last: Soon another colleague was detained. Then another. And another. Five journalists associated with Abzas Media, plus the organization’s deputy director, have now spent over two months in pre-trial detention on charges of smuggling foreign currency. The police searched their offices and confiscated their laptops, and within days stories appeared in the state press accusing them of receiving foreign money for nefarious purposes. An analyst based in Azerbaijan, whose name cannot be revealed to ensure his safety, says the end-point of the latest crack-down is grim: “I believe this is part of a bigger ambition to turn the country into something that’s similar to Turkmenistan,” he says. “Where there is total control.” “This is the right time, because the whole global order is changing, and they understand that it’s not in favor of the democratic governments. And also, they don’t need good relations with the West any longer.” The Taste of Caviar If any country needs independent investigative journalism of the kind practiced by Vaqifqizi and her colleagues, it’s Azerbaijan. Of the former Soviet republics, it is among the richest in energy sources. Azerbaijan’s state energy company, SOCAR, rivals the Russian oil and gas giants in its success at selling to the world and in its role as the keystone of the country’s wealth. Unfortunately, as in Russia, most of this money fails to make its way to ordinary citizens. Over the years, Aliyev has proven adept at using the energy money sloshing through Azerbaijan’s economy for two purposes: enriching his family and sidelining foreign criticism of his human rights record. In 2021, for example, a leak of offshore documents known as the Pandora Papers helped OCCRP uncover a London property empire worth nearly $700 million that had been accumulated by Aliyev’s children, his father-in-law, and his associates through a network of dozens of secretive shell companies. The holdings included penthouse apartments, townhouses, commercial properties, and even an entire 8-story building that was owned, for years, by Aliyev’s underage son. This alone would be enough to impress many of the world’s less ambitious autocrats. But it was just the latest finding in years of painstaking reporting, often conducted with the help of young Azerbaijani journalists who could not be credited to protect them and their families. As part of the “Khadija Project” — named after then-imprisoned Azerbaijani reporter Khadija Ismayilova — OCCRP revealed yachts, summer homes, hotels, mansions, banks, and other assets accumulated by the country’s “first family” or appropriated for their benefit. Ismayilova’s arrest at the end of 2014, and her sentencing to a lengthy prison term the following year, was part of a massive wave of repression that devastated much of Azerbaijan’s civil society in the mid2010s. During that time, Radio Free Europe’s Azerbaijani service, independent outlet Meydan TV, Voice of America, and many other outlets were shut down or forced into exile. Dozens of journalists, activists, and NGO workers were also arrested. But in the outside world — often the last place political prisoners can turn for support — the reaction was underwhelming. Still determined to maintain his alliances with the West, Aliyev made sure to reserve plenty of carrots for persuadable foreign friends — even as Azerbaijanis got the sticks at home. To upgrade his country’s image, Aliyev made Azerbaijan the host of a range of splashy international extravaganzas, including the Eurovision song contest in 2012, the first-ever European Games in 2015, and the Formula 1 Grand Prix of Europe in 2016. On the other side of the Atlantic, reports proliferated of how Azerbaijan’s lobbyists were busy convincing U.S. members of congress of the country’s value as an energy supplier and ally in the ‘War on Terror.’ In the middle of the crackdown, American legislators praised Azerbaijan for its “close and important relationship” with the United States and its “commitment to the ideals of democracy.” Meanwhile, the Washington Post exposed how 10 members of congress had gone on an all-expenses-paid trip to the country that was secretly sponsored by SOCAR. But much of the action — or lack thereof — was in Europe. In what became known as ‘caviar diplomacy’ after a series of reports by a Berlin-based watchdog group, it emerged that Azerbaijan had poured cash and expensive gifts, including tins of caviar, into befriending legislators at the Council of Europe, the continent’s premier human rights body. As a result, though Azerbaijan came in for repeated criticism there, a high-profile report on political prisoners in the country was voted down. And though human rights groups repeatedly pushed for Azerbaijan’s delegation to the body’s Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) be suspended, Baku stayed on. “There was a decision of the European Court of Human Rights which recognized that there are political prisoners in the country, which is against all the values of the Council of Europe,” says the Azerbaijan-based analyst. “There were elections held that were in very significant violation of all the Council of Europe provisions. But [the expulsion] never happened.” That long battle, at least, now appears to be over. Last week, citing Azerbaijan’s failure to fulfill “major commitments” over 20 years after joining the Council, and noting that “at least 18 journalists and media actors are currently in detention,” the PACE voted to suspend the Azerbaijani delegation. ‘Spy Network’ Azerbaijan’s suspension was a “historic moment,” according to Gerald Knaus, the chairman and co-founder of the European Stability Initiative, which authored the original ‘caviar diplomacy’ reports. Meanwhile, the Azerbaijani-based analyst hailed PACE’s move as “the first official sanction that the government faced because of [its] human rights violations.” A less charitable interpretation is that Azerbaijan no longer cares enough to cater to Western pressures about human rights. “Azerbaijan is feeling that it needs what the West has to offer less,” says Thomas de Waal, a British journalist and expert on the Caucuses. “They could have easily fought to stay in the PACE and made a few concessions, but they didn’t. They let that happen to them. And that’s indicative.” De Waal noted that Azerbaijan has been building stronger ties with Turkey and Russia –– countries that are far less critical of its government. The Azerbaijani government is especially sensitive to any reproval of its recent actions in regard to Armenia. In fact, the arrest of the Abzas Media journalists — who the Azerbaijani government appears to regard as paid U.S. agents — was preceded by an unusually public and nasty spat with the United States over this issue. On November 15, just five days before the arrest of Abzas Media cofounder Hasanli, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State James O’Brien condemned Azerbaijan’s incursion into Nagorno-Karabakh in testimony before the House. On the following day, the U.S. Congress voted to suspend all military aid to Azerbaijan. The reaction on the Azerbaijani side was openly furious. The Foreign Ministry called O’Brien’s statements “counterproductive, baseless, and unacceptable,” and within days, the Azerbaijani media was filled with conspiratorial stories about nefarious U.S. spy networks. The situation didn’t stop spiraling until O’Brien visited Azerbaijan for talks with President Aliyev in early December. On that occasion, both sides issued statements celebrating the two countries’ deep historical ties and the resumption of mutual diplomatic visits. Neither the Azerbaijani nor the American read-out of the meeting made any mention of the imprisoned Abzas journalists or any other political prisoners. “That was a big frustration,” says the Azerbaijan-based analyst. “That [O’Brien] didn’t even meet, or consider meeting, anyone in the civil society or opposition, although the civil society and opposition were targeted in the framework of relations with the U.S.” In response to a request for comment, a U.S. State Department spokesperson wrote that the United States is “increasingly troubled” by the government’s recent detentions of journalists and activists, adding that O’Brien “raised these human rights concerns in his meetings with government officials.” In an interview with journalists from France24, Azerbaijan’s ambassador to France rejected criticism of her country’s human rights record. “No one in Azerbaijan is imprisoned or interrogated for their profession or their political opinions,” she said. “If there is a questioning of a journalist or of a person from the opposition, it is simply for a violation of the law.” “In Azerbaijan, we have a separation of powers, like anywhere in Europe,” she said. “Justice and the law work the same everywhere.” Systematic Torture For Vaqifqizi and her imprisoned colleagues at Abzas Media — Ulvi Hasanli, Nargiz Absalamova, Elnara Gasimova, Hafiz Babali, and Mahammad Kekalov — such geopolitical considerations may now be a moot point. For now, their supporters have one overwhelming worry — that they may be beaten, tortured, or otherwise mistreated while in their prison cells. Hasanli has already indicated that he was beaten while in custody. Vaqifqizi’s lawyer, Elchin Sagidov, has warned that there are “numerous cases of mistreatment and torture of individuals in prisons.” “Generally, mistreatment of political prisoners doesn’t occur without orders from higher authorities,” he told reporters from Forbidden Stories. One does not have to go far to find horrific stories from Azerbaijan’s prisons and detention centers. Numerous cases, including beatings with hard objects, electric shocks, and truncheon blows on the soles of the feet, have been documented by the Council of Europe’s Committee to Prevent Torture (CPT), which is empowered to conduct visits to the country’s detention centers. It is unknown whether any of the Abzas journalists are currently undergoing any such treatment, as they have long been denied communication with their families. ‘He Knew What He Was Doing’ The family of another high-profile Azerbaijani political prisoner — economist and civil activist Gubad Ibadoglu — fears that even without explicit torture, their loved one may never again see the light of day. “The thing I miss the most is every day getting a call from my father,” says Emin Baryamli, Ibadoglu’s 21-year-old son, who is studying at Rutgers University in the United States. “My eyes are tearing up because I miss it a lot. I used to get a call from my father every single day, before midterms. You know, do I need money? Do I have warm clothes? Did I get a coffee today?” Ibadoglu was violently arrested in Azerbaijan on July 23, 2023, in the early stages of the crackdown that swept up the Abzas journalists. He has recently been based in the United Kingdom, but had traveled to Azerbaijan to see his elderly mother, his son Bayramli says — a “personal visit” that had no political motive. Nevertheless, the authorities charged Ibadoglu with possession of counterfeit money and religious extremism. By some accounts, the amount recovered from Ibadoglu’s office was $40,000 — the same figure associated with the Abzas journalists’ arrests, only in a different currency. He has been ordered held for nearly four months pending trial. Over that period, his family says, Ibadoglu’s health has deteriorated sharply. The academic suffers from diabetes and other ailments, which his son can recall in almost encyclopedic detail. “My dad’s heart, the aortic root, has expanded from 37 to 45 millimeters,” he says. “That was September. And now it’s [so much] greater that they’re not even saying what it is.” “He has a very, very high type 2 diabetes. He needs immediate help. He’s facing a diabetic coma. He has run out of all of his medication,” he says. “There are no outside doctors seeing him. The International Committee of the Red Cross tried to see him three times or more. All have been denied.” Asked why he thought his father was under such persecution, Bayramli cited his outspoken work in economics. Perhaps most irritatingly for Aliyev, Ibadoglu has been a sharp critic of how Azerbaijan’s government has exploited its vast energy resources. “Despite huge spending,” reads the abstract of one of his papers, “[Azerbaijan’s] role as an economic leader in the region is declining and people are suffering from poverty and poor social services. Oil and gas revenues have brought neither improved welfare nor democracy to Azerbaijan.” “His most dangerous thing is that he knew what he was doing,” said Ibadoglu’s son, Bayramli. Among other activities, Ibadoglu has attempted to register an Azerbaijani political party, maintained a YouTube channel with thousands of subscribers, and run an Azerbaijani think tank that was shut down in the mid-2010s crackdown. In what may have been the final straw, just weeks before his detention, Ibadoglu co-founded the Azerbaijani Youth Education Foundation in the U.K. According to a now-deleted Facebook post, the organization, which was meant to support higher education for young Azerbaijanis and place them in foreign universities, was to be funded in part by assets confiscated from corrupt Azerbaijani elites abroad. “I think Aliyev wanted to do this for a long time,” Bayramli says, referring to his father’s arrest and imprisonment. “He doesn’t even have to ask his aides about my father’s case. He knows all about it.” — Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project. NewsHawks Page 29 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024

Page 30 The NewsHawks is published on different content platforms by the NewsHawks Digital Media which is owned by Centre for Public Interest Journalism No. 100 Nelson Mandela Avenue Beverly Court, 6th floor Harare, Zimbabwe Trustees/Directors: Beatrice Mtetwa, Raphael Khumalo, Professor Wallace Chuma, Teldah Mawarire, Doug Coltart EDITORIAL STAFF: Managing Editor: Dumisani Muleya Assistant Editor: Brezh Malaba News Editor: Owen Gagare Digital Editor: Bernard Mpofu Reporters: Brenna Matendere, Ruvimbo Muchenje, Enock Muchinjo, Jonathan Mbiriyamveka, Nathan Guma Email: [email protected] SUB EDITORS: Mollen Chamisa, Gumisai Nyoni Business Development Officer: Nyasha Kahondo Cell: +263 71 937 1739 [email protected] Subscriptions & Distribution: +263 71 937 1739 Reaffirming the fundamental importance of freedom of expression and me- dia freedom as the cornerstone of democracy and as a means of upholding human rights and liberties in the constitution; our mission is to hold power in its various forms and manifestations to account by exposing abuse of power and office, betrayals of public trust and corruption to ensure good governance and accountability in the public interest. CARTOON Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe The NewsHawks newspaper subscribes to the Code of Conduct that promotes truthful, accurate, fair and balanced news reporting. If we do not meet these standards, register your complaint with the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe at No.: 34, Colenbrander Rd, Milton Park, Harare. Telephone: 024-2778096 or 024-2778006, 24Hr Complaints Line: 0772 125 659 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] WhatsApp: 0772 125 658, Twitter: @vmcz Website: www.vmcz.co.zw, Facebook: vmcz Zimbabwe Chamisa needs new politics Dumisani Muleya Hawk Eye Editorial & Opinion THE contrived political mayhem which has erupted in the ranks of the opposition is a stark reminder of what Professor Brian Raftopoulous has previously described as Zimbabwe’s "politics of despair". Do you notice how the Zanu PF regime has largely succeeded in deflecting attention away from the shambolic August 2023 elections? Nobody is talking about the stolen election anymore. Zanu PF is winning the propaganda war. But it is a pyrrhic victory. President Emmerson Mnangagwa lacks not only political legitimacy but also performance legitimacy. Mnangagwa will not be judged on the basis of a hollow propaganda scorecard but on his practical delivery on the governance front. Prices of basic commodities have doubled in January alone, plunging more Zimbabweans into poverty. Despite the ritual of elections conducted every five years, Zimbabwe remains trapped in what the political theorist Achille Mbembe describes as Africa's "endless cycle of vulnerability". A desperate ruling party peddles false consciousness to hoodwink the gullible while riding roughshod over the national constitution and subverting state institutions. Zanu PF does this with an overwhelming sense of impunity. The August 2023 general elections were so shambolic that — for the first time in history — the Southern African Development Community (Sadc) condemned the Zimbabwean polls as falling far short of the requirements of the national constitution, the Electoral Act and Sadc Principles and Guidelines on Democratic Elections. Sadc was not the only institution to release an adverse election observer report. The African Union and the European Union (EU) also expressed disquiet. In a dramatic turn of events, the EU announced that it was withdrawing US$5 million in financial support to the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) because of what it called a lack of independence and transparency in the country's disputed August polls. Electoral theft endangers national survival. As a direct consequence of the sham elections, the citizens' desperation to leave Zimbabwe has escalated. A total of 92 313 Zimbabweans applied for e-passports between 1 December and 31 December 2023, according to official statistics. Here is the brutal reality: the Zimbabwean government is now profiting from its own bad governance record. With the ordinary passport fee pegged at US$120 last year, Treasury would have raked in a massive US$11 million in December 2023 alone. But the passport "business" has become so lucrative that the Finance ministry has since increased the ordinary passport fee to US$170 with effect from 1 January 2024. If you want an "express" passport which is processed in a couple of days, you fork out US$250, up from US$200. To millions of jobless and poverty-stricken Zimbabweans, holding a passport is the quickest way of escaping the country’s never-ending economic and political crises. If the pointless ritual of elections cannot bring much-needed economic, social and political change to Africa, what is the future of democracy? The opposition CCC has not helped matters, committing a litany of unforced errors, much to Zanu PF's benefit. Infiltration is real, of course, but it is not uncommon for political opposition groups to face sabotage by government agents. Since 1980, we have witnessed the devastating impact of the Zanu PF regime's infiltration tactics which include placing moles within the opposition, using surveillance and snooping to gather information, and spreading disinformation to sow discord within the opposition ranks. To prevent infiltration in the future, the opposition can take several measures to ensure robust internal security. Thorough background checks must be conducted on new members, encrypting communications, and establishing secure channels for discussing sensitive information. The opposition has tended to lack a culture of trust and transparency. By fostering an environment of open communication and trust among members, the opposition can help detect and address any signs of internal discord or suspicious behaviour. The CCC's failure to develop a strong leadership structure based on constitutionalism has fatally weakened the party. Having a clear leadership structure with accountable and trustworthy leaders can help prevent internal disarray and susceptibility to state infiltration and capture. In this season of anomie, real leaders must stand up and be counted. It’s politics of despair! NewsHawks 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024

Page 26 NewsHawks Issue 76, 15 April 2022 Business MATTERS NewsHawks CURRENCIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE USD/JPY 109.29 +0.38 +0.35 GBP/USD 1.38 -0.014 -0.997 USD/CAD 1.229 +0.001 +0.07 USD/CHF 0.913 +0.005 +0.53 AUD/USD 0.771 -0.006 -0.76 COMMODITIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE *OIL 63.47 -1.54 -2.37 *GOLD 1,769.5 +1.2 +0.068 *SILVER 25.94 -0.145 -0.56 *PLATINUM 1,201.6 +4 +0.33 MARKETS *COPPER 4.458 -0.029 -0.65 BERNARD MPOFU ZIMBABWE is now running out of options to service future external debts as the outcome of the shambolic 2023 general elections continues to complicate the southern African nation’s prospects of resolving its longstanding debt-issue, market watchers and economic analysts have warned. Zimbabwe’s debt-to-gross-domestic-product ratio has spiked to 100% over the last few years, amid warnings that the trend will be maintained as the country battles to clear arrears with international financial institutions. The official total debt stock has soared to US$18 billion as of December 2022 from US$17.2 billion reported in the prior comparative period as the distressed economy struggles to extricate itself from the debt albatross. Of the US$12.7 billion in total external PPG debt, US$3.6 billion are from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe. Of that external debt, China accounts for US$2 billion, and US$1 billion of it relates to the Hwange Thermal Power Station units 7 and 8 plants, with a further US$153 million for the expansion and upgrade of Robert Mugabe International Airport. These loans were provided by China Exim Bank. A further US$375 million was to be disbursed by this bank for Hwange 7 and 8 by the end of 2023. In the nine months to the end of September, Zimbabwe paid a total of just US$55 million to all of its external creditors, with US$8 million of that going to China Exim Bank. “Zimbabwe’s poor poll credibility will make negotiations for debt forgiveness, additional lines of credit and diplomatic engagements particularly difficult with parts of the Western world,” First Mutual Wealth says in its Economic and Market Review. “It is incumbent on the Government of Zimbabwe and policymakers to realise that the management of the economy will be that much more imperative as outside help will not be so forthcoming. The dollarisation of the economy will undoubtedly make Zimbabwe less competitive than its regional peers hence the value addition of mineral exports becomes that much more imperative in shoring up foreign currency reserves in the outlook.” After several failed attempts to settle arrears with international financial institutions (IFIs) such as the World Bank and the African Development Bank (AfDB), which enjoy preferred creditor status, Zimbabwe, which has been struggling to access long-term concessional funding, adopted a new strategy which is led by AfDB. But movement on this front remains sluggish due to waning international goodwill on President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s administration, experts say. “Political tension post 2023 elections remains high. The recent recalls of elected officials by a faction of the opposition CCC plunges the country into another election cycle,” Fincent Securities says in its economic outlook. “The accumulation of debt arrears has limited Zimbabwe’s access to external financing and kept public investment at low levels, further negatively impacting growth. On the structural front, significant support to agriculture in the form of agricultural inputs, cross-subsidies on electricity, and loan guarantees has meant less public finance for human capital development and public infrastructure.” In 2023, Zimbabwe took on a new loan of US$400 million from Afreximbank at a rate of over 11% payable monthly but backed by 35% of Zimplats export proceeds which are controlled by the RBZ. “It would appear to us that Zimbabwe is not in a position to take on any more external loans, as it is clearly finding it very difficult to service even the newer debts taken on over the past five years,” Imara Asset Managers chief executive John Legat says in a research note. “Despite this, the budget is looking for further external loans of US$370 million in 2024 … The budget has allocated US$338 million to service this debt in 2024 of which US$80 million is interest. Bottom line in our view is that Government can ill afford to run a budget deficit going forwards and should return to cash budgeting or 'eat what you kill'. “Of further interest to us in the debt report was the concept of 'asset recycling' which would be undertaken with Africa50, a business that was established by the African Development Bank. The idea would be that initially Government would ‘hand over’ to Africa50 the three main airports in Zimbabwe and maybe the Harare/Beitbridge highway, in return for funds that could then be recycled into other infrastructure projects. This is a fascinating concept and one that we will keep a close eye on.” Sham polls haunt broke govt RBZ

Page 32 Companies & Markets BERNARD MPOFU DIVERSIFIED agro-industrial concern Ariston Holdings says it will mainly rely on irrigation water to grow its plantations as the company anticipates lower-than-expected output due to the effects of the El Niño-induced drought. Zimbabwe’s summer cropping season began late last year, with most areas currently experiencing dry spells. In its trading update for the first quarter ending 31 December, Ariston says the economic environment continued to be challenging, particularly for exporting agricultural businesses as the 25% Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) export retention coupled with the significant disparity between the interbank rate and the fair market rate used by suppliers became very significant. This disparity, the company says, is making some export lines unviable due to loss of value on the 25% RBZ retention. It is hoped that the authorities will implement positive policies that will support the growth of exporting businesses. “The expectations are for an El Niño climate condition this season. For the period to mid-December 2023, rainfall was below the average year-to-date and was accompanied by extremely hot weather on all estates,” reads the trading update. “This was not a good start to the season. Thereafter, the weather improved with yearto-date rainfall now exceeding the prior year rainfall. “Revenue generated in the current period was USD1,037,724 compared to USD987,135 achieved in the prior comparative period. This represented a 5% increase in revenue, mainly attributable to sales of macadamia stocks which were carried over from the prior comparative period coupled with an increase in tea sales volumes. “The 2023/2024 agricultural season is expected to receive lower-than-normal rainfall. The Group will mitigate the impact of low rainfall through heavy reliance on its irrigation systems. Early indication is that demand for macadamia nuts will be firm.” Sales volumes for macadamia nuts were higher than production volumes due to sale in the current year of stocks held at prior year period end. The 132 tonnes of macadamia nuts sold in the current period were 415% more than the 26 tonnes sold in the prior comparative period. However, it is still too early to have a view on the market prices, although sales of our early drop nuts have been at an improved price compared to prior year’s for similar quality. “The operating environment is expected to continue to be challenging. Focus will remain on cost containment measures, improvement of product quality and production processes,” El Niño: Ariston turns to irrigation NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

NewsHawks Companies & Markets Page 33 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024 BERNARD MPOFU ZIMBABWE’S Treasury has been caught between a rock and a hard place after the recently introduced tax measures triggered a new wave of price increases while weakening consumer spending, experts have warned. Finance minister Mthuli Ncube introduced new taxes to widen the debt-ridden government’s revenue base despite warnings by economic analysts that the move would be inflationary. With nearly half of the country’s population living in extreme poverty, the new statutory obligations are not only expected to widen the gap between the haves and the have-nots, but also lead to a sharp decline in collected revenue, experts say. Already, yesteryear giants are falling and the economy is shifting. Traditionally well-to-do brands like Truworths, Edgars and other players in the formal sector are either are scaling down operations or closing shop, throwing thousands of workers into the streets. With department stores now taking a bow on the stage, making way for new entrants run by family members or business associates, behold the new has come. These developments sum the seismic shifts in Zimbabwe’s economy. The past few days have seen most formal retailers sounding the alarm over the impact of the country’s weakening domestic currency for eating into their margins. Latest figures from the country’s statistical agency show that the monthon-month inflation rate rose to 6.6% this month from 4.7% in December. Economist Prosper Chitambara attributed the rise to new taxes and global headwinds such as weakening commodity prices. In its research note titled Seeking Stability Amidst Uncertainties, Fincent Securities says a notable feature of the last few years has been increasing informality. “High inflation, exchange rate distortions, and a difficult business environment have raised the cost of doing business for the formal sector, triggering a rise in informal activity,” Fincent says. “Zimbabwe’s large informal sector has lowered fiscal revenues, constrained competitiveness, and made it more difficult for the authorities to manage the economy. Rising exchange rate distortions and high inflation have misallocated resources to sectors and firms with low productivity and limited private investment. “Critically, manufacturers and wholesalers find it challenging to navigate the imposed restrictions, especially the requirement to supply wholesalers before reaching retail outlets. Had this not been revised, it would have led to inevitable price increases and disruptions in the trade channel, potentially accelerating the rate of informalisation. There is a risk that many informal traders and retailers will import and smuggle products to meet demand, while shifting away from local manufacturers.” Imara Asset Management says weakening consumer spending will result in declining revenues for Treasury. “In 2024, the formal sector is weak. The retailers cannot sell product at prices that make economic sense and so trade goes elsewhere and Government receives less VAT than it should,” Imara says. “Given that the formal sector is weak and diminishing relative to the economy as a whole, tax revenue in relative terms should also be falling. That should imply that Government should reduce its expenditure to take that into account.” New tax measures wreak havoc on Zim’s retail sector

Page 34 Reframing Issues NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024 FIRST Capital Bank chief executive Tapera Mushoriwa and other high-profile captains of industry held a webinar (an online seminar) on Wednesday to explore business opportunities in the manufacturing sector. Some of the executives who were involved include Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries chief executive Sekai Kuvarika, ZimTrade boss Alan Majuru and Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce corporate leader Chris Mugaga. The economic and business engagement will help active and aspiring entrepreneurs who want to deepen their ideas, knowledge and operations in the critical sector the economy. Manufacturing has traditionally played a key role in the economic growth of developing countries, although its importance has diminished over the last 20 to 25 years. Industrialisation — or increases in the share of manufacturing in GDP ratio — is a key feature of modern economic growth despite all the challenges it faces. The critical interesting online discussion on LinkedIn and Facebook was held under the theme "Navigating the Export Maze: Opportunities and Challenges in the Manufacturing Business Sector". The webinar explored business opportunities in the manufacturing sector that active and aspiring entrepreneurs in the country can explore. Meanwhile, in a bid to promote business and start-up operations, particularly women, First Capital Bank Limited is sponsoring business discussions to share ideas and exchange notes on how to build and run companies smoothly. Through its Hustlepreneur Hotseat, First Capital on Tuesday held a discussion with Chipo Mabota, founder and managing director Cooper and Jones Global Logistics. Mabota talked about her career, how she made it in a male-dominated business sector; and women's empowerment, one of her favourite subjects. The theme of her discussion was "My Enterpreneurial Journey in the Logistics Space". The topic was central to how businesses operate. While the terms “logistics” and “supply chain” are sometimes used interchangeably, logistics is mainly an element of the overall supply chain. Logistics deals with the movement of goods from point A to point B, which entails two functions: transportation and storage or warehousing. The overall supply chain is a network of businesses and organisations working in a systematic sequence of processes, including logistics, production and distribution of goods. In logistics, they say “an army marches on its stomach” — that is; keeping forces well-provisioned is fundamental to success in war. This launched logistics as a field of military concentration. A supply chain is essentially a series of transactions. Mabota shared ideas and insights on that subject matter. First Capital Bank head of marketing and communications Emily Nemapare said: "We are committed to creating platforms for productive conversations that highlight industry opportunities. We are grateful for participation by industry leaders as they pave the way to economic growth." — STAFF WRITER. The Banker First Capital promotes business Tapera Mushoriwa Chief Executive Officer - First Capital Bank Christopher Mugaga Chief Executive Officer - ZNCC Sekai Kuvarika Chief Executive Officer - CZI Allan Majuru Chief Executive Officer - ZimTrade

Reframing Issues Page 35 ISHAC DIWAN/ VERA SONGWE While developed economies have pledged to increase climate financing sharply by 2030, developing-economy policymakers are struggling to cover the costs of action. With medium-term strategies being used to address a shortterm threat, progress on the green transition will be undermined, with potentially catastrophic implications. IF developing economies found it hard to manage their debts in 2023, they are likely to face even more formidable challenges this year. Though most possess relatively small debt stocks and are not considered insolvent, many are in dire need of liquidity. As long as this remains true, they will struggle not only to manage their debts, but also to invest in the green transition. Developing economies have faced a series of external shocks in recent years, including the COVID-19 pandemic, war-related disruptions of food and energy supply chains, and an uptick in global inflation. Moreover, their  access to capital markets has been curtailed, preventing them from rolling over maturing loans, as they would do in normal times. As a result, countries have been forced to channel a large share of their tax and export revenues to service their debt, avoiding default at the cost of priorities like infrastructure investment, social-welfare programs, and climate action. The outlook for these countries is likely to worsen in the next few years. According to  estimates  by the Finance for Development Lab (FDL), large debt payments are coming due in 2024 and 2026 for at least 20 low- and lower-middle-income countries. As countries hit this “debt wall,” their already fragile fiscal positions will deteriorate further. This does not bode well for climate action. Climate change is not some distant menace; its effects are already being felt worldwide, especially in climate-vulnerable developing economies. But international summits on the topic last year sent a disappointing message: while developed economies pledged to increase climate financing by 2030, developing-economy policymakers are struggling against severe fiscal constraints. With medium-term strategies being used to address a short-term threat, developing and emerging economies have been  expressing frustration, including at the Summit for a New Global Financing Pact that was held in Paris last June. Multilateral development banks can provide an  essential lifeline, but their capacity would have to be strengthened – and quickly. According to World Bank  data, the new concessional loans the world’s poorest countries received from MDBs in 2022 were smaller than these countries’ debt-service payments, a large share of which went to private and bilateral creditors. Increasing capital flight from the developing world – driven not least by monetary tightening in advanced economies – will intensify the needs of illiquid lower-income countries. But it is not only a matter of financial capacity. MDBs have so far been inconsistent, at best, when it comes to supporting countries struggling to repay their debts. For example, both  Kenya  and  Ethiopia  have been under pressure to repay their private and Chinese creditors, which are now collecting more in debt-service payments than they are providing in new loans. But only Kenya received  enough support  from the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and others to refinance its debt that is maturing this year. By contrast, assistance to Ethiopia has declined in recent years. As a result, Ethiopia recently  defaulted  on its external debt, even though it amounts to just  25% of GDP. While the Kenya approach is not the solution — providing similar levels of support to all illiquid countries would require a tripling of MDB flows — this is clearly unacceptable. A better approach would focus on closing the gap between short-term debt concerns and long-term investment needs, by unlocking net-positive inflows for countries facing liquidity constraints. As the FDL has proposed, an agreement among debtors, creditors, and MDBs to permit countries to reschedule debts coming due – delaying maturities by 5-10 years – would create fiscal space for climate-friendly investments, financed by MDBs. For this liquidity bridge to work, MDBs would have to accelerate progress on implementing existing reform plans and increase funding substantially, while the IMF helps manage debt-rollover risks. Importantly, private and bilateral creditors would have to agree to the rescheduling. That is why, compared to the  Debt Service Suspension Initiative  that the G20 introduced in 2020, the proposal includes stronger incentives for private-sector creditors to participate, in addition to longer time horizons. There are good reasons to believe that creditors can be convinced to join the program voluntarily. It is, after all, in their best interest to remain invested in solvent countries with strong growth prospects; no one benefits from debt crises like those that have ensnared  Zambia and Sri Lanka. In any case, creditors would continue receiving interest payments, and as global interest rates fall and economic-growth prospects improve in the coming years, debtors may well be able to return to capital markets and resume repayment of the principal. Shaping a workable blueprint along these lines is a task for upcoming international gatherings, such as the  G20 summit  in Brazil later this year. Logistical and financial coordination will be needed to ensure sufficient liquidity. Coordination among the IMF, the World Bank, and regional development banks will also be essential to ensure that participating debtor countries pursue investments that genuinely support green growth. If nothing is done to help countries facing liquidity crises, the world will risk a wave of destabilizing debt defaults, and progress on the green transition will be severely undermined, with catastrophic implications for the entire world. Because promising solutions like the liquidity bridge can prevent such outcomes, they deserve broad global support. — Project Syndicate. *About the writers: Ishac Diwan is research director at the Finance for Development Lab in France. Vera Songwe is a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution in the United States and the Finance for Development Lab in France. Wealthier communities living in developed countries with strong government support are able to adapt to the changing climate more quickly and easily than poorer communities in developing countries. Image: Daniel Bachhuber, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Flickr. Developing countries need debt relief to act on climate crisis NewsHawks 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024

Page 36 Reframing Issues NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024 COLLS NDLOVU IN 1980 Zimbabwe was at crossroads. It was at the crossroads of its colonial past, and the possibility of greatness and freedom being its future. This work seeks to focus on this paradox and analyse it in order to help map the way forward for the country against the backdrop of its present circumstance. Contemporary events are different from history in that their future results or conclusion are unknown and unknowable. The present is a result of past events and their progression. While history is in progress, it is merely a record of events as they occur. Hence, it is difficult for participants in those events to draw informed conclusions there from because of the conjectural nature of the information they would be dealing with. Humanity would benefit immensely if it can have a second chance in life to re-live the same life twice and go through the same events as they occurred in the past. This would give us a chance to correct some misjudgements, misperceptions and mistakes we would have made in the past. As the old adage asserts, history never repeats itself. Mankind can at least glean something from the past and, in that way, be better positioned not to repeat the mistakes of the past. In general, mankind must always and has always been risk verse by nature. This involves him taking pre-emptive preventative measures in order to protect himself against pending risk. Risk is, therefore, a perpetually constant phenomenon that always confronts man’s precarious circumstance. Zimbabwe in 1980 was at the threshold of history. It was at the breakeven point. It could choose between either or, and, neither nor. It could choose a particular thesis or antithesis as a way to synthesise its own organic growth and development as a new nation. Zimbabwe had just emerged from a brutal and devastating civil war, which had paralysed the country’s economy and condemned the nation into a pariah status through sanctions. Consequently, 1980 (the year of Independence) provided an important milestone for a new beginning and a new chapter going forward. Hitherto, the war had been fought ostensibly for freedom and democracy. It was critically important that the new Zimbabwe take off headed for a democratic dispensation. Pursuant to 1980, there emerged a new contempt for ideas. Ideas were not valued nor treasured. Liberalism was viewed with contempt as a relic of the colonial past. Cynicism and skepticism dominated the national discourse. A dangerous drift towards rhetoric and inciteful assertions crept into the crevices of political opinion. Huge political cleavages emerged on the basis of colour, tribe and sexual orientation. Freedom and democracy were reduced to footnotes of history. It became clear that the setting was on a bad political footing. The country was on a precarious powder-keg, which could explode anytime thereafter. And of course it exploded. Massive outward migration, mainly to South Africa, Australia and the United Kingdom. Brutality set in. Certain parts of the country were damned and quarantined into concentration camps through a scorched earth policy that devastated communities and left a trail of destruction whose repercussions are still being felt today. This was hardly the utopia that the population had imagined or dreamt about when they volunteered for the struggle. The Zimbabwe of the past is hardly one that its people are proud of given its trail of devastation and the concomitant misery that went with it. It was a tragedy of Shakespearean dimensions. The rise of extremism, dictatorship and repression in Zimbabwe soon after Independence was not a reaction to past brutalities. It was a new phenomenon with its own legs and its own head. Zimbabwe degenerated into tyranny notwithstanding the veneer of democracy here and there. The tragedy for the country was that as it strove to achieve certain ideals like democracy, majority rule, freedom of expression and global peace, the country sought to do so by suppressing and repressing these very ideals at home. That is the height of folly. The war had been fought against a repressive colonial regime, which used tyranny and propaganda as potent weapons. Ironically, the new regime seized these very instruments and used them as hyperboles for its own rhetoric and propaganda. Nazi Germany had perfected the art of propaganda during World War Two. Rhetoric and propaganda then became the standard instruments for tyrannical regimes around the world. It is better for a nation to understand totalitarianism and the events that led to it, because that can disillusion the population. A free man believes in his own responsibility and economic destiny. To the free man, a country is an aggregate of persons and their assets who make up that country. Therefore, a country cannot be viewed as something above mankind. A country is a function of the people and their assets.  A government is ipso facto viewed by free men as an instrumentality at their disposal. It is not a higher power or sovereign. There is, therefore, no such thing as a national goal or national purpose so long as such goal or purpose is outside of the common goal or consensus conscience of the people. Contrary to the famous Kennedian mantra of what man can do for his country, free men have a different viewpoint. Their view is rather what can they do through government? This then squarely locates the government as a lever to assist its citizens to achieve their individual and consensus goals and objectives. As will be further highlighted in the subsequent pages of this work, the greatest risk to freedom of mankind is the centralisation and concentration of power in the hands of government. The situation takes a nasty twist and turn, especially if that government is led by a tyrannical leader. History is awash with examples of such leaders. Admittedly, the government is necessary for the preservation and protection of our freedom. But, it is a necessity in its capacity as an instrumentality or lever to be used by man to achieve and maintain his freedom. It is conceivable that, initially, the concentrated power of government may be in the hands of rational and reasonable men of goodwill and benign policies. However, invariably the situation usually takes a life of its own and ends up degenerating into pure and unmitigated dictatorship. Power tends to attract men of different ideological stripes and some of these tend to be evil men. Consequently, the governmental power must always and everywhere be checked and limited through strong institutions of democracy. Scholars of freedom have asserted that the governmental scope must be limited to protecting our freedom, preserving law and order, enforcing and enjoining every citizen to respect contractual obligations and encouraging competitive free markets. If citizens deliberately foster private enterprise within their country, the benefits arise in the form of private enterprise acting as a control measure against government’s excesses. Moreover, in those scenarios where the government has to exercise power, this power must be devolved. Devolution of power, as contemplated in the Zimbabwean constitution, is a necessary feature in terms of limiting the concentration and centralisation of power. The power conundrum is a two-sided coin. The power of a government to do good is ironically the same power that the government uses to harm its people. The protective reason for limiting governmental power is the preservation of freedom. History amply demonstrates that all great discoveries of the past were never at the instigation of governments. It was all the works of free thinkers who achieved all these things despite government. Their discoveries or inventions were the result of individual genius, which tends to thrive in a free society (not in societies where people think in collective terms at the dictation of governments). *About the writer: Colls Ndlovu is a Zimbabwean-born currency expert and an award-winning banker, formerly with the South African Reserve Bank, and inventor of the NCX Currency Confidence Index. He can be contacted on: [email protected] Finance and Economic Development minister Mthuli Ncube Treatise on economic repression

Reframing Issues Page 37 DIXON CHIBANDA EVEN rich-country psychiatric systems lack the capacity to offer traditional mental-health services as widely as needed. Fortunately, lower-resource countries have been pioneering new, scalable models for delivering high-quality, low-cost psychiatric care to communities where it was not previously available. THE world is in the grips of a mental-health crisis. From rising climate anxiety in rich countries like the United States to intense trauma in conflict zones like Ukraine and Gaza (especially among children), psychological suffering has become widespread, and traditional healthcare services cannot keep up. This leaves tens of millions of people at risk of serious pathologies and suicide. As it stands, more than  25% of the world’s population reports feelings of social isolation and loneliness, and more than  150 000 people  aged 15-29 die by suicide each year. Climate change threatens to increase these bleak figures. As the American Psychiatric Association reports, climate change can “lead to job loss, force people to move, and harm social cohesion and community resources, all of which have mental-health consequences.” Moreover, contemplating climate change and its consequences for both “national security and individual well-being” can cause “significant distress.” No groups are spared. Young people fear for their future; older people grieve the destruction of the world of their childhoods; and activists and climate scientists suffer from emotional burnout and despair. And this is to say nothing of the post-traumatic stress and depression experienced by those already affected by climate-related disasters, particularly in vulnerable developing economies. Traditionally, a psychiatric patient would engage in one-on-one therapy with a trained doctor. But even rich-country health systems lack the capacity to offer such services as widely as is needed: in the US, more than 150 million people live in areas with too few  mental-health professionals. Within a few years, the country could be short by as many as 31 100 psychiatrists. The situation is even worse in poor and conflict-affected countries, where traditional psychiatric interventions are often very difficult to access, if they are available at all. Consider my home country, Zimbabwe: despite being a country of 16 million, it has just  13 psychiatrists and 20 clinical psychologists. The consequences of this shortfall became starkly apparent in 2019, when  Cyclone Idai  tore through parts of Zimbabwe. The storm’s powerful winds and heavy rains – and the massive flooding and landslides they triggered – led to  hundreds of deaths, displaced about 60 000 people, and demolished 50 000 homes. It also decimated unharvested crops, destroyed seed stocks, and killed livestock, leaving people without food or livelihoods. All of this contributed to mental-health problems, including post-traumatic stress disorder. Barely a year later, things got much worse: the Covid-19 pandemic forced nationwide lockdowns that further undermined people’s socioeconomic well-being. The resulting mental-health problems were well beyond the health-care system’s capacity to handle. But that did not mean Zimbabwe had no options. The Friendship Bench project, which I founded, trains community volunteers without any prior medical or mental-health training to provide talk therapy from wooden park benches in all ten provinces of the country. We have so far trained more than 2 000 of these “grandmothers” to provide counseling to their local communities. The programme works. In 2016, a  randomised clinical trial  found that patients with common mental disorders and indicators of depression who received Friendship Bench counseling had a significant decrease in symptoms. Communities with access to Friendship Bench services also experienced improvements in other areas, from  HIV outcomes  to  maternal and child health. Even the grandmothers delivering the therapy report that they have benefited from a stronger sense of  belonging and resilience. Others in lower-resource countries have also been  pioneering  new,  scalable models  for delivering high-quality,  low-cost psychiatric care  to communities where it was not previously available. One trailblazer is  Sangath, an NGO headquartered in the Indian state of Goa that trains ordinary people to deliver psychosocial treatments, particularly in areas with little access to mental-health services. Clinical trials have consistently shown that these “lay counsellors” are effective in addressing a wide range of mental-health conditions, from depression and anxiety to alcohol-use disorders. Western models of psychiatric care are too resource-intensive to be rolled out across the world, particularly in Africa and South Asia, where fast-growing populations and accelerating climate risks pose huge challenges. But well-crafted community-based initiatives are both cost-effective and highly scalable. Beyond improving individual mental health and resilience, such programmes strengthen community cohesion and encourage collective problem-solving, both of which will become increasingly important as the climate crisis intensifies. Tackling the global mental-health crisis effectively will require greater engagement from the international community. The World Health Organisation’s Special Initiative for Mental Health, which sought to deliver greater access to mental-health services across its six regions in 2019-23, was a step in the right direction. But it must be sustained and expanded. Meanwhile, local and national governments and philanthropies should embrace new, locally-based approaches that have proved their ability to help communities cope with growing risks to their lives, livelihoods, and well-being. — Project Syndicate. *About the writer: Dixon Chibanda, a professor of psychiatry and global mental health at the University of Zimbabwe and the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, is founder of the Friendship Bench and the recipient of the 2023 McNulty Prize. Global mental-health crisis demands new thinking NewsHawks 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024

ANDREW MAMBONDIANI Chinese companies have invested billions in Zimbabwe’s lithium. Now Harare wants to ensure some processing happens before export. WONDER Mushove stared blankly at plumes of red dust billowing into the sky as more than 30 trucks carrying loads of lithium ore rumbled past his newly-built house in Buhera, in eastern Zimbabwe. The trucks drive by Mukwasi village on the dirt road linking the Chinese-owned Sabi Star lithium mine to the tarred highway. They travel through the border town of Mutare to the port of Beira in neighbouring Mozambique. From there, the lithium-containing minerals are loaded onto ships and  exported to China  – the world’s largest manufacturer of lithium-ion batteries. The dust hung in the air after the trucks’ passage. Mushove and his family were among dozens of households displaced by the US$130 million mining project, which began operating in May. They were relocated to new houses built by the mining company about a kilometre from their old homes. And yet, Mushove is hopeful the mine could “uplift the area and put it on the world map,” he told Climate Home News. For decades, the vast, hardrock lithium deposits buried under his home were of little interest to foreign investors. Now, Chinese companies are paying a high price to access Zimbabwe’s reserves – the largest in Africa and among  the largest in the world. A lightweight metal with the ability to store lots of energy, lithium is critical for the manufacture of batteries for electric cars. Global efforts to move away from combustion-engine vehicles have pushed demand for the silvery metal, also known as “white gold”, to soar. Chinese companies have flocked to Zimbabwe’s untapped reserves of high-grade lithium to shore up the country’s supplies, benefiting from the southern African nation’s cheap labour and deregulated mining sector. In the past two years, Chinese companies invested over US$1.4 billion  acquiring lithium projects in Zimbabwe. And more money is on its way. Last year, Chinese companies were awarded licenses that could see US$2.79 billion in investment flow into the country, mostly in the mining and energy sectors. These investments could turn Zimbabwe into a key player in the global lithium-ion battery supply chain. Chinese battery manufacturing giant BYD could source some of its lithium from Zimbabwe, after buying a stake in the Chinese owners of the Sabi Star mine. But Zimbabwe’s poor progress on establishing robust resource governance threatens to keep communities like Mushove’s from seeing any of the benefits, analysts say. The race for “white gold” To produce electric vehicles (EVs) and grid storage batteries at the scale needed to meet global climate goals, lithium demand is expected to increase nine-fold between 2022 and 2030, according to the International Energy Agency – raising the prospect of a supply crunch. Zimbabwe’s reserves could help ease some of that pressure. The government aims to supply a fifth of the world’s demand. Eddie Cross, a former advisor to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, is even more optimistic, expecting the country “to command a quarter of global demand in three years”. Mining consultancy CRU forecasts Zimbabwe will become the world’s fifth largest producer by 2025 – up from its sixth place last year. While endowed with vast mineral wealth, Zimbabwe has so far failed to turn its underground riches, including diamonds and gold, into revenues for development.  Regulatory gaps,  human rights abuses, illegal trade, and  alleged corruption  have all been barriers. A  recent investigation  by NGO Global Witness in Zimbabwe, Namibia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo found that there is a danger of history repeating itself with lithium mining without rigorous screening for corruption and social and environmental harms. But Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa is betting on the lithium rush to catapult the country into  an upper-middle-income economy by 2030. To achieve this, Mnangagwa aspires to turn Zimbabwe into  a battery manufacturing hub. China’s lithium rush China  towers over the lithium-ion battery supply chain. But its own lithium resources are limited and it has sought to secure access to deposits overseas. Isolated by the West and slapped with 20 years of sanctions because of human rights violations, Zimbabwe has turned towards China, now the country’s largest foreign investor. Since the 1950s, China’s foreign policy has been guided by “five principles of peaceful co-existence“, including a commitment not to interfere in another country’s internal affairs. This principle, which encapsulates China’s approach, has set it apart from Western investors. Zimbabwe’s “opacity and disregard for human rights has made it cheap for the Chinese to exploit minerals” in the country, said James Mupfumi, director of the Centre for Research and Development, a local NGO advocating for accountability in the natural resource sector. Zimbabwean law  vests all mineral rights to the president. With no requirements to disclose the beneficial owners of mining projects, “there is no due diligence and parliamentary oversight on Chinese investments,” Mupfumi explained. “Above all, Zimbabwe requires a government that prioritises public accountability of mineral wealth, not the self-enrichment of a few political elites,” he added. The ministry of mines did not respond to a request for comment. “Lithium is our only hope” For small-holder farmers living in the vicinity of the Sabi Star mine in Buhera – one of Zimbabwe’s poorest and most water-scarce districts – lithium mining has brought the promise of jobs and a better life. Around the mine, climate change is causing rainfall to regularly fail, leaving rain-dependent subsistence farmers  acutely food insecure. Pastures and water sources for livestock are drying up and only drought rePage 38 Reframing Issues Zimbabwe looks to China to secure place in EV battery supply chain A worker examines car batteries at a factory for Xinwangda Electric Vehicle Battery Co., in Nanjing, China's eastern Jiangsu province. STR/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

Reframing Issues Page 39 sistant  Mopane trees  and thorny shrubs remain across the parched land. Abishell Chikunda, a 75-year-old farmer who grows sunflower and groundnuts to sustain himself and his two deaf grandchildren, lives on land adjacent to the mine. Repeated droughts have hurt his income and made life increasingly unbearable. “We lost most of our cattle due to tickborne diseases and the lithium is now our only hope,” he said. With mining claims straddling 2 600 hectares, the equivalent of 4 900 football fields, the Sabi Star lithium mine – one of the country’s largest – has the potential to produce about 900 000 tonnes of raw lithium ore per year. In 2021, Chengxin Lithium Group, one of China’s largest lithium producers, acquired  a majority share  in the mine’s operator, Max Mind Investments. Chengxin Lithium Group’s biggest customers include Chinese companies BYD and CATL, respectively the world’s third and first largest EV battery manufacturers. In 2022, BYD, which recently overtook Tesla  as the world’s bestselling EV company, bought a 5% stake in Chengxin – securing lithium supplies. The promise of local development Chengxin Lithium said in a statement that the mine would  create up to 600 jobs  and ease pressure on local employment. The company has installed solar-powered boreholes to supply communities with clean water, renovated school buildings, built a community clinic, and promised to tarmac the dusty road. Edgars Seenza, secretary for provincial affairs and devolution for the area, is bullish that lithium mining will turn around the region and the country’s fortunes. “If you look at what the company has done even before they started mining, it shows how serious [it] is,” said Seenza. But not everyone sees it that way. Noah Manhidza, Mukwasi village’s traditional leader, said more than 100 families have been displaced by the mine. The company reported that 40 households were evicted, counting members of different families living in the same house as one. The borehole dug by the company last year to provide the village with clean water has dried up, and a local dam used by villagers as a water source for livestock was annexed during the mine’s construction. The company has promised to replace both water sources but is yet to do so. The number of local youths employed by the mine has also been disappointing, said Manhidza. “From a list of more than 20 job seekers, which we submitted to the company, only seven got jobs,” all working as unskilled labourers, he said. Skilled workers come from China and the capital Harare. Local workers are paid the mining sector’s minimum wage – at least US$350 per month, according to local trade unions. “But their working conditions are still at minimum standards,” said Justice Chinhema, general secretary of the Zimbabwe Diamond and Allied Minerals Workers Union. The union, he said, will work to ensure the company provides medical, pension, and funeral insurance. Dangerous working conditions have  plagued Zimbabwean mines.  Local media reports  recently alleged that two workers died because of unsafe conditions at another Chinese-run lithium mine. Chengxin Lithium said most local recruits were employed in a large-scale enterprise for the first time and that all employees received safety and skills training. It said it will uphold its social responsibility and strive to “make greater contributions to this land”. The processing challenge Last year, as the Chinese-led scramble for Zimbabwe’s lithium resources intensified, the government banned the export of raw lithium ore, requiring miners to start processing the mineral in-country in the hope of cashing in on higher-value exports. Companies investing in processing infrastructure are currently exempt from the ban, and truckloads of raw ore are reportedly  being illegally smuggled out of Zimbabwe because of poor enforcement. However, Chinese companies invested  millions of dollars  in building firststage processing plants – raising their stake in the country’s nascent lithium industry. At Sabi Star, a US$45 million processing plant will start separating the lithium-rich minerals from solid rocks to produce 300 000 tonnes of lithium concentrate per year for  export to China. There, the concentrate will undergo further transformations to make battery-grade lithium. President Mnangagwa, who inaugurated the processing plant in August, described  it as “a significant step towards harnessing our nation’s mineral wealth for sustainable development”. But producing lithium concentrate will not be enough to spur the economic dividends the country needs. To fully reap the benefits of the energy transition, Zimbabwe must play a role in manufacturing the end product: batteries, said Darlington Muyambwa, of Southern Africa Resource Watch. While an awesome feat for a low-income country like Zimbabwe, Muyambwa said this could be achieved through regional cooperation. And there are signs Chinese investors are interested in providing financing. Eagle Canyon International, a Hong-Kong based company, is one of two Chinese investors which committed US$2.8 billion to process lithium and other minerals to battery-grade level in Zimbabwe. For opposition politician Elton Steers Mangoma, former energy and economic planning minister, this is Zimbabwe’s only pathway to development. “If we are not doing value addition as a country, we should leave the minerals underground for future generations, which might have the capacity to add value.” — African Arguments/Climate Change News. *About the writer: Andrew Mambondiyani is a journalist based in Zimbabwe. He has a special focus on climate change, agriculture, sustainable development, human rights and the environment. NewsHawks 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024

Page 40 Reframing Issues PETER VALE/VINEET THAKUR ON 11 January 2024, South Africa hauled Israel before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on the charge of violating the 1948 Genocide Convention. This was for Israel’s indiscriminate bombing and siege of Gaza following the deadly 7 October attack on Israel by Hamas which claimed 1 200 Israeli lives. More than 25 000 Palestinians, at least half of them children, have reportedly been killed in Israeli retaliatory attacks. The siege has led to a humanitarian crisis, as civilians struggle to get food and and have no access to hospitals, which have been all but totally destroyed. The South African team of lawyers pleaded with the court to impose provisional measures – temporary orders to stop irreparable harm, including an immediate ceasefire – while the court considers the merits of the case. As observers of South Africa’s international relations, we believe this move to be the high-water mark in the country’s foreign policy since the end of apartheid in 1994. South Africa’s liberation is sometimes portrayed as the last act of 20th century decolonisation: the crowning moment of “Third World” solidarity. The country’s new approach to foreign policy symbolised the hopes of countries that struggled for freedom. The (now governing) ANC’s discussion document of 1994  stated: a democratic South Africa will be in solidarity with all those whose struggle continues. From Mandela to Ramaphosa Nelson Mandela, the first president of democratic South Africa,  advocated for human rights, sometimes even at the expense of African partners. That early promise was progressively whittled down. In 1995, for example, Mandela pleaded with then Nigerian military head of state Sani Abacha to spare the lives of  Ken Saro-Wiwa  and eight other Ogoni activists. Critics of the Nigerian government’s failure to act against foreign oil companies causing environmental damage, they were accused of murdering Ogoni chiefs. Mandela’s pleas fell on deaf ears and they were executed. In his scathing response, Mandela called for Nigeria to be expelled from the Non-Aligned Movement and the Commonwealth until it established democratic rule. South Africa also recalled its High Commissioner to Lagos for consultations. From the late 1990s, under the succeeding presidencies of Thabo Mbeki, Jacob Zuma and Cyril Ramaphosa, the South African government has often supported authoritarian regimes in the global south, often in repudiation of people’s struggles. Examples are China, Russia, Sudan and Zimbabwe. South African foreign policy is often described as being  inconsistent, unclear and insincere. Palestine remains the single issue on which South Africa’s support for a people’s struggle has been unquestionably consistent. Solidarity with Palestine During the Cold War, the apartheid South African and Israeli states collaborated  on military, diplomatic and nuclear issues. The liberation movements of these two countries – namely the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the African National Congress (ANC) – practised an alternative form of internationalism. This was subversive and inspired by people’s solidarity in the Third World. In 1974, when the PLO leader Yasser Arafat  addressed  the United Nations General Assembly, the first liberation leader to do so, he called for the same right to be extended to other liberation movements. Arafat used the occasion to denounce the apartheid regime with the same vehemence as he used to criticise Israel. Two years later, the then ANC president,  Oliver Tambo, stood before the same body and both applauded  Arafat’s leadership on this matter and expressed “unswerving solidarity” with the Palestinians. In addition to diplomatic support, the two movements shared resistance tactics. Arafat’s own faction within the PLO, Fatah, assisted the ANC and other resistance movements  to acquire training and arms. Importantly, the relations between Tambo and Arafat were based on trust. In 1988, Tambo asked Arafat to help with securing funding from the Middle Eastern countries and requested the PLO to become a financial trustee of funds from that region. The lodestar This consistency of approach and support was reflected in South Africa’s case before the ICJ. It has put the promise of liberation back into South Africa’s national consciousness. This imaginative initiative reveals a sense of clarity that the country’s foreign policy has lacked due to its inconsistencies which resulted in contradictory choices in the 21st century. It stays true to the founding principles  of the post-apartheid polity. Not only was this needed in the country’s approach to international affairs, but it is vitally important to restore its self-image. South Africa’s team at The Hague included opponents of the ANC government. As they argued the legal and ethical case against Israel’s genocidal ambitions, their country watched in hope. Could its international relations finally live up to the high ideals the country set for itself when apartheid ended? South Africa’s appearance before the ICJ is an affirmation of the moral compass that the ANC government has lost. — The Conversation. *About the writers: Peter Vale is senior research fellow at the Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship, University of Pretoria, South Africa. Vineet Thakur is assistant professor of international relations at Leiden University in the Netherlands. South Africa’s genocide case against Israel is the country’s proudest foreign policy moment in three decades Smoke rises from an explosion caused by Israeli airstrikes on the border between Egypt and Rafah, Gaza Strip, Oct. 10, 2023 (AP photo by Hatem Ali). NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

Reframing Issues Page 41 FIDELIS ALLEN DEMOCRACY refers, at a minimum, to a political system that guarantees some involvement in decision-making. It gives citizens opportunities to choose and replace their leaders or representatives via free and fair elections. But that’s not all. Democracy also protects citizens’ socio-economic, political and cultural rights. Its success turns on its ability to bring changes to the living conditions of citizens. It is a form of governance that holds this truth: that the people are what matters most. In a paper I co-authored, we used these defining features to assess the state of democracy in Nigeria. Our paper was based on observation and narratives on democracy found in literature. We concluded that very few countries in Africa met the basic conditions of a democratic state. The exceptions were Botswana, Ghana, Mauritius, Senegal, South Africa and Tanzania. In the case of Nigeria, we found that what was missing in the country’s democratic efforts was good governance. Good governance is central to the performance and measurement of democracy. We looked at two measures of good governance: the welfare of citizens; and succession. On both scores we found that Nigeria fell short. Although our research was conducted in 2014, the factors we identified remain in place today. We conclude that on both measures of good governance improvements could be made – firstly by strengthening the crusade against corruption, and secondly, by steps to improve the welfare of citizens. Good governance Good governance should be the goal of any government interested in improving the quality of life of its people. Professor of economics  Michael Obadan has argued that there are five fundamental elements to good governance. We found that Nigeria was falling short on all these scores: Accountability of public office holders with regard to public funds In public service there are many accountability mechanisms, including codes of conduct, which are intended to guide decisions of public officials. Sadly, the adherence to these principles often falls short of expectations, leaving room for a culture of impunity in Nigeria. A clear example shows up when the influence of a state governor permeates the state legislature, especially in the budget-making processes. This unchecked influence compromises essential public scrutiny for the welfare of citizens. Officials can then misappropriate public funds and evade justice. Transparency in public policy and decision making processes A cloud of secrecy surrounds governance in Nigeria. Details of how officials get and use funds are often withheld. The public can’t see the impact of policies formulated to improve their well-being. Predictability in government behaviour The essence of predictability in good governance is the ability to expect the policies, decisions, and activities of government. Predictability makes it possible for citizens to engage in civic life, contributing to a democratic process. Openness in government dealings There are different ways of achieving this, including official and unofficial media. It means that the public won’t misinterpret proposed government projects and goals. Adherence to the rule of law At the core of good governance lies the rule of law. It signifies that the law is supreme, applying universally without exception. This principle reinforces the idea that no individual or entity is exempt from legal obligations. It promotes fairness and a just society. Addressing these basic aspects will contribute to a governance framework that truly serves the interests of the Nigerian people. We found that in the case of Nigeria there were challenges to good governance in the following areas: • the election process Rigging of elections, poor management of polling, a lack of independent election management institutions, a lack of neutrality of external and internal monitors, a lack of credible opposition, weak political parties – all these are problems. • lack of effective participation of citizens in the political process • a culture of impunity • political violence leading to insecurity • ineffectiveness of the Nigerian police force • corruption and lack of accountability • influence of the executive over other organs of government. • • We argue that these negative outcomes are due to bad governance. The welfare of citizens When elected political leaders emerged in 1999 after 16 years of military dictatorship, many Nigerians expected an improvement in their economic and social conditions. But that has not happened. Unemployment, shortage of food, lack of public safety, lack of clean water, inadequate healthcare and poor incomes remain prevalent. The performance of politicians in improving the welfare of citizens shows that Nigeria’s civil regime has achieved nothing. Programmes that would improve the lives of all Nigerians are still lacking. What needs to be done One of our main conclusions is that the crusade against corruption remains the basis of ensuring good governance. But this will only be effective if the anti-corruption institutions themselves are subject to democratic governance and the oversight powers of responsible civil society. Political corruption violates democratic principles and procedures. It should therefore attract equal condemnation and punishment with other forms of corruption such as economic and financial crimes. Often, it is neglected because the political elite in Nigeria is guilty of this. For example, the history of elections in Nigeria is filled with stories of rigging. Post election adjudication should not only be concerned with determination of who did and did not win in those elections, but should punish with imprisonment and fines in cases where it is established beyond reasonable doubt that political elite or their agents have violated electoral rules. This is a non-negotiable first step to making leaders accountable to citizens. Secondly, poverty and unemployment require the institutionalisation of development oriented practices. This means a political and governing culture that places a high priority on the welfare of citizens. The absence of development oriented practices has been one of the major weak points in Nigeria’s democracy. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Fidelis Allen is professor of development studies at the University of Port Harcourt jn Nigeria. Nigeria has a democracy deficit – Corruption and lack of welfare policies are to blame A protest against the outcome of the 2023 presidential election in Nigeria. Olukayode Jaiyeola/NurPhoto via Getty Images NewsHawks 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024

Page 42 Africa News EDDY MALOKA Just as its forerunner the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) had to refashion and reposition itself after the Cold War, so the African Union must adapt and respond to the rapidly emerging new global order. THE 37th ordinary session of the summit of the African Union (AU) will soon convene in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. One reality this gathering will need to reflect on is the new global order that is unfolding before our eyes, an order that some have characterised as multipolar. Such systemic changes in the global order are not new. The last time such a similar transformation occurred was at the end of the Cold War, at the beginning of the 1990s. At that time, Africa, through the erstwhile Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and its then secretary-general, Salim Ahmed Salim, responded by convening a summit in July 1990 which adopted the historic “Declaration of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organisation Of African Unity on the Political and Socio-Economic Situation in Africa and the Fundamental Changes Taking Place in the World.” The deliberations at this summit were informed by a  report prepared by Salim  on “Fundamental changes taking place in the world and their implications for Africa: Proposals for an African response.” To the OAU, in its declaration, the epochal changes of that time were characterised — among others — by a rapprochement between East and West as part of a move away from the Cold War; the socioeconomic and political transformation of Central and East Europe following the collapse of the USSR; the accelerating trend towards globalisation and establishing regional economic blocs like the European Union; and technological advances that would result in the 4th Industrial Revolution. On the continent, the OAU viewed the independence of Namibia and the unbanning of the ANC in South Africa, both happening in 1990, as positive developments, signalling that the end of Africa’s decolonisation era was imminent. Flowing from this analysis, the OAU concluded in its declaration that “these, we found, constitute major factors which should guide Africa’s collective thinking about the challenges and options before her in the 1990s and beyond in view of the real threat of marginalisation of our continent.” Therefore, the OAU needed to respond by refashioning itself and repositioning its machinery and our continent to confront what was then the unknown world of the 1990s. The Algerian diplomat Said Djinnit, who worked with Salim for 12 years, including as his chief of staff, penned his recollections. In a July 2020 article that he co-authored commemorating the 30th anniversary of this summit, he wrote that “the adoption of the July 1990 Declaration on Fundamental Changes marked a turning point in the trajectory of the OAU.” Thanks to this initiative, “Africa was able to articulate a comprehensive response and to roll out an agenda that laid the ground for the initiatives taken thereafter to address the many pressing issues confronting the continent.” All in all, according to him, “in submitting his report to the policy organs in July 1990, secretary-general Salim sought to advance a specifically African and strategic response to the challenges then confronting the continent.” For Djinnit, Salim’s “approach rested on two complementary pillars: owning the analysis of the problems at hand and proposing context-specific solutions.” And there was a strategy behind this approach: “The endorsement, by the policy organs of the proposals contained in Salim’s report, while qualified, nonetheless provided him and the Secretariat with the political cover needed to take forward the agenda that had been outlined.” Push for reform Salim’s other goal was to reform the OAU institutionally. “For the OAU to face the new challenges and deliver its mandate”, Djinnit reminded us, “Salim realised that the OUA Secretariat needed to be reformed and suggested a set of measures”. In another paper by Djinnit, written to celebrate Salim’s 80th birthday,  he provides this important context: “Soon after assuming his role as secretary-general, Salim realised that, as the decolonisation process was coming to an end, the OAU needed a new agenda that could continue to bring together the African countries and their peoples in addressing common challenges.” Therefore, the July summit enabled the OAU to approach the 1990s strategically and prepare Africa for the post-Cold War era. We can pick three examples to illustrate its historic significance. On the agenda of African regional integration, two years after this summit in 1992, the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community entered into force. As we know, without this treaty, the AU would not have come into being, at least in its current form, as it was birthed in debates on how best to implement the roadmap to establishing an African Economic Community. On the governance front, Salim initiated what we take for granted today as the AU’s “shared values”, a body of norms, standards and principles adopted over the last three decades that have enabled our continent to embrace good governance, democracy, and human rights. It should be said however, that in 1990 African leaders were not ready for a frank conversation on democracy, this being viewed as sensitive, an irritation, an intrusion and an external imposition. But Salim skilfully found a way to kick-start this conversation and introduced the practice of deploying OAU election observer missions as an innovation. Achievements on peace and security are also worth highlighting. The July summit occurred when Africa was confronted, all over, with intra-state conflicts. Salim acted boldly and convinced his member states to allow the OAU to be actively involved in finding African solutions to these conflicts, something which was unknown at the time. “The 1990 Declaration has also provided the political framework for the revamping of the OAU conflict prevention and management tools,” recalled Djinnit. Soon after its adoption, Salim “moved quickly to establish, as early as 1991, a conflict management division within the then Major challenges lie ahead for the African Union as the shape of global politics shifts The African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

Africa News Page 43 Delegates attending a meeting at the African Union Headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Political Affairs Department.” All these small steps became the forerunner to the peace and security architecture that the AU has today. New world, new juncture I am recalling this history because, once again, the AU is at a similar historical juncture. If it is to respond strategically, to prevail as an organisation and lead our continent and its people in this new era, it will need to emulate Salim, especially his foresight and innovation he deployed to take the OAU to a higher level, coupled with his boldness and the courage he mastered to win over and mobilise his member states behind his vision. The starting point should be to achieve conceptual and ideological clarity as Africans at a collective level in how we characterise the emerging global order. What do we see out there? Certainly not the rapprochement of the opening years of the 1990s, but rather conflict and an unmasked hostility among the big powers. The  ongoing Russia-Ukraine War is one reminder of some of the contradictions the end of the USSR did not resolve. The optimism of the 1990s about regional economic blocs has since faded away and the excitement about globalisation has been replaced by disenchantment with today’s world affairs. The Fourth Industrial Revolution is here, but so is the decoupling and fragmentation that is caused by superpower rivalry over, for example, who should lead and control the chip technology. If anything, the monopolies that the West used to possess for centuries are no longer tenable. Breakthroughs achieved by China’s Huawei are just one example on the technology front. The same is happening in the financial sector: de-dollarisation and the increasing preference for the use of multiple currencies in international trade. In a word, the West’s monopolies that Africa’s eminent political economist, Samir Amin, wrote about back in the 1980s seem to be under threat due to the push and competing advances in the Global South. There is no consensus on how we all view the emerging global system. Let me single out four perspectives for now. The first sees this multipolar era in a positive way, as an opportunity to strengthen the world’s multilateral dispensation. UN secretary-general António Guterres echoed this view in his address to the general assembly, in September 2023: “For much of the Cold War, international relations were largely seen through the prism of two superpowers. Then came a short period of unipolarity. Now we are rapidly moving towards a multipolar world. This is, in many ways, positive. It brings new opportunities for justice and balance in international relations.” The UN is already emulating what Salim did in 1990. This year in September it will convene a “Summit of the Future” whose intended outcome will be an ambitious, action-oriented “Pact for the Future” to tackle core global challenges through a reformed and revitalised multilateralism. The second perspective is a bit different. It looks back to the unipolar, post-Cold War period in nostalgic terms, as the golden age of a “rules-based” order. A rising China and a resurgent Russia are perceived as a threat. To proponents of this view, the emerging multipolar world is a step into an era of uncertainty, full of dystopic possibilities. World War 3 is imminent, we are told. Everywhere, countries are arming themselves, citizens are advised to prepare for war. The “EU should prepare for war by end of decade, German Defence Minister warns”, read  a  Euronews  headline. “Is war coming to the Korean peninsula?”,  asked  Russia Today. “Republican presidential frontrunner Donald Trump Wednesday delivered a chilling message at a 2024 campaign rally in Iowa, cautioning that World War 3 is imminent, with the possibility of global destruction”, Livemint reported.  Time  magazine headlined an explainer article, “Why So Many Politicians Are Talking About World War III”. Multipolar system The adherents of a third perspective, primarily Russia and China, have enthusiastically embraced the multipolar system as a necessity for existential reasons, while dismissing the nostalgia for a “rules-based” past. In addition, they have taken measures to disentangle themselves completely from the West to achieve full sovereignty in all domains. Russia believes that the “collective West” wants to inflict a “strategic defeat” on her and dismember the country. China is also talking in similar existential terms, believing that it is being “contained” by the West through different means, including sanctions imposed on its technology sector. Both countries vehemently dispute the narrative that they are a “peer competitor”, a “threat” or an “enemy”. The fourth perspective should come from Africa’s voice about this multipolar world — what we see as a potential threat, the opportunities within our reach, and what we should do to end the 21st century on a high note. What would Salim do? we should ask ourselves. Here we may find the answer by paying heed to what he said in October 1999 in his address titled “The Challenge to Africa of the New Millennium: The Perspective of the OAU”. “As we prepare to enter the new century, and given the challenges and prospects that are concomitant with the drastically changed international situation, the imperative need for our continent to reposition itself is self-evident. Such a repositioning,  a priori, requires that we organise ourselves in such a way that we are able to confront the challenges, overcome the obstacles, and make full use of the opportunities that lie ahead in the globalising world.” I cannot agree more! — Daily Maverick. *About the writer: Eddy Maloka holds an Honours degree and PhD from UCT. He was a student leader on campus in the 1980s, later a lecturer, and a warden at a number of student residences. He also served as president of the University Convocation. He is currently Visiting Professor at the Wits School of Governance, and Professor of Practice at the University of Johannesburg’s Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation. He writes in his personal capacity. NewsHawks 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024

Africa News JONATHAN MUNEMO HIGHLY indebted African countries are facing stark trade-offs between servicing expensive debt, supporting high and growing development needs, and stabilising domestic currencies. Government debt has risen in at least  40 African countries  over the past decade. As a result, some are experiencing a bad combination of high debt, elevated development spending needs amid budget shortfalls, and unfavourable exchange rate pressures. These issues have become more pressing since 2022, when persistently high inflation prompted major central banks around the world to embark on the most aggressive  monetary tightening campaign in decades. Monetary policy tightens when central banks raise interest rates. Since then, global interest rates have climbed even higher, triggering a jump in repayments on external loans and adding to debt burdens accumulated over the last decade. In addition, some countries with worsening debt situations have endured large exchange rate depreciations and struggled to stabilise the value of their domestic currencies. My perspective, shaped by years of researching Africa’s development challenges, is that this presents many countries with a triple set of dilemmas that’s not easy to navigate. Tackling any of one of these issues imperils the others. Here are some examples: • stemming the rise in public debt and containing exchange rate decreases • would make it more difficult to meet bigger public spending needs • pushing for lower public debt while supporting extra spending risks putting more strain on domestic currencies • prioritising higher spending needs and easing currency strains runs the risk of inviting extra government debt. Steps can be taken to expand the policy space to tackle these challenges while easing difficult trade-offs. These steps include prioritising public spending measures that raise growth, fixing the revenue collection problem facing all African countries, and restructuring unsustainable government debt. Rising government debt and policy dilemmas The triple dilemma unfolded as government debts rose substantially over the last decade. As shown in Figure 1, median government debt has more than doubled since 2012 and amounted to  61% of GDP as of 2023. At first, historically low global interest rates in the decade after the global financial crisis in 2008 contributed powerfully to burgeoning debt by making it easy to borrow large amounts of cheap money. The debt trends of countries have worsened sharply since then. Factors have included the COVID-19 pandemic, which triggered a cost-of-living crisis, and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which contributed to a rapid rise in global interest rates. In Africa, the pain from higher borrowing costs is particularly acute for governments, given that public debt represented nearly 60% of the region’s total external debt in 2022 (Figure 1). Nineteen countries, including Ghana and Zambia, are already in debt distress (meaning they are unable to meet financial obligations) or at high risk of debt distress. Ghana’s public debt has more than doubled since 2012 and amounts to 85% of GDP. Zambia’s went up much higher and stood at 98% as of 2022. Both  Ghana  and  Zambia, along with Ethiopia, have defaulted on their foreign debt, sparking fears about a broader sovereign debt crisis on the continent if more countries fall into debt distress. Others face high risk of debt distress. Kenya is on the edge of financial distress after its debt increased steadily to 70% of GDP. South Africa also faces elevated public debt, which has almost doubled over the last decade and currently stands at 74% of GDP. And yet trimming high debts won’t be easy. Development needs are high after coffers were drained by higher spending tied to the pandemic and fallout from Ukraine. The International Monetary Fund estimates that the median sub-Saharan African country needs to increase spending by at least 20% of GDP to meet sustainable development goals on health, education and infrastructure by 2030. Climate change adaptation is expected to add billions of dollars each year for the continent. Coffers are also being depleted by more money being spent repaying expensive loans. This has the additional effect of depleting foreign exchange reserves, which means countries overburdened by debt also have to contend with weakening currencies. Kenya’s debt interest payment as a share of revenue rose from  11% in 2014  to more than 20% after 2020. This depleted its reserves as a share of external debt from 47% to less than 20% over the same period. This has pressured the Kenyan shilling, which lost more than 19% against the US dollar last year. In the cases of Ghana and Zambia, debt interest payments climbed even higher. For Ghana they were around 45% of revenue. For Zambia, around 39%. By 2022 reserves had dwindled to 22% in Ghana and to 10% in Zambia. This precipitated large depreciations of Ghana’s cedi and Zambia’s kwacha. South Africa’s debt interest payments increased at a relatively slower pace to about 15% of revenue after 2021 and it kept a higher reserve share of about 35%. This was why the decline in the rand was not as steep as in the other three countries. Weakening currencies also make foreign debt servicing costlier. Consequently, reasonable debt can quickly turn into unmanageable debt. Lower government revenue collection has also intensified debt risks. In 2023, revenue collected was 16% of GDP in Ghana,  17%  in Kenya and 21% in Zambia. This is significantly below the 27% median level seen in other developing economies. Although this median level is matched by South Africa, rising costs of social transfers including welfare grants and subsidies to state-owned enterprises such as the power utility Eskom and transport utility Transnet have added upward pressure on  public debt amid slowing growth. What can be done A number of steps can be taken to alleviate the trade-offs countries are having to make. Firstly, governments should prioritise public spending measures that raise growth. These include critical spending on education, health, infrastructure and other high-quality growth enhancing investments. As economic growth picks up, it is likely to generate more government revenue to pay down the debt. It also means allocating more spending on first generation reforms. These are structural reforms that alleviate major growth constraints. For example, long-standing reforms in governance remain critical in African countries which generally lag behind countries in other regions on various measures of governance quality such as rule of law, control of corruption and government accountability. Secondly, countries need to fix their revenue collection problems. While growth leads to a larger economy that generates additional revenue, low levels of domestic revenue collection constrain the ability of governments to pay down debt and fund vital social and growth sectors. Across Africa, several countries, including South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana, Zambia, Kenya and Ethiopia, have mobilised efforts to spur gains in revenue collection. These include new levies, higher taxes, registering more shops on the tax roll, broadening tax bases, strengthening tax administration and other revenue enhancing measures. Lastly, governments need to restructure their debt portfolios. When a debt crisis cannot be avoided, restructuring debt can reduce the amount owed to creditors by revising the amount and timing of future principal and interest payments. Chad reached an agreement to restructure its external debt under the G20 Common Framework for Debt Treatment in 2022. This is an initiative designed to support low income developing countries with unsustainable debt. Since then, Ghana and Zambia have also launched debt restructuring negotiations under the  G20 Common Framework. Other highly indebted countries struggling to service their liabilities may have to do the same amid rising concerns about slow progress of the Common Framework. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Jonathan Munemo is professor of economics at Salisbury University in the United States. African countries are struggling with high debt Page 44 NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

JONATHAN MBIRIYAMVEKA FOR many men, anything that is said to be remotely sex enhancing is a seller! Just see how they enjoy cow trotters. These contain skin, tendons and cartilage. The taste is not bad at all, but that's not why many enjoy this treat. Lots of chaps consume it due to its assumed ability to boost libido. Traditionally, trotters are known to have aphrodisiac properties and for that reason it is little wonder then they are so popular at bars and pubs. But while some middle-aged men will tell you that trotters are a tried and tested performance-enhancing remedy, nowadays the younger generation have peculiar foods and drinks they take as alternatives. Rarely do you find the younger generation taking sex pills or "guchu", a traditional concoction of herbs which worked yesteryear. One of the "secret weapons" these days is Power, an energy drink which is popular on the streets of Harare. Stories abound of this new Power drink – that it works better than the cow trotters, oysters and the like. Selling for US$2 per 310ml bottle, the Power drink has gained a reputation as a high-energy male tonic that increases libido, revitalising body and mind. Manufactured in Lubumbashi in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Power drink is not suitable for persons under the age of 18. The drink has a ginger/spicy taste. In chats with The NewsHawks, men who requested anonymity spoke glowingly about the new product on the market. “I have tried it before and I can tell you it works wonders,” one user said. A second user commented: “In my area in Chitungwiza, guys are lacing the Power drink with Redbull and then add squashed mints and the result is out of this world.” A third said: “You don’t have to finish the whole bottle; all you need is half bottle and you are good to go.” A fourth said: “For me it works very well and the next day I don’t even need to take it because it will still be in the system.” A fifth user reacted: “Ever since I started taking the Power drink, I have always lived up to expectations. So far, I am yet to feel any side effects. Even my friends from the United Kingdom and Dubai always request the drink.” But the proliferation of aphrodisiacs stealthily packaged as "energy drinks", "herbal health drinks" or "fermented tea" in Harare has raised questions on the safety and efficacy of these disguised "beverages". Interestingly, the labelling on most of the drinks makes no mention of the so-called aphrodisiac properties. Men are sauntering into bottlestores or small retail outlets and, upon requesting the drink, are greeted with a knowing wink or a smile from the shop assistant. Power, which is marketed as an energy drink but is curiously hailed by some men for its aphrodisiac properties, is not the only fascinating product on the streets. Another drink, Kambucha, has been on the market since 2019. Marketed as a fermented, lightly effervescent and sweetened black tea, Kambucha has its roots in Zambia. Some men swear by its potency, although the packaging makes no mention of the product's "secret weapon" reputation. Kambucha is available in small shops around Harare and is said to be variously made from ingredient ingredients including ginger, garlic, lemon, honey, rosemary and black pepper. It also comes in varieties ranging from number one to four— one of which has properties of an aphrodisiac, according to men who enjoy the beverage. The director of communication and advocacy in the ministry of Local Government and Public Works, Gabriel Masvora, who is also in charge of liquor licensing advocacy, said the authorities are only concerned with beverages that have an alcohol content. “What we do is to licence liquor stores, but we are not worried about other beverages that don’t have alcohol like your energy drinks or soft drinks,” Masvora said. The director of health services in the City of Harare, Dr Prosper Chonzi, said the use of energy drinks has always been worrisome. “People should be aware that the use of energy drinks is not advisable, particularly to those with cardio-vascular problems. You talk of those with BP [hypertension] and heart problems, so the energy drinks should be avoided,” Chonzi said. STYLE TRAVEL BOOKS ARTS MOTORING Porsche just got angrier Being a Fashion Model Life&Style Page 45 Issue 164, 2 February 2024 Power drink: how safe is the latest 'secret weapon' on Harare’s streets?

Page 46 People & Places New minister slays public NewsHawks Issue 164, 2 February 2024

From page 48 Cup, now as Zimbabwe’s captain in the 2000 edition in Sri Lanka.  Kwena could well also return in two years’ time for another World Cup, in Zimbabwe and Namibia in 2026, but most likely be mixing with the big guys already at that time. This youngster has already played first-class cricket for South Africa ‘A’ on tour in Sri Lanka last June. He may be knocking hard on the Proteas door by the time his age-mates come up to these parts in 2026. As for the other similarities, both have the same kind of physical features at that age, the same ability to swing the ball at that level. Both hugely benefitted from the privilege of good private schooling and received quality coaching in the formative stages. However, the most important comparison to note is that both Nkala and Maphaka, in their different eras, are products of a sound cricketing system in their two countries at different times. Their natural talents were identified and nurtured very early, which means they were groomed as national assets early on – the future of the game in their countries. In the case of Nkala, very early on he had been deliberately raised in Zimbabwean cricket – when change and transformation increasingly became inevitable – to sooner or later become the country’s first black captain. That, we all know now, didn’t happen as of course Tatenda Taibu would emerge from behind the queue to take on the mantle. This is not the only potential of Nkala that never materialised. His fellow highest wicket-taker at the Under-19 World Cup of 25 years ago, Sarwan, went on to establish himself as a batsman in the senior West Indies side – averaging 40 in both Tests and ODIs – all-round attributes that Nkala was also tipped to take to the international stage. But I deviate, because I’m speaking specifically here about exciting Zimbabwean fast bowling resources of a bygone era and, true to the supply chain those days, another quickie from this country became the Under-19 World Cup joint-highest wicket-taker four years after Nkala’s feat. It was Waddington Mwayenga, who I mentioned in passing on this blog last week. Mwayenga, like Nkala before, had 16 scalps, tied with Xavier Doherty of Australia in New Zealand in the 2002 tournament. I was lucky, like many others who will testify to it, to watch both in their raw youth, bowling like the well-coached and naturally talented pacers they were – passion, speed, putting the ball in the right areas consistently, beating the pad. It is no coincidence that they kept coming out of Zimbabwe, demonstrating a range of bowling skills to the world at the Youth World Cup. We soon had Tinashe Panyangara tearing through Australia’s batting line-up in that famous win at the 2004 edition in Bangladesh – the rangy pacer’s heroic 6-31 being a major factor in one of the most memorable Under-19 World Cups for Zimbabwe. In a few later tournaments Zimbabwe has sent some pretty decent pace bowlers to the Youth World Cup, and were capped internationally with varying success: Kyle Jarvis, Tendai Chatara, Ian Nicolson, Taurai Muzarabani. But there hasn’t been anything really special to talk about post-2010, in comparison to the exploits of the past. It makes me worried. I had tried to avoid, on the whole, to put this down to the collapse of cricket structures in this country across the board. But you can’t avoid it, because this clearly is the fundamental reason for the results we consistently get now, from the seniors to the juniors. Things have been falling apart for a long time. The wreckage from the plunge is now weighing heavily on the foundation below, down to the base of Zimbabwean cricket when the nation used to unearth its gems. I refuse to accept that there is no longer talent in the country, because Newman Nyamhuri wouldn’t be bowling as good as he has been in this current Under-19 World Cup in South Africa. Reestablish the structures and guaranteed there will be even more exciting talents coming through the future Under-19 World Cups, like it used to be. Sport Page 47 Who will ignore form book and seek the quality and class to win the Six Nations? JOHN KELLEY IN PORTSMOUTH, ENGLAND THE horse racing correspondent for the old Herald newspaper in Harare (then Salisbury), Jack English, once told me his secret. When writing his column on a Saturday ahead of Borrowdale in Harare or on a Sunday (Ascot, Bulawayo) he would forecast the winners for his column strictly on the basis of their recent form. But for his own betting purpose he would talk to owners, trainers and jockeys. In this way, using the information, he would subsidise his pension. It is fairly certain that all or nearly all horse racing forecasters world-wide would lose money if they were obliged to bet on their selections. A long time ago I carried out a month's test for interest – and this was so. Form is fickle of course and it is only in boxing, I find, that the concept can be more or less relied upon. Therefore it is best to keep clear of the bookmakers when considering who might win the upcoming 2024 series of Six Nations Rugby involving the holders Ireland, plus France, Scotland, England, Wales and Italy. Will that be the order of finish this time around? Possible but perhaps unlikely. Is Ireland still strong and inventive enough to continue winning ways, even though some of their best players are likely to be missing? Can France produce the flair and speed to reach top place? They are well known for those qualities but they were not always on show last year. Does having several fixtures on home grounds make a difference to France among highly charged crowds? Scotland came third only because of England failures. The Scots are good all round and have some outstanding players but they are not quite, perhaps, championship material. England were shocking in 2023 and looked demoralised at their loss of confidence, not least behind the scenes. They even lost in a friendly showpiece to touring Pacific Islanders Fiji, causing a sensation in the rugby world. England selectors are also still refusing to consider players who are turning out for foreign clubs and there is much complaining about that by commentators. England have won the Six Nations seven times but it doesn't look likely they will add an eighth. But in rugby you never know. Wales have been dismal for several seasons but are showing signs of a return to their former status as powerful opponents for anybody. Italy must wait their turn a few more years yet, but joining the elite could eventually happen and it will be separately interesting to watch their progress. As always there will be huge, noisy, flag-waving, patriotic crowds, sometimes up to 80 000 strong, and national anthems sung with fervour. Wars, pestilence, refugees, earthquakes, hurricanes and political intrigues well and truly forgotten for each 80 minutes. *About the writer: Veteran journalist and author John Kelley, who spent nearly 50 years working in Rhodesia and Zimbabwe, writes for The NewsHawks from his Portsmouth home in the UK. Enock Muchinjo HawkZone Kwena Maphaka certainly future star of world cricket Ireland clinched a Six Nations grand slam after victory over 14-man England last March. NewsHawks 1ssue 164, 2 February 2024

NEWS $60 Covid tariff for visitors & tourists CULTURE Community radio regulations under review @NewsHawksLive TheNewsHawks www.thenewshawks.com Thursday 1 October 2020 WHAT’S INSIDE ALSO INSIDE Finance Ministy wipes out $3.2 Billion depositors funds Zim's latest land cStory on Page 3 Story on Page 8 Chamisa reacout to Khupe Unofficial president calls for emergeFriday 2 February 2024 ALSO INSIDE Who will ignore the form book and seek quality and class to win the Six Nations? Sports Painful to watch, but young Kwena gave us a glimpse of what we used to have KWENA Maphaka, a 17-year-old certain future star of world cricket, on Wednesday ripped apart Zimbabwe’s batting with a devastating spell of fast bowling at the ongoing Under-19 World Cup in South Africa. It was a virtuoso display of natural athleticism that sure has left Proteas fans salivating at the prospect of watching this kid – and I don’t think that will take a very long time – bowling in tandem with the South Africa champion bowler Kagiso Rabada. The left-armer from Johannesburg claimed 5-34 in South Africa’s nine-wicket destruction of the neighbours in Potchefstroom, his second five-wicket haul of the Youth World Cup. And then when you draw high praise from none other than the great Ian Bishop, who in his pomp was one of most feared quicks on the planet, you know you’ve got that something special. “Kwena is a very polished young bowler, and young man too,” commented the West Indian legend, now a broadcaster. “He understands mentally when he talks through his bowling. He knows what he is doing, his ability to attack stumps, meaning he has space through the air. Which means if a pitch has something in it, it makes him much more challenging to face. He can get the bounce up, he can go yorker. Then at times he can swing the ball….And he is 17, he can always play another Under-19 World Cup. That is a terrorising sign!” These are hardly words to ignore, coming from one of the greatest of all time. But for me, Maphaka’s five-star performance on Wednesday sticks out, of course, because it was against Zimbabwe. I’m sure, watching the Kwena Show of Wednesday as a Zimbabwe fan, it’s not just me who got hit with a wave of nostalgia to think how this country used to unleash its own fast men of note at this Youth World Cup. The sudden rush of memories took me back to Zimbabwe’s first Under-19 World Cup, in South Africa in 1998, when Mluleki Nkala got everybody excited with his raw pace to finish as the tournament’s joint-highest wicket-taker alongside Ramnaresh Sarwan of West Indies. For Nkala to bowl as he did in that Under-19 World Cup, while so young, revealed a great deal of his prodigious talents back then. With Greg Lamb, they were the youngest players in Zimbabwe’s squad, both aged just 16. Maphaka reminds me of our own Mluleki, not only because they both bowled exceptionally well in the Youth World Cup at young ages. Mluleki did return for a second Under-19 World ...Continued on page 47 South Africa pacer Kwena Maphaka bowls at Ryan Simbi of Zimbabwe in their Under-19 World Cup Super Six match at JB Marks Oval in Potchefstroom on Wednesday.