NewsHawks 7 July 2023

Price US$1 Friday 7 July 2023 NEWS Court reserves judgement in anti-Kasukuwere case Story on Page 8 NEWS Faz manipulating voters’ roll: CCC WHAT’S Story on Page 11 INSIDE SPORT Ex-Zim prodigy tears into World Cup, calls for a breakaway Story on Page 46 ALSO INSIDE Spooked Zanu PF leaders itch to block Kasukuwere Mnangagwa takes risk by side-lining the military in elections

OWEN GAGARE PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa has taken a huge political risk by sidelining the military — which has kept Zanu PF in power directly since 2000 — from his dicey intelligency-driven presidential election campaign, state security sources say. Mnangagwa is now working with the dreaded state security agency, Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)’s shadowy political dark arts structure Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz), it has been shown mainly by The NewsHawks. He previously oversaw the CIO as State Security minister in the 1980s and that hardened him as a ruthless securocrat who likes operating in the shadows. Faz — which is running an intelligence operation on elections — is aggressively playing an instrumental role spearheading Mnangagwa’s campaign after the army, which brought him to power through the November 2017 coup that ousted the late former president Robert Mugabe, was muscled out amid betrayal and acrimony. Sources say since the CIO has replaced the military in presiding over the electoral process and elections, if Mnangagwa wins the army will effectively be pushed back to the barracks. This risks an escalation of tensions within the security institutions, and intelligence sources warn that this may explode into a political crisis. This comes, the sources add, against the background of Mnangagwa’s active agenda behind-thescenes move to remove the military from civilian government affairs to disentangle himself from its shackles and secure firmer control of the levers of state power. Mnangagwa has been wrestling his deputy Constantino Chiwenga, who executed the coup, over the levers of state power and political supremacy. This has created a delicate and dangerous political brinkmanship with a military dimension. Initially, the balance of forces favoured Chiwenga, but as he consolidated power Mnangagwa launched a daring wave of purges of top army commanders who led the putsch, posting some of them outside as ambassadors and sidelining some. The commanders were Chiwenga’s allies. Political analysts say his ruthless purges, which also engulfed the CIO and police, were helped by the role of contingency in politics, particularly death. Amid political brinkmanship with Chiwenga which followed the coup, Mnangagwa purged army commanders who brought him to power. Some died mysteriously. Chiwenga almost died in mysterious circumstances as well and was only rescued by the Chinese. The incident led to his divorce with former wife Marry Mubaiwa and a chain of tragic events, including her amputation of the arm and proscription from seeing her children. Intelligence sources say by pushing back against the army, Mnangagwa is not demilitarising state institutions and politics — which could be politically fatally for him and collapse his government — but manoeuvring the army back to the barracks to retain tighter control. For Mnangagwa this became an imperative and survival tactic, especially after January 2019 when Chiwenga almost declared a state of emergency while the President was travelling in Russia and other eastern European countries. This is contained in Mnangagwa’s biography written by his adviser Eddie Cross. The book, A Life of Sacrifice; Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, falls short of accusing Chiwenga of plotting to stage another coup in 2019 when the nation plunged into days of political uncertainty and fear, with the political environment pregnant with military manoeuvres and teetering on the brink of another coup. The militarisation of state institutions in Zimbabwe now extends well beyond just state-security agencies to other key institutions, including the judiciary, state-owned media, and the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, which runs elections. Just as certain state institutions have become militarised, so has the ruling Zanu PF been conflated with the state. In the aftermath of the coup, the military became the arbiter and kingmaker, again continuing to negate the electoral processes while observing minimally constitutional and normative provisions for purposes of retaining sub-regional, Southern African Development Community, and African Union continental as well as multilateral support, including at the United Nations. Sources say Mnangagwa’s actions are not meant to address the naked politicisation of the military amid the militarisation of Zimbabwean politics, which dates to the days of the liberation struggle, but to checkmate Chiwenga and retain power. “Mnangagwa wants the army back to the barracks to protect himself and coup-proof his vulnerable government,” one source said. “The issue is serious because, for instance, soldiers are no longer allowed to walk around in military garb or use public transport. They have to operate within the confines of military strictures.” An internal secret intelligence assessment by CIO, on which The NewsHawks was briefed, shows Mnangagwa has moved to sideline the army in the elections for three main reasons. It is a huge risk which may pay a political dividend for him, but trigger the military to fight back. Firstly, Mnangagwa is pushing back against the army which is still heavily influenced by Chiwenga and is suspected of planning a 2008-like “bhora musango” (sabotage) campaign which led to Mugabe’s shock defeat by the late founding opposition MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai in the first round of polling. Secondly, he is trying to disentangle and wean himself off the army, which brought him to power through the coup, to secure his own mandate through Faz. Sources say Mnangagwa is fed up with Chiwenga and the army’s “we put you there” mantra used to blackmail and control him. Thirdly, having dismantled the coup coalition which brought him to power, the President wants to push the army back to the barracks and remove them from the political fray. The intelligence briefing sheds light and insight on the matter which will persist well beyond the elections, perhaps deciding Mnangagwa’s fate even after he has won. Since the creation of the Zimbabwean state in April 1980, the security establishment has evolved into a highly politicised institution in support of the ruling party and executive, ultimately serving as the alternative to electoral legitimacy, placing them at odds with the citizenry. The executive-military relations in Zimbabwe are also anchored on patronage politics. The army’s reach now extends to mining, media, the health sector and even the electoral commission, despite the constitution being against its involvement in politics, and Mnangagwa wants to cut those tentacles to retain control. Page 2 News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 Mnangagwa takes big risk by sidelining army in polls President Emmerson Mnangagwa

NewsHawks Page 3 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 News OWEN GAGARE TENSIONS are mounting within state security structures and government, as well as Zanu PF, over the role being played by the shadowy Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)-run Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz) which has unconstitutionally seized control of the running of the 2023 elections to retain President Emmerson Mnangagwa and the ruling party in power. Investigations by The NewsHawks have shown that senior army commanders, both serving and retired, are sceptical, suspicious and even resentful of the role being played by Faz which has displaced them from their decades-old feeding trough of unconstitutionally and unlawfully running elections. Faz, which is well-resourced with money and cars, is led by CIO deputy director-general Walter Tapfumaneyi. It has thousands of officers and volunteers working through intelligence structures to door-to-door campaigns, night vigils, community events, technology-based messaging and monitoring all stages of the electoral process. Insiders say Mnangagwa — who operates more like a securocrat than a civilian politician — has deployed Faz to ensure his re-election. However, some army commanders are against the idea. A military source said: “The problem is a clash between politics and strategy. Things were just changed suddenly, without consultations, hence no proper planning. The move to sideline the army from the electoral process, replacing them with Faz, has caused deep divisions and tensions.” One military commander said Faz could become a Frankenstein monster — a thing which destroys its creator — for Mnangagwa. “As the army, we don’t know anything about Faz, except what we read in the media. Who are these people? What is their agenda and what will happen after the elections? We were not consulted when this structure was set up and put under CIO. Can they be able to campaign and win elections for Mnangagwa and Zanu PF? Do they have the capacity to do that? Since they are not a constitutional structure, what is the legality of what they are doing?” Military chiefs are also complaining in the background that Faz is an unconstitutional entity and its activities involving the use of public funds are thus illegal. Faz has been arbitrarily deployed to coordinate Zanu PF electoral activities on the ground, while at the same time checkmating the army that used to spearhead campaigns. This has created a strategic brinkmanship between the army and CIO on the ground. Faz — which has millions of dollars and hundreds of cars for campaigns — was revived and deployed last year to unconstitutionally run or influence the elections and their outcome. It was formed in 2010. Elections in Zimbabwe are run by securocrats to rescue Zanu PF and its leaders. Past elections were coordinated through the Joint Operations Command (Joc), which brings together the army, intelligence and police. The military has been playing a key role in elections most prominently after 2000 when the opposition became strong. Enter Faz Fearing defeat largely due to internal sabotage, Mnangagwa brought in Faz and pushed the army to play a peripheral and marginal role by providing liaison officers through Heritage Trust, its front organisation. Just like the military which has Heritage, Fairhaven which owns Africom or Rusununguko/ Nkululeko Holdings, the CIO also acts through various front organisations such as Faz and Chiltern Trust. Faz is coordinating Zanu PF structures, from cell, branches, districts, district coordinating committees, provinces, the national consultative assembly, central committee to politburo, as well as MPs at ward and constituency levels to ensure they run a tight ship. Faz is supervising Zanu PF programmes throughout the constituencies, while motivating and directing lower party structures to participate in the electoral process, recently in voters’ roll inspection. As reported by The NewsHawks last week, Faz has penetrated communities up to grassroots level and tightened its grip on the electoral process. While Zanu PF has over many years leveraged the military and other state security agents — through Joc — which brings together the command element of security structures, there is concern that Faz is neither a proper security structure nor a constitutional creature. “Faz is drawing resources illegally and using the logistics and infrastructure of the CIO to carry out its unconstitutional mandate, although it is run by a tiny section of the CIO. Unlike in the past, there is concern that Faz has been brazen in its operations, invading polling stations and collecting people’s identity documents whereas in the past interventions were more covert,” said a government official. “The concern is that Faz is a personal army or militia belonging to the President and run by CIO deputy director-general Walter Tapfumaneyi. The group excludes some senior CIO staffers and other security agents.” Sidelined army commanders aligned to Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga, who ran the last elections and previous ones under the late former president Robert Mugabe, are sulking and furious about this strategy. Faz has spread its tentacles to every ward in the country, collecting vital voters’ details right down to household level using an army of 5 910 information gatherers. The information gatherers — three in each of the country’s 1 970 wards — are working under the close supervision of their CIO handlers. The scientific-like CIO strategy enables Zanu PF to control the electoral process in terms of structures, numbers of registered voters and the actual voting process, as well as polling stations. It also promotes systematic voter intimidation and victimisation, especially at ward level. An operational Faz document titled Faz Campaign Scope seen by The NewsHawks says the organisation has penetrated all provinces up to household level through several tactics, leaving voters vulnerable to abuse during the 23 August elections. “Once the party has access to the voters’ roll, preferably broken down to constituencies and even to polling stations, volunteers must keep in touch with registered voters through texting and phoning. This must be done almost intrusively, as a way of maintaining intimacy. Volunteers should be in the habit of checking on the health and well-being of voters as a way of showing the party’s and candidate’s concern. This can also be used for reminding voters of important election-related events and issues, while also keeping them up to date on key developments,” the document reads. “Faz volunteers are required to intrusively access party cell registers, from party cell chairmen, and check and verify their accuracy and integrity. To this end, Faz then discretely conducts a head count of cell members, checking if they are registered to vote. If any party members or holders of positions of leadership are found not to have national documents or registered to vote, Faz, therefore, will handhold and assist all those to rectify the discrepancy under supervision. “Volunteers must be available to furnish voters with the party’s and candidate’s campaign literature in their homes and workspaces. This will be done door-to-door or at community gatherings. Literature will also be distributed at markets, bus termini or shops, thus helping to Elections: CIO versus military CIO deputy director-general Walter Tapfumaneyi Re-run

Page 4 News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 expand the campaign to voters outside the volunteer’s immediate area of responsibility.” Volunteers were also tasked with administering voter education, assisting undocumented people or aliens to acquire national registration documents and to register to vote. “These interventions, which are already taking place in all constituencies nationwide, should result in a significant surge in registered voters who attribute that achievement to President ED (Mnangagwa) and Zanu PF. Volunteers must maintain contact with people they would have assisted to register to vote or to acquire national documents so that they are not won over to the opposition’s poisonous narratives,” the document reads. Critical information being collected by the agents and informers includes names, addresses, identity numbers and voter registration details at polling station level. Faz is also counting people at household level before recording the information on their tablets and smartphones. The information, which will be computed, condensed into data and processed, I will be crucial in influencing and manipulating the electoral process in favour of Zanu PF through a combination of tactics, including persuasion and intimidation, in some cases. It is also being used to predict potential outcomes, using real figures, so that Zanu PF knows which constituencies and wards to put campaign resources in or activate its coercive machinery. The NewsHawks has previously gathered and reported that Faz has received US$10 million and 200 cars to run its affairs in preparation for elections. Additional resources have been promised to capacitate the secret structure. Faz’s mandate, working together with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and its chair Justice Priscilla Chigumba, is to coordinate logistics and decisive forces to retain Mnangagwa in power. The NewsHawks investigation also established that Faz has structures at national, provincial, district, constituency and ward levels – where minute details are collected for use in the electoral process. The organisation is visible countrywide and has been sending shivers down the spines of many, especially opposition supporters, particularly in rural areas. With its members spread across provinces, Faz rose to prominence last year by playing a pivotal role in making Zanu PF cell registers before running Zanu PF primary elections this year. The organisation also mobilised people during voter registration and they caused panic due to their presence at Zimbabwe Electoral Zec centres during the recently held voters’ roll inspection exercise. How Faz operates Information gathered through interviews and reading an operational document shows provincial coordinators report to Tapfumaneyi. The provincial coordinators have teams in each district countrywide, led by district intelligence officers. The CIO structure includes directors and branches they run at the top at its Chaminuka Building headquarters and its sub-offices in Harare, provincial intelligence officers and district intelligence officers. There also several other departments involved. District intelligence officers and coordinators oversee operations in constituencies. At ward level, Faz has recruited and trained three Zanu PF-aligned members to collect information under the supervision of CIO operatives. A Faz operational document calls the three civilians in each ward “volunteers”. Zimbabwe has 1 970 wards, meaning Faz has recruited 5 910 volunteers who are part of its machinery to run the elections. In Masvingo province, which has 240 wards, there are 720 Faz volunteers in total. The volunteers report to CIO operatives who manage intelligence at constituency level and their information is transmitted through applications on their phones provided by Faz. They also collect Global Positioning System (GPS) coordinates for each household and monitor political activities of people in their respective areas. The approach and systematic use of data for political and electoral purposes amounts to an illegal mass surveillance and data collection technique, an intricate “watch over” of people, in this specific case in Masvingo using technology and other means. CIO operatives and Faz volunteers attend most Zanu PF events and their presence is usually acknowledged by ruling party officials. Faz has a specific mandate to undermine the opposition. “The message must seek to thoroughly discredit the opposition and its candidate, rendering them unelectable. This includes anything that makes their candidate stink to the heavens, and speaking against their party’s anarchic, subversive, treasonous, undemocratic and terrorist pedigree and related actions,” the document reads. The document also carries the code of conduct for all Faz members which urges members to be ambassadors of Zanu PF who should only represent the interests of the party. “We do not and shall not claim to have any other identity than that we are members of Faz Trust, a private organisation, which is an affiliate of Zanu PF. We are as individuals, proudly members of Zanu PF and are unapologetic about this reality,” reads part of the code of conduct. Faz members say they can easily identify non-Zanu PF members because they have access to Zanu PF cell registers. “The assumption is that one is either an opposition supporter or an undecided voter, if they are registered to vote but do not appear in Zanu PF structures. So, there is a deliberate effort to recruit from this pool and that’s where persuasion and propaganda come in,” said a Faz member. “Of course, some are known opposition activists or sympathisers. Intimidation is then deployed on such people. In rural areas, the message has been clear to such people that they are viewed with suspicion because they are not in party structures.” Zec chairperson Priscilla Chigumba Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga

NewsHawks News Page 5 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 CCC battles police over rally THE High Court in Harare has set down for 8am on Sunday morning main opposition CCC's urgent High Court chamber application filed by lawyer Agency Gumbo to overturn the police ban of the party's critical launch campaign rally in Bindura today. This comes as the case becomes complicated after the Bindura municipality wrote to CCC, saying Chipadze Stadium is currently undergoing renovations and cannot be used for the rally. However, the original CCC police application said it wanted the rally to be held at Brockdale Pfugari Open Space in Bindura. This had added to the confusion. The move to hear the case a few hours before the rally disrupts and undermines the CCC's planning and campaign strategy. Police are at war with CCC as they arbitrarily ban its rallies around the country to prevent it from campaigning, while the ruling Zanu PF is given a free rein to canvass for votes, includknf changing venues at the eleventh hour. Police's targeted actions are unconstitutional and unlawful, lawyers say. This further skews the already uneven electoral playing field, which is effectively part of the authorities' manipulation and rigging of the elections. The CCC has filed an urgent High Court chamber application earky on Saturday challenging yet another police ban of its key Bindura launch rally at Brockdale Pfugari Open Space in Bindura. Gumbo told The NewsHawks earlier they were waiting for the judge to set down the matter and give them time for the hearing as he was still looking into the papers. "We filed an urgent High Court chamber for an appeal over the matter and we are waiting for the judge to set down the case and give us time. We would prefer that the case is dealt with tonight since the rally is tomorrow rather than waiting until tomorrow," Gumbo said. "That's the situation at the moment." — STAFF WRITER.

Page 6 NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 #ZimElection2023 Police intensify CCC rallies ban

NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 Page 7 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 NATHAN GUMA WHILE Zanu PF bigwigs maintain that independent presidential candidate Saviour Kasukuwere is a criminal and should be barred from contesting the August elections, the party’s former political commissar insists he is innocent and was cleared of all wrongdoing. This week, Zanu PF secretary for administration Obert Mpofu took a swipe at Kasukuwere, accusing him of being a criminal who fled the country after committing offences, while speaking at a Zanu PF rally in Bulilima district. Zanu PF activist Lovedale Mangwana is also seeking an order declaring null and void a decision by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) to accept Kasukuwere’s nomination papers. Mangwana says Kasukuwere’s candidature is in a violation of section 91 of constitution, claiming he is not a registered voter. “I submit that the decision to accept the first respondent’s nomination paper is in breach of section 91(1)(d) of the constitution and invalid,” Mangwana said in the application. “I was convinced that this circumstance meant that he is no longer a registered voter for any constituency in the republic and, consequently, he does not qualify for candidacy for election to the office of President.” Kasukuwere secured nomination to contest the 23 August presidential election — against frontrunners President Emmerson Mnangagwa and CCC leader Nelson Chamisa and eight other candidates. Although he is not expected to win the polls, Kasukuwere has brought a new dynamic into the potentially volatile race, raising fears that he could divide the Zanu PF vote – particularly in the Mashonaland provinces — thereby denting Mnangagwa’s re-election bid. His bid for the presidency has sent shockwaves through the corridors of power, with Zanu PF insiders predicting that he may become the X-factor through his political credentials, gravitas and experience. Kasukuwere maintains his innocence in the face of accusations. He revealed this in a recent interview with South African Broadcasting Corporation foreign editor Sophie Mkoena. “It starts with the coup that happened in 2017. We found ourselves in heavy sustained gunfire. We had to make way and leave the country immediately. We went out of the country through Mozambique, lived in Kenya for a while and then came back to South Africa,” said Kasukuwere. “This was when the army, through Mnangagwa, took over power. I came to live here. At the same time in April 2018, I flew back to Zimbabwe, and I said I am coming back to face charges if there are any charges against me. I approached court and was acquitted. “After the election on 23rd September 2018, I again flew to Zimbabwe when they said I was a wanted person. I flew into Zimbabwe, went through the court process and all the charges were quashed. We did a lot, from calling them to even engaging other liberation movements. “We went to ANC, and a delegation was sent to engage with Zanu PF with regards to our position. As former comrades we appealed to such institutions, which we felt could understand. From a revolutionary perspective, it appeared they were not interested at all, and we felt like we cannot continue like this.” This week, Kasukuwere's chief election agent, Jackie Sande, who is a lawyer, dismissed police claims that there are two warrants of arrest for the aspiring president. Zimbabwean police say the South African-based Kasukuwere, a former MP and minister, will be arrested if he returns home to campaign for the 23 August presidential election. Sande says the old warrants are invalid as the related charges that led to them were quashed, hence they are now of no legal force and effect. Kasukuwere, who has been in court over corruption allegations, fled the country in November 2017 after a bloody coup that was waged by the members of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces. Among other crimes, he was accused of parceling out land to Grace Mugabe’s sister. This week, Kasukuwere said he is coming home to fight the biggest electoral battle of his life. Last month, he flew a kite, to check if Mnangagwa would arrest him if he comes back. A source said: “He bought an air ticket through a travel agency and checked in online. He then sent the list of passengers — in which he was number 34 — and later a manifest to his contacts in Harare who quickly leaked that to Mnangagwa’s circles and state security agents. They reacted quickly and deployed intelligence agents to wait for him at the airport, ready to pounce and arrest him.” This time, Kasukuwere is serious, according to the chairperson of his campaign, Walter Mzembi, also a former Zanu PF minister and MP under the late former president Robert Mugabe. Spooked Zanu PF leaders itch to block Kasukuwere Presidential candidate Saviour Kasukuwere (right)

Page 8 NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE HIGH Court Justice David Mangota on Friday reserved judgment in a case in which Zanu PF activist Lovedale Mangwana is seeking to stop independent presidential candidate Savior Kasukuwere from contesting the elections on 23 August. Advocate Lewis Uriri and Advocate Edley Mubaiwa represented Mangwana while Advocate Method Ndhlovu and Advocate Reginald Mutero argued for Kasukuwere. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) and Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi, who were both cited together with Kasukuwere as respondents, did not oppose Mangwana’s application. Zec indicated it would abide by the court ruling while Ziyambi did not file opposing papers. Harare lawyer Jacqueline Sande, who is Kasukuwere’s chief election agent, wrote on Twitter that the case will fall away. “The applicant argued that President Kasukuwere is no longer a registered voter and is not entitled to participate. The president contended otherwise arguing that applicant had approached the wrong forum and without sufficient evidence to sustain his case. The presiding judge, Justice Mangota reserved judgment. The president is upbeat that the application will be dismissed,” she said. Mangwana, who wants to stop Kasukuwere from contesting the presidential race, has close links to the Mangwana family of Information ministry permanent secretary Nick Mangwana and Zanu PF legal affairs secretary Paul Mangwana, senior Zanu PF officials and resultantly to Mnangagwa himself. There are concerns that Mangwana is acting in the interest of Mnangagwa who is panicking over Kusukwere’s candidature. Kasukuwere has potential to split the votes and either influence a presidential election run-off or outright victory of opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change party leader Nelson Chamisa. If Kasukuwere were to get between 50 000 and 100 000 votes from the Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland West and Mashonaland East provinces where he is thought to be popular, he could dent Mnangagwa’s chances of winning. Those numbers of votes are possible for Kasukuwere who was the Zanu PF commissar and marshalled support in Mashonaland provinces particularly in Mashonaland Central’s Mount Darwin South constituency where he was once a member of Parliament. Another factor that is making Mnangagwa panic over Kasukuwere is the prospect that he can be voted by disgruntled Zanu PF supporters, who are remnants of the G40 faction that was toppled by the military in the 2017 coup. Mnangagwa is also panicking over Kasukuwere’s presidential candidature because of the delicate ethnic dynamics in Zanu PF pitting the Zezurus and Karangas. Mnangagwa is a Karanga and Kasukuwere a Zezuru. Therefore, Kasukuwere is likely to woo Zanu PF Zezuru voters from Mnangagwa and therefore again cause an upset based on these ethnic party dynamics. Mashonaland provinces consist of big numbers of registered voters. Mashonaland Central has 536 450; Mashonaland east 641 701 and Mashonaland West 661 393. Kasukuwere therefore has a chance of amassing a significant number of these votes from Zanu PF supporters who ordinarily would have no choice but to vote for Mnangagwa in the absence of the exiled former cabinet minister on the ballot paper. Kasukuwere, during his time as Youth minister, recruited young people from the people into the security services such as Central Intelligence Organisation, Zimbabwe Republic Police and the Zimbabwe National Army. In doing so, he was seen as promoting the youth empowerment programme for the party. The young officers have since matured, gained experience of at least 10 years and acquainted themselves in election-related matters such that they can work with Kasukuwere in his campaign bid. There is every reason for Mnangagwa to panic. In 2008, former Zanu PF Finance minister Simba Makoni had a similar X-factor effect when he denied the late president Robert Mugabe outright victory over the late opposition MDC icon Morgan Tsvangirai. Makoni contested in the presidential election and garnered 8% of votes while Mugabe got 43% when he needed 50 plus one vote for outright victory. Makoni’s 8%, had it gone to Mugabe, could have propelled the long-time ruler to 51%, an outright win. In another experience of split votes, in 2018 former MDC vice-president Thokozani Khupe prevented Chamisa from winning the presidential elections by eating into the opposition leader’s votes by 45 000 votes when he need just above 30 000 to beat Mnangagwa. In his founding affidavit, Mangwana says “. . . I have indicated that I am aware that first respondent has been away from the republic for a period in excess of 18 months. “I add that this a continuous period of absence. In other words, he has been out of the republic for each day of the past 18 months. I add that this is in fact a matter of public record. I dare him to indicate otherwise. I understand that his absence from the country for that period of time has much consequence at law. “I draw attention to provisions of section 23 (3) of the Electoral Act which enacts: “(3) A voter who is registered on the voters roll for a constituency, other than a voter who has been registered in that constituency in terms of the proviso to subsection (1), shall not be entitled to have his or her name retained on such roll if, for a continuous period of eighteen months, he or she has ceased to reside in that constituency: Provided that nothing in this subsection shall prevent his or her name from being struck off such voters’ roll — “(a) on his or her being registered in another constituency; or (b) if he or she becomes disqualified for registration as a voter.” I submit that the absence of first respondent from the country for more than 18 consecutive months has the effect that his name ceased to be retained on the voters’ roll. I add that this occurred by operation of law.” “I submit that the decision to accept first respondent’s nomination papers is contrary to the law set out in this provision in that first respondent, being a non-voter, cannot be nominated for election to any office." This is what Mangwana, who is clearly a Mnangagwa proxy or the proverbial tortoise on a lamppost, wants. His calculated political action benefits Mnangagwa more than anyone else, showing that the President is running scared. Lovedale Mangwana with senior Zanu PF officials. Kasukuwere still stands #ZimElection2023

NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 Page 9 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE CHITUNGWIZA Municipality collected pension fund contributions from its workers between 2009 and 2013 amounting to US$13 million on behalf of Unified Councils Pension Fund (UCPF) but failed to remit the money. The municipality is now planning to cover up the abuse of funds by parcelling out land to UCPF in a development that has angered local residents, The NewsHawks has established. The land which the embattled local authority wants to give UCPF is stand number 810 in Zengeza Township measuring 4739 square metres held under deed of transfer 0000021/2015 and stand number 22997 also known as Zengeza Ground measuring approximately 14 923 square metres. The decision to sell the land was announced by acting town clerk Japson Nemuseso. He impressed on management to honour a 2019 agreement for Chitungwiza to give the land to UCPF in order to settle its arrears of US$13 million that resulted in a dispute which spilled to the High Court. UCPF took Chitungwiza Municipality to the High Court in 2019 for failing to pay over US$13 million towards its employees’ pension contributions under case number HC10137. At that time, UCPF submitted that despite Chitungwiza Municipality having made an undertaking to pay the debt in 2017, nothing had been done. The municipality, according to court papers, deducted its employees’ pension contributions, but did not remit the funds to the pension fund. Resultantly, the council now wants to settle the debt using land and is resisting calls by residents to account for the US$13 million. Chitungwiza Residents Trust director Alice Kuvheya told The NewsHawks that residents were against the idea of parcelling out land meant for recreational facilities. “What we know is that workers contributed US$6 monthly to the pension fund which was collected by the council. Instead of the council handing over the cash to the UCPF, the money did not reach the fund. We have been demanding answers to say: Who abused the fund? Now they want to cover up the debt with land without consulting residents. We are against the move,” she said. The municipality has taken a decision to ignore residents’ concerns raised in a recent meeting convened by mayor Kiven Mutimbanyoka of Zanu PF. Mutimbanyoka did not respond to questions sent via WhatsApp by The NewsHawks on 29 June although he read them. He was not answering calls on his mobile phone. Chitungwiza Municipality spokesperson Lovemore Meya downplayed the standoff. He said the local authority had advertised its intention to parcel out the land and residents had 21 days to object. “As council, we are still in the objection period as indicated in the advert. After receiving objections, we will then see how to proceed,” he said. Meya however refused to answer questions on the unaccounted money which council is accused of abusing, saying he needed clearance from his superiors. “I am working on responses but need clearance from a superior. Unfortunately he is not around. He went out and I do not know when he will be back,” he said. Marvelous Kumalo, the director of the Chitungwiza and Manyame Rural Residents Association (Camera) and chairperson of the Harare Metropolitan Residents Forum (Hamref), said the issue of the pension fund abuse was worrying. “What has happened is that council collected the pension fund contributions and was supposed to forward them to the UCPF, but did not do so. The debt accrued and we understand that as a solution they now want to dispose Zengeza 5 land. “The residents are objecting because there are few sporting facility areas that are left after Chigovanyika and Chemhanza and St Mary's as well. So indeed Chitungwiza Municipality abused the pension fund. The way Chitungwiza is settling its debts is unsustainable. The land, once parcelled out, it's gone and as we speak the land bank is finished. “Our proposal is that the council must raise revenue and pay the debt to the council fund in monetary terms, not parcelling out land,” he said. Obert Matsika, the Zimbabwe National Organisation of Associations and Residents Trusts, Chitungwiza chapter chairperson, told The NewsHawks that the council risks legal action over the abuse of the pension fund and its intention to cover up via a dodgy land deal. “We are prepared to have a last meeting with the mayor and management this coming week and if we fail to get satisfactory answers we will take the legal route,” he said. Matsika also revealed that the residents are demanding a forensic audit at Chitungwiza Municipality. “We are calling for forensic audits, we need to know more. There's a syndicate swindling ratepayers. We held several meetings with mayor Maiko, Mutimbanyoka, councillors and management demanding accountability on those funds and some grey areas which we notified them of. “They never gave satisfactory answers, they promise to give you better information later, which they don’t honour,” he said. Chitungwiza Town Council bosses in US$13 million pension fund scandal

Page 10 #ZimElection2023 News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE FORMER director of legal drafting in the Attorney-General’s Office and top lawyer with legal think-tank Veritas, Brian Crozier, says the government’s failure to implement recommendations of a commission led by former South African president Kgalema Motlanthe which investigated the 1 August 2018 killings of six civilians by security forces has placed Zimbabwe in a precarious position ahead of the general elections. The civilians were murdered during a demonstration by the opposition MDC-Alliance demanding the release of presidential results. The demonstration turned into a riot which was violently suppressed by the police and the army. Some of the victims were not part of the demonstrators, with some shot in the back while fleeing. Thirty-five people were left with gunshot wounds while there was considerable damage to property. Following allegations that the security services had used excessive force to suppress the riot, President Emmerson Mnangagwa set up a commission of inquiry headed by Motlanthe to investigate the circumstances leading to the violence. The commission also looked at the conduct of the police and army in suppressing the demonstration and whether the use of force was proportionate. The commission gave recommendations, including the need to compensate victims as well as families of the deceased. It also recommended the amendment of the Electoral Act to shorten the time for presidential election results announcement from five days, changes in circumstances under which the military can be lawfully deployed to control civil unrest, and the training of police in riot control, professionalism and impartiality. However, three weeks before Zimbabwe marks the fifth anniversary of the killings, the government has not implemented the Motlanthe recommendations. Speaking to The NewsHawks on Thursday, Crozier said the failure by Zimbabwe to implement the recommendations could see the military disturbances of 1 August happening again, which could strain relations with South Africa. “Mr Motlanthe is a senior member of the ANC, as well as former president of South Africa, and after having led the commission and made recommendations which were not implemented, he obviously will be unhappy about that,” Crozier said. “He may choose to discuss that with his colleagues in the ANC to say my recommendations were not fulfilled five years on and that can cause concern for them and have effect on relations between the two countries.” Crozier said while there is no law that makes recommendations of commissions binding, Mnangagwa had the moral and political obligation to ensure the recommendations were implemented. “How do you gather such a big group of people for a commission and then do not implement the recommendations? Essentially commissions are not bound by any law, but there ought to be moral and political obligations for the implementation of the Motlanthe commission recommendations,” he said, adding: “Since the recommendations were not fulfilled, in future elections a political guy may just as well make a call and similar deployments made (to crush demonstrators)”. The Motlanthe commission also said deployment of the military to assist the police should be a measure of last resort in extraordinary situations and that the army should conduct an audit of its standing orders and procedures for riot control and law enforcement. The commission recommended that the military in conjunction with the police should adopt contingency plans for dealing with emergency situations and stressed that the use of live ammunition as warning shots should be discouraged and should be used only in limited circumstances of danger to public safety. The Motlanthe commission recommended that all victims of violence and dependents of the deceased should be compensated and that the government set up a committee to assess the quantum of compensation and establish a fund to assist those affected. While an inter-ministerial committee was set up in 2019 to implement this and other recommendations of the commission, the compensation fund has not been established. Compensation has been paid to some victims who suffered property damage caused by rioters, but families of those who were killed, and people who suffered physical injuries, have not been compensated. Veritas has previously said this is inexplicable since those who were killed and injured by the military and police were identified and named in the commission’s report. Motlanthe Commission ignored, recommendations still unfulfilled Former South African president Kgalema Motlanthe

NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 News Page 11 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 NATHAN GUMA THE opposition CCC fears the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) is manipulating the voters’ roll in favour of Zanu PF, hence the commission’s failure to avail the electronic copy to candidates, a senior official said. Zimbabwe will hold general elections on 23 August, but Zec is yet to avail the voters' roll to candidates. Section 21 of the Electoral Act mandates Zec to release the voters’ roll to nominated candidates. It reads: “Within a reasonable period of time after nomination day in an election, the Commission (Zec) shall provide: “(a) free of charge, to every nominated candidate, one copy in electronic form of the voters’ roll to be used in the election for which the candidate has been nominated; and (b) at the request of any nominated candidate, and on payment of the prescribed fee, one copy in printed form of the voters roll to be used in the election for which the candidate has been nominated.” Ellen Shiriyedenga, a senior officer in the CCC’s election department, said: “With regards to the voters' roll, we have done two things. First, we wrote to Zec on the 24th of June requesting to purchase the voters' roll as per requirement of the law. But, up to now we have not received a response from Zec in that regard. “Remember, according to the Electoral Act, anyone can purchase the voters' roll as long as you are a citizen. So, we have not received a response. Secondly, we engaged Zec with regards to the voters' roll for our candidates for council and Parliament.” “We were told that they were in the process of preparing the voters' roll. So, we await to hear from Zec to see if they will honour their promise in terms of giving our candidates the voters' roll as required by the Electoral Act." Zec has also failed to rectify anomalies unearthed in the chaotic voter inspection process. “But, let me reiterate the fact that we have questions with the credibility of the voters' roll. Given that we had a voters' roll inspection last month which ended on the first of June, which unearthed anomalies where a lot of people were removed from the voters' roll. “A lot of people were displaced from their traditional polling stations and placed in stations that were faraway from their areas to areas that are more than 10 kilometres away. So, we wrote Zec citing all those anomalies and sought audience with Zec to rectify them. “Unfortunately, we did not get a response from Zec to the effect of rectifying those areas. This is why we are keen to check out the voters' roll that will be given to our people. This is why we are keen to check out the voters' roll so that we are able to conduct our separate audit to ensure that all those anomalies and discrepancies we observed have been rectified,” she said. The voters’ roll has also been under scrutiny under suspicions of tampering by Zanu PF-affiliated Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz). As previously reported by The NewsHawks, Faz, which has taken over election processes, has also been intimidating people, particularly in rural areas, collecting voter information, rolling out door-to-door campaigns, night vigils, community events, technology-based messaging while monitoring all stages of the electoral process. Faz, which took over the just-ended voter inspection process that saw several opposition politicians and members failing to locate their names on the registers, fomenting a lot of confusion. With three members in every ward, Faz has also been managing Zanu PF’s cell registers throughout the country. CCC has also challenged Zec’s failure to release the voters’ roll in court. In March, Harare North opposition lawmaker Allan Markham filed a Supreme Court appeal after his request for the release of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) electronic voters’ roll was blocked by the High Court. The appeal was blocked by High Court Justice Never Katiyo citing security reasons, which critics claim reflects lack of democracy in Zimbabwe. Markham’s Supreme Court appeal has also been dismissed on grounds of being defective. Markham filed his appeal using a transcribed record instead of written reasons by the High Court. Faz manipulates voters’ roll: CCC CCC’s senior officer in election department Ellen Shiriyedenga

Page 12 #ZimElection2023 News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE MEMBERS of the United Kingdom’s House of Lords have described President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s so-called second republic as worse than that of Robert Mugabe in terms of authoritarian rule and repression of defenceless citizens. They cited the prolonged detention of Zengeza West legislator Job Sikhala as well as this week’s savage attack on human rights lawyer Obey Shava, among other examples. The debate was initiated by Jonathan Oates who had asked what measures the UK government had taken on the unfair incarceration of Sikhala who has been denied bail on 15 occasions. He is detained at Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison’s D Class section preserved for dangerous criminals. The minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, TariqAhmad, while responding to the enquiry, said the UK is concerned by the ongoing detention of government critics in Zimbabwe, including Sikhala. “The minister of State for Development and Africa raised these concerns, and the case of Job Sikhala specifically, with Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa, when they met in the margins of His Majesty the King’s Coronation last month,” he said. Oates then enquired whether Ahmad and his ministerial colleagues would work with Southern African Development Community ministers and the Commonwealth to make it clear to Zanu PF that there can be no return to normal relations until Sikhala and all political detainees are released, political violence stopped, and genuinely free and fair elections allowed to happen on 23 August this year. In response, Ahmad said: “My Lords, first, I acknowledge the noble Lord’s insights and expertise on all issues to do with Zimbabwe. He knows the country very well, and I appreciate his tabling of the question. “With regard to the specific issue of human rights and the importance of progressing on human rights before the elections on 23 August, I assure the noble Lord that we are engaging with all key partners. “As he is aware, Zimbabwe is very keen to progress its membership of the Commonwealth, and human rights are a pertinent part of that assessment. I know that we are working very closely with the secretariat in that respect. Ultimately, if Zimbabwe rejoins the Commonwealth, it will be a matter for all members of the Commonwealth, so it needs a cross-Commonwealth approach. “I assure the noble Lord also that we are fully seized with the different abuses of human rights, which regrettably and tragically continue to happen. Even this morning, I have heard of further arrests in that respect. “The information is still coming through, but I am aware of further arrests that have been made. We have called for full transparency and the release of those being held in an arbitrary fashion and, indeed, when cases are being pressed, that those court cases are held in a transparent form.” At that point Henry Campbell Bellingham weighed in and again raised the issue of six Zimbabwean college students arrested and detained for leading a peaceful protest in keeping with the constitution of Zimbabwe. “My Lords, I am grateful to the minister for his reply about Job Sikhala, but it is not just Job Sikhala who has been arrested: six students have been arrested for doing nothing more than protesting against politicians being arrested. “Emmanuel Chitima, Comfort Mpofu, Lionel Madamombe, Benjamin Watadza, Darlington Chigwena and Gamuchirai Chaburumunda may have exotic names but they are not being kept in exotic conditions. “They are in prison for protesting, perfectly legally and freely. We must wake up to the fact that Emmerson Mnangagwa is actually more of the same after the evil Mugabe,” he said Ahmad then said: “My Lords, my noble friend raises a number of cases and I assure him that we are fully aware of them. We remain deeply concerned by the failure to address the allegations of abduction and abuse of opposition members. There are also the cases of Joana Mamombe — which he has raised — Cecilia Chimbiri and Netsai Marova. I assure noble Lords that we have raised our concerns with the government and have publicly called for full investigation into these allegations. “If Zimbabwe wishes to be counted among those countries that are recognised for progression not just bilaterally but, importantly, within multilateral organisations, it is vital that it stands up and ensures transparency of justice systems. It must also ensure that those who are taken and arrested are done so on transparent charges and that if they are not held on any substantial charges, they are released. Freedom of speech, freedom of the Press and freedom of protest are key parts of any progressive democracy.” Kate Hoey at that stage rose to express concern over the Zimbabwean government’s heavy-handedness on citizens, pointing to the attack on human rights lawyer Shava. “My Lords, many of us warned for many years that Mnangagwa would be worse than Mugabe, particularly because of his years of repression and what happened in Matabeleland. “He is clearly not going to change and, sadly, things such as an invitation to the coronation do not help — they help him in Zimbabwe. Does the minister accept that it is very unlikely that there will be genuinely free and fair elections in Zimbabwe in August? “We saw just last night a very well-respected human rights lawyer, Obey Shava, being beaten almost to death by Zanu PF thugs. Is it not time for us to stop pandering to Mnangagwa and to condemn what is happening right throughout the country loudly and clearly to the international world?” Ahmad answered: “My Lords, I also welcome the noble Baroness’s deep insights and expertise on Zimbabwe. I am aware of the case this morning — as I sat down, I got an update on the alleged attack on the lawyer. I am in the process of getting further information on that attack and will update the House and the noble Baroness accordingly. “I agree with her that the actions we have seen from the President of Zimbabwe and his government, particularly on areas of legislative change which they are also bringing into force, are of deep and alarming concern because they mean the suppression of civil society within Zimbabwe. “As I said, these are key tenets of any democratic reform and an open and vibrant civil society is a key part of that. I assure noble Lords that we want to work very constructively on this agenda. There is a lot of expertise in your Lordships’ House and we want to leverage that to ensure that we can continue to make the case pertinently and forcefully and, one hopes, ensure progression on the ground.” Ray Collins again expressed concern over the shrinking of democratic space in Zimbabwe as shown by stifling of civil society organisations. “My Lords, on that final point, the minister knows that I have stressed the importance of civil society. When states fail their citizens, it is civil society that stands up for human rights. “I have urged the minister to support civil society in the broadest terms, including trade unionists who have been under attack in Zimbabwe. What are the government and the FCDO [Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office] doing to contact global trade union institutions so that it is not just our voice but voices throughout the world that condemn this action and can promote a free and fair election? Will the minister assure me that he will contact international trade union institutions?” he asked. Ahmad reassured the house that action is being taken by the Uk government over the deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe. “My Lords, I can give the noble Lord that assurance and as he will have extensive contacts in this respect, particularly with a focus on Zimbabwe, I would welcome his insights into the key components, organisations and individuals. “I assure the noble Lord that we have engaged directly with the government of Zimbabwe, particularly on the PVO amendment Bill and the so-called patriotic amendments. That Bill would extend state control over civil society organisations, the whole point of which is to challenge governments. We are making that point very forcefully to the Zimbabwean government directly,” he said. Anthony St John again questioned Zimbabwe's capability of holding free, fair and credible elections. “My Lords, ahead of the general election in Zimbabwe on 23 August this year, what assurances have His Majesty’s government been given on international election observers for this election and an updated election register?” Ahmad stressed that it would be for the people of Zimbabwe to choose their government in August and added that the minister for Development and Africa reiterated these points in the meeting he had with the President of Zimbabwe on 5 May. “There has been some progress; for example, the announcement by Zimbabwe that invitations have now gone out to observer missions for the elections. It is important that international and domestic observer missions, including those of Sadc, the EU and the AU, are able to independently observe the 2023 elections. “We are also talking to the Commonwealth about its role within the context of the elections. We are also aware of a petition submitted to ministers calling for Zimbabweans in the diaspora to be granted the right to vote in the elections to ensure greater engagement and direct involvement of Zimbabweans across the world. I will continue to update the House but I assure all noble Lords that the onus is very much on the Government of Zimbabwe to ensure that all citizens can vote. The UK continues to press that point to them,” he said. Mnangagwa’s despotic rule is worse than Mugabe: UK MPs Lord Jonathan Oates

NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 News Page 13 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 MORRIS BISHI IN MASVINGO GUNSHOTS were heard in Bikita while teargas canisters were fired in Chiredzi's residential areas as Zanu PF and police tried to stop opposition CCC leader Nelson Chamisa from addressing his supporters in Masvingo province this week. Two rallies, one in Chiredzi and the other in Chivi, were banned by the police. The Citizens' Coalition for Change leader managed to address only three rallies in Chikombedzi, Zaka and Bikita. Enroute to Chikombedzi on Thursday morning, Chamisa managed to hold private meetings with traditional leaders in Chilonga, assuring them that after winning thew 23 August general elections his government will protect their land rights by handing out title deeds to their land. Over 12 000 families in Chilonga are facing eviction after the government allowed a Kwekwe-based dairy company, Dendairy, to set up a lucerne farming project which will leave the indigenous Shangani community without land. Addressing his supporters at a private residence at Chikombedzi Growth Point after police banned an open meeting citing a government programme meant for the official opening of a clinic at Headache, Chamisa said he was saddened by the extreme under-development in Chiredzi South in a country which gained Independence in 1980. He also said there is a need for people in Chilonga to be given security of tenure and not to prioritise private companies. On Thursday morning while opposition supporters were waiting for Chamisa at Baradzanwa Shops in Ward 7 of Bikita South, Zanu PF members led by aspiring Member of Parliament for Bikita South Energy Mutodi fired two gunshots to the gathered opposition supporters, sending people scurrying for cover. Mutodi confirmed to The NewsHawks that his security team fired a shot at Baradzanwa on Thursday, but said it was after one of his cars was attacked with stones by CCC supporters at the business centre. He however said he will not file a police report against the people who damaged his car, saying the incident should be solved politically. "A shot cannot be fired where there is peace. I can confirm that it was fired not by me but my security team as self-defence after being attacked by CCC supporters. One of my cars was attacked and l went there to see for myself. A few minutes after my arrival, CCC supporters started to throw stones at us, that is when a warning shot was fired in the air. This happened when we were going to address a meeting in ward 8 near the CCC venue for the rally," said Mutodi. On Wednesday in Chiredzi, police responded to a notification of a rally by the CCC by citing a government programme which was in Chiredzi North and banned the rally hours after people had gathered at Tshovani Stadium. A toddler was rushed to hospital after police fired teargas to disperse the opposition supporters. Senior CCC cluster leader in Chiredzi Mucharairwa Mugidho told The NewsHawks that police denied her party permission to hold a rally at Tshovani Stadium on Wednesday, saying there was a ceremony for the official opening of a clinic in Chiredzi North constituency. She also said police fired teargas in Tshovani township, which also affected people who were minding their own business in their homesteads, with one child reportedly hospitalised as a result. "It is clear that we are now not allowed to campaign although we are drawing closer to general elections. Zanu PF is holding meetings without police clearance. They responded to our letter, saying they will not have manpower to cover our meeting but, surprisingly, hundreds of police officers turned up to disperse our supporters. This is a clear indication that police are working together with Zanu PF to close our campaign space," said Mugidho. CCC aspiring candidate for Zaka Central Peter Imbayarwo said police manned all roads leading to Jerera on Thursday morning, instructing all passengers in vehicles to disembark and walk to Jerera. He said Chamisa addressed the Jerera rally for only 10 minutes before police said time was up — despite the party having booked the rally from 9am to 4pm. Imbayarwo added that Zanu PF called for meetings at all ward centres in Zaka district on the same day of the rally where village heads were advised to bring all their people so that their names can be written down for food aid and farming inputs. Zanu PF Masvingo provincial chairperson Rabson Mavenyengwa said his party does not have powers to control the operations of the police. He dismissed allegations that members of his party disturbed a CCC rally in Bikita, saying his members acted in self-defence after being provoked by CCC supporters. "As the ruling party, all our meetings are authorised by the police and l don't know why CCC should be treated differently. They should deal with the police and we had no power to influence the police. On the Bikita issue, l was informed that our aspiring candidate was being attacked and l called the police. We are a peace-loving party, we always urge our members to be peaceful," said Mavenyengwa. Masvingo police ban Chamisa meetings, Mutodi fires shots Aspiring MP for Bikita South Energy Mutodi

Page 14 #ZimElection2023 News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE CALLS for the prosecution of those who abducted and tortured three opposition officials Joana Mamombe, Cecilia Chimbiri and Netsai Marova in 2020 have grown louder in light of the acquittal of the first two. The three were abducted at a roadblock as they were coming from a demonstration in Warren Park in Harare after being accused of violating Covid-19 travel restrictions. They were tortured for more than 24 hours before being discovered in Bindura, Mashonaland Central, dumped in a deep hole. After the ordeal, no investigations were carried out into their abduction case. Instead, they were charged with publishing falsehoods, but after three years they were acquitted. It is against this background that many have called for the arrest of the people behind the three’s ordeal. CCC spokesperson Fadzayi Mahere tweeted that the acquittal confirms that the duo was never guilty, but their perpetrators walk free. “Let it be known that those who abducted and tortured our sisters have never been brought to book. Why were they never arrested? Why was that gruesome act never investigated?” queried Mahere. She further tweeted that those behind the arrest and three years of persecution should also face the long arm of the law. “The High Court confirmed what we already knew. My sisters Joana Mamombe and Cecilia Chimbiri have always been innocent. They must sue all those responsible for their malicious arrest and persecution. What happened was not right. This entire episode was an abuse of state institutions,” added Mahere. The trio alleges that they were arrested and taken to Harare Central before being ferried out in a commuter omnibus to Mashonaland Central. On the day of the demonstration, state-owned Star FM and other news outlets reported that police spokesperson Paul Nyathi confirmed the arrest of the three. Their lawyer, Obey Shava, wrote that he walked around Harare prisons looking for the three and could not find them, before they were discovered in Bindura. ZimLive editor Mduduzi Mathuthu also added his voice to the issue, calling on the authorities to bring the perpetrators to book. “Now arrest the abductors! Such a horrible case of miscarriage of justice and abuse of power,” tweeted Mathuthu. Mamombe heaved a sigh of relief after the aquittal, saying the three years of persecution were tough. “For three years, we failed to get justice; instead of being torture survivors, we were turned into criminals on the defence dock. Our fundamental rights have been severely curtailed as the courts unjustly treated us. Spent unrecoverable hours in the courts,” she wrote. “Yesterday's ruling by Justice Munangati is a stinging indictment on the Magistrate Courts for being accomplices to a crime committed against us in 2020. After suffering torture and sexual violation, the Zimbabwean government turned on us and branded us criminals. Now, when will the Zimbabwean government and police bring the vile men who tortured us to justice? “When will we face them and ask them, why? Who sent them and why? We demand justice NOW!!We were bent but survived, we were humiliated, but we germinated like seeds on hard ground,” tweeted Mamombe. Her co-accused, Chimbiri, only tweeted a verse which reflected her relief. “John 16:33, I have told you these things, so that in me you may have peace. In this world you will have trouble. But take heart! I have overcome the world,” she tweeted. Although there is a sense of relief, their victory may be shortlived as the National Prosecuting Authority released a statement, saying it will appeal the High Court decision. Meanwhile, their lawyer Shava was attacked on his way home this week and suffered injuries. He is currently admitted in a private hospital in Harare. Torture kingpins must face justice Opposition officials Joana Mamombe and Cecilia Chimbiri (below)

NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 News Page 15 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE/ BRENNA MATENDERE POLICE and prison officers were this week forced to apply for postal voting by their superiors ahead of the 23 August general elections, including those who will be on leave or have been seconded to other departments. Junior officers however felt the order was supposed to target only those who will be on duty on polling day as prescribed by the law, amid fears they will be made to vote under supervision, as has happened in previous elections. Postal voting is voting in an election where ballot papers are distributed to electors and typically returned by post, in contrast to electors voting in person at a polling station or in some developed countries, electronically via an electronic voting system. In Zimbabwe, it typically applies to state security agents and Zimbabwe Electoral Commission staff. The directive for the prisons officials to apply for postal voting was communicated to them through a memo, seen by The NewsHawks, which recalled persons on leave or seconded elsewhere to physically go and register for postal voting at their respective stations. Police officers were given similar orders through officers commanding provinces. “Notice, All officers station at Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison to report on duty. Date. 04 July 2023. Time. 0715hrs. NB Including all officers on Study leave, Vacc leave, Occasional, Compassionate, Attachment, shift off, Secondment etc,” read the memo, which was sent to staff at Chikurubi Maximum Prison. Sources close to the process say officers at the prisons and correctional facilities and police stations were not given an option to choose against the instruction on the basis of whether they would be deployed away from their polling stations or not. They were also not asked whether they wanted to exercise their right to vote or not. “They asked all officers to bring photocopy of national IDs last Friday and yesterday they ordered every officer off and on leave to report to the station today the 4th of July to which they gave us postal ballot application forms and instructed them to fill in and sign,” revealed a source. By 1pm on Tuesday, more than 400 officers had applied at Chikurubi. The numbers were that high because sources close to the process said officers feared victimisation. “But most officers aren't happy and they only took part in that process of applying for the postal votes because they fear victimisation,” revealed the source. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission’s calender shows that postal voting applications were last received on Wednesday. In the 2018 elections as well as previous polls, there were reports of police officers and prison officials casting their postal votes under the watchful eyes of their commanders. Voting is supposed to be secret. In terms of section 72 of the Electoral Act, the only people who can vote by post are registered voters who, on polling day, will be unable to vote at their polling station because: “They will be on duty as members of a disciplined force [i.e. police officers, prison officers or members of the Defence Forces] or as electoral officers [i.e. employees of Zec on electoral duty or persons seconded to Zec to perform electoral duties]. “They will be outside Zimbabwe in the service of the government [normally as diplomatic or consular officials] or because they are married to such an official,” reads the act. So only government employees and employees of Zec, and persons who are seconded to Zec for electoral duties, are entitled to vote by post. Under section 73 of the Act, applications for postal votes are made to Zec’s chief elections officer on a prescribed form. Applications for postal votes must be sent to Zec no later than two weeks after nomination day [section 73(2)(c) of the Electoral Act]. If Zec is satisfied that a person who has applied for a postal vote is entitled to one, the chief elections officer must send them a postal ballot paper for each election plus envelopes marked with the applicant’s name, voter registration number and the polling station on whose roll the applicant is registered. Further steps must be taken: “He/she must enter the applicant’s name on a numbered list which is kept open for public inspection for the whole electoral period. “. . . He/she must put a line through the applicant’s name on the voters roll prepared for the applicant’s polling station, with an annotation showing that the applicant has been issued a postal ballot paper.” These steps are laid down in section 74 of the Electoral Act. If they are followed they will prevent, or at least discourage, double voting by people who have voted by post. Postal voters vote by filling in their ballot papers in the same way as voters at polling stations — by putting an X opposite the candidates of their choice. They must then seal the ballot papers into their covering envelopes and have them sent back to Zec at least 14 days before polling in the election, to give Zec time to have them distributed to polling stations. Police, prison officers forced to apply for postal voting

Page 16 #ZimElection2023 News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 NATHAN GUMA ZIMBABWE has extended invitations to 60 countries and regional bodies to observe the August elections, a 20% rise from 48 in the previous election, giving the international community a chance to see Zimbabwe’s sincerity in rolling out crucial reforms, analysts say. The country is desperate to redeem its international image, which has been riddled with serious human rights abuses. The country has invited 60 observer missions, which include the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, 15 Southern African Development Community countries, the African Union, the Pan-African Parliament, the European Union, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and various countries from Europe, the Americas, the Caribbean, the Pacific, and Asia. Despite the increase in observer mission invitations, several recommendations by previous observer missions from the previous election are also yet to be implemented. For instance, the EU EOM follow-up delegation, which was in the country in May last year, said progress on the implementation of reforms has been limited, with the majority of the priority ones yet to be addressed. Political analyst Rashweat Mukundu says the election is going to be a decider on re-engagement. “Their presence (observers) is important in Zimbabwe. It is possibly a way for the international community to gauge whether government is moving in the right direction in terms of its reforms. “It is also an opportunity for the international community to measure their approach to the post-election government should they see the government that is going to emerge as legitimate or should they treat it with caution as a result of how the election is going to be done. “So, it is a process to facilitate a post-election engagement, at least for those coming from outside, and of course for Zimbabwean observers. It is to promote good electoral conduct, but also to locate areas that ought to be addressed as we move forward. There is no perfect electoral process, but it is a process of identifying gaps and finding ways of improving them in the future,” Mukundu told The NewsHawks. The international community has also indicated that Zimbabwe’s international re-engagement drive will depend on the credibility of the elections. As previously reported by The NewsHawks, the British House of Lords debated that Zimbabwe’s re-admission to the Commonwealth should be based on how the country holds its general election this year, and an improvement in the human rights situation. In January this year, the House of Lords debated Zimbabwe’s overtures to rejoin the Commonwealth, saying there is a need to scrutinise the country’s progress on human rights and democratic governance ahead of the 2023 elections. Lord Jonathan Oates, a British Liberal Democrat, initiated a debate on Zimbabwe’s readmission bid without reforms, saying it would severely damage the Commonwealth’s reputation and the country’s struggle for democracy and human rights. During the debate, Lord Sonny Leong of the UK Labour party said the country has not been doing enough to correct the human rights situation. “Although there have been some positive developments in recent years, they have not been as significant, rapid or numerous as many of us had hoped, especially post-president Mugabe. The country retains the death penalty and the rights and freedoms of women and girls are unequal, as they are for the LGBT community,” Lord Leong said. “However, with Zimbabwe holding general elections this year, I draw your lordships’ attention to the democratic process in the country. Official observers were critical of how the last elections were conducted in 2018. “A colleague of mine who served on a Commonwealth observer group told me that he ‘personally witnessed scenes of violence and direct intimidation by government forces’ and noted that an ‘unlevel playing field’ had been created, which ‘the government considers it to its benefit to maintain’,” he said. Meanwhile, the electoral processes have been hijacked by a shadowy Central Intelligence Organisation outfit, Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz), which has gone out to ensure a Zanu PF victory. With three members in every ward countrywide, Faz has been intimidating people, particularly in rural areas, collecting voter information, rolling out door-to-door campaigns, night vigils, community events, technology-based messaging while monitoring all stages of the electoral process. Sources say, so far, Faz has received US$10 million and 200 cars to run its affairs in preparation for elections. More resources have been promised to capacitate the secret structure. Faz’s mandate, working together with Zec, is to coordinate logistics and decisive forces to retain Mnangagwa in power. The organisation has also been implicated in the fielding of double candidates within the main opposition CCC during the candidate nomination process, while hijacking a chaotic voter inspection process. 60 countries to observe elections

NewsHawks #ZimElection2023 News Page 17 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 NATHAN GUMA ZIMBABWE Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) lawyer Innocent Gonese of Lawman Law Chambers (LLC) has written to Zimbabwe Prison and Correctional Services (ZPCS) Commissioner-General Moses Chihobvu demanding action over the misconduct of ZPCS officer Caroline Manjongo, who has taken up a Zanu PF political post in violation of the constitution. As exposed by The NewsHawks last week, Manjongo is serving as the vice-chairperson of Zanu PF women’s league in Mashonaland East province, in violation of section 208 of the constitution. The constitution expressly bars members of the security forces from holding political positions or furthering the interests of any political party. The constitution also bars security forces — listed in section 207 as defence forces, police service, intelligence service and prisons and correctional service — from conducting themselves in a partisan manner. LLC, acting on behalf of a concerned citizen Takudzwanashe Mudzuri — a legal practitioner — has issued the ZPCS a three-day ultimatum to provide a written response on what action will be taken against Manjongo. The lawyers say they will take legal action in the event that the ZPCS does not take action. Citing section 208 of the constitution, the lawyers said: “We write to you at the instance of Takudzwanashe Mudzuri who is a citizen of Zimbabwe . . . regarding the misconduct and violation of the constitution by prison officer Caroline Manjongo and the Zanu PF party. “. . . (2) Neither the security forces nor any of their members in the exercise of their functions (b) further the interests of any political party or cause; “. . . (3) Members of the security services must not be active members or office-bearers of any political party or organisation. “Our client is horrified that the Mashonaland East provincial secretary for Security had the temerity to write to the chief director Human Resources Administration and Development on the 30th May 2023 seeking the release of the officer to organise and participate in partisan political party activities of Zanu PF from the 1st of June 2023 till after the harmonised elections scheduled for the 23rd of August 2023.” The lawyers said their client and right-thinking Zimbabweans were perturbed and disturbed by “this brazen and arrogant disdain” of the constitution by the prison officer and Zanu PF. “We therefore demand a written response in a period of three days indicating what course of action will be taken, failure which our institutions are to institute appropriate legal proceedings to seek redress,” read the letter which was also copied to Justice, Parliamentary and Legal Affairs minister Ziyambi Ziyambi, the permanent secretary Virginia Mabhiza, the Public Service Commission and chief director human resources and development Walter Mupandawana. The lawyers raised concern over the flagrant violation of the constitution. “Our client and right thinking Zimbabwean citizens are perturbed and disturbed by the brazen and arrogant disdain of the provisions of the Constitution by a political party and the officer concerned. This wanton disregard of the Supreme Law of the Land is a grave cause of concern particularly as it appears to have been condoned by your administration and this collusion is unconstitutional and unacceptable. “Members of the Prisons and Correctional Services are required to be non-partisan and must not be seen furthering the interests of any political party, let alone being active or office bearers campaigning and lobbying during the election period. Our client in his personal capacity as a responsible citizen and an officer of the court believes that the brazen violation of the Constitution has to stop, and in this regard, we are copying this letter to Honourable Minister of Justice Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, the permanent secretary, the Public Service Commission and the chief director Human Resources Administration and Development for remedial action,” read the letter. As reported by The NewsHawks, Zanu PF and war veterans wrote letters requesting the ZPCS to release Manjongo to enable her to campaign for Zanu PF ahead of the 23 August general elections. In the first letter, dated 30 May 2023, Mashonaland East secretary for security Jeremiah Chiwetu, a former police officer, wrote to the ZPCS chief director human resources administration and development, Commissioner Alvord Gapare, requesting Manjongo’s release. The letter revealed that Manjongo is serving as the Mashonaland East Zanu PF women’s league deputy secretary, which would be a violation of the constitution. Chiwetu, who is also Marondera East legislator, requested that Manjongo be given time off to help organise the party ahead of the elections. Another letter dated 31 May 2023, written by retired Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Makureya, the secretary for administration for the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans' Association in Harare, said Manjongo will be on national duty. The letter was addressed to Gapare. “Requested is the release from duty of the above referred Zanu PF cadre who is the vice chairwoman Women’s League for the period as from 1 June 2023 up to end of elections. “She will be carrying out national duty involved in the Party Voter Mobilisation Programmes. Your assistance by releasing her for this noble cause will be much appreciated,” Makureya, who is secretary for administration, wrote to Gapare. Rights lawyers demand action against Zanu PF prison officer ZPCS Commissioner-General Moses Chihobvu

Page 18 News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE ACTING Gweru district development coordinator Tarisai Mudadigwa has written a letter to acting town clerk Livingston Churu, ordering him to stop plans by councillors from the Douglas Mwonzora-led MDC-Alliance to rip off the council through illegal acquisition of residential and commercial ahead of the August elections that are bound to bury their political careers. In the letter dated 5 July 2023, Mudadigwa revealed that Gweru council officials from the housing department have since taken leave days to run away from pressure from the Mwonzora councillors who are threatening to victimise them over refusal to bow down to pressure to issue them land unprocedurally. Part of the letter reads: “It has come to the attention of this office that there are reports of unprocedural demands of privileges and stands by outgoing councillors of the City of Gweru. “The office is well informed that the council repossessed 22 stands both residential and commercial across the city due to non-development. “Furthermore, this office is well informed that the same councillors have already been accommodated in acquiring stands before as required by the law, and also the same councillors are pushing you as the Acting Town Clerk to suspend certain staff members especially in the housing department. “This has resulted in quite a number of staff members taking leave days waiting for council to be dissolved. In light of the above, you are being advised to ensure that proper procedures are followed in the process of repossession and reselling of the above mentioned stands (i.e. re-valuation and public re-advertisement of the stands). “Also you are advised to ensure that you put an end to victimisation of council employees by the outgoing councillors.” The development comes at a time when Gweru residents are up in arms with city mayor Hamutendi Kombayi over his proposal to bill for all goods and services in United States dollars in a move largely seen as again earmarked for the Mwonzora councillors to line their pockets. Kombayi last week proposed to bill for rates and other charges in United States dollars, claiming it was meant to cushion council against inflation and the fast depreciating local currency at a time when the government has already overruled payment of rates in forex. “Dear residents, the current rise of the inter-bank rate versus our billing rate is causing problems as we are failing to provide quality service delivery,” he said. But Gweru residents said the move would not only put more financial pressure on them, but council could also not be trusted in its bid. Gweru Residents and Ratepayers Association executive director Cornelius Selipiwe said they suspected that the councillors were desperate to loot the local authority’s money after rates had been pegged in forex. “Last time, they decided to buy a vehicle worth between US$170 000 to US$180 000 for a single official at the expense of service delivery. “This means their priorities are always wrong. Look at the kind of trips they undertake and so when they propose something, we look at it with scepticism because we don’t trust them with our money in their hands,” he added. Selipiwe said residents were already financially overburdened, with debts to council of over ZW$12 billion and were shocked by the move to charge them more unaffordable fees. “Now the council wants to convert residents’ debts to USD, which is unfair. Council must come up with business entities so that they do not over-rely on residents. Council should take back City Park and the abattoir where they can charge in USD,” he said. He added that the council was not paying its pensioners and workers in US dollars, and cannot therefore force residents, some of whom are its employees, to pay in US dollars. MDC-T councillors plot to rip off Gweru Gweru City Council Gweru mayor Hamutendi Kombayi

NewsHawks News Page 19 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 NATHAN GUMA THE Supreme Court has dismissed an appeal by the National Pharmaceutical Company (NatPharm) which was seeking to nullify a High Court ruling that its contract with the controversial Drax Consult Salg (Drax) is valid. A panel comprising Justices Joseph Musakwa, Chinembiri Bhunu and George Chiweshe heard the matter and threw the appeal out by reading only the operative part of their judgement. They said full reasons will be handed down in due course. Drax was represented by Advocate Edley Mubaiwa. The contract between Drax and NatPharm was for the supply of medicines and medical sundries.Drax approached the High Court contesting a 2020 arbitral award nullifying the tender it had been granted for the supply of the medicines and surgical sundries. The contract was brusquely cancelled after a national public outcry following corruption allegations surrounding it. Drax local representative Delish Nguwaya and former Health minister Obadiah Moyo were later arrested over corruption charges relating to the contract. They have however been cleared of the charges while three NatPharm top executives have since been removed from remand over the same charges. Drax attorney Everson Samkange said the media sensationalised the issue yet everything was above board. “Quite clearly the contract had an uproar in terms of publicity some people, several sections of the media had their various interpretations to the contract, but what this judgement then means…because it is from the highest court, means that all those negative allegations that were being levelled against the contractors were without basis and without foundation, and were just being made to smear their good standing. In my view once the highest court in the land has pronounced that the contract is valid . . . it means that all those statements that were to the contrary cannot be taken seriously. It also means that the people who were dismissed by the media had actually done absolutely a large role,” said Samkange. In coming up with the judgement, Justice Chinamora noted that the Procurement Regulations of Zimbabwe Authority Zimbabwe (Praz) gave authority to NatPharm to act in accordance with a resolution that had been made in procuring the required medicines and surgical sundries. Chinamhora said it is not disputed that on 11 December 2019, the parties entered into an agreement for the supply of medicines and medical sundries by the former to the latter under Tender NAT DP19/2019. “Pursuant to this agreement, the applicant delivered medical supplies worth US$2 733 480 to the respondent. However, the respondent refused to take delivery of medicines with a value of US$210 000, which the applicant avers are sitting at Robert Mugabe International Airport. “The respondent argued, inter alia, that the contract was concluded in contravention of section 15 (1) and (2) of the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Act (Chapter 22:23), in this instance referred to as the Public Procurement Act,” said the judge. The leaked letters had established that Drax International was first awarded a contract worth US$20 million to supply medical equipment and medicines and another US$40 million for the supply of Covid-19 medicine and personal protective equipment by NatPharm. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s wife Auxillia and son Collins were also implicated as the alleged beneficiaries of the deal. Drax had submitted that the cancellation was unlawful. In its arguments, Drax drew the court’s attention to a letter dated 6 November 2019 written by Praz chief executive officer Nyasha Chizu to the managing director of NatPharm. Chinamhora ruled that the net effect of so doing is that Praz gave authority to NatPharm to act in accordance with that resolution in procuring the required medicines and surgical sundries. “There is nothing ambiguous about the letter of 6 November 2019. That letter requires no elaborate interpretational aids to decipher its meaning. “Given the straightforwardness of its language, it is inevitable to remark that the contention that authority was given by SPOC [Special Procurement Oversight Committee] and not Praz is an untenable mirage not supportable by facts. “Consequently, I find no conceivable reason for ascribing to SPOC the authority to procure medical supplies from the applicant. Quite clearly, the said letter satisfies the requirements of section 15 (1) and (2) of the Procurement Act,” said the judge. He added: “It seems to boggle the minds that the arbitrators found that the contract between the applicant and the respondent was illegal and unenforceable for want of compliance with section 15 of the Procurement Act.” The High Court also accused Praz of approaching the court in bad faith. Drax contract valid: Court Former Health minister Obadiah Moyo (left) with Drax local representative Delish Nguwaya

Page 20 News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 BERNARD MPOFU CHINA has accounted for more than half of investment licences issued by Zimbabwean authorities during the first quarter of the year amid a boom in global demand for lithium as commercial and domestic consumers of energy migrate to alternative sources of energy, official figures obtained by The NewsHawks have shown. Lithium is becoming a highly sought-after commodity in the drive to achieve a net-zero global economy. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has warned that by 2030 the global economy would have to have reduced its greenhouse gas emissions by at least 25% in order to meet the goal set in the 2015 Paris Climate Accords to limit the global temperature increase to 1.5°C. One way of achieving this goal is by taking steps to reduce global carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions to net zero by 2050. Statistics from the Zimbabwe Investment and Development Agency (Zida) have shown that more than a third of total investments registered between January and March 2023 have come from China, as Zimbabwe seeks to become a significant player in the lithium industry. The figures show that China accounted for 72 out of 116 investment licences issued by source country during the first quarter of the year. The world's second-largest economy is followed by Zimbabwe which has just 12 applications while India and United Kingdom are a distant third and fourth respectively. Official figures obtained from Zida also show that the value of total actual investment recorded during the first quarter of this year stood at US$154.5 million which comprised capital equipment from abroad US$64.45 million; equity US$26.86 million; loans US$2.41 and local assets of US$60,77 million respectively, which includes local funds and raw materials. “The global boom in renewable energy has seen an increase in the number of investor inquiries into the sector, with the processing of applications underway,” reads the first-quarter (Q1) report. “In Q1 2023, 36% of all licences were issued to lithium investors (prospecting, mining and processing). The strong trend began in 2022 and is expected to continue for the rest of 2023 and beyond.” Zida says while there has been increased interest in the mining sector, particularly mining, the authority also expects the manufacturing sector to draw “significant” investment in the coming year. “We have noticed that over the years, a certain number of investors move on to different sectors and start investing in different investors,” said Silibaziso Chizwina, Zida's chief investment promotion officer, during a media engagement workshop. “Based on what has been happening over the years, we think that we can achieve US$2 billion retention investment into the country in 2023. In order to do this, we have to bring the right kind of investment in the right investor.” Experts say as the global economy transitions towards a net-zero scenario, the demand for raw minerals which are critical to many clean energy technologies will increase. Such minerals include lithium, copper and nickel. The International Energy Agency estimates that by 2040 the global demand for these vital minerals may exceed the current demand for coal. Open sources show that the production and processing operations for lithium are concentrated mainly in Australia, Chile and Brazil. According to the World Economic Forum, 540 000 metric tonnes of lithium were mined globally in 2021. This is expected to increase to 1.5 million metric tonnes and 3 million metric tonnes by 2025 and 2030 respectively. Such figures pale in comparison to the approximately 10 million metric tonnes of untapped lithium resources that are believed to be present at the Bikita lithium project. Experts estimate that 20% of the world’s lithium demand can be met by Zimbabwe if it fully exploits its reserves. State of the lithium sector Efforts to increase lithium production are now seen as the silver lining on Zimbabwe’s wobbling economy. Authorities have projected to build a US$12 billion mining industry by year end, with gold, lithium, platinum group metals and chrome at the centre of this ambitious project. The country, which is battling high levels of inflation and a weakening currency, among other socio-economic problems, has the largest lithium reserve in Africa and the sixth largest in the world. Zimbabwe is also estimated to have the highest number of lithium projects under exploration on the African continent. While there have been concerns over the exploration of the mineral by some local communities, the southern African country has reported enormous investment in the lithium industry. Pressure groups say a surge in applications filed through the country’s investment promotion agency should prompt the authorities to review regulations for the mineral. Public outcry over lithium mining in areas such as Bikita and Mutoko as well as the smuggling and under-declaration of the mineral have been blamed for fueling illicit financial flows in the country. Who is mining lithium in Zimbabwe? Zimbabwe has reported some major lithium projects since 2021 and these include: the US$422 million deal where Zhejiang Huayou (world’s biggest producer of cobalt) acquired controlling rights to Zimbabwe’s Arcadia mine [Prospect Lithium (Pvt) Ltd]; the Premier African Minerals Limited joint venture agreement with Li3 Resources Inc to acquire a 50% interest in Premier’s lithium assets located in Mutare; the acquisition of a 100% stake in African Metals Management Services and Southern African Metals and Minerals by Hong Kong's Sinomine for US$180 million (Bikita Lithium Mine); and, more recently, the potential acquisition of a Zimbabwean lithium mine between China Natural Resources Inc, Feishang Group Limited and Top Pacific (China) Limited valued at approximately US$1.75 billion. Just this week, Prospect Lithium's US$300 million spodumene, petalite and tantalite processing plant, widely regarded as the largest in Africa, was showcased as Chinese giant Hayou Cobalt expands its footprint in Zimbabwe. The 4.5 million tonnes annual capacity plant has already shipped over 30 000 tonnes of lithium concentrates since commercial production began in April this year. "Prospect Lithium Zimbabwe has so far earned about US$40 million from shipments of 30 000 tonnes of lithium since April and our quest is to become a market leader in the renewable and technologies market hence our commitment to ensure that Zimbabwe is on top of the sector," said Prospect Lithium Zimbabwe chairperson, George Fang. Red Rock Resources, the UK exploration company, expects to commence test production of lithium in Zimbabwe this year, after acquiring prospects in Bikita and Arcturus last year. What authorities are doing to boost earnings from lithium The most significant recent development in the lithium mining space has been the ban on the export of unprocessed lithium imposed by the Zimbabwean government in December 2022. This ban came by way of Statutory Instrument 213 of 2022, otherwise known as the Base Minerals Export Control (Lithium Bearing Ores and Unbeneficiated Lithium) Order, 2022. In terms of the regulations, no lithium-bearing ores, or unbeneficiated lithium whatsoever, shall be exported from Zimbabwe to another country except with a written permit from the minister of Mines and Mining Development The government hopes that the ban will, in the long term, unlock more benefits from lithium extraction in the nation through value addition, as it may trigger the relocation to, and setting up of processing firms in Zimbabwe, especially in the manufacturing space. China intensifies lithium interest as global demand for renewable energy surges

NewsHawks News Page 21 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 NATHAN GUMA A CIVIL society organisation, the Centre for Natural Resource Governance (CNRG), has challenged Treasury to come clean on how much the country is making from lithium mined by Chinese-run Bikita Minerals, amid allegations of opaque operations, The NewsHawks has learnt. In May, mining was suspended at the Sinomine Resource Group-run Bikita Minerals for a week after CNRG had raised a red flag amid allegations that more than 40 trucks were leaving the mine with lithium ore. According to CNRG, the situation has intensified with over 42 trucks leaving the mine, while workers are operating 24 hours a day, raising questions on the destination of the lithium. While Zimbabwe has imposed a ban on the exportation of unprocessed lithium, companies developing mines and processing plants have however been exempt, among them Sinomine and Chengxin Lithium Group. The Zimbabwe Defence Industries (ZDI) has also been given the green light to export raw lithium to China. “They are now operating at three shifts per day, the first one between 6AM-2PM, 2PM10PM and 10PM to 6AM. They are harvesting like there is no tomorrow,” said Farai Maguwu, CNRG director. “So, mining activity is happening there nonstop, and no one knows what Zimbabwe is getting from the mineral. In Latin America, they are locking down the mineral as they have understood that it is a transitional mineral that is highly on demand. So they are making policies to nationalise their lithium to ensure that government is in control. “And then, in terms of exports, we were told that there are at least 42 trucks were leaving the area daily [in Bikita]. The problem is: What is Zimbabwe getting from this? The Chinese know that their operations may not go on forever, such that they are maximising the extraction. “They have expanded the area where they have been doing open cast mining, ever since they took over last year. The volume of production was about 500-700 tonnes per day of the ore,” Maguwu told The NewsHawks. Bikita Minerals spokesperson Collen Nikisi did not respond to questions sent to him via email. Lithium has been touted to turn around the national economy. Latest statistics by the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency show that the mining of metal ores was the main driver in the mining industry, accounting for 78.1% of mining value added. These include gold, platinum group metals (PGMs), nickel, and lithium among others. Metal ores that recorded significant growth in 2022 were: gold 18%, PGMs and lithium 236%. Despite lithium’s enormous contribution, mining has been trailing wholesale and retail trade as the top contributors to the national gross domestic product (GDP). Mining contributed 13.2%, falling behind wholesale and retail which contributed 18.7%. Agriculture comes third, contributing 12%, while manufacturing and finance and insurance have contributed 11.2% and 8.2% respectively. While cabinet has approved the beneficiation policy, the country has not yet fully operationalised value addition and beneficiation programmes, leaving the mineral prone to smuggling. The country has been losing lithium through porous borders. An investigation by The NewsHawks published in April exposed lithium smuggling from the Mudzi and Mutoko areas via Nyamapanda Border Post. Another investigation by Zela in February revealed that foreign buyers are smuggling lithium ore, which is bought in bulk from artisanal miners. For instance, during one of Zela’s visits to mining sites in Mberengwa, there were various buyers of lithium who were operating haulage trucks at night. In one incident, the investigative team observed a fleet of seven haulage trucks headed for Mberengwa around 7pm. However, the following day, it was noted that only two trucks had been fully loaded overnight and left. It also emerged that the lithium miners sell their ore to buyers, who also drive at night to these remote areas for collection, according to the report. Govt transparency critical on lithium mining proceeds

Page 22 News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 NATHAN GUMA FORMER Zimbabwean gold heavyweight Falcon Gold has been barred from carrying out mining operations at its 11 gold claims by the High Court. This follows a successful urgent court application by Mines minister Winston Chitando seeking an interdict barring Falcon and Nyamazane Gold (Pvt) from conducting operations at the disputed mines. The mines were identified as Antelope East 2, Antelope 9, Antelope East Extension, Antelope East Extension 2, Antelope East, Antelope 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, and Antelope 11. Chitando sought an interdict pending determination of a Supreme Court appeal filed under Case No. SC 398/22. Justice Happias Zhou sitting at the Harare High Court granted the interim relief. “Pending determination of this matter, the applicant is granted the following relief, that the respondents forthwith stop carrying on mining operations at the mining claims known as Antelope East 2, Antelope 9, Antelope East Extension, Antelope East Extension 2, Antelope East, Antelope 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6, and Antelope 11,” ruled the judge. Falcon Gold was the holder of certificates of registration in respect of the mining claims referred to above. The said mining claims were given to Nyamazane Gold to work on in terms of a tribute agreement between the parties. Nyamazane was thus carrying out mining on the claims. According to court papers, in April 2022 the applicant cancelled Falcon Gold’s certificates in respect of the claims, placing reliance on the provisions of section 400 (1) of the Mines and Minerals Act [Chapter 21:05]. Falcon Gold and Nyamazane Gold cited as the respondents then approached the High Court challenging the minister’s decision to cancel the certificates under Case No. HC 2952/22. The application was dismissed on 10 August 2022. On 15 August 2022, the two noted an appeal to the Supreme Court HH 403-23 HC 4038/23 against the judgment in HC 2952/22. The appeal was filed under Case No. HC 398/22. The judgment in the Supreme Court appeal has not yet been delivered but the parties advised that the appeal has since been argued. In response to the filing of the notice of appeal, the applicant filed a chamber application for leave to execute the judgment in HC 2952/22 pending the determination of the appeal noted against it. The application was filed under Case No. HC 6416/22. The application was dismissed in default of the minister, properly so because there was no judgment in his favour which the applicant could possibly have sought to execute upon. Chitando states that the respondents had advised that they were not carrying on any mining activities. He said the respondents were actually carrying out mining activities and that they were not declaring the output from such activities. Chitando then instituted an investigation following which a report was produced showing, among other revelations, that there was mining taking place at the mine and, also, that the milling plant was operational and processing ore from some of the claims. In opposition, the respondents objected in limine to consideration of the merits of the application on the grounds that the certificate of urgency is invalid by reason of having been done and signed by a legal practitioner from the civil division of the Attorney-General's Office; and (b) the matter was, in any event not urgent. The objection based on the ground that the applicant had approached the court with dirty hands was not persisted with. On the merits, Falcon and Nyamazane stated that they only commenced the actual mining in May 2023. They produced returns on output and disposal forms for the period from which they commenced mining, as well as the returns for the period prior to the commissioning of the plant. The respondents also produced labour returns. The documents produced and the averments made were meant to show that the respondents were rendering the returns in respect of output. “I heard arguments on both the objections in limine and the substantive merits of the matter and advised that my determination on the preliminary objections would inform whether or not I would proceed to consider the merits of the application. In other words, if any of the objections in limine was upheld then the merits would not be considered,” said Justice Zhou in his determination. The respondents' second ground of objection was that the matter is not urgent. The respondents postulate three possible dates when, in their contention, the need for the applicant to act arose. The first date alleged is 20 July 2022 when the applicant wrote a letter to the respondents ordering them to cease mining operations. The second asserted date is 15 August 2022 which was when the applicant filed an application for leave to execute under Case No. HC 6416/22. Finally, the respondents referred to their notice of 16 January 2023 in terms of which they notified the applicant of their intention to commence operations at the site. The minister said that the need to act arose on or about 13 June 2023. This was after it had received information that the respondents were conducting mining operations at the mines notwithstanding previous assertions that no such mining was underway. Following receipt of that information, the minister instituted an investigation which resulted in the report that confirmed that indeed the respondents were mining at the disputed sites. The respondents have also confirmed that they are carrying out mining activities on the claims, and have been conducting such activities from May 2023. “Accordingly, the matter satisfies the requirements for an urgent hearing. The objection to its urgent hearing is therefore dismissed," said the judge. The judge also said the respondents' counsel made no meaningful submissions in respect of the issue of the right, understandably because the applicant is the authority who is responsible for the administration of the Mines and Minerals Act [Chapter 21:05], and has the authority to issue and cancel title to mining claims. “He exercised that right. The challenge to the exercise of the right failed. While an appeal against a judgment has the effect of suspending the operation of the judgment appealed against, such an appeal does not prior to its determination nullify the judgment. “The dismissal of the respondents' application means that the cancellation of the certificates remains extant. It was not disturbed by the outcome of the judgment; neither was it affected by the noting of the appeal. “This means that the applicant has a clear right in relation to the mining claims in question. “Given that the applicant has proved and the respondents have confirmed that they are carrying on mining operations, the injury has not only been shown to have been committed, it is continuing. “As shown by the authorities, there is no need to show irreparable harm or the risk thereof. This renders misplaced the submission made on behalf of the respondent which focused predominantly on the issue of the risk of irreparable harm," said Zhou. The judge also said the prejudice is occasioned by the continued mining on claims over which the respondents have no title. “The prejudice is irreparable because once mined the mineral is exhausted. If the respondents' appeal is dismissed yet they have continued mining the applicant will not be able to recover the minerals that they would have extracted,” he said. Falcon and Nyamazane had submitted that the minister has an alternative remedy, because if the respondents fail to produce the returns it can impose a fine. The judge however said the alternative remedy must be satisfactory in the sense of achieving the desired result. He said a fine, even if subsequently imposed, does not have the effect of stopping the respondents from carrying on the mining operations. “There is therefore no alternative remedy to the injunction that is being sought herein. He said in considering the balance of convenience the court must weigh the prejudice to the minister if the interim relief is refused against the harm to the respondents if the relief is granted. Falcon Gold operations halted Mines minister Winston Chitando

NewsHawks News Page 23 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 How Tagwirei paid for mines A POLITICALLY-connected oil tycoon moved the suspected funds from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) to the City of London using fronts, false invoices and offshore financial façades, documents reveal. In 2019, Zimbabwean presidential advisor Kudakwashe Tagwirei used Sotic International, a Mauritian company acted as his front to disguise his involvement, to buy two Zimbabwean mines — Bindura Nickel and Freda Rebecca Gold Mine — for US$29.5 million (R431 million, £23 million) from ASA Resource Group (ASA), a bankrupt firm that was being run by British company administrators Duff & Phelps (now known as Kroll). At the time of the purchase, accusations of corruption and cronyism had already been swirling around Tagwirei for years. South African directors, Mauritian company agents and offshore financiers — all of whom deny that their work for Sotic involved wrongdoing — created structures that had the effect of disguising where the money came from. At least one member of the Duff & Phelps team had reason to know there was a link between Sotic and Tagwirei’s oil company, Sakunda Holdings, emails show. The payments by Sotic to purchase Bindura Nickel and Freda Rebecca Gold Mine took place in three stages: a deposit made in July 2019 and two payments in October 2019. Each stage involved behaviour that raises questions and may carry policy implications when it comes to deterring powerful and connected individuals from exploiting the system: 1. The favour: During the period when Sotic was getting the funds to pay the £2.3 million deposit, Sotic’s Zimbabwean subsidiary, Landela Investments, obtained hard currency from the RBZ at a favourable exchange rate when cashing in a US$60 million portion of a large Treasury Bill given to Sakunda, telling the RBZ that some of the funds were needed to buy Bindura Nickel. Tagwirei and the RBZ deny that the rate was favourable. 2. The fake: To get money into Mauritius from Zimbabwe for Sotic’s second £12 million payment, South African directors created invoices for exports that could not be found in Zimbabwe’s official customs records, raising questions as to whether trade misinvoicing, a technique commonly used in trade-based money laundering, had occurred. The directors discussed these invoices openly in internal emails, describing a US$3.5 million payment as being ‘‘in the guise of cooking oil. Don’t worry. The money is for ASA’’. The directors declined to supply documents showing the invoiced deliveries had been made, citing confidentiality, but deny any wrongdoing. 3. The façade: For the final £8.7 million payment, Tagwirei moved his money into Sotic via a complex offshore façade that had the effect of disguising the source of funds, according to internal messages and financial records. Those involved state that the transaction was legitimate and dispute that Sotic was a front company for Tagwirei. A mystery remains regarding whether Tagwirei was the only person behind Sotic. In confidential messages reviewed in connection with this report, Tagwirei claimed that the government of Zimbabwe owned 65 per cent of Sotic, while he held the remainder. Emails show that Zimbabwean government officials, including ‘HE’ — likely His Excellency President Emmerson Mnangagwa — and the permanent secretary at the finance ministry, took a close interest in Sotic’s affairs. For example, in a separate transaction that also took place in mid-2019, Foreign Minister SB Moyo forwarded Sotic’s US$1.2 billion pre-financing proposal to the state-owned National Oil Infrastructure Company (NOIC), proposing an upfront loan in return for discounted access to Zimbabwe’s only oil pipeline. NOIC’s board noted that as the term sheet of Sotic’s loan proposal had already been signed by the RBZ governor, the decision to accept the proposal had already been made. After Tagwirei was sanctioned for corruption by the US government in 2020, control of Bindura Nickel and Freda Rebecca Gold Mine shifted from Sotic to Kuvimba Mining, which is 65 per cent owned by the Zimbabwean state and 35 per cent owned by companies and trusts linked to Tagwirei. — The Sentry and Open Secrets.

Page 24 NewsHawks News Issue 139, 7 July 2023 PRISCA TSHUMA HOSPITALITY group Rainbow Tourism Group (RTG) is in the process of acquiring the iconic Montclair Hotel and Casino (Private) Limited in Juliasdale, Nyanga, for about US$6 million, The NewsHawks has established. Montclair is a getaway resort, owned by a consortium of 23 indigenous shareholders, running Briolette Services (Pvt) Limited. The hotel features an in-house casino and 85 rooms. It has a nine-hole golf course. The RTG’s bid was accepted on Monday. The hospitality group has been trying to acquire the hotel since November last year alongside two other bidders, Sterling Hotel Group and the Public Service Commission. Zimbabwean-owned Sterling Group of Hotels has three properties, an executive boutique hotel in Borrowdale, Harare, with 14 rooms, another one in Mvurwi with 28 rooms and 18 villas. The group recently opened a 62-room hotel in Bulawayo. Sterling Hotels has been expanding its footprint in the country through buying properties, having invested US$6 million in the tourism industry. If they had won the bid of acquiring Montclaire, their investment would have doubled to US$12 million. Efforts to get a comment from Josh Sachikonye, the board chair of the consortium which owns Montclair, were fruitless while Bongani Zamchiya, another shareholder, was not reachable. A manager at Montclair, who preferred to be identified only by his first name Vincent, however called back and said “from the hotel side, we have no information about a change in ownership. If it is happening, we are yet to be told.” RTG corporate communications and innovations manager Pride Khumbula declined to comment. “We have no comment on the matter,” she said. RTG however issued a cautionary statement on Thursday confirming the group was acquiring a business in the tourism industry. “The Board of Directors of Rainbow Tourism Group Limited wishes to advise all shareholders and the investing public that the Company is currently engaged in negotiations for a potential transaction involving the acquisition of a complementary business. If successfully concluded, the transaction may have a material effect on the price of the company’s securities,” announced company secretary Tapiwa Mari. “Shareholders are therefore advised to exercise caution and to consult their professional advisers when dealing in the company’s securities until finalisation of the aforementioned matter.” This acquisition would fulfil one of the 2023 projections made by the group chairperson in March, in a commentary accompanying the company’s financial statements for the year ended 31 December 2022. “The Board is considering various options that are designed to increase value for shareholders such as the following; expansion of the Group’s hotels portfolio in carefully selected areas around Zimbabwe. A focus on technology and digitisation through the activation and expansion of the Gateway Stream mobile application. A focus on expanding the Group’s reach in the tourism value chain through investment in the tour operations and Heritage Expeditions Africa,” said Douglas Hoto. He added that the group was focusing on disciplined, profitable growth that would enable the company to invest in the future while providing an acceptable return to shareholders. RTG’s US$6m swoop on Montclair Montclair Hotel and Casino (Private) Limited in Juliasdale, Nyanga.

News Page 25 HIGH-END French real estate has long attracted illicit funds. Analysis by OCCRP’s Latin America team and partners shows how alleged money launderers, officials accused of corruption, and other dubious figures have bought property in Paris and elsewhere. The second-floor balcony of an ornate Parisian property overlooks the street near the Arc de Triomphe. Inside, a stylish hallway leads to a courtyard filled with plants. A doorbell reads “Zacarias” — but when a reporter rings, no one answers. Some neighbors say they don’t know the family; others say they haven’t seen them since the COVID-19 pandemic. The apparently vacant apartment was bought in 2016 by a company set up by relatives of a former Venezuelan cabinet minister whose family is accused of handling tens of millions of dollars in suspected bribes. They are just one example of several high-profile Latin Americans investigated for corruption or criminal activity who have sunk money into French real estate, an investigation by OCCRP’s Latin America team and its partners found. Other buyers of high-end French listings included a former Peruvian president suspected of taking bribes, a Venezuelan investigated over allegedly fraudulent dealings with the state oil company, and the son of a former Brazilian minister investigated for alleged corruption. In all but one of these examples, the people were investigated in connection with Operation Car Wash (“Lavo Jato”), a massive corruption and money laundering scandal in Brazil that revealed billions of dollars in state funds had been siphoned away in corrupt deals. France’s abundance of high-end property, particularly in Paris and on the French Riviera, make it an attractive destination for dirty money. While the country has relatively open property registries, anti-corruption advocates say lax enforcement and loopholes still make it possible to use French real estate purchases to launder money and hide illicit funds. As a result, over two-thirds of French real estate owned through companies is held anonymously, Transparency International and the Anti-Corruption Data Collective said in a report based on available data on French company and real estate ownership. “We have known for a long time that luxury French real estate is hot property for criminals and the corrupt looking to stash and clean their ill-gotten gains. Transparency measures of recent years should have been game-changing, but we have a long way to go to ensure that these tools achieve their full potential,” Maíra Martini, an expert on corrupt money flows at Transparency International, said in a statement accompanying the release of the report. William Bourdon, a French lawyer and anti-corruption advocate, said that the “prestige” of places such as Paris, the Caribbean island of Saint-Barthélemy, and the French Riviera, can encourage international money laundering. “The result is a particularly attractive real estate market, which makes it possible to launder substantial sums,” he said. The findings highlight the importance of “beneficial ownership” registries, or records of who owns what. Such information forms a crucial part of the database, but has become harder to obtain in some countries after the European Union’s highest court shot down rules last year that had required member states to keep such information available. Eight member states immediately closed their registers to the general public after the decision. France initially restricted access to its register, but then announced the registry would remain open “pending the adoption of a new legal framework at the EU level.” Here are some of the key findings from the investigation: Venezuela: In-Laws of Minister Accused of Taking Bribes Owned 2-Million-Euro Paris Apartment Reporters found that close relatives of Haiman El Troudi, former transport minister of Venezuela, own a 2-milInternational InvestigativeStories Luxury French real estate of alleged Latin American money launderers and officials accused of corruption Saint Barthélemy island, where the Oberto brothers registered their company and acquired property. NewsHawks International Investigative Stories Issue 139, 7 July 2023

Page 26 International Investigative Stories News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 lion-euro apartment in Paris. El Troudi served as transport minister from 2013 to 2015, and then as a member of parliament from 2015 to 2020. The apartment, located on the exclusive Rue du Faubourg Saint-Honoré in Paris, is held in the name of a Paris-registered company — Saint Mathis 238, since renamed SCI Republic — which was set up in 2016. The owners of the company are El Troudi’s mother-in-law and her son. A couple years before the apartment was purchased, tens of millions of dollars in suspected bribes from Odebrecht, the Brazilian construction firm at the heart of the “Car Wash” scandal, flowed into multiple bank accounts which were controlled by El Troudi’s wife, Maria Eugenia Baptista Zacarias, and his mother-in-law, Elita del Valle Zacarías Díaz, according to European investigators. A 2020 Portuguese investigation document — first reported by the Miami Herald and Armando.info — shows that Portuguese investigators believed El Troudi’s wife was behind a Panama-registered offshore company, Cresswell Overseas S.A., which had received more than $90 million in alleged bribes from Odebrecht. A separate set of documents from Switzerland, seen by reporters, showed that Swiss authorities had found that El Troudi’s wife and mother controlled eight bank accounts in the country, which collectively held 42 million euros. The authorities linked certain payments to contracts to build the Caracas metro system, which El Troudi was overseeing. In July 2017, Venezuela’s state prosecutor’s office publicly stated it would summon the two women for alleged involvement in the bribery scheme. But in 2018, a Venezuelan judge dismissed the case against El Troudi’s wife and mother-in-law. The prosecutor assigned to the case said he was forced into exile the same year. El Troudi does not appear to have faced any charges. Portuguese and Venezuelan authorities did not respond to requests for comment on the case’s status. The Swiss attorney general’s office declined to comment. Reporters attempted to reach El Troudi by text message, and left letters at addresses listed for his family in French documents, but received no reply. The Paris property is not far from the historic Champs Elysées and Arc de Triomphe. When reporters visited, they found the name “Zacarias” on the doorbell of a seemingly empty apartment. Reporters were also able to link El Troudi’s mother-in-law and her son to two other Paris apartments, one in the same building and another on the same street. French registry documents show that a company called Santa Elena Estates Inc. bought one of these apartments for about 2.3 million euros and the other for about 1.2 million euros, both in July 2012. Santa Elena Estates Inc. was set up in the Caribbean island nation of St. Kitts and Nevis in March 2012, just a few months before the properties were purchased, and its directors were listed as Elita del Valle Zacarías Díaz, and her son Pedro Donaciano Baptista Zacarias, according to documents found in the Pandora Papers, a massive leak of documents obtained by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists and shared with OCCRP and partners. French records show that one of the properties — the one purchased for 1.2 million euros — was sold in November last year for around 966,000 euros. The records show Elita and her son were still directors of Santa Elena Estates at the time of the sale. Venezuela: Businessman Reportedly Investigated for Money Laundering Bought 19.9 Million Euros Worth of French Land Property records show that Luis Oberto, a Venezuelan businessman reportedly investigated for money laundering, has bought multiple expensive properties on the French island of Saint-Barthélemy. One of the companies, Bucefalus, was set up in 2012. From late 2012 to early 2013, it bought a plot of land and two connected properties — a main house and a smaller unit — on Saint-Barthélemy for a total of 19.9 million euros. Another company, Ganesha, which Oberto owns with his wife, was founded in 2008 to acquire a three-bedroom villa on Saint Barthélemy for 2.24 million euros. In 2013, it exchanged this property, plus nine million euros, for a three-bedroom beachside villa worth 11.4 million euros. The beachside property features a swimming pool, garden, and covered terrace. According to a 2019 report in the Miami Herald, Luis Oberto and his brother have been investigated for money laundering in the U.S. The report quoted sources familiar with the investigation as saying the brothers were suspected of receiving billions of dollars into Swiss bank accounts, which had been misappropriated through fake loans to the Venezuelan state oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A., known as PDVSA. Over $4.8 billion was allegedly embezzled through the overall scheme. U.S. officials did not respond to requests for comment on the case, and U.S. court records did not show any ongoing case. Last year, Venezuela’s prosecutor said an arrest warrant had been issued for Oberto and his brother, but no other details were immediately available. Venezuelan authorities did not respond to requests for comment on the case. French records seen by reporters show that Ganesha and Bucefalus’ properties in Saint Barthélemy were seized by French authorities in February and March 2022 as part of an ongoing money laundering investigation led by the Paris prosecutor’s office. Documents related to the probe, seen by reporters, said that the Bucefalus properties were purchased with money transfers from bank accounts held by two offshore companies — Violet Advisors S.A. and Welka Holdings Limited, both of which Venezuelan prosecutors had linked to the alleged PDVSA scheme. Lawyers for the Oberto brothers did not respond to requests for comment. Brazil: Son of Former Minister Targeted in ‘Car Wash’ Owns 1.4-Million-Euro Paris Apartment Reporters found that Márcio Lobão, son of a former Brazilian senator, owned a 110-square-meter, three-bedroom apartment in the heart of Paris. In 2019, Brazilian authorities filed money laundering and corruption charges against Márcio Lobão and corruption charges against his father, Edison Lobão, who they alleged had received some 50 million reais ($12 million) from Odebrecht and the waste management company Estre Group in connection with the Car Wash scandal. Márcio was briefly detained, but his father was not arrested. The two are now on trial in Brazil’s Federal District Court. In January 2021, Márcio and his brother Edison Filho were also targets of a search and seizure operation, an offshoot of the investigation that had detained Márcio in 2019. Charges were not brought against Filho and the current status of that case is unclear. The Paris property, located near a Gucci store in the wealthy sixth arrondissement, was purchased for 1.4 million euros in October 2008 through his company SCI Guignard, where his children and wife were also partners. The building is cast in the classic Parisian “Haussmann” style, and features an inner courtyard. When reporters visited the property in April 2023, they found a doorbell marked “Guignard,” but no one answered when they rang. A neighbor confirmed that Márcio was sometimes seen staying in the apartment, most recently in February. The property was not mentioned in Car Wash case court documents seen by reporters, though a judicial decision authorizing Lobão’s 2019 arrest did show he made deposits into bank accounts he held in France. Lobão’s lawyer said that his client had properly declared all his assets. He also stressed that Lobão had not been found guilty of any of the allegations in the Car Wash scandal and said that the 50 million reais figure stated by the prosecutor was “incorrect.” “It is important to note that the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office has not succeeded in proving any of its accusations up to this moment,” he said. Peru: Former President’s Paris Apartment Quietly Sold For 1.4 Million Euros in 2013 After serving a term as Peru’s president in the 1980s, Alan García fled the country in 1992 to escape the authoritarian regime of Alberto Fujimori. He came first to Colombia, where he was granted asylum, and later started traveling to France. Media reports from the time suggest he lived between the two countries until 2001. In November 1997, García and his wife bought a four-bedroom apartment in the upscale 16th arrondissement in Paris, along with a cellar space and a separate small bedroom on the seventh floor in the same building, for about 2.5 million francs, worth around $430,000 at the time. The property is located on a quiet side street near the Avenue Henri-Martin thoroughfare. Around that time, García and his then-wife set up a company called SCI FIDES, divided its shares equally, and donated them to their four children — all but one of whom were minors at the time. Peru’s congress began investigating García for alleged corruption and illicit enrichment while in office. But the statute of limitations expired in 2001, and he returned to Peru that year and ran for president again. As García campaigned, a congressman named Fernando Olivera filed a complaint with Peru’s attorney general about García’s purchase of the Paris apartment, according to media reports from the time. García did not win that year, but eventually retook the presidency five years later. The income or asset statements he filed at the time only listed three properties in Lima. In the final year of his second term, 2011, García then said in a sworn statement that he did not have any movable or immovable property in the country or abroad. In October 2013, García’s Paris apartment was sold, along with other properties, for about 1.4 million euros. By that time, Peru’s congress and its Public Ministry — a government entity similar to a prosecutor’s office — were again investigating García for alleged illicit enrichment regarding his property purchases in Lima. After leaving the presidency, García was also caught up in the Brazilian Car Wash money laundering and corruption investigation. In April 2019, a preliminary 10-day arrest warrant was issued against him as prosecutors prepared charges that he took bribes from the Brazilian construction firm Odebrecht. He committed suicide just as he was about to be arrested. Reporters attempted to contact García’s wife through the family’s lawyer but did not receive a response. — Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project. Rue du Faubourg Saint-Honoré, Paris. Credit: Audrey Travère

Page 27 The Australian Treasury building in Canberra. Australian govt spikes plan to force companies to disclose global tax data Following pushback from business groups, the Australian government has scaled back a new law meant to crack down on profit-shifting by some of the world’s biggest companies. MULTINATIONAL firms have won a reprieve from a new law that would have forced them to publicly disclose the taxes they pay around the world. In late June, and just days before a self-imposed deadline to implement the plan, the Australian government backed away from its commitment to a public country-by-country reporting scheme that would have required companies to provide detailed accounts of their global operations from July 1. The decision came after intense lobbying from business interests, which warned that the proposed legislation would harm Australia’s global economic competitiveness. The proposed legislation, which represented a campaign promise from the ruling Labor Party, would have required all companies with global revenues over AU$1 billion (roughly $668 million at the time of writing) to publicly disclose the assets they hold, the taxes they pay, and their effective tax rate in each country where they operate. This public country-by-country reporting was intended to crack down on corporate profit-shifting, which a 2021 UN report estimated cost the countries where those profits are made $500 billion to $650 billion per year. In late June, however, the government introduced new legislation that weakened the data disclosure requirements and delayed implementation of the new law until July 2024. A diverse range of multinational companies pressured the government to adopt this shift, arguing that the new rules could force firms to publish commercially sensitive data and would go beyond new transparency regulations being implemented by the European Union. A coalition of global fund management groups holding more than $120 trillion in investments lobbied Australia’s Treasurer to rewrite the legislation, The Australian Financial Review reported on June 15. The Business Council of Australia, which includes some of the country’s largest companies, also opposed the legislation, writing that it would “significantly increase the cost of doing business in Australia.” Global technology firms also weighed in against the new disclosure requirements. The Silicon Valley Tax Directors Group, comprised of leading U.S. technology firms such as Alphabet, Apple, Netflix, Meta, and Microsoft, wrote that public country-by-country tax reporting “will seriously undermine existing collaborative relationships between the [Australian Tax Office] and taxpayers.” While the group requested that its letter opposing the legislation be kept confidential, its comments were nonetheless published on the Treasury’s website. Following the release of the Australian government’s amended legislation, Assistant Minister for Competition Andrew Leigh said that Australia will attempt to align its policies with the EU’s rules. While the revised legislation is not as ambitious as the original proposal, some transparency advocates still see it as an important step forward. “While Australia’s delay in implementing public country-by-country reporting is disappointing, the revised measures outlined by the government would still represent a monumental leap forward for international tax transparency,” said Ian Gary, the executive director of the Financial Accountability and Corporate Transparency Coalition. Even under the amended legislation, he said, “Australia would lead the pack in providing investors, lawmakers, and other stakeholders with information that they have been seeking for years.” Those stakeholders must still wait at least another year, however, for the new rules to take effect. Until they do, transparency advocates are going to be anxiously waiting to see whether Australia’s government fulfills its promise to shed light on multinational firms’ profit-shifting practices. — International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 International Investigative Stories

Page 28 NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 The NewsHawks is published on different content platforms by the NewsHawks Digital Media which is owned by Centre for Public Interest Journalism No. 100 Nelson Mandela Avenue Beverly Court, 6th floor Harare, Zimbabwe Trustees/Directors: Beatrice Mtetwa, Raphael Khumalo, Professor Wallace Chuma, Teldah Mawarire, Doug Coltart EDITORIAL STAFF: Managing Editor: Dumisani Muleya Assistant Editor: Brezh Malaba News Editor: Owen Gagare Digital Editor: Bernard Mpofu Reporters: Brenna Matendere, Ruvimbo Muchenje, Enock Muchinjo, Jonathan Mbiriyamveka, Nathan Guma Email: [email protected] SUB EDITORS: Mollen Chamisa, Gumisai Nyoni Business Development Officer: Nyasha Kahondo Cell: +263 71 937 1739 [email protected] Subscriptions & Distribution: +263 71 937 1739 Reaffirming the fundamental importance of freedom of expression and media freedom as the cornerstone of democracy and as a means of upholding human rights and liberties in the constitution; our mission is to hold power in its various forms and manifestations to account by exposing abuse of power and office, betrayals of public trust and corruption to ensure good governance and accountability in the public interest. CARTOON Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe The NewsHawks newspaper subscribes to the Code of Conduct that promotes truthful, accurate, fair and balanced news reporting. If we do not meet these standards, register your complaint with the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe at No.: 34, Colenbrander Rd, Milton Park, Harare. Telephone: 024-2778096 or 024-2778006, 24Hr Complaints Line: 0772 125 659 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] WhatsApp: 0772 125 658, Twitter: @vmcz Website: www.vmcz.co.zw, Facebook: vmcz Zimbabwe Editorial & Opinion This is part of rigging Dumisani Muleya Hawk Eye ON Wednesday, the world was reminded that Zimbabwe is sleep-walking into yet another sham election. Opposition CCC leader Nelson Chamisa was barred by police from addressing a rally at Tshovani Stadium in Chiredzi ahead of the launch of the party’s election manifesto in Bindura on Saturday. The Zimbabwean authorities have no right to arbitrarily ban campaign meetings. What they are doing is unconstitutional and will tarnish an already flawed election. This week, a video clip showing police confronting Chamisa went viral. The youthful opposition leader is standing on the back of a truck, addressing his supporters, when police suddenly demand an abrupt end to the public meeting. Unamused by the unlawful actions of the police, Chamisa asks them why they are behaving that way. He goes further, asking them whether this is how they also treat Emmerson Mnangagwa, the incumbent President. There are no prizes for guessing the answer to that question. When you consider the sum total of such brazenly undemocratic actions, combined with the unsavoury shenanigans of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, the writing is really on the wall: there is no free, fair and credible election to talk about, unless drastic action is taken now to prevent this slow-motion train crash. Where is the electronic voters' roll? Who viciously assaulted the prominent human rights lawyer Obey Shava? Why has Zec scandalously allowed bogus candidates to register on an opposition CCC ticket? These answers must be answered urgently in the national interest and without fear or favour. A rotten election will worsen the Zimbabwean crisis and imperil national survival. For decades, Zimbabwe has been marred by allegations of electoral fraud and the manipulation of electoral processes by the ruling party. These concerning practices undermine the very foundation of democracy, impeding the fair representation of the Zimbabwean people. It is essential to shed light on the unfortunate reality of electoral rigging and its profound consequences on the democratic aspirations of a troubled nation. Every election since 1980 has shown how Zanu PF intimidates and suppresses the opposition, with impunity. The ruling party has resorted to a range of tactics to deter and silence opposition voices. Threats, violence, and harassment against political opponents have become disturbingly common. Even lawmaker is kn the table; Job Sikhala and Jacob Ngarivhume are languishing in prison for simply exersicjng their democratuc rights. Intimidated citizens are less likely to participate in the electoral process, leading to an environment where Zanu PF's support overwhelms the potential influence of those who oppose them. We have also witnessed the abuse of state resources. The ruling party often exploits state resources, using them to bolster their campaign efforts while simultaneously stifling opposition parties. Recently, we saw newly imported state-owned helicopters at a Zanu PF rally. State-controlled media outlets allocate biased coverage, heavily favouring the ruling party and disregarding other political perspectives. This misuse of resources creates an uneven playing field, obstructing fair competition within the electoral arena. Zec has been a veritable theatre of political skulduggery. Electoral laws are consistently manipulated to consolidate the power of the incument. Delimitation was chaotic. Ward and constituency boundaries were altered and redrawn. Urban areas like Harare — a opposition stronghold — should have been allocated additional constituencies, but this was not done. Such practices deliberately dilute and nullify the impact of votes cast against the ruling party, effectively reducing the opposition's chances of prevailing. Voter registration and the inspection of the voters' details were fraught with difficulties. The NewsHawks has reported on the role of Forever Associates of Zimbabwe, a shadowy outfit controlled by the state intelligence service. On what legal basis would any self-respecting election management body allow Faz to accost and intimidate prospective voters at polling stations? An independent and impartial electoral commission is crucial for maintaining the integrity of elections. Regrettably, in Zimbabwe, the electoral commission has been tarnished by allegations of bias in favour of the ruling Zanu PF. The commission's lack of transparency, coupled with its refusal to address legitimate concerns raised by opposition parties diminish public trust and foster an environment conducive to electoral manipulation. Zimbabwe cannot afford another sham election. It is imperative for the African Union, the Southern African Development Community and the rest of the international community to condemn and address the alarming trend of electoral rigging in Zimbabwe. Persistent allegations of voter intimidation, misuse of state resources, manipulation of electoral laws, flawed registration processes, and a compromised electoral commission undermine the fundamental principles of democracy. The Zimbabwean people deserve a fair and transparent electoral system that allows for a free expression of their democratic rights. Only through citizen vigilance and robust international scrutiny can Zimbabwe overcome this brazen subversion of democracy and pave the way towards a more inclusive and democratic future. Sham election not an option

HIGH inflation, rising interest rates, banking turmoil — today’s investment landscape comes with a whole new set of challenges. So where do money market funds stand in this environment? How are investors and money market fund providers responding to the latest market conditions? And could further regulatory reform be on the horizon? It is no secret that the last three years have brought numerous headwinds, from the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 to soaring inflation and the recent collapse of Silicon Valley Bank (SVB) in the US. All of these have brought challenges for investors. Investment involves making choices under conditions of uncertainty.  While that will never change, there are peaks and troughs of uncertainty. Currently, he says, uncertainty is high. The effects of the rapid pace of interest rate hikes are being felt. A recession could be around the corner. Major banks have had to be rescued. Even the gilt market came briefly unstuck. These are not easy investment conditions. On the other hand, the increase in interest rates means that investors are benefitting from materially higher yields on their cash holdings compared to the last 10 years. This offers great opportunities for astute investors. But we are noticing on the global landscape flight to quality. Despite market stress in March 2020 and September 2022, money market fund providers functioned as normal. Redemption requests increased, some portfolio security valuations were affected, but money market fund providers successfully preserved capital and provided liquidity. They also maintained their quick ratio of short-term assets to short-term liabilities and all other regulatory-required tests. More recently, the sudden collapse of Silicon Valley Bank in March 2023 led US investors to re-examine their small and medium sized bank exposures, prompting withdrawals from bank deposits. It also caused reverberations in Europe, leading to volatility in the banking sector, which contributed to the forced merger of Credit Suisse and UBS. As apparent vulnerabilities in the banking sector were exposed, concerned investors turned to money market fund providers as an alternative to the bank deposits, resulting in inflows into money funds. It is no surprise that during times of stress, we see a flight to quality and the recipient of that flight to quality oftentimes is a money market fund or a fiduciary manager. Global money market fund providers operate under a strict regulatory framework designed to ensure they can provide liquidity when required and manage duration risks prudently through short weighted average maturity restrictions. Over the past 12 months, amidst rapidly rising interest rates and market uncertainty, money market funds providers have typically shortened duration to be substantially within the weighted average maturity limit, and held much higher levels of overnight and weekly liquidity so as to be well positioned to capture further rate hikes. Following the period of zero and negative interest rates that preceded the last year in the US, Europe and Japan, investors have typically been more proactive with cash management strategies seeking to take advantage of higher yields. However, navigating the timing and duration of investments has proven difficult, with many investors ending up in investments that are trading below the market rate. More recently, concerns have arisen over concentrated bank deposit holdings and a desire to spread that risk over a number of counterparties. While market uncertainty remains, globally short-term money market funds continue to be a popular choice for investors as — alongside providing diversification and daily access benefits — they are positioned to minimise volatility and absorb any central bank rate hikes quickly. In a nutshell, money market funds are more popular than ever. The latest crisis reinforced the value of having one’s cash in a diversified set of banking names and paying for professional money management and credit analysis, which cash investors can access through money market fund providers. The latest aggressive rate hiking cycle across the globe has meant that money market funds are also an attractive relative value investment option as opposed to bank deposits, in addition to their other benefits. Investors are reacting with a resounding vote of confidence in using money market funds to manage their short-term cash needs. Many money market fund providers are continuing to manage their portfolios conservatively with shorter durations and higher liquidity levels than usual, both to absorb any potential interest rate hikes and to act as a buffer for unexpected market volatility. Furthermore, where investment priorities are concerned, investors are focused on achieving capital preservation and liquidity, with performance only a tertiary concern. While the events of the last few years have not changed these priorities, investors are showing a slightly stronger preference for capital preservation in the current market. Alongside these three things, diversification is something that is on the minds of most investors. Bank treasurers, economic analysts and researchers agree that lots of investors are questioning their comfort at holding all of their cash at a single institution, particularly with smaller regional banks. The current global economic environment is putting a stern test on the resilience of regulatory reform. Europe and the US both implemented money market fund reform in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, during which the Reserve Primary Fund infamously "broke the buck". Under the rules introduced by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) in 2016, constant net asset value (CNAV) funds were required to switch to a variable net asset value (VNAV) model. The European Money Market Fund Regulation (MMFR) implemented in 2019 took a different direction, introducing a low volatility net asset value (LVNAV) model that would operate alongside VNAV and public debt CNAV funds. Under the MMFR, funds can also impose liquidity fees, redemption gates and suspension of redemptions if liquidity falls below 30% and daily net redemptions are greater than 10% of the fund’s total assets. Mandatory fees and gates will apply if liquidity is less than 10%. This introduction of prescriptive requirements under the MMFR on liquidity, credit quality, portfolio diversification and weighted average maturity, and transparency made money market funds more resilient. The events of March 2020 acted as the first stress test of money market fund reform and money market funds continued to perform as intended, preserving capital and providing liquidity. However, one area of MMFR that did not work as intended was the link between minimum liquidity thresholds and the possible imposition of gates and fees. This link created pro-cyclical incentives for investors and investment managers around liquidity buffer levels. There is now widespread agreement on "de-linking" which would enable funds to use their liquidity buffers, as intended, during times of stress. Meanwhile, another area of focus has been the ability of the low volatility net asset value (LVNAV) to maintain a stable net asset value (NAV). Some regulators have proposed that this ability be removed. To remove the LVNAV fund structure would significantly impact investor choice. We are indeed in financial turmoil and regulators need to be on their toes to prevent a major financial crisis. In developing countries like Zimbabwe, the risk of a huge crisis emanating from a global crisis is high, given banking sector concentration risk. The top three banks in Zimbabwe enjoy more than 40% market share and, as such, there is a need to monitor global financial conditions to limit the pass-through effect. *About the writer: Kaduwo is a researcher and economist. Contact: [email protected], WhatsApp +263773376128 New Perspectives Global banking turmoil – Money market funds back in the spotlight Econometrics HawksView Tinashe Kaduwo The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe NewsHawks Page 29 Issue 139, 7 July 2023

Page 26 NewsHawks Issue 76, 15 April 2022 Business MATTERS NewsHawks CURRENCIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE USD/JPY 109.29 +0.38 +0.35 GBP/USD 1.38 -0.014 -0.997 USD/CAD 1.229 +0.001 +0.07 USD/CHF 0.913 +0.005 +0.53 AUD/USD 0.771 -0.006 -0.76 COMMODITIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE *OIL 63.47 -1.54 -2.37 *GOLD 1,769.5 +1.2 +0.068 *SILVER 25.94 -0.145 -0.56 *PLATINUM 1,201.6 +4 +0.33 MARKETS *COPPER 4.458 -0.029 -0.65 BERNARD MPOFU THE entry of former Zanu PF political commissar Saviour Kasukuwere into the political fray on the eve of Zimbabwe's general elections will divide President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s vote as the floundering economy poses a huge threat to the Zanu PF leader’s power-retention plan. The country holds presidential, parliamentary and local council elections on 23 August 2023. The main political parties in the presidential race are Zanu PF and the opposition CCC. President Emmerson Mnangagwa won 50.8% of the 2018 vote. On the other hand, Nelson Chamisa, who was running on an MDC-Alliance ticket, won 44.3%. Zanu PF has since launched its election campaign in Chipinge at Mutema Secondary School in Musikavanhu constituency. Experts say the stakes are high and, as the election date nears, the big risk is that politics will be the centre of attention and some damage will be felt in the economic environment. Kasukuwere, a former minister in Robert Mugabe's cabinet, will run as an independent candidate, in a move expected to divide votes in Zanu PF strongholds. Kasukuwere, currently exiled in South Africa, has promised to return home and campaign despite warnings of imminent arrest. The authorities say he faces two arrest warrants issued back in 2019. The first one was issued after he failed to appear in court on four counts of criminal abuse of office and the second one after he failed to resubmit his passport to the clerk of court. He has dismissed the warrants as mere threats to scupper his political campaign. His legal team dismisses the claims. According to a research note done by Batai Matsika, a researcher at Harare-based advisory firm Mark and Associates Consulting Group, Zimbabwe needs more reforms to spur economic growth. The country faces several constraints such as currency issues and liquidity constraints, a massive debt overhang, limited government revenues and deficits; limited foreign direct investment and lines of credit; and corruption, as well as low rankings in terms of the ease of doing business. “We contend that the coming in of Kasukuwere on the presidential elections stage will likely divide the Zanu PF/Mnangagwa vote, which will effectively be an advantage for CCC/Chamisa,”reads the Mark & Associates research note titled Zimbabwe Macro-Thematic Report which was released this week. “The 2023 Presidential race will be tight. The legitimate opposition in Zimbabwe (CCC) is as determined as ever to challenge the regime, but the Zanu PF-led government will not surrender power easily. “However, one must understand the demographics and voter trends. Zimbabwe is a youthful country with approximately 70% of its 15.1 million people under the age of 35. Generally, the higher numbers of voters are the older generation who are more aligned with the ruling party (Zanu PF). While CCC is aligned to the younger generation, a significant number of youths are not registered to vote. Young people are also stubbornly aloof when it comes to elections.” An Afrobarometer survey released on 15 June 2022 showed that 33% of the voters will vote for the opposition CCC while 30% of the voters will vote for the incumbent Emmerson Mnangagwa. Mark & Associates says Mnangagwa faces a tough battle in turning around the economic fortunes of a nation once famed as the Jewel of Africa. The researchers say while the Mnangagwa administration had set out to re-open Zimbabwe for global business by making strides to strengthen bilateral relations with countries such as China, India, Japan, South Korea, Russia and Brazil, the country has made little progress to mend relations with the West. “Mark & Associates Consulting Group believes that Zimbabwe needs to do all the things every emerging nation has to do to attract foreign and regional partners to not just grow but survive in the new global economy,” the report reads. “International investors today now possess a plethora of investment options in the form of asset classes and projects they can invest in. The Zimbabwean government should know that Zambia, Malawi and even South Africa are competing for the same share of the investor’s pocket. In other words, Zimbabwe’s economic demise has been — in a way — an advantage for other southern African states. “While Mnangagwa echoed the need to curb corruption, investors want to see more of his whip and crackdown on chronic corruption that has dogged economic activity for decades. More arrests, demotions of corrupt leaders, seizure of stolen or siphoned assets and a review of the land redistribution process would have done the trick!” Election upheaval bad news for the economy Zimbabwe faces several constraints such as currency issues.

NewsHawks Companies & Markets Page 31 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 PRISCA TSHUMA INTERMITTENT power outages and erratic supplies of treated water has pushed up milk processor Dairibord’s operating overheads despite the company registering improved margins, according to its annual report for the year ended 31 December 2022. Limited investment into water reservoirs and power infrastructure resulted in Zimbabwe being one of the most expensive countries to conduct business, experts say. Commercial and domestic consumers have over the past year raised alarm on the breakdown of key infrastructure. Businesses and individuals alike are depending on alternative sources for power such as solar or diesel-powered generators which are generally expensive to run. Ahead of the 23 August 2023 general elections, the authorities have undertaken to improve the energy situation, but experts say more needs to be done. The power outages worsened Harare’s perennial water supply woes, as the crisis crippled water treatment works at the city’s Morton Jaffray water treatment plant. In the same year, in August, the plant had to shut down because of the shortage of water treatment chemicals. In a statement accompanying the group’s annual report, chairperson Josphat Sachikonye said rolling power cuts and water shortages pushed overheads as the milk processor turned to costly alternative sources of energy like coal and diesel. “Utilities availability is erratic and at a high cost particularly water and electricity. The business relies on standby facilities to support operations during power and water outages,” said Sachikonye. In 2022, Dairibord used 6 189 tonnes of coal compared to 5 669 tonnes used in 2021, and 1 608 litres compared 1 165 litres used in the prior year. He said imported inflation and pricing distortions from currency instability also contributed to the increased costs. Resultantly, cost of sales and overheads grew by 46.4% and 46% respectively. Nonetheless, the group recorded positive volume growth compared to prior year. Domestic market sales volumes in US dollars for the year were 50% up from 17% and exports were 6% up from 5% recorded in 2021. “This success was made possible by maintaining focus on diversifying and expanding product portfolios, implementing affordable pricing models and consistent review of the route to-market strategies,” he said. “All these efforts were further aided by ongoing investments in increased manufacturing capacity and capabilities.” Sales volumes for the period grew 3% ahead of the same period last year, with beverages and foods categories delivering growth of 7% and 10% respectively and liquid milks declining by 7%. Contribution to total volume for liquid milks, beverages and foods was 28%, 62% and 10% respectively. The group remained the leading milk processor, as raw milk utilised for the year was 28.5 million litres, 4% above 2021, representing 34% of the total intake by processors. In addition, the group recorded inflation-adjusted revenue of ZW$63.38 billion during the financial year under review, a 40% increase on the comparative period. “Moderate volume growth and price adjustments to protect margins were the main drivers of revenue growth,” added the company’s chairperson. In 2023, Sachikonye projected that the continued erratic supply and high cost of quality water and electricity would increase the cost of production and disrupt operations. He said the management would continue to engage in strategic partnerships and explore initiatives for alternative energy models and efficient production methods. “Cost containment and cost reduction through improved productivity and efficiencies are also key focus areas to improve profitability,” said Sachikonye. PRISCA TSHUMA THE Infrastructure Development Bank of Zimbabwe (IDBZ) says the macro-economic environment has driven up costs, placing its units under a joint-venture (JV) project beyond the reach of its intended target market. The bank is selling Waneka Phase 3 units to address a significant gap in the housing market. However, the cost of construction inputs and interest rates have driven the cost of the units beyond consumer reach. Zimbabwe's housing shortage is estimated at 1.25 million units, which translates to a national backlog of five million citizens or more than 40% of the total population. Waneka Housing Project Phase 3 was a joint venture between the ministry of National Housing; the IDBZ and Harare City Council for the construction of two blocks of flats which house 48 units and a day care centre that can accommodate 72 learners. The project was launched in March 2021, with capital expenditure amounting to US$3.75 million. The flat is a two-bedroomed apartment with a kitchen, lounge and bathroom, being sold at US$70 000. The bank offered that consumers pay a deposit of US$15 000, paying US$1 879 per month for 36 months with 14% interest per annum. Efforts to get a comment from the IDBZ were in vain. Questions sent to the company’s public relations office were not responded to at the time of going to print. Speaking to The NewsHawks, property developer Kura Chihota said the project was a great initiative to add housing stock, but the short mortgage time and the high interest rates are likely to affect the uptake of the houses. “It is a plus that the bank is offering some sort of finance. However, the three-year mortgage makes the property expensive as other countries like Botswana offer mortgages of up to 20 years which makes it affordable for the consumer,” he said. “The finance offered isn’t the highest in the market at 14% but it doesn’t make it affordable to the target market,” he added. Chihota said the high pricing was a result of covering building costs and allowing the developer to make a profit from the project. He also added that, after the completion of the project, as a commercial entity the bank has to pay value-added tax as well as capital gains tax on the improvements made. “There are costs that add up which are coming from the government side, so the price was estimated to achieve a goal for the bank, but for consumers who have options of choosing cheaper areas with better offers,” “The market queries the valuation when compared with older bigger units in the avenues or new modern Aspire Heights in Aspindale at a similar price point,” said Chihota. Zimbabweans are turning to a cheaper method of home ownership by purchasing stands and constructing their own houses. This approach has become increasingly popular since buying fully developed property in low-density suburbs is considered costly. However, this growing preference has posed significant challenges for property developers looking to sell pre-constructed homes. Earlier this year, property experts projected that the market will remain constrained by rising cost of construction, pricey and short-term capital, shortage of electricity and the growing levels of urban poverty. Instability rattles property market Power, water woes weigh down Dairibord

Page 32 NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 Companies & Markets PRISCA TSHUMA CHARTERED accountants BDO Zimbabwe have issued an adverse opinion on Willdale Limited’s financial position and fair value measurement for the first half-year ended 31 March 2023 as the country’s macro-economic crisis presents accounting headaches to local firms. BDO Zimbabwe gave an adverse review on the basis that the company did not comply with the International Financial Reporting Standard (IFRS) 13 on fair value measurement and the International Accounting Standard (IAS) 21 on the effects of changes in foreign exchange rates, when they prepared their interim financial information. “Based on our review, due to the significance of the matters discussed in the Basis for Adverse Conclusion paragraph, the inflation-adjusted interim financial statements do not present fairly the financial position of Willdale Limited as at 31 March 2023, and of its financial performance and its cashflows for the six months period then ended in accordance with International Financial Reporting Standards,” said the auditors. An adverse opinion indicates that a company's financial statements are misrepresented, misstated, and do not accurately reflect its financial performance and health. The building material supplier had an investment at fair value through other comprehensive income and investment property with carrying amounts of ZW$2.8 billion and ZW$4.5 billion in the period under review from ZW$1.8 billion and ZW$3.3 billion in 2022, respectively. In the previous and current period, the company engaged an external valuer who valued the investment in United States dollars and the values were converted to ZW$ using an internally determined exchange rate. The chartered accountant said the translated balances did not give a reasonable indication of fair value as defined by IFRS 13 — Fair value measurement. “In the current environment, it is not likely that the ZWL price derived from translating the USD value at an internally determined exchange rate would be the price at which a ZWL denominated transaction would,” said the auditor. “Accordingly, we were unable to determine whether adjustments to the carrying amounts of investment at fair value through other comprehensive income and investment property were appropriate in these circumstances,” added BDO. IFRS 13 paragraph 2 defines fair value as the price that would be received to sell an asset or paid to transfer a liability in an orderly transaction between market participants at the measurement date. In translating foreign currency-denominated sales and expenses, Willdale did not use the spot exchange rates on the dates of the transactions but used blended rates or historical exchange rates. The auditors added that the non-compliance of IAS 21 [effects of changes in foreign exchange rates], had a material effect to the financial statements, although the impact could not be quantified. “We could not quantify the financial impact of the non-compliance with IAS-21, but it is considered to be material to the financial statements. Accordingly we cannot express an opinion on revenue and expenses,” the auditor said. IAS 21 [effects of changes in foreign exchange rates] requires all foreign currency transactions to be recorded, on initial recognition in the functional currency by applying to the foreign currency amount the spot exchange rate between the functional currency and the foreign currency at the date of the transaction. Meanwhile, the company recorded revenue growth of 29% to ZW$3.2 billion for the period under review compared to ZW$2.6 billion recorded the same period in the prior year. Contrary to the revenue increase, sales volumes declined by 16% compared to the prior period largely due to low stock availability, resulting from electricity shortages that affected production. Willdale incurred an operating loss of ZW$606 million for the period due to low revenue base and high seasonal costs. In his statement accompanying the company financials, Cleophas Makoni said they are encouraged by the backlog for individual housing, which remains huge while the government drives construction of housing in all provinces. “These and other infrastructure projects will provide the critical mass for sustainable revenue and profitability in the short to medium term,” he said. BERNARD MPOFU ZIMBABWE will miss its key economic targets due to spiralling inflation after the authorities liberalised the foreign exchange market in a desperate effort to restore macro-economic stability, a new report by the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) has shown. Ahead of the presidential elections, President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s administration was bullish of strong economic growth of around 6.4% in 2023. Experts from organisations such as the International Monetary Fund and World Bank however projected a modest outturn, citing global headwinds. The month-on-month blended inflation rate increased from 15.7% in May 2023 to 74.5% in June 2023. This translates into a gain of 58.7 percentage points, which is the biggest jump in blended month-on-month inflation since the measure was introduced in 2020. “This means that in June 2023, Zimbabwe officially entered into hyperinflation, despite the reported inflation figures being weighted,” reads the CZI research note for June. “However, this should not be surprising to the consumer who witnessed escalation of prices during the month, with ZWL$ prices being adjusted almost on a daily basis. “Economies can hardly survive hyperinflation and the fact that the main driver of the inflation (depreciation of the parallel market exchange rate) seems to be under control is positive as it means that month-on-month inflation will be expected to take a sudden plunge again in July 2023. However, the damage has already been done on the annual inflation front, as all the set targets are no longer achievable.” Official figures show that the annual blended inflation rate for the month of June 2023 was 175.8%, gaining 89.2% percentage points from the May inflation rate of 86.5%. This, the CZI says, means that after some months of staying within double figures, blended annual inflation is starting to spiral out of control again. “With the first half of the year now gone, inflation policy targets for year-end are now unrealistic. The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe expected annual blended inflation rate to decline progressively and reach 10%-30% by end of 2023,” the report reads. “This is definitely not going to be realised as even if somehow the June Consumer Price Index was to remain constant all the way up to December, the end of year inflation would be 105%. This means that annual blended inflation will still be in triple digit figures come December 2023.” Hyperinflation is characterised by extremely rapid price increases in all goods and services. It occurs when the prices of goods and services rise more than 50% per month. Zimbabwe is in a dual currency regime and blended inflation is of use for international com- parison, but it is of little use to business and economic agents who use both of the currencies and not a blended currency. Business in Zimbabwe price their goods in ZWL$ or USD, thus publication of ZWL$ and USD inflation is what helps in forming their pricing and costing decisions. Brickmaker Willdale gets adverse opinion Targets likely to be missed as inflation gallops — CZI Prices in Zimbabwe continue to escalate.

Page 33 A JOURNALIST looking for a career change in Zimbabwe, from experience, has mainly two options: it is either you enter politics, or you take up public relations (PR). Apart from being a hard hat area, politics is pretty crowded terrain, though we have a few doing well there! However, that is not an obvious choice for various scribes wanting to jump ship for multiple reasons. Consider public relations as your next destination. Public relations practitioners use various strategies and tools to create and maintain a positive image and reputation for their clients and influence public opinion and behaviour. But why would a journalist want to switch to PR? And what skills and experience do they need to make the transition? Here are some reasons journalism is a good foundation for a career in PR. Remember that the media is an ally of sorts for PR practitioners in that the audience it commands is vast and varied in demography. Journalists know how to write well. Writing is one of the most essential skills for journalists and PR professionals. One must craft clear, concise, compelling messages for different audiences and platforms. One also needs to be able to adapt tone and style according to the purpose and context of the communication. Journalists write news stories, features, editorials, headlines, captions, and content creation skills that are the bread and butter of PR. “A lot of communications work involves copywriting and editing. These skills are transferable to PR, where you may need to write Press releases, speeches, newsletters, blogs, social media posts, and more. Developing these skills as a journalist venturing into PR puts you ahead of someone moving into PR from marketing or another field,” says Thandolwenkosi Nkomo, a PR trainer and consultant. Nkomo adds the ability to ask questions whose answers are desired by audiences as another essential transferable skill. “In the scope of their work, journalists and PR practitioners produce content that seeks to provide answers. And asking the right questions is an invaluable skill that journalists gain in the early days of their schooling,” he says. Journalism does teach one how to research well. Research is another critical skill for both journalists and PR professionals. You need to gather accurate and relevant information from various sources and verify its credibility and reliability. You also need to be able to analyse data and present it understandably and engagingly. As a journalist, you have learned to conduct interviews, surveys, polls, observations, and document reviews. These skills are transferable to PR, where you may need to conduct market research, media monitoring, stakeholder analysis, and evaluation.  Another skill that makes journalists thrive in a PR environment is how to work under pressure. Working under pressure is a common challenge for both journalists and PR professionals. You need to be able to meet tight deadlines, handle multiple tasks, cope with changing situations, and deal with crises. As a journalist, you have learned to work fast, efficiently, creatively, and Is journalism stepping stone to a successful PR career? ethically. These skills are transferable to PR, where you may need to plan and execute campaigns, events, launches, and responses.  They say nothing beats the networks that journalists have built in their careers. Journalism teaches you how to network well. In PR, you need to be able to develop and maintain relationships with various people and organisations that can help you achieve your goals. You also need to be able to communicate effectively and persuasively with different stakeholders. Journalists have learned to interact with sources, experts, officials, colleagues, editors, and audiences. These skills are transferable to PR, where one may need to interact with clients, media, influencers, partners, employees, customers, and communities.  However, Thando throws in a word of caution. He says extra training for journalists who venture into PR is needed in strategic thinking. “I have found that many journalists struggle to understand how to translate their writing skills into strategic outcomes for organisations. Not all journalists are gifted in strategic thinking, and it’s an area they need capacity building in as they move from journalism to PR. This could be because the work of journalists is really at a technical level in the context of PR, whereas the PR professional operates at a strategic level,” he says. Nkomo says that many journalists may have moved into PR, but their success is debatable because the bulk of their work there has remained as that of the journalist-in-residence as opposed to the strategist they should be. “Many journalists I know who have ventured into PR are mostly known for their communicaion outputs, stories, videos and so on rather than their strategic communication design contribution to the organisations they work for,” he says. According to Nkomo, a successful transition would entail a journalist moving into a position where he or she is involved in strategic thinking and design of communications campaigns instead of focusing on creative communication product development. “They should understand that businesses are driven by the need to meet strategic goals and that, as PR practitioners, they aim to transform the strategic goals into communication goals. Further, PR is broader than producing outputs. It’s not just about news stories, documentaries, but about the creative strategy implemented through outputs to achieve clear outcomes that feed into the business bottom line,” he says. If you are a journalist wanting to explore new PR opportunities, you have already acquired many skills and experience that can help you excel in this field. All you need is additional training and education on the specific aspects of PR that may differ from journalism, such as strategic communications. You can start by enrolling in one of the courses or programmes offered in the market. The Zimbabwe Institute of Public Relations (ZIPR) is reviving its popular certified courses and diploma, according to Nkomo, who is in charge of education. You may also seek mentorship from experienced PR practitioners and former senior journalists who have transitioned to become successful. Journalism is not just a profession; it is also a passion. But do not despair if you feel that your passion has faded or you need a new career challenge or direction. You can always use your valuable experience to transition into public relations, but with a few adjustments. *About the writer: Lenox Lizwi Mhlanga is a strategic communications consultant with over 20 years in PR. He is considered a thought leader and is also a university lecturer. He can be contacted for mentorship, training facilitation and counsel on mobile at +263 772 400 656 and email: lenoxmhlanga@gmail. com. Corporate Communications Lenox Lizwi Mhlanga NewsHawks Companies & Markets Issue 139, 7 July 2023

Page 34 News Analysis NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 Stock Taking Zimbabwe Stock Exchange Pricelist Top 5 Gainers Top 5 Losers Value Leaders ($) Top 5 Gainers YTD Market Cap ($mn) 12,573,348.89 0.34% Nampak 15.00% CBZ -15.00% Delta 1,565,058,000 SeedCo 2508.88% All Share Index 155,307.10 -0.83% Cafca 15.00% NMB -15.00% DZLH 1,125,053,000 FBC 1834.82% Top 10 Index 78,558.34 -2.02% FML 13.26% Ariston -8.39% BAT 341,714,100 ZHL 1792.06% Value Traded ($) 3,316,339,836.00 161.01% RioZim 13.12% GB Holdings -5.66% Tanganda 101,139,800 Hippo 1367.69% Interbank rate (USD/ZWL) 5,251.0640 -2.98% FMP 10.21% Delta -2.80% Econet 77,203,500 Tanganda 1354.68% Market Cap (US$mn) 2,394.4383 0.34% YTD Movement (%) -20.84%  Bloomberg Opening LTP Closing Price Previous Volume traded Value traded Shares In Market Cap Market Cap Price Change Price Change Ticker (RTGSc) (RTGSc) (RTGSc) Change (%) Price (RTGSc) (shares) (RTGS$) Issue (mn's) (RTGS$ mn's) (US$ mn's) RTGS YTD (%) US$ YTD (%) Afdis AFDIS: ZH 200,000.00 - 200,000.00 - 200,000.00 - - 119.49 238,989.04 45.51 659.30% -1.05% Ariston ARISTON: ZH 3,400.00 3,400.00 3,114.59 -8.39% 3,400.00 33,300 1,037,160.00 1,627.40 50,686.70 9.65 668.28% 0.12% Art ARTD: ZH 6,900.00 6,900.00 6,900.00 - 6,900.00 100 6,900.00 436.98 30,151.44 5.74 392.86% -35.77% Bridgerfort MMDZ: ZH 1,710.00 - 1,710.00 - 1,710.00 - - 12.00 205.20 0.04 113.75% -72.14% Bridgerfort Class B 2,930.00 - 2,930.00 - 2,930.00 - - 1.32 38.79 0.01 12.69% -85.31% BAT BAT: ZH 1,929,477.67 1,919,500.00 1,919,741.88 -0.50% 1,929,477.67 17,800 341,714,100.00 20.63 396,110.27 75.43 585.84% -10.62% Border BRDR: ZH SUSPENDED - - - - - - 42.94 0.00 0.00 - - Cafca CAFCA: ZH 251,060.91 288,720.00 288,720.00 15.00% 251,060.91 500 1,443,600.00 8.74 25,220.00 4.80 1342.88% 88.04% CBZ CBZ: ZH 110,355.00 93,805.00 93,805.00 -15.00% 110,355.00 3,100 2,907,955.00 522.66 490,282.59 93.37 594.85% -9.44% CFI CFI: ZH 256,280.00 - 256,280.00 - 256,280.00 - - 106.04 271,761.55 51.75 522.49% -18.88% Delta DLTA: ZH 288,916.95 279,000.00 280,828.68 -2.80% 288,916.95 557,300 1,565,058,000.00 1305.85 3,667,200.21 698.37 680.57% 1.73% Dairibord DZL: ZH 45,807.47 45,000.00 45,000.30 -1.76% 45,807.47 2,500,100 1,125,053,000.00 358.00 161,101.46 30.68 1185.72% 67.56% Ecocash EHZL:ZH 19,914.29 - 19,914.29 - 19,914.29 - - 2590.58 515,895.06 98.25 396.85% -35.25% Econet*** ECO: ZH 72,941.54 75,000.00 75,027.70 2.86% 72,941.54 102,900 77,203,500.00 2590.58 1,943,650.21 370.14 679.30% 1.56% Edgars EDGR: ZH 9,977.78 - 9,977.78 - 9,977.78 - - 604.25 60,290.51 11.48 950.29% 36.88% FBC FBC: ZH 119,958.69 - 119,958.69 - 119,958.69 - - 671.95 806,062.33 153.50 1834.82% 152.15% Fidelity Life FIDL: ZH 9,200.00 - 9,200.00 - 9,200.00 - - 108.92 10,020.94 1.91 283.33% -50.04% First Mutual FMLH: ZH 23,855.00 27,000.00 27,018.97 13.26% 23,855.00 6,800 1,837,290.00 690.14 186,469.55 35.51 955.43% 37.55% First Mutual Properties FMP: ZH 10,000.00 11,000.00 11,021.25 10.21% 10,000.00 400 44,085.00 1,238.16 136,460.41 25.99 818.44% 19.69% GB Holdings GBH: ZH 1,060.00 1,000.00 1,000.00 -5.66% 1,060.00 3,000 30,000.00 536.59 5,365.89 1.02 457.60% -27.33% GetBucks GBFS: ZH 3,800.00 - 3,800.00 - 3,800.00 - - 1,163.12 44,198.50 8.42 74.31% -77.28% Hippo HIPO: ZH 268,000.00 - 268,000.00 - 268,000.00 - - 193.02 517,295.11 98.51 1367.69% 91.27% Lafarge LACZ: ZH - SUSP - - 0.00 - - 80.00 0.00 0.00 - - Mash MASH: ZH 10,999.21 - 10,999.21 - 10,999.21 - - 1,687.58 185,620.91 35.35 1089.40% 55.01% Masimba MSHL: ZH 73,700.00 73,700.00 74,485.71 1.07% 73,700.00 1,400 1,042,800.00 241.65 179,997.48 34.28 831.59% 21.41% Meikles MEIK: ZH 85,532.05 87,000.00 87,000.00 1.72% 85,532.05 58,900 51,243,000.00 256.15 222,851.14 42.44 676.79% 1.23% Nampak NPKZ: ZH 9,000.00 10,350.00 10,350.00 15.00% 9,000.00 2,400 248,400.00 755.65 78,209.58 14.89 1048.72% 49.70% NMB NMB: ZH 26,551.38 22,570.00 22,570.00 -15.00% 26,551.38 500 112,850.00 404.17 91,221.55 17.37 499.20% -21.91% NTS NTS: ZH 1,850.00 - 1,850.00 - 1,850.00 - - 253.87 4,696.64 0.89 81.37% -76.36% OK Zimbabwe OKZ: ZH 21,586.95 23,220.00 23,216.53 7.55% 21,586.95 103,700 24,075,540.00 1,296.31 300,958.62 57.31 618.35% -6.38% Old Mutual OMU: ZH - SUSP - - 0.00 - - 62.68 0.00 0.00 - - PPC PPC: ZH - SUSP - - 0.00 - - 37.09 0.00 0.00 - - Proplastics PROL: ZH 45,000.00 45,000.00 45,000.00 - 45,000.00 600 270,000.00 251.94 113,371.03 21.59 -75.91% 77.71% RTG RTG: ZH 11,865.00 11,865.00 11,865.00 - 11,865.00 4,000 474,600.00 2,495.50 296,090.55 56.39 1237.66% 74.33% Seedco SEED: ZH 194,414.69 - 194,414.69 - 194,414.69 - - 249.37 484,819.05 92.33 2508.88% 240.00% Star Africa SACL: ZH 679.63 679.00 679.00 -0.09% 679.63 647,400 4,395,846.00 4,715.08 32,015.42 6.10 220.57% -58.22% Tanganda TANG:ZH 130,000.00 130,000.00 129,999.74 0.00% 130,000.00 77,800 101,139,800.00 261.06 339,383.29 64.63 1354.68% 89.58% Truworths TRUW: ZH 1,165.00 1,200.00 1,200.00 3.00% 1,165.00 100 1,200.00 384.07 4,608.81 0.88 336.36% -43.13% TSL TSL: ZH 55,735.00 - 55,735.00 - 55,735.00 - - 358.08 199,574.20 38.01 1166.57% 65.06% Turnall TURN: ZH 1,300.00 1,300.00 1,300.00 - 1,300.00 1,400 18,200.00 493.04 6,409.52 1.22 229.32% -57.08% Unifreight UNIF: ZH 20,460.00 - 20,460.00 - 20,460.00 - - 106.47 21,784.63 4.15 296.13% -48.38% Willdale WILD: ZH 1,888.80 1,890.00 1,890.00 0.06% 1,888.80 6,000 113,400.00 1,778.00 33,604.23 6.40 950.00% 36.84% ZBFH ZBFH: ZH 74,700.00 - 74,700.00 - 74,700.00 - - 175.19 130,867.41 24.92 561.35% -13.81% Zeco ZECO: ZH 3.31 - 3.31 - 3.31 - - 463.34 15.34 0.00 0.00% -86.97% ZHL ZHL: ZH 10,000.00 10,000.00 9,933.33 -0.67% 10,000.00 15,000 1,490,000.00 1,818.22 180,609.67 34.39 1792.06% 146.58% Zimpapers ZIMP: ZH 1,300.00 - 1,300.00 - 1,300.00 - - 576.00 7,488.00 1.43 438.77% -29.79% Zimplow Holdings ZIMPLOW: ZH 22,215.00 23,325.00 22,996.84 3.52% 22,215.00 65,000 14,947,950.00 344.58 79,242.62 15.09 1252.76% 76.29% Hwange HCCL: ZH SUSPENDED - - - - - 167.89 - - - - RioZim RIOZ: ZH 18,400.00 48,645.00 18,400.00 13.12% 18,400.00 900 430,660.00 122.03 22,453.42 4.28 31.43% -82.88% Econet shares in issue include Class A Shares Opening LTP Closing Price Change Previous Price Volume traded Value traded Market Cap Market Cap Price Change Price Change (RTGSc) (RTGSc) (RTGSc) (%) (RTGSc) (RTGS$) (RTGS$ mn's) (US$ mn's) RTGS YTD (%) US$ YTD (%) Cass Saddle Agriculture ETF 575.00 660.00 660.00 14.78% 575.00 4,415 29,139.00 282.95 0.05 266.67% -52.21% Datvest Modified Consumer Staples ETF 1,100.00 1,060.00 1,061.42 -3.51% 1,100.00 58,141 617,121.80 2,404.47 0.46 580.40% -11.33% Morgan&Co Made in Zimbabwe 700.00 691.00 691.00 -1.29% 700.00 7,600 52,516.00 17,012.42 3.24 507.47% -20.83% Morgan&Co Multi Sector 18,945.00 21,778.42 21,778.42 14.96% 18,945.00 2,331 507,655.00 27,425.09 5.22 846.89% 23.40% OM ZSE Top-10 ETF 3,900.00 3,900.00 3,900.00 0.00% 3,900.00 10,700 417,300.00 5,601.38 1.07 505.58% -21.08% Opening LTP Closing Price Change Previous Price Volume traded Value traded Market Cap Market Cap Price Change Price Change (RTGSc) (RTGSc) (RTGSc) (%) (RTGSc) (RTGS$) (RTGS$ mn's) (US$ mn's) RTGS YTD (%) US$ YTD (%) Tigere REIT 25,530.00 25,530.00 25,530.00 0.00% 25,530.00 190 48,507.00 183,643.16 34.97 522.93% -18.82% Victoria Falls Stock Exchange Pricelist Market Cap US$ (mn) 992.46 -0.91% All Share Index 74.43 -0.72% Value Traded US$ 178,162.52 1693%  Bloomberg Opening LTP Closing Price Previous Volume traded Value traded Shares In Market Cap Market Cap Price Change Price Change Ticker (USc) (USc) (USc) Change (%) Price (USc) (shares) (US$) Issue (mn's) (US$ mn's) (RTGS$ mn's) US YTD (%) RTGS$ YTD (%) African Sun ASUN:ZH 5.08 5.08 5.08 0.00% 8.64 192 9.75 1,432.52 72.77 382,130.51 93.89% 984.47% Axia Corporation Limited AXIA:ZH 6.20 6.00 6.00 -3.23% 14.75 18,757 1,125.42 552.15 33.13 173,962.50 -49.29% 289.13% BNC BIND:ZH 1.28 - 1.28 0.00% 1.28 - - 1,272.73 16.29 85,544.61 -44.35% 327.03% Caledonia CMCL:ZH 1,600.00 - 1,600.00 0.00% 1,600.00 - - 0.62 9.92 52,090.55 23.08% 844.40% FCB FCB:ZH 2.00 2.00 2.00 0.00% 2.00 1,550 31.00 2,159.81 43.20 226,826.53 20.63% 566.80% Innscor Africa Limited INN:ZH 45.02 45.00 45.01 -0.02% 45.02 270,044 121,623.89 571.20 257.10 1,350,027.52 -31.59% 424.91% National Foods Holdings Limited NTFD: ZH 200.00 - 200.00 0.00% 200.00 - - 68.40 136.80 718,346.69 11.96% 759.07% NedBank Zim Depository Receipts 1,200.00 - 1,200.00 0.00% 1,200.00 - - 0.16 1.92 10,092.44 4.35% 700.69% Padenga PHL:ZH 20.50 1,900.00 19.03 -7.17% 20.50 7,105 1,351.83 544.30 103.58 543,908.14 -16.97% 537.09% Seed Co Intl SCIL:ZH 26.45 26.40 26.45 0.00% 26.45 3,820 1,010.39 393.65 104.12 546,739.98 -11.69% 577.65% Simbisa SIM:ZH 38.00 38.00 38.00 0.00% 38.00 139,498 53,010.25 562.18 213.63 1,121,785.95 3.83% 696.68% West Prop Holdings Limited 1,000.00 - 1,000.00 0.00% 1,000.00 - - - - - 0.00% 262.42% * The complete list of ZSE Indices can be obtained from the ZSE website: www.zse.co.zw * The complete list of VFEX Indices can be obtained from the VFEX website: https://www.vfex.exchange/ Exchange Traded Funds Real Estate Investment Trust Ϭϳ :ƵůLJ͕ ϮϬϮϯ Ϭϳ :ƵůLJ͕ϮϬϮϯ

News Analysis Page 35 BRENNA MATENDERE THE continued banning of opposition CCC rallies as experienced in Chiredzi this week and the dispersing of the party’s supporters using teargas canisters at scheduled venues dent the credibility of the 23 August general elections. During the Wednesday skirmishes, heavily armed Chiredzi police officers fired teargas at CCC members who were waiting to hear party president Nelson Chamisa speaking. In addition, police came with truncheons, dogs and Israeli-made armoured vehicles, turning the area in Chiredzi town into a war zone. Political analyst Vivid Gwede said the regrettable events in Chiredzi marks a turning point into flawed elections come 23 August. “This is a significant flaw in the election.  The ability of contestants to campaign without hindrance contributes the fairness and freeness of the election. The inability to do so due to restrictions contributes to the lack of freeness and fairness of polls,” he said. University of London professor of politics  Stephen Chan said it seems Zanu PF has orchestrated a strategy to slow down the opposition CCC, but this could jeopardise the credibility of the elections. “It would seem to be a Zanu PF strategy of restricting space for the CCC. The chief aim at this stage is to do this without visible violence that would be readily observed by media and the world's observers who, although they have not yet arrived, are starting to maintain a watching brief. “Zanu PF are, at this stage, going for a 'peaceful and credible' election, rather than fully 'free and fair'.  'Credible' may be hard to manage but, right now, an effort is being made at 'peaceful' suppression,” he said. Political analyst Rashweat Mukundu said: “The integrity of the election is already compromised. There is no doubt that the ruling party, the security structures, the electoral management body — that is Zec — have all conspired to manipulate the electoral process to favour Zanu PF. “So, it is not surprising at all that the police are banning CCC rallies, and that CCC supporters, or opposition supporters are being beaten across Zimbabwe. This is a well-orchestrated political strategy that is made to instill fear in the generality of the opposition supporters, but also to instill fear within the rest of the citizens.” He reiterated that it is a strategy meant to favour Zanu PF, both in terms of how the election will be managed at a technical and logistical level by Zec, but also the use of the security forces to intimidate and harass the opposition. “The Zimbabwean election has already failed the test of freeness and fairness, but let us be aware and restate that regardless of these challenges, the opposition must still go ahead and mobilise its supporters to participate in this election and seek to expose the manipulation, the violence and, if at all possible, win in some areas as a way to demonstrate its resilience. So giving in to the fear and intimidation will only fall into the Zanu PF political trap,” he said. The disturbances in Chiredzi were another big blow on efforts to level the political playing field ahead of the crunch polls. CCC leader Nelson Chamisa was expected to address the rally at Tshovani Stadium ahead of the launch of the party’s election manifesto in Bindura, Mashonaland Central province, on Saturday. In banning the Chiredzi rally, police claimed the event coincided with a state event and also failed to comply with security requirements prescribed under section 8 of the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act (Chapter 11:23). “Your notification has not been approved in terms of section 8 of the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act [Chapter 11:23]. There will be a State occasion on 05/07/23 for the official opening of Rusununguko Clinic in Chiredzi by the Minister of State for Provincial Affairs and Devolution Masvingo province where all resources are focused,” read a police statement dated 3 July 2023. Ahead of the 26 March 2022 by-elections, thwte was a similar trend of bans on CCC rallies and this marked the beginning of a long trend of repression that is now expected to characterise the last phase of the election period. In January this year, the CCC revealed that 62 of its meetings had been banned since the party’s formation a year ago, showing the government’s growing intolerance. This was according to Chamisa, who will contest the 2023 elections after he rebranded his party to CCC on 22 January 2022. The rebranding came after MDC-T leader Douglas Mwonzora moved to claim the MDC name and assets. Police banned a tree-planting event organised by a citizen in Masvingo because he had invited opposition CCC leader Chamisa. The event was scheduled to be held in ward 4 at Takaona homestead in Gutu North constituency. The reason stated by the police for banning the event was dismissed as ridiculous. “We can’t allow two parties to hold political gatherings in the same ward on the same date. There will be violence. Our duty as police is to maintain peace and order; hence we had to stop one party from holding the meeting,” said police officer commanding Masvingo East district Joachim Mambure. A few days later, police in Harare issued another ban on two endof-year rallies at which CCC leader Chamisa was set to address the party followers in Harare's Budiriro suburb and in Chitungwiza. The end-of-year celebrations had been set for 17 December.   “Your notification to hold the above-mentioned rally was received, and the event was not sanctioned,” said the police without giving any reason for the ban. Earlier in the year, several other rallies had been banned, but as the country gets closer to the elections the expectation was that the situation would change, especially after the visit by the Commonwealth team to assess Zimbabwe’s preparedness to rejoin the bloc. During the visit, Harare had repeatedly promised to uphold tenets of democracy. For a country that purports to be a constitutional democracy, Zimbabwe is taking the wrong direction. Constitutional lawyer and National Constitutional Assembly leader Lovemore Madhuku this week made public revelations that his party also had its meetings disrupted. Madhuku added that the playing field will only be level after the implementation of electoral reforms proposed in 2018. “We regret that, but part of the problem is that we did not do enough as opposition to make sure that these laws are changed and now they are being used against us,” he said, adding: “We need better laws, but for now parties must abide by the law and, where necessary, try to avoid confrontations with the police because we don't want a repeat of 2008; we want a different election in 2023.” No country can claim to be entrenching democracy when everyone can see that opposition politics is literally a banned. What can only give hope and comfort to CCC supporters yearning for change of government is the resilience of its leaders. CCC spokesperson Fadzayi Mahere insisted this week that the opposition party would not be deterred by repression. “Our mass rural penetration movement and ‘Get out to Vote’ campaign in Chiredzi and Chikombedzi have shocked Zanu PF. Nothing can stop us. Today’s events prove beyond doubt that Zanu PF can never win a free and fair election, which is why they’re resorting to rally bans and abusing the police service to try and stop our campaign activity. They are terrified, unelectable and worse than (late former President) Robert Mugabe. We are undeterred by this unconstitutional conduct,” she said. Chamisa, on the other hand, says he will go ahead with his countrywide tour of meeting community leaders, traditional leaders, special interest groups and citizens. The campaign trail however is likely to be turbulent as Zanu PF seems geared to capture state institutions and ban opposition rallies. Ironically, Zanu PF is allowed to carry out its programmes unhindered while police and other state security agents are being used to thwart opposition activities. President Emmerson Mnangagwa was this week in Goromonzi where he addressed thousands of Zanu PF supporters unmolested. He has also been all over the country campaigning for a second fiveyear presidential term. Banning opposition rallies dents credibility of elections Heavily armed police officers fired teargas at CCC members who were waiting to hear party president Nelson Chamisa speaking in Chiredzi on Wednesday. NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023

Page 36 The Big Debate NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 SIMUKAI TINHU ON 23 August 2023,  Zimbabweans return to the polls  to elect members of local councils, the national assembly, and a president. As a country with a hyper-presidentialist system, voting will largely be about who occupies State House. Nelson Chamisa, the popular and charismatic 45-year-old leader of the Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC), is expected to headline a crowded opposition field. The youthful politician will be seeking to stop president Emmerson Mnangagwa of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (Zanu PF)’s bid for a second term. This is not the first time Chamisa has faced off against Mnangagwa. In 2018, he stood as a joint candidate for a rag-tag of opposition political parties. Seriously scarred and weakened by intraparty squabbles, and battling a coup government, he outperformed expectations, losing by a small margin in a contest that was seen as neither free nor fair. With that encouraging result, the opposition leader is promising an emphatic victory in a climactic rematch  this August.   Chamisa is not alone in this optimism. An early poll by Afrobarometer, a reputable research agency, suggests that his party has eked out a three-point lead against the ruling Zanu PF. This makes this election like no other since this is the first time the opposition has taken a lead in the polls. An even more optimistic forecast by the Johannesburg-based Brenthurst Foundation places him 13 points ahead of the president. Brenthurst’s margin suggests that to win in August, his opponent, president Mnangagwa, has to capture more than the 2.5 million votes he secured in 2018 in a dramatically different political context, making that task very difficult. Indeed, with much younger voters and without the “rally-around-the-leader” effect created by the removal of the reviled Robert Mugabe, Mnangagwa is looking very vulnerable. Critical economic pressures The vote also takes place against the backdrop of a collapsed economy. A surge in government spending in an attempt to secure a re-election at this year’s polls has hit the local currency. Zimbabwe’s hyperinflation — at 1 220%, according to economist Steve Hanke, the highest in the world — has triggered a  precipitous drop in living standards. The Treasury and the notionally Central Bank — the latter, which is seen as a vehicle for state elites and ruling party patronage — have demonstrated that they have no clue on how to rescue the Zimbabwe dollar and right the economy. In fact, to date, contradictory and unorthodox economic measures that have been implemented to offset the crisis have put an additional upward pressure on prices. If rampant inflation and the soaring cost of living are insufficient motivations to drive Zimbabweans to line up against Mnangagwa, recent corruption scandals that can be traced back to State House leave no doubt in the minds of many voters that the current Zanu-PF government does not serve the public’s interest. Violently uneven political playing field Without the post-coup momentum, Zim elections — Chamisa’s battle to topple Mnangagwa against heavily stacked odds with an economy in freefall, and visible signs of corruption, does that mean the August election will be Chamisa’s moment? Not necessarily.  As Fitch Solutions  — another of the opinion poll forecasting agencies — warns, in Zimbabwean elections, one cannot draw straight lines between polls and political success. This is because the Zanu-PF regime has a known history of stacking the deck well before the vote, creating a strenuous electoral process that seriously undercuts any advantages that the opposition might have in the polls, and at the same time giving the ruling party candidate a giant head start in elections. The most striking example of this is how, using the only broadcaster in the country, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) and various state radio stations, the government ensures that president Mnangagwa’s speeches and rallies are given full coverage while Chamisa is not only shunned but also actively delegitimised. Equally, the state’s flagship print media, The Herald  and The Chronicle are caricatured by the public as Zanu PF election leaflets. On the other hand, what used to be independent newspapers have either been bought off and hollowed out, or bullied into line, effectively preventing the development of a transparent, unbiased information ecosystem that informs voters. Mnangagwa has also ensured that the election body, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec), continues to march to his beat. At his regime’s instigation, ZElec has redrawn constituency boundaries to benefit Zanu PF, and the entity continues to fiddle with the voters’ roll. The voters’ roll itself remains fattened with dead and duplicate voters, while genuine voters’ names are missing. With the election body at the regime’s beck and call, many voters doubt that the Zec will rule against an electoral outcome unfavourable to Mnangagwa. Other steady reminders that the opposition is playing by the rules set by the Zanu PF government are Mnangagwa  locking up opposition leaders  and severely restricting Nelson Chamisa’s campaigning — acts of intimidation which seem to have had the desired effect of persuading Chamisa not to take to the streets to protest the arbitrary detention of his party members. And, recently in a haunting echo of the late stages of the repressive Rhodesian legal instruments, through the “Patriotic”’ and  Private Voluntary Organisations Bills, Mnangagwa is aiming at further restrictions of opposition activities in the run-up to elections. The new character of Zimbabwe further disadvantages the opposition. In 2017, a military coup transformed Zimbabwe from Robert Mugabe’s autocratic wasteland to a colonial-style military state. The behind-the-scenes activities of the generals and the killing of civilians in 2018 and 2019 have cast a pall over the entire electoral process. Chamisa’s party also risks blessing Mnangagwa through a late start in campaigning. In an attempt to prevent infiltration by the Zanu PF regime’s agents, CCC has introduced a new candidate selection and vetting system. The result has been a delay in announcing the party’s candidates for elections and of the assembling of a formal campaign structure, which is hardly a springboard from which to launch a successful political campaign. Yet despite all these advantages, even Zanu PF knows that Mnangagwa is in a fight, and that the uneven playing field is unlikely to save him. Chamisa has the numbers and the electorate will vote overwhelmingly for him. Still, that will not stop the regime from declaring Mnangagwa president as it did in 2018. What will determine Chamisa’s political fortunes, and those of the country, is how he responds to this act. — Daily Maverick. *About the writer: Simukai Tinhu is a scholar and writer on Zimbabwe’s foreign policy. He has recently completed a PhD in politics from Edinburgh University, and holds master’s degrees from the London School of Economics in International Relations, and from Oxford and Cambridge in African Studies. Opposition CCC leader Nelson Chamisa will be seeking to stop president Emmerson Mnangagwa of the ruling Zanu PF party ’s bid for a second term. The Zanu PF regime has a known history of stacking the deck well before the vote, creating a strenuous electoral process that seriously undercuts any advantages that the opposition might have in the polls and giving the ruling party candidate a giant head start in elections.

Reframing Issues Page 37 HOPEWELL CHIN'ONO TODAY was another heart-breaking day for me. Many young people who came to greet me at the airport in Harare and on the plane were mainly young and with university degrees, but destined to be caregivers in Britain. When I lived in England, care work was for those without tertiary education and was only used as a stepping stone to bigger things, but today we have Zimbabweans with Master of Arts or Science degrees setting off to do care work out of desperation. This has been caused by two things, the tragic failure to govern by Zanu PF in Zimbabwe, and Brexit which opened up these vacancies for people from the former colonies, people who speak English. The guy sitting next to me from Harare to Addis Ababa regretted that he will not be able to vote, he wanted the satisfaction of voting out a corrupt and incompetent government! But desperate circumstances stole that opportunity from him. I consider myself extremely lucky, I come from a generation where one would study towards a particular profession, and then pursue that as a career after graduating from a polytechnic or university. Nowadays a lot of young people are sitting at home doing nothing, so working as a care assistant in Britain is a welcome opportunity to this generation of educated but unemployed youths. As I always remind the young who follow me on social media, I bought my first property in Zimbabwe when I was 29 in Colne Valley, Harare; there were no shady deals involved or favours. Strictly biz. I just walked into CABS (Building Society) and got a mortgage, just like that. Today we have generations that might never own even a two-bedroom home in the townships unless Zimbabwe’s political fortunes change, or unless they leave Zimbabwe. For Zimbabwe’s fortunes to change, you need more than a people’s will and desire to vote; you need alternative political thinking with ideas and a plan for how to capture power and change Zimbabwe. But until that happens, I and many others will keep saying goodbye to Zimbabwe’s young, bright and its future which is being absorbed to develop mainly Britain and South Africa. When these young people go away, they will not escape Zanu PF’s corrupt and failed rule; they have to send money back home. Their lives in Britain would not be of a standard that corresponds with their earnings because they have to send siblings to school in Zimbabwe, and pay hospital bills for their elderly parents whose pensions were looted twice by the Zanu PF government. The political alternative should pay attention to this aspect and get the Zimbabwean diaspora into a structured powerful group as opposed to sporadic groupings. If Zanu PF were removed from power today, Zimbabwe will not be able to rise again quickly without the diaspora skills, and they are in their millions. We do not know how to make things anymore, because we stopped making things a long time ago. How do you become a diligent town planner when there has been no town planning taking place in Zimbabwe for decades? How do you have people who have never worked their whole life leading your councils and Parliament? Some professionals in the diaspora will have to take Patriotic Leave from work to come back home and help rebuild the country, without which we are doomed. So as many young people leave Zimbabwe to do these care jobs, I urge them to continue studying whilst there because a day will come when their skills that they would have gotten become highly needed back home. To all the young people who came to greet me at the airport and on the plane, thank you for sharing your stories. If it helps, I started off as a cleaner in Planet Hollywood in London. But I found my way up faster because of my desire to do better for myself, and an upbringing that put hard work at the centre of everything you do. I said care work was a stepping stone during my time; make it a stepping stone for yourselves, too! Travel well, my compatriots. My tears are flowing as I type this, God will protect you; protect yourselves, too. *About the writer: Chin’ono is an award-winning Zimbabwean journalist and documentary filmmaker currently engaged in fighting corruption, demanding accountability and service delivery using social media. Working as care assistants in Britain has become a welcome opportunity to most Zimbabwe's generation of educated but unemployed youths. Cry, beloved great country NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023

Page 38 Reframing Issues NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 KUDA MANJONJO IN 1960, British prime minister Harold Macmillan famously declared, “The wind of change is blowing through this continent. Whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact.” This quote captured a time that later became known as the period of African nations attaining majority rule — from the 1960s to 1980s — after a period of colonialism that lasted from the early 1800s to the 1960s. This was followed by a wave of democratisation (1990s to 2010), which saw the rise of multiparty regimes in most African nations. But, since 2010, the wind of change has turned and brought about a period of authoritarianism into which Zimbabwe’s August election falls. Rather than this election being a chance for a change in government, it is about defending the remaining vestiges of democracy in the country. There has been a concerted effort of reversing democratic gains that can be termed as re-authoritarianisation. As noted by the Washington-based pro-democracy organisation,   Freedom House, most countries on the continent live in nations that are “partially or not free” and the number has gradually increased since 2010. The re-authoritarianisation of Africa has been influenced by two key factors, the rise of right-wing populism and authoritarianism globally and African “Big Men” learning their lessons from the democratisation period. This will be explored through the prism of Zimbabwe’s political climate over the past 15 years. In November 2016, something that was unthinkable a year earlier happened, Donald Trump won the United States presidential election. Analysts viewed this as a zenith moment for populism worldwide. Other events occurred such as Recep Erdogan becoming Turkey’s president and Narendra Modi becoming India’s prime minister in 2014, Russia annexing Crimea, the Brexit election in 2016 and China’s President Xi Jinping gradually strengthening his power in the Communist Party. These events strengthened ring-wing populism, which usually fights for neo-nationalism, social conservatism, economic nationalism and cultural/ identity hegemony. African leaders who wanted to indulge in authoritarian control found themselves in a global political climate that was willing to turn the other way as they reduced democratic space in their own countries. Yoweri Museveni in Uganda and Cameroon’s President Paul Biya amended their nation’s constitutions to stay in power longer. In Zimbabwe, a coup d’état replaced long-time leader Robert Mugabe with his vice-president, Emerson Mnangagwa. Big Men were taking firm control of the reins of their nations, creating a political axis of transnational authoritarianism, which was exemplified by the list of countries that voted against or abstained from the United Nations resolution against Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.  The Big Men in Africa, who usually rule by dictatorial means and for longer than two terms, learnt from the mistakes made by some of their counterparts during the democratisation period (in Africa. They realised that to hold on to power they had to employ a palatable form of authoritarianism that had the facets of a stable enough economy, regular albeit unfair elections and adequately compensating the key levers of state power — the constitutional court judges, the army and the economic elite. The star among the Big Men is Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame, who has combined socio-economic development alongside authoritarian control inspired by China’s developmental authoritarianism. Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa has taken these lessons seriously and has enacted laws to support this. In 2018, a year after the coup d’état, he allowed the scheduled elections to go on to gain some legitimacy. Since then, bills and laws ,such as the Criminal Law Codification and Reform Amendment Bill (Criminal Code), contain reference to the  Patriot Act  which punished so-called unpatriotic citizens.   The Private Voluntary Organisation Bill, which is currently awaiting Mnangagwa signature, gives the government control and oversight over the financing of non-governmental organisations.  Opposition leaders  have been routinely arrested and convicted to instil fear among grassroots activists and demobilise campaigns against the government. The irony of Zimbabwe’s situation in comparison to the 2008 election is that the nation is suffering hyperinflation. In 2008, the hyperinflation period led to Mugabe losing his first general election to Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, and later the Movement for Democratic Change. Mnangagwa has learned from this period and instead of the country functioning only with the hyper-inflationary Zimbabwe dollar, the US dollar is also a currency of exchange, which is a refuge for citizen’s income and savings. The period of democratisation came with unmet expectations in most African countries, when democratically elected leaders turned out to be authoritarian — as occurred with Zambia’s Edgar Lungu. And South Africa, which hitherto has been the citadel of democracy on the continent, has increasingly turned towards authoritarian colleagues for support. Promises of economic growth and equality have been stifled by global issues such as Covid-19, corruption and Africa’s poor position in the global economic structure. In Zimbabwe, some critics have argued that opposition leaders did not effectively mobilise the hopes and anger of citizens, which they say resulted in significant voter apathy. It is likely that the Zanu PF will win the upcoming elections not because they would have won the popular vote freely and fairly but because the ruling party is doing everything in its power to hold on to power and further entrench it. The more worrying reality is that these elections may become a watershed moment to protect the visages and vestiges of democracy and its ideals in Zimbabwe. This includes but is not limited to the freedom of expression, independence of media, and ensuring and protecting the right to vote. The opposition may receive a third of the vote. The one-third benchmark will provide some protection to the 2013 Constitution from being amended and further entrenching the ruling party’s power. This relies heavily on global democratic forces supporting the protection of the vote, which seems to rely on South Africa ending its “ostrich diplomacy” regarding Zimbabwe and instead becoming a defender of the rights and lives of Zimbabweans. It is difficult for a generation of activists and opposition leaders to consider that their lives will be spent reaching out for a dream that might never materialise in their lifetimes. The hope, prayer and belief that they are the anointed generation to bring about democracy through elections keeps the fire burning in their hearts and minds. That fire should never be extinguished. But political reality also informs that the strategy for the upcoming elections calls to limit the damage against the increasing re-authoritarianism. The period of the struggle for majority rule is informative. Nelson Mandela became the first president of a multiracial South Africa, Oliver Tambo lived and fought in exile for decades. Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo sat side-by-side at Lancaster House. Herbert Chitepo, who went into exile, led the Zimbabwe African National Union until his assassination in Zambia in 1975. This period seemed to require leaders with the mind and soul of Tambo and Chitepo. Many times, leaders speak about how they stand on the shoulders of giants who came before them. But do they ever imagine themselves as having to be the giant whose shoulders will be stood on by the next generation or leader? It is a thankless job that risks one’s name being forgotten in the dustbin of history. But the risk of Zimbabwe and Africa becoming a cradle of dictatorships calls for a period of selfless leadership with the hope that the wind of change will eventually blow through the continent again towards democracy. — Mail & Guardian. *About the writer: Kudakwashe Manjonjo is a democracy activist who has worked in civil society and community development. He is a Canon Collins PhD Scholar in Sociology at the University of the Witwatersrand. This article was a winner of Canon Collins Trust’s annual Lead with Your Mind: Troubling Power Essay Competition. The trust’s mission is to build a community of change agents across Southern Africa who create and use knowledge for positive social effect. Zim’s hope: Wind of change to democracy Former British prime minister Harold Macmillan.

Reframing Issues Page 39 Empowering women and children of deceased persons in religious context MATTHEW MARE THE Deceased Persons and Family Maintenance Amendment Act of 1997 refers. This study has reviewed the Deceased Persons and Family Maintenance Amendment Act of 1997 with a view to determining how the Act empowers women and children of the deceased person vis-aviz the doctrine of Johanne Marange Apostolic Church (JMAC) on deceased persons' estates. The Act provides mechanisms upon which the deceased person can maintain the living. The same also deals with the maintenance of the estate of the deceased person to cater for the surviving spouse, divorced spouse, dependents of the deceased who includes minor children under the age of 18 years and an adult above 18 years but who cannot maintain themselves. The same provision encompasses the parents who were being maintained by the deceased. The study noted that the Act excludes longterm relationships and even when the spouse was financially stable, spouses who are gainfully in employment and who contributed towards the wealth. Thus, the law is failing to take note of changing dynamics in the society. For example, the Act stipulates that the court considers the contribution made by the spouse to the deceased. However, there are certain contributions by women which are unquantifiable, for example house chores, advice, moral support and help/opportunities extended to men by his in-laws, for example, men who marry from wealthy families. In modern trends, live-ins, small houses, sugar mummies are some of the modern trends that this Act failed to address. It is the assumptions of this study that the Act does not help women and children in JMAC because the church does not recognise this secular Act. Instead, it uses its own theology and doctrine to deal with inheritance issues. The church has its own set of rules which govern how the church presides over inheritance issues. The church usually presides and controls the funeral and post-funeral proceedings to ensure that the church rules are observed. The relationship between JMAC and its congregants extends to private lives. Thus, members do not have independence other than the one provided for by the church. It controls the life of its members from birth to death. This shows how deep and manipulative JMAC theology is to their congregants. Radical theology may be the best term to describe it. The first step, perhaps, is to regulate and de-radicalise the theological inheritance laws of JMAC to ensure that the church complies with the Act. The law did not put into account non-quantifiable contributions like house chores where most JMAC women are housekeepers and labourers. The Act falls short to consider the fact that, in JMAC men do not work in fields but they are considered property owners. Thus, JMAC is highly patriarchal where women work and men control all the assets. When a JMAC man dies, the widows will have all the wealth taken away from them by male relatives. Children are considered a source of labour and wealth, such that women and children are being taken as assets owned by the men. In JMAC, women inherit only assets like household goods and beds. In addition, the Act functions on the basis of the will. In JMAC, there is no need for a will because inheritance procedures are predetermined by the church. The church also determines the fate of the widow by marrying her off to any member of the church. The majority of widows end up embracing being married off because the church looks down upon widows. Thus, widows are less human in JMAC. The law, thus, failed to deal with the rights of widows in terms of their self-esteem. There is a nomenclature problem in JMAC, where widows’ dignity is a major problem. 5.7.2 Maintenance Act 2001 The study reviewed the Maintenance Act of 2001 in order to ascertain the extent to which the law is relevant to women and children in JMAC. This Act requires one parent to contribute to the welfare of the child including terminal benefits. Both men and women have the right to be maintained and maintenance can be claimed while in marriage. Whilst the Act is very clear that women in marriage and the divorced can demand maintenance, the law is irrelevant to women in JMAC. The rationale being that JMAC theology teaches that no woman can approach secular courts demanding to be maintained whilst in marriage. On the divorced, the church does not allow divorce; a woman who divorces is excommunicated by the church and can only be admitted after reconciliation. The church does not have divorcees in church, perhaps as a measure by men to guard against being divorced since child marriages involve marrying off sexually actives to 60-year olds and above. In these polygamous relationships and the erectile dysfunctional challenges that come with age, most men are failing to sexually satisfy their wives. To avert being divorced or left out, the church teaches against divorce and prostitution. *About the writer: Matthew Mare is a Zimbabwean academic who holds two bachelor’s degrees, five master’s qualifications and a PhD. He is also doing another PhD and has 12 executive certificates in different fields. Professionally, he is a civil servant and also board member at the National Aids Council of Zimbabwe. NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023

Page 40 Reframing Issues World News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 Elections can lead to conflict if they are not free and fair At least two dozen presidential, national, regional and local elections are held across the African continent  each year. The sometimes  fierce electoral competition, a history of violence or vote rigging  make it especially important to know that elections are free, fair and credible. This is where election observers come in. The Conversation Africa’s politics editor, Thabo Leshilo, spoke to Kealeboga J. Maphunye, a political scientist and elections expert, about the often difficult, and sometimes even dangerous, work of observers. What do election observers do? There are two kinds of observers: domestic and international. Both may be politically and economically aligned or impartial. Aligned observers usually support their governments, organisations or funding agencies’ policies. All may be from civil society organisations or bodies like the  African Union  (AU),  United Nations  (UN),  Southern African Development Community,  Economic Community of West African States and Intergovernmental Authority on Development. Observers cannot criticise a country’s election practices, electoral body or machinery – except discreetly. They may not stop any electoral process to “rectify” what they see as “discrepancies”. They must document these in their final report. The terms election “observers” and “monitors” are  used interchangeably. This often blurs their differences. “Monitors” normally play an interventionist, robust role such as questioning election outcomes publicly. Unlike traditional observers, they may also lobby or agitate to amend or overturn election results. They may also criticise some electoral practices. Very few African countries allow “monitors” to oversee their elections. They see them as promoting hostile advocacy against their governments and national interests. What do they do? Why do we need them? Most election observers assess a country’s pre-election readiness and adherence to its electoral and other laws. They also assess a country’s ability to hold free, fair and internationally accepted elections. They  comment on the outcome. Both international and domestic observers serve as a verification mechanism. They provide an extra layer of accountability to the voters and international community on the conduct and outcome of the election. Their presence may help alleviate disputes. How much influence do they have? Their presence and reports assure regional and international bodies like the AU, UN,  Commonwealth  and governments of the legitimacy of electoral processes and outcomes. Their reports may be referred to where disputes or post-election violence arise. Winners often cite the reports as proof of their electoral victory. Losers, on the other hand, might use them to support their allegations of election malpractices or rigging. These may lead to the questioning or annulment of election results. Different observer missions may contradict each other. When this happens, their pronouncements that elections were “free and fair” are less useful. They can be challenged. What standards are they held to; are there codes to observe? Observers rely on international and regional standards and national legislation to do their work. For example, the  Southern African Development Community has a set of election principles. Yet some countries flout or overlook the standards. This allows unscrupulous incumbents to win unfairly. Endorsing such illegitimate election outcomes  can compromise the integrity of observers and the elections. What makes them successful? Their success lies in their visibility at polling stations. Also key is their power of persuasion when dealing with contesting political parties, and election management bodies. Their mere presence in a country during an election can assure voters that  someone impartial is watching the process. This may minimise violence or electoral malpractices. Their reports may also help exert diplomatic pressure or influence on election management bodies, governments and other stakeholders. Observers rely on innovative tools like taking representative samples of polling stations, and biometric and global positioning system (GPS) technologies. These may convince stakeholders that their  coverage  of a country’s election was geographically balanced and evidence based. Which are the common obstacles? Observers can face rough terrain, election-related violence, misinformation, uncooperative governments and unwarranted or illegal internet shutdown. They sometimes face hostile or pessimistic opposition parties. In some countries, biased election management bodies  may undermine observers’ work. The Covid pandemic showed how viruses and diseases may undermine elections. In volatile countries, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, Mozambique, Mali and Nigeria, observers also face rebel attacks, abductions and killings. The cost of organising and deploying observers, including providing for their daily needs and welfare, continually poses challenges for observer missions. Which are the worst countries in Africa for election observation? There are no “best” or “worst” countries for observing elections anywhere in the world. But, in Africa, observers regularly risk dangers arising from political instability, insecurity, violence and other crises in countries like Somalia, Chad, Central African Republic, Cameroon, Nigeria, South Sudan and Mali. Such countries can’t guarantee observer safety and security, nor ensure an environment conducive to free, fair and credible elections. Election related violence in countries like Kenya, Uganda, the DRC, and Côte d’Ivoire undermines election observation. So does insecurity and terrorism (Burkina Faso) as well as war (Sudan). In Zimbabwe, Congo Republic and Ethiopia, pre-election instability,  post-election violence and other malpractices have affected the quality of election observation. —The Conversation. *About the interviewee: Kealeboga J Maphunye is professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of South Africa (Unisa), University of South Africa.

Africa News Page 41 THEO NEETHLING TERRORISM is a global problem affecting many countries. Until 2017, however, southern Africa was largely spared from this phenomenon. The bloody conflict sparked by  Ansar al-Sunna  in northern Mozambique has since changed the region’s security landscape. Ansar al-Sunna, also called AlShabaab Mozambique, is an Islamic extremist movement which has  gained prominence  in Mozambique’s northern Cabo Delgado province. Despite military intervention by the  Southern African Development Community (Sadc) and Rwanda since 2021, the bloody insurgency is far from quelled. The group’s goals and operations, and the challenges it poses, are similar to those of the most feared terrorist groups in other African countries. These are in particular Al Shabaab in Somalia and Boko Haram in Nigeria. Boko Haram has posed a significant threat to the Nigerian state since 2009. It has also undermined the security of several neighbouring states. It preys on state fragility and the resultant  socio-economic challenges. Poverty disproportionately affects the rural, northern region, where Boko Haram is most active. Decades of research on conflict in Africa made me aware of similarities between Ansar al-Sunna and Boko Haram. This prompted me to compare their origins, doctrines and acts of terror. I recently delivered a paper on the subject at a conference in Germany. The paper deals with: • the emergence of the two groups • their ideological linkages and links with regional and international jihadist groups • the socio-economic conditions that facilitate radicalism and recruitment • how the two groups source their funds • the security responses of the Nigerian and Mozambican governments. Similarities The first similarity is that both Ansar al-Sunna (“the youth” in Arabic) and Boko Haram emerged as militant Islamist movements committed to establishing Islamic caliphates in their countries. In Nigeria, Boko Haram set out to separate from secular society, and draw students from poor Muslim families to an Islamic school in Borno State. Its founder, Mohammad Yusuf, argued that Islam forbade western education. The group eventually went beyond targeting western education to attacking Nigeria’s political system. This included the country’s constitution, national anthem, national flag and other formal symbols. Ansar al-Sunna, too, was not primarily politically active at first. It started by rejecting Mozambique’s educational, health and legal systems on religious grounds. It demanded that its followers support alternative services offered  at its mosques  — a counter-society of a kind. Second, there is no real documented evidence of direct control of either Boko Haram or Ansar Al-Sunna by foreign jihadists. This implies a strong local context and drivers. But there are clear ideological linkages or sentiments. They both communicate with regional or international jihadist groups. The United States alleges the two movements are  connected to ISIS. It also links Boko Haram to al-Qaeda. Third, I argue in my  paper  that both Boko Haram and Ansar al-Sunna are largely funded by dubious and illegal sources. For Boko Haram, cross-border cattle rustling has been a substantial source of income. So are ransom payments for kidnapping, bank robberies and “tax” collections. Ansar al-Sunna  receives its funding primarily from local business people, as well as cash and goods seized during attacks. Fragile public institutions and the limitations of state security explain the two movements’ ability to get funding and potent large-calibre weapons. Fourth, poor and even desperate socio-economic conditions provided opportunities for Boko Haram and Ansar al-Sunna to emerge in the political landscapes of Nigeria and Mozambique. Both operate in the less governed, poverty-stricken parts of their countries – north-eastern Nigeria and northern Mozambique. Those poor conditions are typical of state fragility and limited statehood. Among the  almost 40% of Nigerians living in poverty  in 2018–2019, close to 85% lived in rural areas. Almost 77% were in the predominantly Muslim north. In Mozambique, Cabo Delgado has an illiteracy rate of about 60%. Some of  the poorest schools and health facilities in the country are in Cabo Delgado. Unemployment is as high as 88%. There is a striking parallel in the inequality and socio-economic exclusion of the affected regions. In both, the central government and relevant state institutions are simply absent, or can’t meet the basic needs of their populations. They don’t provide schools, hospitals, roads and other public infrastructure. They have massive youth unemployment, corruption, poverty and underdevelopment. Fifth, both militant groups sparked heavy-handed security responses from the respective governments. Confrontations between Boko Haram and the Nigerian state eventually led to a state of emergency in 2013 in three north-eastern states. But the group’s violent campaign escalated, taking a heavy toll on lives and property. Similarly in Mozambique, the emergence of Ansar al-Sunna got a strong response from the security forces in 2020. Foreign private military companies joined later. In both cases, the government adopted a militaristic approach to the insurgency, without any positive outcomes. In both countries, the insurgency dynamics and problems required political and economic solutions. These are strategies that address the root causes of conflict. Instead, regional military responses were unleashed – by  Ecowas  in Nigeria, and the  Sadc and Rwanda  in Mozambique. Both interventions are hampered by inadequate resources and insufficient funding. This clearly rules out a military solution or victory. Looking forward State fragility and governance limitations not only provided fertile ground for the rise of Boko Haram and Ansar al-Sunna. They also prevent the relevant state institutions in Nigeria and Mozambique from solving the problem. Inequality and socio-economic exclusion in north-eastern Nigeria and northern Mozambique continue. The central governments and state institutions are unable to address the dire socio-economic conditions and related instability. This is why counterinsurgency efforts have had limited impact. The conflict in northern Mozambique could become a long, low-intensity war, as it has in Nigeria and Somalia. That is unless the authorities adopt counter-insurgency measures that go beyond military operations. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Theo Neethling professor of political science, Department of Political Studies and Governance, University of the Free State in South Africa. Mozambican terror group is strikingly similar to Nigeria’s deadly Boko Haram Mozambican Armed Defence Forces being inspected in Cabo Delgado Province. Simon Wohlfahrt/AFP via Getty Images NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023

Page 42 World News NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023 Winning fight for women’s land rights TARJA HALONEN/ HINDOU OUMAROU IBRAHIM WOMEN have cultivated and nurtured life on our planet for centuries. Yet while the world enjoys the fruits of their labour, they often have no say or control over the land they work. To add insult to injury, the twin threats of drought and desertification – intensified by climate change – have reduced the amount of usable land, jeopardising livelihoods as well as food production. Moreover, unsustainable farming is eroding soil 100 times faster than natural processes can restore it. The United Nations has  classified  up to 40% of the world’s land as degraded. Land degradation is a huge challenge, but the solution lies in the people most concerned about protecting this valuable resource: women. When given the chance, women are responsible stewards who use their extensive knowledge and skills to protect and restore the land in their possession. They have also proven capable of building resilience to droughts, which are becoming more severe and more common as temperatures rise. As matters stand, women are rarely offered such opportunities. Discriminatory practices such as inadequate land-tenure systems, limited access to credit, unequal pay, low levels of decision-making autonomy, and sexual- and gender-based violence prevent their active participation in land management. In Chad, the government excludes many women and girls from land allocations, leaving them with insecure tenure. Gender norms that devalue the contributions of women further reinforce their precarious position. The common expression “Mara sakit,” meaning “She’s just a woman,” exemplifies this sexist dynamic. The problem extends far beyond one country. Despite comprising nearly half of the world’s agricultural workforce and producing up to 80% of food in developing economies, women own less than one-fifth of land worldwide. More than 100 governments continue to deny women the right to inherit their husband’s property. This imbalance, coupled with the worsening climate crisis, leads to female agricultural workers bearing the brunt of land degradation. They suffer from food and water scarcity and are often forced to migrate, which is a contributing factor to gender inequality and its expression through violence and discrimination against women and girls. Indigenous women and girls, people with disabilities, and women human-rights defenders are particularly vulnerable in such conditions. Frustrated by their lack of agency in decision-making, women in some countries have started to fight for their land rights. Sierra Leone, for example, recently passed a new law that grants women the right to own, lease, or buy land in the country. In Tanzania, women who have been given stronger land rights are earning up to 3.8 times more income and are also more likely to have individual savings. This highlights an important byproduct of equal land rights: economic security for women and girls. Giving women a greater say in land management can have cascading knock-on effects on household income, food security, and investment in children’s education and health. Equal land rights could also boost food security, as women invest more in agricultural technology, and use their indigenous traditional knowledge, that results in higher yields. In fact, if women farmers had access to the same level of resources as men, the number of undernourished people in the world could be reduced by as much as 100- 150 million people. To make this a reality, governments must remove the barriers that prevent women and girls from owning and inheriting land. More broadly, policymakers should involve women in decisions about land management, conservation, and restoration. The private sector also has a critical role to play. By expanding access to credit, for example, financial institutions can make it easier for female agricultural workers to purchase the technology and inputs required to improve yields, protect soils, and guard against land degradation. Yet the most important work, including raising awareness and campaigning for change, falls to local communities. Campaigns like With Rural Women for a Chad Without Hunger have pushed for land reforms and encouraged dialogue with authorities, putting affected women front and center. The outcome in Chad is promising: after mobilizing more than 25,000 women in seven provinces between 2017 and 2019, 300 hectares of land were allocated to 18 women’s groups. The United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification has placed gender equality at the core of its mandate – and for good reason. As the convention acknowledges in its  Gender Action Plan, women play a crucial role in sustainable land management. Consequently, securing women’s land rights is not only the right thing to do; it will boost land-restoration efforts, develop long-term resilience to droughts, and create more equitable economies. Our planet, and the health of our societies, depends on it. — Project Syndicate. *About the writers: Tarja Halonen, the first female president of Finland, is United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification Land Ambassador. Hindou Oumarou Ibrahim, president of the Association for Indigenous Women and Peoples of Chad, is a member of the United Nations Permanent Forum for Indigenous Issues and the Indigenous Peoples of Africa Coordinating Committee. Gender inequality has prevented female agricultural workers in numerous countries from owning and inheriting the land that they cultivate. Securing their rights will boost land-restoration efforts, develop long-term resilience to droughts, increase food production, and create more equitable economies.

JONATHAN MBIRIYAMVEKA ZIMBABWE’S foremost dancehall singers, Winky D and Nutty O, are featured on Bob Marley’s tribute album titled Africa Unite through their collaboration So Much Trouble in the World, a remake of the reggae legend’s classic hit. The song is part of a 10-track compilation album comprising some of the crème de la crème musicians from Africa. While there is so much hype and enthusiasm surrounding the release of the album, due out on 4 August 2023, in other countries, sadly the same cannot be said of Zimbabwe. The reason is that in Zimbabwe the powers-that-be, through their stranglehold on public media, are fretting over the collaboration because it features Winy D, a musician they have desperately tried in vain to pigeonhole. As one writer Doreen Rumbidzai Tivenga once wrote: “Winky D has always  refuted  that he sings politics, arguing that his music is mere social commentary. This is a clear attempt to avoid persecution. But there is a very fine line between political and social commentary, and the social conditions of the poor that Winky D acknowledges as central to his music are a product of politics.” Many of Winky D's fans have taken to social media to protest what seems to be a well-orchestrated blackout of his name in the coverage of the massive project. A fan Lindie Wenyika wrote on her Facebook page: “Winky D DiBigman & Nutty O will feature on the forthcoming tribute BOB MARLEY ALBUM. ZBC and other Zanu PF affiliated stations have refused to mention the name Winky D. Let’s show them they don’t matter. 10K likes for the Gaffa before 10 July 2023.” Another fan Rufaro Kaseke Activista commented: “Congratulations to Zimbabwe’s musical national treasure and the people’s hero Winky D and Nutty O for being selected to feature on Tuff Gong Jamaica’s Africa Unite Project. The Marley family are pumped about this project. They believe this compilation album will celebrate the love and connection that the legendary Bob Marley had for Africa and its people. This is a big deal as the two superstars are joining Africa’s best artists on the project.” Music critics worldwide have described the posthumous album as a celebration of the vibrant fusion of reggae and Afrobeats. Discovermusic commented: “With  Africa Unite, Bob Marley’s influence continues to resonate, bridging the gap between the past and present. The album not only showcases the global reach of Bob Marley’s music but also celebrates the rich tapestry of African rhythms and melodies. “By intertwining reggae’s soulful vibrations with the infectious energy of Afrobeats,  Africa Unite  embodies the unity and spirit of collaboration, mirroring the late artiste’s vision of a harmonious world. “Bob Marley’s impact on reggae and Afrobeats music culture is immeasurable. As a pioneer of reggae, Bob Marley was posthumously inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 1994. His powerful lyrics and captivating melodies have served as a guiding light, inspiring countless artistes and shaping the musical landscape.” Africa Unite is an extraordinary album that pays homage to the reggae icon’s greatest hits, beautifully reimagined and infused with the infectious rhythms of Afrobeats. What is all the more exciting is that So Much Trouble in the World was produced by Zimbabwe’s very own DJ Tamuka who has won acclaim for producing Nutty O’s breakaway hit album, Mustard Seed. The album carries the hit song Handipere Power,  a number that encourages people to never give up on their dreams in the face of adversity. The other tracks music fans can look forward to are Dem Belly Full featuring Rema and Skip Marley, Redemption Song featuring South African soulful sensation Ami Faku and Waiting in Vain featuring the Afrobeats queen Tiwa Savage. Another gem of a song is Three Little Birds featuring Teni and Oxlade and also Davido on Buffalo Soldier and Stir It Up featuring Sarkodie. Ayra Starr, who has been climbing high with her single Rush, is also featured on a track titled Jamming and Patoranking closes with the track One Love. Those who love Bob Marley will attest that these are some of his greatest hits loved and enjoyed by millions of people for decades. Zimbabwean reggae fans still remember with nostalgia Bob Marley’s performance at Independence in 1980 during which time he also performed the song Zimbabwe, forever etching the country’s name in the annals of reggae history. Bob Marley’s impact on reggae and Afrobeats music culture is immeasurable. As a pioneer of reggae, Bob Marley was posthumously inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 1994. His powerful lyrics and captivating melodies have served as a guiding light, inspiring countless artistes and shaping the music landscape. STYLE TRAVEL BOOKS ARTS MOTORING Porsche just got angrier Being a Fashion Model Life&Style Page 43 Issue 139, 7 July 2023 Winky D, Nutty O featured on Bob Marley tribute album Nutty O and Winky D

Page 44 People & Places Sport Zanu PF Hurungwe, Magunje rallies NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023

SO near, yet so far. We should not be a three-man army. These three lads — Craig Ervine, Sean Williams, and Sikandar Raza — have carried the country on their shoulders for so long, and it was soon coming that if they all fail, Zimbabwe would be left in serious trouble. The others have to take responsibilities to carry the team home. It’s a team, not individuals! It hurts. We are out of yet another World Cup, for the second edition in succession. But, trust me, all is not lost. Wessly Madhevere and Joylord Gumbie have shown that they have abilities. However, they have to learn to convert and win games for their country. I’m sure it is going to happen, soon. These boys — like Milton Shumba, Dion Myers, Bright Njanji, Nick Welch — are guys who need to step up. They need to be cooked and toughened. Australians are excellent in hand-picking players for rigorous training and orientation programmes as potential elite performers for national duty. Just like in the army where your commanders and special forces are taken for specialised grueling camps, our up-and-coming cricket talents also need such exposure. Zimbabwe has a great coach in Dave Houghton. I believe he should identify six specialist batters for intensive training, so that we have depth going forward, and create competition for places in the batting line-up. ZC must be commended for making sure that the national team had international engagements over the past two years. This should be extended to the Zimbabwe ‘A’ team, so that the next group of talent is fast-tracked and blossom early. Hence stiffer natural competition for guys in the national team. The Scottish, Irish and Dutch players benefit from solid exposure in county cricket in the UK. So as Zimbabwe, we need to get our ‘A’ side back into the tougher South African structure for game exposure and experience. *Guest columnist Stephen Mangongo is a former Zimbabwe national team coach and cricket development stalwart. He is chairperson and co-founder of Powerplay Sports Academy. Sport Page 45 Qualifiers postmortem: Zim’s players need to be cooked and toughened Wessly Madhevere Stephen Mangongo HawkZone NewsHawks Issue 139, 7 July 2023

50c PRICE SPORT Zim Cricket launches Premier League NEWS $60 Covid tariff for visitors & tourists CULTURE Community radio regulations under review @NewsHawksLive TheNewsHawks www.thenewshawks.com [email protected] Thursday 1 October 2020 WHAT’S INSIDE ALSO INSIDE Finance Ministy wipes out $3.2 Billion depositors funds Zim's latest land controversy has left Ruwa farmer stranded Story on Page 3 Story on Page 8 Story on Page 16 Chamisa reaches out to Khupe Unofficial president calls for emergency meeting +263 772 293 486 Friday 7 July 2023 Zim’s players need to be cooked and toughened ALSO INSIDE Sports Zim defeat West Indies Extraordinary life of a Zimbabwean football great Brighton Watambwa bowls for Belgium against Gibraltar in 2014. Ex-Zimbabwe prodigy tears into World Cup, calls for a breakaway ENOCK MUCHINJO TWO-TIME champions West Indies’ missing out on the Cricket World Cup for the first time in the tournament’s history, and host Zimbabwe’s gut-wrenching failure yet again, have been the biggest talking points of the qualification competition ending this weekend in the southern African country. Sri Lanka and Netherlands prevailed in Zimbabwe and will be joining the eight automatic qualifiers for the World Cup in India later this year, a 10-team event that has drawn widespread criticism for its small size — a factor that almost certainly excludes some of planet’s most prominent cricketing nations from the World Cup every four years. One of the most candid critics of the shortened World Cup has now turned out to be former Zimbabwe fast bowler Brighton Watambwa, who played six Test matches for his country in 2001 and 2002. “Most sports are increasing the number of teams in the World Cup, but not cricket,” Watambwa, who later on captained lowly Belgium, told The NewsHawks this week from Brussels. “Why is that, and would that be the case if India, England or Australia were at risk? No one says anything about this, but it’s shameful and highlights what we all already know. India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka all supported Zim cricket at some stages. What did England and Australia ever do? Prostitution is a thing! The hypocrisy in cricket is shocking. It’s been clear for almost a decade now.” The once mighty West Indies, winners of the first two World Cup editions in 1975 and 1979, will be absent from the tournament for the first time after a humbling Super Six defeat to Scotland in Harare last week. Hosts Zimbabwe, riding on the wave of record home support in recent times, were the next big-name scalp of the seemingly cruising Scots on Tuesday. The Chevrons then saw their World Cup dream go up in smoke with a 31-run defeat in Bulawayo, but Scotland were not able to wrap up qualification after a Bad de Leede-inspired Netherlands stunned them by four wickets on Thursday. It means that two out of the three full members of the International Cricket Council (ICC) that took part in the qualifiers have been knocked out. Netherlands goes through alongside 1996 World Cup champions Sri Lanka, although at the time of this interview it looked like Scotland had it in the bag, prompting Watambwa to hype the Scotsmen up despite inflicting pain on his home country. “Fair play to Scotland, I will be supporting them as all these (lower cricketing nations) nations are going through the same s**t,” said the 46-year-old former express bowler. In light of a smaller World Cup in cricket, involving just 10 nations of the planet in a sport that claims to be one of the world’s fastest growing sports, Watambwa has called for a financially viable breakaway structure to include the sidelined parts of the globe. “I genuinely wish there would be the equivalent of LIV Golf in cricket because the current situation is bollocks. I really hope the Saudis come,” Watambwa said. Launched in 2022, The LIV Golf rivals the iconic PGA Tour. LIV Golf, whose CEO is Australian former world number one golfer Greg Norman, is bankrolled by Public Investment Fund, Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund. In the ongoing feud between the PGA Tour and LIV, it has been reported this week that Tiger Woods, arguably the greatest golfer in history, would have been a billionaire by now had he agreed to join LIV last year. LIV tournaments became the richest in golf history when the Saudi-financed tour began around this time last year, with each regular event totalling US$25 million in prize money. Despite attracting criticism from even some of the world’s best golfers, who accuse it of “diminishing golf as a sporting test”, LIV – initially bankrolled with at least US$2 billion – has not looked back, despite talk of a possible merger with the PGA tour. Oil-rich Saudi Arabia has also taken world football by storm, recruiting some of the global game’s biggest names, using the West Asian country’s vast wealth. These are some of the riches that Watambwa would like to see being invested towards an equal distribution of power and resources in cricket, in the wake of the World Cup debacle. Taking stock of the qualifiers in Zimbabwe, it is hard to disagree with Watambwa’s assessment that the forthcoming World Cup will be without quite a few decent international sides. Certainly Scotland and Zimbabwe, even West Indies, ought to be going to India had it been a bigger tournament. Meanwhile, despite yet another tearful ending, 46-year-old Watambwa has praised the Zimbabwe team’s mix of talent and structure, labelling Dave Houghton’s side the best crop since the disturbances of 2003-04 when the country’s finest generation left at the height of a bitter conflict with the board. “Either way, I like the way this team plays, there’s a lot more intent and belief, but at the end of the day I can only relate to when I played, as I’m not there anymore,” commented Watambwa. “Ultimately, today’s game (Tuesday against Scotland) should’ve been a comfortable win. We seem to always be found wanting when seemingly all the hard work is done, regardless of generation. So again we fail, more heartbreak for the supporters and we look to the next tournament. The worst, and best part is, there was amazing support for the team, and it seems a team more united than I’ve seen for ages. But yet again we couldn’t cross the line when we had a great opportunity. Indeed one-day cricket is a game that’s decided on the day and how you perform on the day. But for me, there’s a certain personality that goes with that, and I remember thinking when I saw Scotland’s score, that we were going to kill it, but a very distinct note of caution is that we have never turned that corner of comfort, that an easy target is an easy win. A lot of that is exposure and experience. This team seems to me to be the most mature we’ve had for almost 20 years or so, but regardless of how many plaudits they deserve due to performance, circumstances always prevail and we end up perennial runners-up.”