NewsHawks 12 May 2023

Price US$1 Friday 12 May 2023 NEWS 'Govt must respond to Gold Mafia exposé' Story on Page 9 NEWS CCC 2023 candidates vetting complete WHAT’S Story on Page 16 INSIDE SPORT Zimbabwe Cricket legend Heath Streak critically ill Story on Page 50 ALSO INSIDE Uebert Angel finally returns to UK Controversial rescinded govt notice exposes Mnangagwa’s shaky control

Page 2 News NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE INVESTIGATIONS into how a controversial government notice which subverted President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s authority while he was in London attending United Kingdom King Charles III’s coronation last weekend has exposed Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga’s unrelenting manoeuvres and a bid to militarise state bureaucracy to take control of the levers of power, while destabilising the incumbent. Informed sources say at its core and more than anything else, the contentious notice was primarily intended to militarise the Ministry of Health’s procurement processes and create a blanket of secrecy to acquire goods and services without transparency and accountability. This would have given authorities at the ministry carte blanche to secretly import anything they wanted to suit their interests. Besides that being a potential national security threat, it would have been a breeding ground for corruption, official sources said. Chiwenga, who is comfortable surrounded by aides with a security background, has already significantly militarised the ministry. While the popular speculation was that the notice was done to help First Lady Auxillia Mnangagwa to cover up her Belarus health deals, investigations show that the notice was published through the Ministry of Health and Child Care with the approval of permanent secretary Jasper Chimedza, who is the accounting officer of the ministry. Chimedza, a retired Air Commodore, is Chiwenga’s close ally. He is former Director-General Health Services for the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF). Chiwenga is Vice-President and Health minister. He is former commander of the ZDF. Although Chiwenga was in charge, he would not have engineered such an elaborate scheme to help Auxillia. She is not his political ally. Yet what is clear is that at the time when the notice was placed, Chiwenga, who is surrounded by military personnel at his ministry, was running government, thus responsible for its actions. He is said to have approved the notice before Chimedza allowed it to be published. NatPharm, a state-owned enterprise whose assigned mandate is to procure, store and distribute medicines and medical supplies to public health institutions, falls under Chiwenga and is run by retired Air Commodore Ivan Gibson Dumba, who is acting managing director. Formerly the Government Medical Stores, Natpharm was transformed into a state enterprise through the Government Medical Stores Act (2000). Its procurement processes are opaque and has been riddled with corruption. The involvement of Ministry of Health officials is confirmed by Information permanent secretary Nick Mangwana, who initially defended the notice, amid heavy criticism from Zimbabweans, dramatically changed his position when the fraud was exposed. “The idea is to disentangle purchases of emergency medical supplies or critical equipment repairs from the long drawn procurement process. So the import of the General Notice is not to avoid public accountability but to allow life-saving procurement. Supposing there is an urgent need for certain theatre sundries, without the 'Notice', it would mean the hospital would need to publish a tender first, and go through the long drawn process putting patient safety and life at risk. This 'Notice' gives room for direct procurement of such sundries without the need for bureaucratic procurement processes,” Mangwanga initially posted. “What I have given here is the explanation that we got from the @MoHCCZim [Health ministry]. Our phones were ringing off the hook for a rationale for this instrument. The above is how they explained it.” The notice read: It read: “It is hereby notified that the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe has, in terms of section 3(6) of the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Act [Chapter 22:23] declared the following to be of national interest and shall not be publicly disclosed — construction equipment and materials; biomedical and medical equipment; medicines and drugs (pharmaceuticals); vehicles including ambulances; laboratory equipment, chemicals and accessories; hospital protective equipment; and repairs and maintenance services of hospital equipment and machinery.” A government source said Mnangagwa was rattled by the notice, hence he ordered it quick rescission. “While investigations are still ongoing, the President was upset by the notice. It was a clear attempt to subvert his authority,” a government official told The NewsHawks. “However, the trail of the process clearly shows what happened and gives us clues as to why. The notice was done by the Ministry of Health without followed laid down processes and getting approval from the President. To show that it was a sinister move, it was done a day after he left for London. It was executed with speed over precision. The idea was to ensure that it slips through without the President’s notice. Whoever did it, that is subversive. Under normal circumstances heads should roll. That notice undermines the President, the constitution and its principles of transparency and accountability, and public morality. Even in Rescinded notice unmasks Mnangagwa’s shaky control President Emmerson Mnangagwa

NewsHawks News Page 3 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 a Banana Republic such things don’t happen and we really hope when the investigation is complete swift and decisive action will be taken. Otherwise, that come back to haunt us and create more bigger problems in future.” Despite always appearing together in public, including in Mudzi on Friday opening Rwenya Bridge on the Kotwa (Mashonaland East) to Nyanga Road (Manicaland), Mnangagwa’s relations with Chiwenga are badly strained due to the unresolved leadership question after they removed the late president Robert Mugabe in November 2017. Those close to the two leaders say Chiwenga is always with Mnangagwa as a sign of checkmate. Mnangagwa’s purges of all those from the military who brought him to power has left a taste bitterness and resentment among his former allies. As a result, their rivalry due to betrayal and purges pervades the ruling Zanu PF, government and state institutions. Official sources said Chiwenga — when he was Acting President from Thursday to Sunday last week - allowed General Notice 635 of 2023 to sail, declaring the procurement of goods mainly in the health sector to be made secret in the “national interest”. The notice was done the day after Mnangagwa left for Britain. Mnangagwa left for London on 4 March 2023. The notice was placed the following day - 5 March 2023. Mnangagwa returned home on 7 March when it was already through the process. This caused public outrage and an outcry. When Mnangagwa arrived on Sunday the notice had already been done, although it came out to the public on Tuesday. The following day — on Wednesday — Mnangagwa was shocked about the uproar over it and immediately intervened to rescind the notice. Mnangagwa and Chief Secretary to the President and Cabinet Misheck Sibanda distanced themselves from the notice. Presidential spokesperson George Charamba said his boss did not know anything about the notice. Charamba revealed that the gazetted notice angered Mnangagwa. Mnangagwa is currently reeling under Al Jazeera’s Gold Mafia investigative documentary in which criminal syndicate kingpins were recorded as saying they pay him handsomely to ensure they operate in the country smoothly. "As its date shows, this illegal gazetting happened last Friday, a day after the President had left the country. He is very upset about it," tweeted Charamba. There are several stages that a Statutory Instrument (SI) or a general notice goes through before it is published in the Government Gazette, the official publication which carries laws, ordinances and other regulations. Checks show that the opening stage for an SI is the crafting of the first draft by legal division officers of a particular line ministry. After the draft, which happens follows wide consultations, it then goes to the ministry's director for perusal and then to the permanent secretary who passes it on the minister. The draft document is then sent to the office of the Attorney-General for checks on issues to do with its compliance with the constitution and the enabling Act which, in the latest instance, is the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Act. The cabinet committee on legislation is also consulted on the final draft before it is sent to the government printers for publication in the Government Gazette which comes out on Fridays. Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi said in an interview with The NewsHawks that there is a long process that takes place before a statutory instrument is published, but he distanced himself from the offending notice. He, however, said an SI does not go through the cabinet committee on legislation which he chairs. "SIs do not pass through the CCL (cabinet committee on legislation), but are done by the line ministries. Once published, Parliament through its Parliamentary Legal Committee then checks if it does not offend the enabling legislation and the constitution. "The procedure is it’s published and takes effect, but within 30 days PLC must sit and consider it. So it came out last Friday; they had not yet sat," he said. Asked whether he thought the rescinded notice violated the constitution, Ziyambi said: "That’s why Chief Secretary issued a statement. The President indicated that we are investigating how it happened. So, I cannot comment further than that. The issue is being investigated and once the investigations are completed, we will be able to issue another statement." In Parliament on Wednesday, Harare MP Tendai Biti said the rescinding of the statutory instrument amounted to a constitutional coup. "Mr. Speaker, in future, someone can actually suspend the government through statements like that. It is a serious matter, Mr. Speaker. It is a constitutional coup, Mr. Speaker," he said. Sibanda said in his statement that the document had been published without Mnangagwa’s authorisation, and without his own signature, adding that investigations surrounding its publication were underway. “While further investigations are underway, government wishes to advise the public that, on the instruction of His Excellency the President, the document in question has been rescinded as it has no standing at law, in policy and in terms of set government procedures. It thus should be disregarded,” Sibanda said. Checks showed that other statutory instruments which appear in the government gazette do not bear signatures. In fact, in the latest gazette there are no signatures. This made it easier for the Ministry of Health sneak it in through the notice. Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga Health and Child Care with the approval of permanent secretary Jasper Chimedza

Page 4 News NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 Evidence to minister’s corruption Mavima’s US$400 000 house scandal

NewsHawks News Page 5 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 OWEN GAGARE PRESIDENTIAL Envoy and Ambassador-at-Large Uebert Angel — who fears being thrown under the bus should he return to Zimbabwe, because of the starring role he played in Al Jazeera’s investigative Gold Mafia documentary which exposed the role President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his close associates are playing to aid criminal networks looting Zimbabwe’s gold — is now in Britain. Angel was holed up in Dubai alongside several prominent members of rival gangs exposed in the documentary as key players engaging in the looting of Zimbabwe’s gold and money laundering activities. Angel holds a British passport. Despite being far away from Zimbabwe, Angel remains under scrutiny even in Britain, where House of Lords member Jonathan Oates has requested that he and his assistant Rikki Doolan be investigated for alleged gold smuggling, money laundering and corruption. Oates has demanded that Angel and Doolan’s assets be frozen since they are UK citizens. Mnangagwa’s adviser Eddie Cross has indicated that Angel will be arrested on arrival in Zimbabwe. He has been holed up in Dubai studying the mood of the Zimbabwean authorities while weighing his options, before leaving for Britain. Dubai received most of the country’s smuggled gold. Angel was the most vocal and undiplomatic actor in the four-part investigative series which exposed that Mnangagwa had a close relationship with gold smugglers and money launderers, who claimed they were making regular payments to the President to ensure protection. The controversial diplomat played a role in exposing Mnangagwa, his wife Auxillia, niece Henrietta Rushwaya and the President’s gold runner Pedzisai “Scott” Sakupwanya in the documentary. One of Africa’s largest gold smugglers, Kamlesh Pattni, known as Brother Paul, who features prominently in the documentary is also in Dubai, which he described as the headquarters of Africa in the documentary. “Dubai is the headquarters. Dubai is the centre of Africa; a banking centre, financial centre, it’s tax free,” he told undercover reporters. Pattni has all but abandoned his Zimbabwean operations. In the 1990s, his firm Goldenberg International was at the centre of a giant scandal that robbed Kenya of US$600 million — 10% of its gross domestic product at the time. The then president Daniel Arap Moi allowed Pattni to export Kenyan gold at a time when the East African country was facing a Western aid embargo in return for massive incentives. Alistair Mathias, a Canadian national who is the brains behind Ewan MacMillan’s gold operations, is also believed to be in Dubai, where he largely operates from. Mathias allegedly launders money for people all over the world, from Russians to African politicians, using a web of companies and refineries to make sure money “gets moved around”. A key player on the South African front, Mohammed Khan, better known as “Mo Dollars”, who made headlines as the man at the centre of the alleged money laundering scheme involving gold and tobacco, assisting prominent business persons Simon Rudland and Gold Lead Tobacco Corp, as well as the Gupta brothers, who were at the centre of state capture allegations during former president Jacob Zuma’s tenure, has also fled to Dubai, according to various media reports. Interestingly, he has joined the Gupta brothers who are also holed up in Dubai. A Dubai court this month rejected South Africa’s request to extradite Atul and Rajesh Gupta due to insufficient legal documentation. Dubai police arrested the Gupta brothers in June after Interpol had issued a Red Notice against them for allegedly looting billions from state-owned companies in South Africa. The United Arab Emirates and South Africa signed an extradition treaty in 2018, which was ratified in 2021. Following their arrest, the South African authorities submitted an extradition request based on two cases of money laundering, fraud and corruption. The ministry of Justice said in a statement that the Dubai Court of Appeal rejected the request following a “comprehensive and thorough legal review process” that found the documents submitted were not in line with the extradition agreement between the UAE and South Africa. The ministry said that based on the extradition treaty, the charge of fraud should be accompanied by a copy of the arrest warrant order. However, the submitted documents for the two accused were cancelled arrest warrant orders. Also based on the treaty, the charge of corruption should be accompanied by a copy of the arrest warrant order, the court said. The ministry said the “submitted documents are free of the arrest warrant order of the two accused for the charge of corruption”, which also failed to meet the extradition conditions. The ministry said it received the original extradition file from the South African authorities on 29 November, after holding several meetings. The extradition request was referred to the prosecutors to investigate the accused concerning the charges levelled against them. After a comprehensive investigation, the file was referred to the Court of Appeal, which held three hearings before issuing its decision. “At every step, UAE judicial authorities briefed their South African counterparts on proceedings,” the ministry said in its statement. Uebert Angel finally returns to UK Presidential Envoy and Ambassador-at-Large Uebert Ange

Page 6 News NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE A MEMBER of the British House of Lords, Jonathan Oates, has called for the establishment of the International Anti-Corruption Court (IACC) to prosecute corrupt leaders who steal resources using political influence and power and their co-conspirators. Oates made the remarks following the implication of President Emmerson Mnangagwa, First Lady Auxilia Mnangagwa, government officials and allies of the First Family in money laundering and gold smuggling syndicates in the Al Jazeera investigative documentary, The Gold Mafia. He made the call during his oral presentation in United Kingdom's House of Lords on Wednesday. Before calling for the establishment of the international corruption corrupt, Oates expressed disgust over the deepening crisis in Zimbabwe in which he said the Zanu PF regime is literally looting the country's resources to an extent where citizens are now being robbed of a "brighter economic future". "In Zimbabwe, the Zanu PF regime is mired in corruption which has robbed the Zimbabwean people of what should be a bright economic future. Instead of serving the people, the regime leaders aided by corrupt businesspeople and the judiciary system entirely captured by the Zanu PF regime loot the country's wealth. "Just last week, an opposition politician, Jacob Ngarivhume, was sentenced to four years in prison for simply calling for peaceful protests against corruption in 2020. "Millions of stolen dollars are laundered to countries like China, Hong Kong, Dubai, Singapore, Monaco, some states in the United States of America and shamelessly London," he said. Oates also specifically took aim at President Emmerson Mnangagwa's Envoy and Ambassador-at-Large, Uebert Angel, his partner Rikki Doolan and business tycoon Kamlesh Pattni whom he said must be investigated by the UK's International Criminal Agency (ICA) over issues arising from the Al Jazeera documentary since they are resident in Britain and are citizens of the Western country. "Recently a documentary by Al Jazeera secretly filmed Zimbabwean officials and business persons conspiring to launder illicit funds. Those filmed include at least three British citizens, Uebert Angel, Rikki Doolan and Kamlesh Pattni making clearly on camera their willingness to engage in corruption. "I know the minister (UK Minister on Foreign Affairs) cannot respond to these specific cases but I hope that the National Crime Agency is investigating these individuals and others named in the documentary on their sources of wealth and I hope that the authorities won’t hesitate to freeze assets of those individuals while investigations are being pursued," said Oates. In order to bring to account world leaders who use their power to steal resources and institute extra-territorial investigations to recover their stolen assets, Oates said the creation of the international anti-corruption court was key. "While the British authorities can act on crimes committed under the UK jurisdiction, there is no mechanism to prosecute kleptocrats and to freeze and seize their funds. This can only be done by establishing an International Anti-Corruption Court that can hold corrupt leaders and their co-conspirators accountable," he said. "In some of the countries where funds laundered are withheld, the IACC have them frozen and order repatriation of the assets from the countries where they were stolen. The court will have jurisdiction on member states. For the IACC to succeed, it will not be necessary for the countries ruled by kleptocrats to join the IACC because we assume they will not. "The IACC could be established by a treaty and quickly established even by a smaller number of member states as long as there is some financial incentives (for whistleblowers) in attractive destinations where kleptocrats frequently launder or hide and spend stolen assets," he said. While currently there is no international court that specifically deals with corruption cases, there is an International Anti-Corruption Coordination Centre (IACCC) which brings together specialist law enforcement officers from multiple agencies around the world. The law enforcement agencies that constitute the IACCC include the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau of the Republic of Singapore, UK’s National Crime Agency, USA’s Federal Bureau of Investigation, US Department of Homeland Security (DHS), Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) and Australian Federal Police. New Zealand’s Serious Fraud Office. New Zealand Police and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police also form part of the IACCC. If the IACC that Lord Oates proposes is established, it could collaborate with the IACCC to buttress its power and effectiveness. In the Al Jazeera documentary, Angel made calls to First Lady Auxilia who referred her to Mnangagwa, as he sought to facilitate the laundering of US$1.2 billion from China to Zimbabwe by undercover reporters of the international broadcaster who posed as Chinese gangsters. A multi-million-dollar gold smuggler Ewan McMillan appeared in the documentary saying President Mnangagwa was his partner and revealed that he specifically protects him to smuggle 200 kilogrammes of gold every week. Set up anti-corruption court: Oates Member of the British House of Lords Jonathan Oates Zimbabwe loses many tonnes of through smuggling.

News Page 7 BRENNA MATENDERE PLANS by a local company to embark on natural gas and petroleum oil explorations inside Mana Pools National Park which was designated a World Heritage Site by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco) has drawn the ire of wildlife conservationists and civil society organisations, triggering massive objections to the project. On Thursday, 2 560 people across the globe signed an online petition protesting the plans in the first eight hours of its launch on the change.org website. The petition was organised by Sally Dennis, a wildlife conservationist. Located in Mashonaland West on the southern bank of the Zambezi River that serves as the border between Zimbabwe and Zambia, Mana Pools National Park hosts an estimated 12 500 elephants, 3 000 hippopotamuses, more than 260 lions, cheetahs and wild dogs, according to estimates of 2020. The heritage site covers 676 600 hectares, spanning the Mana Pools National Park, Sapi and Chewore safari areas. However, on Friday last week, there were revelations in the Government Gazette through General Notice 608 of 2023 that Shallom Mining company had approached the Mashonaland West mining board with an application for exclusive exploration of natural gas and petroleum oil in area that covers 130 000 hectares of Mana Pools. Part of the General Notice issued by the Mashonaland West mining board chairperson Pfungwa Kunaka reads: “It is hereby notified, that in terms of section 87 (4) of the Mines and Minerals Act, that Shalom Mining Corporation has applied to the Mining Affairs Board for an exclusive prospecting order, over an area described in the schedule, in the Mashonaland West mining district,” reads the Government Gazette of 28 April. “The applicant intends to prospect for petroleum oil and gas within the area which has been reserved against prospecting pending determination of this application. Prospecting authority is sought upon registered base mineral blocks within the reservation.” On Thursday, Dennis initiated the online petition objecting the move in a bid to "protect the World Heritage site". The response has been overwhelming. Conservationists who signed the petition expressed anger over plans to carry out mining operations inside a game park. Anne Carrolle wrote: "Mana Pools is a World Heritage site and has a unique and fragile ecosystem to be protected, not polluted and destroyed by mining. Operations which open the door to poaching and trafficking of wildlife." Malvern Mupandawana weighed in, saying: "I care about the environment and want future generations to enjoy it too." "Politicians and greed are not what we need on this planet. Wild animals have more right to live in Mana Pools. Now back off and out of Zimbabwe," wrote Cathrine Nicole. Another conservationist, Anne Maseko, stating her reasons for signing the petition, said flora and fauna in the game park had to be protected for their survival. Centre for Research and Development (CRD) director James Mupfumi decried the planned mining project inside Mana Pools National Park in an interview with The NewsHawks. "The current mining blitz taking place in Zimbabwe is unaccountable to national values, culture and public benefit. It is a tragedy that the 9th Parliament of Zimbabwe is coming to an end without government tabling legislation that empowers local authorities and traditional leaders to protect the wildlife, environment, culture and national heritage sites from wanton exploitation by a predatory mining regime," he said. Farai Maguwu, the director for the Centre for Natural Resource Governance (CNRG), said it is unacceptable for mining to be allowed in a game park. "As an organisation, we are surprised that government is even considering and has received an application for oil and gas exploration in Mana Pools National Park. The National Park was declared a World Heritage Site in 1984. It is home to several animal species including elephants that number 12 000, buffaloes which are more than 16 000 and there are hundreds of bird species in that area. Apart from that, it is a very natural wilderness and I think that is what has earned it the World Heritage Status. And it is something to be proud of when you have such a place of global significance. It means it is area that markets Zimbabwe by virtue of its World Heritage Site status. "It can evoke interest among global citizens to visit Mana Pools National Park. The status does not come on its own. It gives government a huge responsibility to uphold that status, not only for the current generations but for the future. I think that is why such a site was declared a Unesco World Heritage Site. It is a heritage that we inherited from the past that we must also bequeath to future generations. "So opening this area to oil and gas exploration is a very selfish expedition that is against the values and virtues of the committee that oversees World Heritage Sites. They have made it very clear that mining and drilling are incompatible with World Heritage sites. As CNRG, we are writing an objection to the ministry of Mines. We will be hosting a Twitter Space on what it means to have such a prestigious place opened to oil and gas exploration, knowing this causes water and even air pollution, speeding climate change, affecting animal migration routes, and even killing the animals when they drink contaminated water. "I think government will make the right decision to reject that application. There is a cabinet decision made on 8 October 2020 which banned mining in all national parks in Zimbabwe. We called on government to translate that into law. We still call on government to translate the decision into law that bans mining in all national parks and conservancies in Zimbabwe," he said. Objections to Shalom Mining company's application need to be submitted to the Mashonaland West mining board by 19 May, according to the Government Gazette notice. In 2020, the government announced that it would ban any mining in national parks. This was after public outrage when conservationists had discovered that two companies, Afrochine Energy and the Zimbabwe Zhngxin Coal Mining Group, had been granted prospecting concessions inside Hwange National Park. Section 35 of the Mines Act allows the government to protect certain areas from prospecting and pegging. However, the Mines Act gets precedence over other laws, such as the Water Act or the Environmental Management Act, leaving many parks vulnerable. The Mines and Minerals Amendment Bill which is under consideration in Parliament leaves room for such mining work, but on strict conditions. The proposed law states: “In deciding whether or not to grant a mineral right or title, the Cadastre Registrar shall take into account the need to conserve the natural resources in or on the land over which the mineral right or title is.” Uproar over Mana Pools oil survey plan Mana Pools National Park NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Page 8 News NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE THE gamble by the Australian Stock Exchange-listed company Invictus to spend millions of United States dollars on exploration for oil in Muzarabani looks set to pay off after the company this week announced it had found a "presence of light oil and rich natural gas-condensate". Last year, the independent upstream oil and gas company focused on sub-Saharan Africa, including on the Cabora Bassa Basin in northern Zimbabwe, announced it had spent US$16 million in four years in primary exploration for oil in Muzarabani which included hiring the drilling rig and logistics. An additional US$16 million was then spent on the actual drilling of Mukuyu-1 hole in search of the oil. The company announced it had raised a further AS25 million (US$17 million) through a private placement, to make it fully funded to extend drilling of the Mukuyu 1 and Baobab 1 exploration wells. The company announced it expected the total cost of the exploration work to rise to US$100 million. However, after spending so much, this week there were revelations that the exercise could begin paying off for the Australian company. The ray of hope boosted market optimism and sent the company's shares surging at 8.7%. “Results from the mudgas compositional analysis definitively proves the presence of hydrocarbons in multiple reservoir pay zones at Mukuyu-1 consistent with the wireline log interpretation, fluorescence, and elevated mudgas readings,” Invictus Energy managing director Scott MacMillan said. “Analysis shows the presence of light oil and rich natural gas-condensate, with condensate gas ratios estimated at between 30 to 135 barrels per million cubic feet. “The analysed samples demonstrate a consistent, high-quality natural gas composition, exhibiting low inert content, containing less than 1% CO2. “Furthermore, the presence of helium gas in commercial concentrations in multiple reservoir units is comparable with global helium producing fields and provides an additional high value by-product." MacMillan revealed that these results were pleasing and pointed to a positive future. “We are extremely pleased with the results from the mudgas analysis which confirm our geological modelling of the Cabora Bassa Basin and the presence of both light oil and gas–condensate provides us with confidence as we prepare for the drilling of Mukuyu-2 in Q3 this year. “Success at Mukuyu-2 and confirmation of a significant discovery will further unlock the value of our material portfolio and basin master position in the Cabora Bassa Basin.” In addition, the latest analysis also confirmed the presence of helium gas in commercial concentrations comparable with global helium producing fields. Helium, mainly sourced from natural gas wells, is a critical component in the manufacture of semiconductors, liquid crystal display panels and fibre optic wire. Its asset portfolio consists of the highly prospective SG 4571 & EPOs 1848/49, in the Cabora Bassa Basin in Zimbabwe, one of the largest under-explored interior rift basins in Africa. Invictus recently drilled its maiden Mukuyu-1/ST1 well in SG 4571, which identified 13 potential hydrocarbon-bearing zones and proved a working hydrocarbon system in the basin. The company is now preparing to drill the follow-up Mukuyu-2 appraisal well, targeting multiple hydrocarbon (gas-condensate and potentially light oil) bearing intervals encountered in the Mukuyu-1/ST1 well in the Upper Angwa and Pebbly Arkose formations, with the aim of confirming a gas-condensate discovery. Mukuyu-2 will also test additional prospectivity in the deeper Upper Angwa and undrilled Lower Angwa, which were not penetrated in the Mukuyu-1/ST1 campaign, providing further upside potential. It will also aim to test the Post Dande horizon away from the major east-west fault on the southern flank. Mukuyu-2 is expected to spud in the third quarter of 2023. Invictus exploration gamble pays off Invictus Energy managing director Scott MacMillan

NewsHawks News Page 9 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE THE opposition CCC's Mkoba legislator Amos Chibaya has requested that Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi release a ministerial statement on Al Jazeera's recent investigation into gold smuggling, money laundering and corruption, which has implicated many people, including President Emmerson Mnangagwa around whom the action-packed exposé pivots. Chibaya was speaking during the National Assembly’s Tuesday sitting, a month after the government said it was investigating the matter. “My point of national interest is to do with the issue of Gold Mafia published by Al Jazeera which is a serious issue to Zimbabwean citizens. I therefore request the minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs who is the leader of government business to come with a ministerial statement on the government’s position,” said Chibaya. Al Jazeera released a four-part investigative report documentary from 23 March to 14 April 2023, which revealed how Mnangagwa’s inner circle was using proximity to the President to benefit from dirty deals, with his blessing. President Mnangagwa has not commented on allegations raised in the documentary. Bosses of criminal syndicates were filmed saying they give regular payments to Mnangagwa to ensure their operations are not disrupted. The Speaker of the National Assembly, Jacob Mudenda, said Chibaya’s request is invalid as the Public Accounts Committee is already seized with the scandal. “Your request has been overtaken by events. The chairman of the Public Accounts Committee is seized with the matter,” said Mudenda. As soon as Mudenda made this ruling, Kuwadzana East MP Chalton Hwende, who also sits on the Public Accounts Committee chaired by Brian Dube, rose on a point of clarity, saying he is not aware of the matter being before the committee. Hwende was ordered to sit down by Mudenda. Before Chibaya’s request, Harare North MP Rusty Markham has also made a request in the august House to Deputy Speaker Tsitsi Gezi to compel the government to address the serious allegations raised in the Gold Mafia documentary and was assured that the Justice minister would be informed. “Regarding the reports on Al Jazeera, the Parliament administration will convey the message to the responsible minister to come to the House and give you the answer. On the issue regarding pastors, I think it is prudent for you, honourable Markham, to come up with a motion so that the issues can be debated in this House,” said Gezi in her 29 March ruling. The government made a public announcement on 4 April 2023, informing stakeholders that relevant security agencies were seized with the matter. Four days later, on 8 April 2023, the Financial Intelligence Unit announced that it had frozen the accounts of implicated officials Cleopas Chidodo, David Chirozvi, Mehlululi Dube and Fredrick Kunaka. When the public complained that the quartet constituted small fish in the laundry saga, Eubert Angel, Kamlesh Pattni and Ewan McMillan’s accounts were frozen but, still, tycoon Simon Rudland and Mnangagwa's niece Henrietta Rushwaya remain uncensured. Govt must respond to Gold Mafia exposé: MP Chibaya Mkoba MP Amos Chibaya Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi

Page 10 News NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE The Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc) has launched a lifestyle audit into Civil Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe (Caaz) security manager Cleopas Chidodo after he appeared in an Al Jazeera documentary revealing the kickbacks he demands from smugglers of goods, minerals and cash at Robert Mugabe International Airport. Zacc spokesperson Thandiwe Mlobane confirmed the development in an interview with The NewsHawks on Monday this week. "Zacc is carrying out its mandate of investigating all reports that it has received. I confirm that Zacc is carrying out investigations on allegations levelled against Cleopas Chidodo," she said. Mlobane said she was not at liberty to divulge additional information on the investigation. However, sources within Zacc revealed that the investigators who were assigned to tackle Chidodo’s case have initiated a lifestyle audit. Investigators want to measure his wealth against his official income amid reports that he has invested heavily into real estate and public transport. "The intelligence which the investigators gathered was that Chidodo had amassed a lot of wealth that included houses, residential properties in Harare and a lot of commuter omnibuses and buses plying various routes in the country. "They are trying to see if there could be a case of unexplained wealth belonging to him. At present unexplained wealth includes cash or properties that range from US$100 000 and above at law although there has been a push to cut it down to US$10 000. Indications are that Chidodo's wealth is beyond both figures," said the source. Checks at Robert Mugabe Airport revealed that Chidodo has not been reporting for duty from the time Al Jazeera began releasing the first episode that implicated him. His workmates said they were not sure if he was on suspension, but the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe's Financial Intelligence Unit last month announced that it had frozen his accounts pending investigations linked to revelations he made in the Al Jazeera documentary. "He is not here. He has not been coming to work for some time now and we learnt only late that he had been fingered in the Al Jazeera documentary. He kept a low profile and was most of the time inside the CCTV room, we did not interact closely with him," Chidodo's workmate in the Caaz security department at the Robert Mugabe Airport told The NewsHawks. In the second episode of the Al Jazeera documentary, Chidodo boasted that he could facilitate smuggling of anything ranging from valuable minerals to cash. “Anything you need to take out of the country, that’s my area. This is my 23rd year. Twenty-three years I am at the airport, that’s why I got promoted and I’m now the boss,” he said. “You need to tell me what you are carrying. It will also help in making some charges, you see. If, for example, you are taking money, we need to know how much you are taking. Usually for money it’s about 5% of what you are taking, but if you are taking precious minerals, gold, diamonds, the price goes up.” He also told undercover reporters that former first lady Grace Mugabe used her position to smuggle diamonds and ivory out of the country without the late former president Robert Mugabe’s knowledge. He said the former first lady would send planes to diamond mines where the finest gems would be handpicked and flown to Dubai via Harare International Airport (now Robert Gabriel Mugabe International Airport). In his comments to Al Jazeera, included in the documentary, Chidodo later claimed he had played along so that he would arrest the undercover reporters when they came through the airport to smuggle dirty cash and minerals. He then backtracked on the statements and issued a public apology to the former first lady last week, saying he had lied after being coerced. He also said the undercover reporters laced his drink. “It is untrue that Dr Grace Mugabe devised schemes to smuggle minerals and ivory behind the late president Robert Mugabe’s back. It is untrue that Dr Grace Mugabe made a lot of money through smuggling minerals out of the country. “I am aware of the reputational damage I have caused to the first family, especially Dr Grace Mugabe and I sincerely apologise for the falsehoods that have stained the image of the former first family,” said Chidodo. He added: “I wish to state that during time of the meeting and the recordings my mind had been manipulated by what I assume were drinks spiked by a substance to the extent that I do not even recall saying the said statements even though I acknowledge the video shows me saying so. It was unwise, immature and extremely unfortunate that I resorted to lying whilst soiling the image of Dr Grace Mugabe and her family and for that I once again apologise,” said Chidodo. Caaz security manager Cleopas Chidodo Lifestyle audit for Caaz security boss Robert Gabriel Mugabe International Airport

NewsHawks News Page 11 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 BERNARD MPOFU THE Parliamentary Legal Committee (PLC) has issued an adverse report on the Mines and Minerals Amendment Bill, saying the proposed changes to the law are ultra vires the constitution and bestow carte blanche powers on the line minister. Zimbabwe is losing millions of dollars in illicit financial flows and smuggling of minerals and experts blame the country’s weak legislation and porous borders for the haemorrhage. Pursuant to its constitutional mandate of providing oversight on the executive arm of government, the PLC met between March and 3 May this year to consider the Mines and Minerals Amendment Bill, a piece of legislation which sought to overhaul the country’s mining environment. The committee also engaged the minister responsible for the Bill through a letter raising the constitutional violations as observed by the panel. After deliberations, the committee unanimously resolved that an adverse report be issued in respect of the Bill. The committee, which comprises lawyers and is chaired by veteran lawyer Jonathan Samkange, the raised red flag over some clauses of the Bill, warning that it is not only fraught with constitutional violations but may also fuel corruption. The committee also questioned clause 6 (4) (a) (ii) which provides that any person who wishes to mine a strategic mineral shall satisfy the minister that he or she has the capacity to invest a sum equivalent to or at least US$100 million. “The clause gives the minister the discretion to prescribe lesser or greater sums generally or in relation to a specific declaration of a strategic mineral,” the adverse report reads. “The benchmark of the one hundred million dollars is on the high side and appears to be a thumb suck figure such that the majority of ordinary citizens will be unable to mine strategic minerals. This will also affect local companies that cannot afford to invest that amount. This clause allows monopolisation of mining by foreign companies who are able to afford the stipulated figure.” This clause, the report further shows, is in violation of section 56 (3) of the constitution which prohibits discrimination on the basis of economic status for one to acquire equal opportunities in mining. “As a rule, laws should apply generally and not just to particular individuals or classes of people. The clause also defeats the national objectives set out in Chapter 2 of the Constitution in particular section 13 which advocates for local communities to benefit from the resources in their areas and the empowerment of the Zimbabwean citizens through involving them in national development projects,” the report reads. “It violates the principles of equity and inclusiveness by setting a figure that excludes other classes of the society on the basis of economic status. In addition, the discretion of the minister to increase or decrease the amount defeats the tenets of the rule of law principles that state that laws must be certain, objective and unambiguous. ” The report further shows that clauses 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 are in violation of section 2 (h) and section 9 of the constitution which advocate legislation that develops efficiency, competence, accountability, transparency, personal integrity and financial probity in all institutions and agencies of government at every level and in every public institution. The constitution provides that measures must be taken to expose, combat and eradicate all forms of corruption and abuse of power by those holding public offices. “Clause 8 (3) (a) of the Bill states that a member appointed to the Board shall hold office for an indefinite period. This gives rise to the question of impartiality and fairness and creates a breeding ground for corruption and nepotism,” the report reads. Clause 12, the report noted, violates section 169 of the constitution by making the Supreme Court a court of first instance instead of the High Court. The Supreme Court is the final court of appeal in Zimbabwe except in matters over which the Constitutional Court has jurisdiction. The committee also observed that the Bill also disempowered communities displaced to pave way for mining activities. “Clause 35 (4) is in violation of section 71(2) and (3) of the constitution which provides for property rights and compensation for compulsory deprivation of land, the report reads. “This clause provides that if a landholder or Rural District Council withholds consent to a person seeking to exercise their rights under any exclusive prospecting licence, exclusive exploration licence or any special grant, he or she may not be a beneficial owner directly or indirectly by obtaining any mining right or title over the ground (surface rights) in respect of which consent was withheld for a period of 10 years. “This has a negative impact on the rights of landowner, the landholder or Rural District Council concerned should not be penalised for withholding consent. Both the landholder and the miner have the right to apply for mining title. The landowner should be offered first preference if the mineral is occurring on their land.” This clause, the committee noted, is also in violation of section 194(d) which provides that public administration in all tiers of government — including institutions and agencies of the state and government-controlled entities and other public enterprises — must be governed by the democratic values and principles enshrined in the constitution including the principle that services must be provided impartially, fairly, equitably and without bias. Parly legal committee condemns Minerals Bill

Page 12 News NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 BERNARD MPOFU FINANCE minister Mthuli Ncube on Thursday held crunch meetings with three sector working groups tasked with breaking the country’s debt logjam ahead of the next leg of the structured dialogue which has commenced in Harare. The debt ridden-nation established a structured dialogue platform with all creditors and development partners in order to institutionalise negotiations on economic and governance reforms to underpin the arrears clearance and debt resolution process. Following the structured meetings held last December, in February and March this year, three sector working groups were established on Economic Reforms, Governance Reforms and Land Tenure Reforms, Compensation of former commercial white farmers and the resolution of Bilateral Investment Protection and Promotion Agreements. Sources said the sector working groups (SWGs) met earlier on in the week and deliberated on the matrices. “A lot of ground has been covered since December and now it is time for the real meaty issues,” a diplomatic source said. “The finance minister will receive presentations from the working groups before the next high-level meeting. The land working group is led by the Office of the President and Cabinet; the International Monetary Fund (IMF) chairs the economic group and the European Union and the Justice ministry jointly chair the governance cluster.” Ncube confirmed in a statement that another high-level meeting would be held next Monday. “Following our third meeting, the Economic Sector Working Group met on 8 May 2023, the Sector Working Group on Land Tenure Reforms, Compensation of FFOs and the resolution of BIPPAs met on 9 May 2023, while the Governance SWG met yesterday, 10 May 2023,” Ncube said. “I am happy to announce that all the three Matrices have broadly been agreed upon and are now awaiting feedback from Development Partners, following consultations with their Capitals. I implore our Development Partners to expedite consultations with your Capitals/ Headquarters so that the three Matrices can be signed off and endorsed by the Government.” Next Monday, former Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano and African Development Bank (AfDB) chief Akinwumi Adesina will chair a High-Level Resolution Forum in the capital where they will be apprised on the three draft policy reform matrices and map the way forward with structured dialogue platform meetings. Adesina was appointed to lead the whole process while Chissano plays the role of high-level facilitator. This week, Ambassador Nuno Tomas, adviser to the High-Level Facilitator (Chissano) attended all the three SWG meetings. After several failed attempts to settle arrears with international financial institutions (IFIs) such as the World Bank and AfDB, which all enjoy preferred creditor status, Zimbabwe, which has been struggling to access long-term concessional funding, adopted a new strategy which is led by AfDB. With a total consolidated debt of US$17.5 billion, Zimbabwe owes international creditors US$14.04 billion, with domestic debt pegged at US$3.4 billion. Debt owed to bilateral creditors is estimated at US$5.75 billion, while multilateral creditors are owed an estimated US$2.5 billion. Zimbabwe is the only regional member country of the AfDB group under sanctions due to arrears amounting to nearly US$736 million. The regional lender estimates that as of 31 December 2022, the figure stood at US$750 million. Zimbabwe is also in arrears with the World Bank amounting to US$1.47 billion and the European Investment Bank (US$372 million) out of the US$14 billion external debt. According to the new debt plan, Zimbabwe is exploring traditional debt relief options, especially the Highly Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) Initiative, which provides maximum debt relief for beneficiary countries and nonHIPC initiatives. As part of re-engagement with IFIs and other creditors, the Zimbabwean government in March 2021 resumed making quarterly token payments to the multilateral development banks, the World Bank Group (US$1 million), the African Development Bank Group (US$500 000) and the European Investment Bank (US$100 000). Treasury also began making quarterly token payments amounting to US$100 000 to each of the 16 Paris Club bilateral creditors in September 2021, as a sign of its commitment to the engagement and re-engagement process with the international community. Debt logjam: Meetings underway Finance minister Mthuli Ncube

NewsHawks News Page 13 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 NATHAN GUMA FORMER Parliamentary and Constitutional Affairs minister Eric Matinenga says the Constitutional Court’s failure to deal with MDC-T leader Douglas Mwonzora’s application to have the delimitation report nullified — on a technicality — is likely to prolong the case as it is likely to end up in the same court. The ConCourt on Monday dismissed Mwonzora’s application in which he sought to have the delimitation report nullified and the elections postponed. The ConCourt said it has no jurisdiction. Mwonzora has indicated he will appeal to the High Court. In an interview with The NewsHawks this week, Matinenga said the ConCourt should have heard Mwonzora’s case, to avoid unnecessary delays. “They should have dealt with the issue on the merits, because now Mwonzora is going to the High Court and raise a constitutional case, and the issue is going to come back to the Constitutional Court. I am actually not against Mwonzora’s bid challenging the delimitation process. “But, where I think the dishonesty comes in is when he calls for the elections to be postponed. So I think they should have dealt decisively with the case,” he said. The delimitation report has largely been criticised for its serious shortfalls that include gerrymandering in favour of Zanu PF. Analysts have also expressed concern over Zec’s decision to retain flaws flagged in the preliminary delimitation report presented to President Emmerson Mnangagwa in December last year. The report also resulted in divisions among commissioners. Seven commissioners have spoken out against the delimitation report effectively opposing chairperson Justice Priscilla Chigumba. As a result of the fallout, Chigumba removed Commissioner Jasper Mangwana and his deputy Catherine Mpofu from their roles as spokespersons of the election management body. Chugumba allocated the role to herself, her deputy Rodney Kiwa and Zec’s chief elections officer Utloile Silaigwana. The final report gazetted by President Emmerson Mnangagwa in February has in some cases retained a ward and constituency population threshold of over 20% — in violation of the constitution — which has in the past been condemned by experts, while failing to declare ward and constituency boundaries, which is contrary to section 161 (11) of the constitution. While experts agree that the delimitation was flawed, they have dismissed Mwonzora’s overtures to have elections postponed, questioning his honesty and intentions. As previously reported by The NewsHawks, Matinenga said while it was constitutional for Mwonzora to file an application over the report which is seriously riddled with errors, the demand to have elections postponed is wrong and “dishonest”. “[I] have not read the full Constitutional Court application by Mwonzora, yet, save for paragraphs 1 & 2 shown on this platform. The delimitation report is a mess, both in terms of process and substance. It must be set aside. “The consequential relief sought in paragraph 2 is, in my view, dishonest. Section 161(2) of the constitution provides for the use of ‘boundaries that existed immediately before the delimitation are applicable’. “The relief which the application should seek therefore is not to postpone the election but for the 2008 boundaries to be used,” Matinenga wrote on social media. ConCourt delay on Mwonzora case unnecessary — Matinenga MDC-T leader Douglas Mwonzora

NATHAN GUMA CIVIL society organisations say Zimbabwe may be headed towards another disputed election, with most pre-election processes in a shambles, underlined by impunity and legal irregularities that are tilted in favour of the ruling Zanu PF. The government has been dragging its feet in rolling out reforms, including the alignment of the Electoral Act to the 2013 constitution and the diaspora vote, among others. In May last year, the European Union Election Observer Mission (EUOM) expressed concern at the slow pace of electoral reforms after the contentious 2018 polls, saying progress on the implementation of reforms has been limited, with the majority of the priority ones yet to be addressed. Civil society leaders say a lot still needs to be done to ensure the integrity of the election. In a Zoom meeting convened by the Southern Africa Political Series (Sapes Trust) and the Research Advocacy Unit (RAU) last Friday, Electoral Resource Centre (ERC) executive director Barbra Bhebhe lamented the partisan accreditation of civil society in the voter registration blitz last month. “Media were granted access to observe the voter registration process in the just-ended blitz. That was a positive development, although my concern is that civil society was sidelined in the process of observing the voter registration blitz. “We also noted something that we think should not happen in the actual election itself where we saw a lot of organisations accredited to observe the blitz being aligned to Zanu PF, for example Heritage and Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz). That then raises questions whether or not mainstream civil society is going to be accredited,” queried Bhebhe. As previously reported, senior security sources told The NewsHawks that the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), through Faz led by CIO co-deputy director-general retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi, has secretly taken over from the military, the running of national elections — designed to manipulate the process in favour of the incumbent President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his government. This is not a constitutional or official arrangement, but an underground operational unit campaigning for Mnangagwa and Zanu PF in the August general elections, which is likely to shred electoral integrity. Bhebhe said Zec’s failure to release the voters’ roll is another key issue likely to undermine the integrity of electoral process. “On integrity, I think the voters' roll remains an important issue. I think it is worthwhile to just point the [Allan] Markham case on the voters' roll, where the application was dismissed on grounds that releasing an electronic copy of the voters’ roll was a security issue, and that the advent of social media would jeopardize the voters’ roll. “I think that actually tells us whether or not we are to engage in litigation as civil society and access the voters' roll before the elections. I think that is a concern because this case actually throws litigation efforts that we could do as civil society to access the voters’ roll like we did in 2018. “We resolved to litigation (in 2018) and were able to get the voters’ roll. We do not know if litigation is going to work after this case. The voters’ roll must be availed to all stakeholders,” she said. Bhebhe said impunity has remained evident, with the government continuing to jail political opponents for long periods of time, usually without trial. “We have seen excessively long periods of detention where defendants have been in detention for years. It would be good to highlight some of the cases e.g Mutare mayor Simon Chabuka's case, and also the Walter Mutwawo case, in which he has been in remand since July 2018. Lately, we have the case of Honourable Sikhala and Godfrey Sithole,” Bhebhe said. Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum director Musa Kika said Zimbabwe's proclamation of electoral dates should be aligned with the constitution as is being done by other countries. “I see it as an issue of concern when the entire nation has to be kept guessing when we are going to have an election. In other countries people know when elections will happen,” Kika said. “I give Kenya as an example. They came out of an election and we know the next election is going to be held on the August 9, 2027. Why? Because their constitution clearly states election dates. “By now, we ought to know when polling would take place. I would imagine a situation where a nation is kept guessing would arise out of a situation when someone wants something to do with an election . . . to derive some benefit. But even assuming nothing wants to be done, just the optics and perception of manipulation based on timing is enough to taint the credibility of an election.” Kika said there is a need to protect some sections of the constitution from amendment by Parliament. He cited Constitutional Amendment No. 2 which Mnangagwa used to extend Chief Justice Malaba’s tenure by five years, despite his reaching the mandatory retirement age of 70. Such moves are likely to influence electoral outcomeas. “I will point out what I think should be the second constitutional mistake. In my view, when we made our constitution, we ought to have insulated from parliamentary amendment certain changes to the constitution that alter or affect basic structure of the constitution, and structure of the government,” he said. “And we have a prevailing perception that the Chief Justice (Luke Malaba) was preserved through Amendment No. 2 to deliver judgments that would be expected of him by the President. “We ought to have made it a requirement for a referendum when we alter things like the appointment, or extension of tenure of the head of an arm of government. “Amendment No. 2 has to do with head of the legislature. What we have now is a situation whereby judicial office bearers cannot have their [job] security guaranteed and therefore become beholden to the President.” Disputed election looms Page 14 News NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

NATHAN GUMA A GROUPING of civil society organisations, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (the Forum), has taken the country’s human rights fight to the African Union, predicting a bloody election due to the government’s hardline stance against critics, which is likely to perpetuate the violation of civil liberties. Zimbabwe is heading towards general elections in August amid concerns that the violence witnessed in previous polls may occur once again. For instance, in the aftermath of the previous general election, six unarmed citizens were killed by security forces on 1 August 2018 after opposition supporters protested the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission’s delay in releasing the poll results. Victims have not been compensated since then. This week, The Forum in its submission to the 75th African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR), said violence has been evident in the period before the election, which is likely to have an effect on the process itself. “On political violence, Zimbabwe is due to hold its harmonised elections in the next three to four months. The President has called for a violence-free election. Notwithstanding, the country has already witnessed politically linked violence. “The escalation in incidents of politically-motivated human rights violations in Mbare, Matobo and Insiza districts after the last intersession points to a deepening political crisis in the country as the nation trudges closer to the 2023 general elections. “In Mbare . . . clashes over the control of vending stalls at Mupedzanhamo resulted in one fatality, arson, and malicious damage to property. Despite both Zanu PF and Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) youths being implicated in the violence, police only detained CCC youths (Brian Tongowasha, Marshall Marova, Nellish Watosvorwa, Bramwell Marime, Tendai Musauki, Robert Madira and Tinotenda Gwechekweche) who were allegedly apprehended by Zanu PF members,” read the submission. The Forum said in Matobo Ward 2, CCC members were assaulted while mobilising support ahead of the 26 March by-elections last year. The party won the by-elections. “Victims of violence received a report that several vehicles had blocked the road at a bridge leading to the Mlotshwa family and people were being harassed. Member of Parliament (MP) from Nkulumane Constituency (Kucaca Phulu) in Bulawayo was present. “They (the victims) were met with violence and assaulted, including the MP. A gun was pointed at the MP before he was assaulted. The victims, including the MP, claimed over 15 vehicles were blocking the road, led by one vehicle branded Zanu PF Mashonaland Central. “The group proceeded to one of the victims’ homesteads where they destroyed the windows of houses. About nine elderly women who were mobilising support for CCC were stripped of their blouses and left with bras, or bare-breasted,” read the submission. The Forum condemned the shrinking of civic space since Mnangagwa rose to power in 2017. “Shrinking civic and democratic space since the last intersession, the Private Voluntary Organisations (Amendment) Bill sailed through the House of Senate. A positive development was that as civil society organisations (CSOs), we requested an audience with the President, who kindly acceded to our request. “A high-powered CSOs delegation met the President and senior government officials where the Bill was discussed. The President undertook to consider the CSOs’ views after consultation with the Attorney-General of Zimbabwe. We remain concerned about over-regulation and the unconstitutional manner in which the consultations took place,” read the report. The Bill awaits presidential assent. The Forum has also condemned selective application of the law by the government. In an interview with The NewsHawks in February this year, CCC president Nelson Chamisa said over 70 of his party’s rallies had been stopped by police since the party hasin 2022. “As the country prepares for elections, perceived voices of dissent are being subjected to selective application of the law with the space being restricted for other political players and the space being open for others. “On 14 January 2023, Zimbabwe saw the arrest of 26 opposition political party activists. The 26 were arrested on allegations of attending an unsanctioned meeting at the house of a member of Parliament. The meeting was violently disrupted by the Zimbabwe Republic Police who also threw teargas in the residential home,” read the report. “During the last session, we highlighted the plight of a member of Parliament, lawyer and opposition leader, Honourable Job Sikhala, who has been in pre-trial detention for over 300 days when his conviction and sentencing were passed yesterday. The prolonged duration of his pre-trial detention before sentencing is a cause for concern.” More people have been convicted, for instance, novelist and filmmaker Tsitsi Dangarembga who was found guilty of “inciting public violence” during a peaceful 2020 anti-government. She was acquitted this week. “In 2023, a lawyer Kudzai Kadzere was assaulted by the police and sustained a fracture by the members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police as he was responding to a group of 26 opposition activists who had been arrested. “And more recently, on 27 April 2023, opposition Transform Zimbabwe leader Jacob Ngarivhume was convicted of public violence incitement charges stemming from a July 2020 tweet in which the opposition politician called for a national shutdown in protest over corruption and poor leadership and was sentenced to an effective 3-year custodial sentence,” read the report. The Forum urged the government to employ regional best practice regarding pre-trial detention and timely detention and to abide by principles and guidelines on the right to a fair trial and legal assistance in Africa proclaimed by the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights. “We call upon government to facilitate the existence of a conducive environment for female HRDs [human rights defenders] to participate in the political space and implement the 50/50 clause on political representation in decision-making positions; and provide specific protections to human rights defenders that, inter alia, include the right to conduct human rights work individually and in association with others. “We implore government to support the complimentary role of civil society organisations in the communities and not shrink the democratic operating space through waging lawfare.” Polls: Civil society approaches AU Novelist and filmmaker Tsitsi Dangarembga who was found guilty of “inciting public violence” during a peaceful 2020 anti-government. NewsHawks News Page 15 Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Page 16 News NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE OPPOSITION Citizens' Coalition for Change spokesperson Fadzayi Mahere says the party has concluded vetting candidates for all constituencies and council wards across the country, but is now consulting stakeholders. Mahere was speaking to The NewsHawks, a month after the party conducted its nomination process (5 April 2023). The party initially announced it would reveal its candidates from 11 April. “We can confirm that the process has proceeded smoothly. Candidates have been successfully nominated and vetted for each of these seats (210 constituencies and 1 971 wards). Stakeholders have been consulted. We are currently at the citizen caucus stage where citizens will have a say on who will be the best representative for each respective community,” said Mahere. As per the CCC candidate selection procedures document, the process is in five parts: nomination which happened on 5 April 2023; candidate acceptance confirmation in which nominated candidates were supposed to accept the nomination; candidate vetting and announcement of candidates that would have passed the vetting stage. The final stage will be consensus-building caucuses before the official announcement of victorious candidates. “One of the key deliverables of our 2023 Agenda announced by President Chamisa at the start of the year was to come up with MPs and councillors to stand as citizen representatives in all 210 constituencies and 1 971 wards throughout the country,” said Mahere. To date, only nominations for Harare West which were announced at the initial Press conference have been made public, but everything else is being kept under wraps. The nomination process was hit by confusion and chaos, with some candidates crying foul, but ar a Press conference two weejs ago party deputy spokesperson Gift Siziba assured participants that those who fail the vetting test would have an opportunity to approach the appeals committee. Meanwhile, Mahere said CCC is confident of winning the next general elections. “We are well on course to ensure the citizens’ movement is competently and ethically represented in every community of Zimbabwe. The citizens will have the opportunity to put a permanent end in the ballot box to the repression, persecution, hunger and poverty created by Zanu PF. A CCC government will usher in a new Great Zimbabwe with leaders who will deliver dignity, freedom and prosperity for all,” said Mahere. CCC candidates vetting complete CCC spokesperson Fadzayi Mahere

NewsHawks News Page 17 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE MARY Mambondiyani is tired of the poor quality of life she has to endure in the Midlands province’s sprawling town of Gokwe where service delivery is almost non-existent. Mambondiyani, a resident of Kambasha medium-density suburb, says her household last enjoyed the luxury of running water years ago as they have to rely on an unprotected well in their backyard for drinking water. The roads in her neighbourhood are not tarred and become impassable during the rainy season. Mambondiyani attributes Gokwe’s service delivery collapse to endemic corruption that has seen a high turnover of senior council staff whose corruption cases have featured prominently in the headlines in previous years. “The service delivery here in Gokwe is just painfully poor,” she said. “We have to drink water from unsafe wells that we dug in our backyards and at times the water gets contaminated by the sewer that overflows from burst pipes. “We are supposed to be leading city lifestyles, but we are no different from the people living in the villages because there is nothing to show for it. “What worries us the most is that we continue to hear about issues of high-profile corruption involving top officials at council, who steal money meant for service delivery.” The deep-rooted corruption in Gokwe first came to the fore in 2019 following the arrest of former town secretary Melania Mandeya and ex-director of finance Jokonia Nyoni for a litany of cases that included fraud and abuse of office. A Local Government ministry investigation in November 2020 made several recommendations to arrest the graft, but a two-month probe by The NewsHawks in partnership with Information for Development Trust, a non-profit organisation supporting investigative journalism in Zimbabwe and southern Africa, revealed that nothing has changed at the local authority. The probe team led by Local Government deputy minister Marian Chombo recommended Mandeya’s sacking and the tightening of the local authority’s procurement processes, but the transparency issues remain a thorn in the flesh for the town. Minutes of council meetings, resolutions by the local authority and interviews with disgruntled council officials placed the acting town secretary Alexander Nyandoro at the centre of the alleged latest rot that includes the siphoning of thousands of dollars. Acting Gokwe town secretary Alexander Nyandoro is accused by councillors and corruption watchdogs of illegally pocketing US$45 000 after he billed the local authority for the use of his personal car eight years before he was appointed acting town secretary. He claimed the money from council in September last year. Nyandoro was appointed acting town secretary in November 2021 after Local Government minister July Moyo fired Joseph Mandlokuwa under a cloud. Mandlokuwa had replaced Mandeya. Nyandoro was touted as the broom that would sweep Gokwe clean, but this investigation can show that the situation has deteriorated on his watch. One of the thorny issues is a 16 September 2021 council resolution in which the acting town secretary allegedly arm-twisted council, which is dominated by the Douglas Mwonzora-led MDC Alliance, to pass a resolution to pay him a staggering US$45 000 for the use of his personal car. He has also acquired a Mazda BT50 double cab vehicle from the local authority for US$5 000 and is now driving a Ford Ranger that was bought for US$60 000 by the struggling local authority after another controversial council resolution in November last year, according to council minutes in our possession. Nyandoro used his Mercedes-Benz E-class between 2013 and 2015 when he was still council’s chief administrative officer. He charged council US$60 a day for two years after arguing that car hire companies would have demanded US$150 a day for the Gokwe town services rot deepens amid cars scandal Dusty roads in Kambasha, Gokwe. Acting Gokwe town secretary Alexander Nyandoro

Page 18 News NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 same car, council minutes show. “From November 2013 to December 2015 Mr A Nyandoro had been using his personal vehicle for council business,” reads the unsigned council resolution in our possession. “During that period, he was not paid for use of his personal vehicle save for the period November 2013 to January 2015 when he was paid AAA rates for trips out of Gokwe only. “For that period Mr A Nyandoro was requesting to be paid a total of ZWL$ bank rate of US$45 000.00 calculated at a rate of US$60.00 per day. “He was arguing that the average market rate for hiring a Mercedes-Benz E-class vehicle was US$150.00 per day. His personal vehicle was a Mercedes-Benz E-class vehicle.” The resolution added: “The acting town secretary advised that he should not be paid the ZWL$ bank rate of US$45 000.00, but should be paid using current AAA rates since the transport policy refers to AAA rates (and) not market rates. “He said he should also be requested to forgo payment for out of Gokwe trips.” Councillors told this publication that there was no written approval from Mandeya, who was the town secretary then, to back Nyandoro’s claim that there was an agreement with council to pay him for the use of his car. “That agreement would have stated exactly the duration in which he was going to use his personal vehicle and the charges which would be put down on paper,” said a senior council official on condition of anonymity. “However, as it stands, there is no such paper trail.Again, there was supposed to be a council resolut ion made for that arrangement. “That is how the council operates. That was abuse of office by Nyandoro.” Council insiders said the arrangement did not make sense because between 2013 and 2015 the local authority did not have a shortage of pool cars, which would have forced officials to use their own cars. Investigations revealed that between 2015 and 2018, Gokwe town chairperson Esther Sengwe was allocated a Mazda BT50 registration number AAE 7029 for official use. Insiders said Nyandoro became Sengwe’s personal driver and when her term ended in 2018 the acting town secretary misrepresented that the vehicle was allocated to him, which enabled him to buy it for US$5 000 as the book value. A Mazda BT50 costs about US$48 000 on the market. The resolution to sell the car to Nyandoro was passed on 28 September 2021. It has emerged that the local authority boss bought the car without ministerial approval as stated in resolution 1279/21, which also paved the way for him to get the Ford Ranger. Initially some councillors were against the resolution, which saw the issue being deferred from 16 September to 28 September 2021. Councillors only bowed down to pressure after Nyandoro threatened legal action, official council documents show. “After a lengthy debate of no consensus, members agreed to park the issue so that it could be discussed some other time after considering all merits of the issue,” the council minutes added. “Nyandoro had recused himself from the debate and when he came back after he was briefed of the outcome of the matter, he expressed his displeasure and mentioned that Gokwe Town Council was a very cruel employer which was inconsiderate and heartless. “He said according to council records this was the seventh time the issue was being discussed, with no results. “He said he felt abused by Gokwe Town Council since he had used his personal vehicle for free to transport the then council chairperson and even the director of finance when council had no adequate vehicles. “He informed the council that he had no other option, but to take the legal route so that the courts would give their decision.” Obert Chinhamo, director of the Anti-Corruption Trust of Southern Africa (ACT-SA), told The NewsHawks that they had been following the developments in Gokwe with a keen interest, including the vehicles scandal. Chinhamo said they had also investigated Nyandoro’s acquisition of the council vehicle and the payment of US$45 000 for the use of his personal vehicle, which they found to be irregular. “Acting town secretary, Nyandoro pocketed US$45 000 as compensation for allegedly using his personal vehicle to carry out the local authority’s work,” he claimed. “Nyandoro claimed mileage for use of his personal vehicle yet there was no such agreement with the former secretary or any other town secretary before Mandeya. “Furthermore, there was no log book in which the mileage was being recorded. Nyandoro charged the local authority US$60 per day, which he was paid without any questions asked.” Chinhamo said council whistleblowers told them that Nyandoro used a council vehicle at the time and there was no need for him to use his personal car. Councillors claimed that the acting town secretary has been refusing to show them his employment contract for them to verify whether he is entitled to a car worth US$60 000. A council official said Nyandoro’s contract as chief administration officer, which he signed in 2017 indicated that he was entitled to a car, but does not specify the value. “He used his influence as acting town secretary to push for the US$60 000 car,” said the council official. “The US$45 000 he pocketed for use of his personal car in 2013 and 2015 was never authorised by anyone and there are no records for that condition at our human resources offices.” Nyandoro and Gokwe Town chairperson Never Gwanzura refused to comment and referred questions to council spokesperson Brian Kapfumvuti. Kapfumvuti defended the acquisition of the cars by the town secretary, saying it was part of his working conditions. “The acting town secretary bought the BT50 in terms of his contract of employment and council resolutions,” he said. “His substantive post is that of chief administrative officer. “About the Ranger, the council bought the car in terms of his contract and council resolutions.” Thandiwe Mlobane, the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc) spokesperson, said they can only institute investigations into the matter when there is an official complaint. Local Government spokesperson Gabriel Masvora said they will investigate the alleged corruption. "We had not received any report from police or Zacc about corruption at Gokwe council,” Masvora said. “Following this tip off from the media, we are going to carry out our own investigation and appropriate action will be taken on those that will be found on the wrong side of good governance. As a ministry we do not condone corruption and we are going to start our own investigation at Gokwe council." A January 2023 report by ACT- SA titled Advancing Personal Self-Interest At The Expense of Service Delivery in Zimbabwean Local Authorities: The Case of Gokwe Town Council obtained by The NewsHawks said law enforcement agencies were ignoring reports of graft at the local authority. “ACT-SA decries the existence of a corruption syndicate that include local authority staff, councillors, and the law enforcement agents. “Part of the law enforcement agents include officials in the employ of the Office of the President and Cabinet,” Chinhamo said. “It is alleged that local authority councillors sanitise the looting by staff through illthought council resolutions and procurement decisions that are used by staff as weaponry for personal enrichment. “As an extension of the network, the law enforcement agents are accused of a consistent onslaught against individuals or whistleblowers accused of leaking information on An unsigned Gokwe Town Council resolution authorising Nyandoro to buy a US$60 000 car. corruption at the local authority.”

NewsHawks News Page 19 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 LULU HARRIS DEKA River, a tributary of the Zambezi River, has been heavily polluted with metals, industrial pollutants released by local and foreign-owned coal mining as well as power-generating companies, compromising the health of thousands of villagers. Domestic and wild animals have also not been spared by the contamination of one of Matabeleland North’s major rivers, amid concerns over poor monitoring by the Environmental Management Authority (Ema). Some villagers have over the years suffered from skin diseases, stomach pains and diarrhoea after consuming the water. Aquatic life has also succumbed to the pollution with fish deaths being recorded over the years. An investigation by CITE in collaboration with Information for Development Trust (IDT), under a project meant to support investigative reporting focusing on the accountability and governance of foreign interests and investments in Zimbabwe and southern Africa has established that water in Deka River is unfit for human and animal consumption. Deka River, situated a few kilometres from Hwange town, supplies water to villages such as Zwabo, Mukuyu, Mashala, Shashachunda, Kasibo and Mwemba, and flows all the way to Zambezi River. Over the years, pollution from the operations of Hwange Colliery Company Limited (HCCL) and Chinese companies licensed to mine in its catchment area has devastated Deka. The Zimbabwe Power Company (ZPC), which operates thermal power stations in Hwange, has also contributed in a major way. A sewer treatment plant is also contributing. Ema revealed there are nine mining companies operating in the Deka catchment area, “which are directly and indirectly” contributing to the river’s contamination. Tests prove contamination As part of the investigation, CITE tested samples of water from Deka River at Ecovision, a reputable laboratory in Bulawayo. The organisation also interviewed affected residents, community leaders, environmentalists and Ema officials. The water samples were collected in March at a time villagers said the pollutants were at their lowest after being diluted by inflows from the rain. The tests however confirmed the presence of industrial pollutants and total dissolved solids (TDS) in the river. TDS are dissolved particles such as salts, minerals and metals found in all non-pure water sources. They were found to be above the permitted range for drinking water standards. The World Health Organisation (WHO) in a background document for Guidelines for Drinking-water Quality published in 2003 recommends a TDS limit of 300. Samples from the Deka River recorded 370, indicating a high concentration of minerals generated by pollution, industrial waste and mining. According to the WHO, these hazardous minerals accumulate in the body because it cannot excrete or use them, causing gastrointestinal disorders such as stomach pain and diarrhoea. Some Hwange residents consuming water from Deka River confirmed suffering from stomach pains and diarrhoea. The WHO also says high TDS in water may also lead to kidney disease, liver illness and, in severe cases, death. A platinum cobalt method test, which is a precise method which uses spectroscopy to test for impurities in water, revealed Deka River has a pH level of 4, whereas the normal range for pH in surface water systems is 6.5 to 8.5 and for groundwater systems 6 to 8.5. Water with a pH less than 7 is considered acidic and when it is exposed to certain chemicals and metals, it often makes them more poisonous than normal, causing fish death and livestock deformities. Ema, environmentalists and villagers confirmed fish death in the river. The laboratory report recommended water filtration and a disinfection system for Deka River because “water found near mining areas, chemical dumps, landfills or power stations is highly likely to have an acid pH resulting from exposure to chemicals used or leached from those areas.” During a second site visit in April, the news crew noticed that Deka water had turned dark green, whereas in March it was not as green. Villagers attributed the difference to rains that had fallen early in the year which had had diluted the water, at the time of the initial visit. Villagers speak out Hwange villagers said illnesses and livestock death were common. Fanuel Mwembe (35) of Zwabo Mukuyu Village, who had 30 goats, said all of them died over time in 2014 after drinking from Deka River. “I noticed the goats were weak and couldn’t walk after drinking the water. Some of the goats even gave birth to kids with no fur or the kids had longer legs than normal,” he explained. The Hwange District Veterinary Services officer, Dr Lovemore Dube, said scientific evidence was needed to confirm the exact effects to livestock caused by water. “We are dealing with a situation of conflict,” he said. “Also people use the water, eat the fish, so the health department has to be involved. A holistic approach is needed and we will be happy to be part and parcel of the research.” Brandina Nyoni (67), another villager, said in 2020 she sought medical attention after experiencing abdominal pains, first at St Patrick's Hospital, then at Hwange Colliery Hospital where tests revealed she had helicobacter pylori.“My stomach was painful and I even developed wounds in my anal area. After talking with other women in the village, we suspected it was the water from Deka because several of them experienced similar pain. I was told at the hospital that I have acids and ulcers,” she said, holding her medical report. A medical article published by Oxford Journals in 2000 says helicobacter is a common bacterium. An estimated 50% of the world's population has been estimated to be infected. Helicobacter causes chronic gastritis and has been linked to a number of serious gastrointestinal illnesses, including duodenal ulcer and gastric cancer. The article says appropriate nutritional status, particularly frequent consumption of fruits and vegetables and vitamin C, appears to protect against helicobacter infection; however, food prepared under less-than-ideal conditions or exposed to contaminated water or soil may raise the risk. Overall, poor sanitation, low socio-economic status, and crowded or high-density living situations appear to be associated with a higher prevalence of H. pylori infection, a finding that suggests poor hygiene and crowded conditions may facilitate transmission of infection, as seen in Zwabo Mukuyu Village where villagers lack access to a reliable source of clean water. Another villager, Benita Tshuma, added: “due to the acid in Deka water, sugar beans took longer to cook and would boil for hours.” Rosemary Shoko in her fifties from Shashachunda Village, said when growing up, Deka water was safe but had been poisoned over the years. “When we fetch water from the river, we notice pollutants and realised we have to stop drinking it,” she said, adding their livelihoods had been negatively affected. “We used to weave baskets from the reeds, fish for food, but now most of the fish are poisoned. We have tried to engage the mines, but we don’t receive a response. All they care about is mining.” Shoko added that some women with “delicate skin reacted after bathing with Deka water.” Community leaders add their voice Chairperson of the local water committee at Zwabo Mukuyu Village, Senzeni Zulu, believes the green colour in Deka indicates that mining Mat North’s river of pain . . . Deka river heavily polluted

Page 20 News NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 companies had recently discharged their waste. “The water turns green mostly around October and November when it’s about to rain because mining companies hope the rain will wash away their discharge,” she said, adding, “every time the companies see clouds or hear from the weather department there will be rain, they discharge waste.” Zulu said Ema officials informed villagers in March that Deka water was “very dangerous.” “When one walks barefoot on the river, their feet turn pale. If you have a wound on your feet, the itching gets worse when one gets in contact with the water and it takes longer to heal because of the acid there,” she stated. Zulu said Ema should order mining companies to construct their own dams where they can discharge their waste. Village head of Zwabo Mukuyu Village, Tshokwani Pinos Shoko, said due to the dire water situation, he was compelled to drill a borehole using his funds. “I paid US$2 930 to drill a borehole. I now have to purchase a solar and submersible pump, but these are plans for next year. Hopefully, when functional, people can come and fetch water here,” he said. Shoko said boreholes were a viable alternative to Deka water. However, there is only one functional borehole drilled by Hwange Colliery Company Limited (HCCL) but sponsored by World Vision for a nutritional garden. “Some people have also dug their own water ponds to avoid using water from Deka. At least Hwange Colliery has drilled boreholes but they need to be fixed,” he said. The village head said while water pollution had been there previously, it had worsened following the coming in of Chinese mining companies, which he accused of being reckless. “Ema has authority and must regulate these mining companies so that they care for people,” he said. Residents' associations blast Ema, Colliery and Chinese companies The coordinator of Greater Hwange Residents Trust, Fidelis Chima, said despite scientific studies pointing to pollution of Deka River, the government and Ema were not taking action. “Yes, Deka is heavily polluted. We have heard of people actually suffering from skin disease after using water from Deka River,” he said. “We expect the government to make sure they actually put a stop to the continuous pollution at Deka River. However, as an organisation we are thinking of litigation so that there is finality at the end of the day.” Greater Hwange Residents Trust seeks to give Hwange residents a collective voice to demand accountability from duty bearers and local companies. Chima said Deka River was the biggest source of domestic water in Hwange such that even companies like ZPC and HCCL relied on it. “The pollution is mainly caused by coal activities from Chinese companies like (Sunrise) Chilota (Corporation Pvt Ltd), Zimberly (Investments) and many others,” he said. “We also have Hwange Colliery and ZPC [Zimbabwe Power Company] Hwange. They also contribute to the pollution.” Sunrise Chilota’s managing mirector, Allen Mpofu, said his company was aware of the pollution of Deka River, but said cases of pollution “date back beyond our existence as a mining entity”. Mpofu said when operating, his company draws water from one of Deka’s tributaries, which it uses for dust suppression and recharging washing ponds. He however said the company’s coal washing facility is a closed circuit, adding the company does not discharge into the environment. “The communities have engaged our company on several occasions and checked our processes to verify if we are polluting the water bodies,” Mpofu said. “. . . The pollution affects our goodwill and corporate image. It is unfortunate that when you travel along Deka Road we are one of the two coal mines that you see and the next thing you see blue-greenish water in Deka River. It is easy to attribute the colour of Deka River to us, as we are one of the two visible mines. We are suffering from bad publicity as a result of the pollution occurring upstream. As a matter of fact, we have been closed for over two years and this blue colour has been occurring in Deka River, but it is unfortunate we are given the blame because the Deka Road passes by our mine. “We utilise a closed-circuit policy and we do not discharge into the environment. The water used for coal washing is recycled and the water in the active mining pit is pumped to another un-used pit. So, we don’t discharge any effluent into the environment. We have enough measures and facilities to contain all our processed water inside the mine.” A translator for Zimberly Investments, Leon Ling, denied their company caused pollution, and blamed another company mining next to Deka River. “No, it’s not us. It’s another company, we stopped mining and there’s another mining company there. We are closed and moving, no more mining. I see another company mining there next to the river,” he said, claiming his company shut doors “two to three months ago.” “We not dumping through water. We have finished,” he said. HCCL did not respond to questions. Chief and managing consultant at SustiGlobal Environmental Consultancy, Oliver Mutasa, who provided consultancy services to a number of Chinese companies that are accused of discharging effluent into Deka River, stated that a multi-sectoral approach was required to address this issue. He said while a number of companies can be named and blamed for the pollution, scientific proof was needed to know how much each company was discharging. “We can blame a lot of them, yet it’s only one culprit,” Mutasa said, adding that Ema must make sure companies conform to Section 5(1) of the Statutory Instrument (SI) 6 of 2007 (Effluent and Solid Waste Disposal) Regulations, which stipulates the limits of effluent discharge. “There must be remedial measures. Before waste is discharged, some form of pre-treatment is required. If Ema is not capacitated enough to make sure those companies comply with regulations, obviously the miners will definitely continue to pollute.” Mutasa said most mining companies do not subscribe to international standards, so if there is no push from Ema, they may continue polluting, which disadvantages companies that may want to invest. “Due to Ema’s incapacitation to profile each of these mining companies, it makes sense for people to accuse mostly Chinese-run companies for polluting the water,” said the consultant. “It is unfortunate that the Chinese companies are getting most of the blame, but I wouldn’t want to say the Chinese only are responsible. No, I think we have got the amount of players there.” According to Daniel Sithole of Green Shango Environmental Trust, a Hwange-based environmental organisation, precipitants from old underground mining, where heavy metals ooze into Deka River, are one of the main sources of pollution. “When there is that interaction, water stability is affected, leading to serious contamination of the water,” he said. Sithole said the increased scale of mining operations in Deka’s catchment had worsened pollution. He said the pollution dates back to the 1990s Villager Brandina Nyoni sought medical attention after experiencing abdominal pains in 2020. Village head of Zwabo Mukuyu Village, Tshokwani Pinos Shoko (right), was compelled to drill a borehole using own funds.

NewsHawks News Page 21 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 caused by an Acid Mine Drainage from “old abandoned coal mines by HCCL, with effluent from power generation and other coal mines along the catchment area.” To reduce pollution in the river, Sithole said, HCCL had planted reed beds, considered an environmentally friendly method of water treatment because reeds accommodate different species that digest organic matter in effluent. Sithole said cases of fish death have been recorded since the 1990s and as the pollution load increased, there were notable fish deaths in 2015, 2016, 2017, and 2019. We are constantly monitoring: Ema Ema's Matabeleland North provincial environmental manager, Chipo Mpofu-Zuze, said over the past 13 years, four fish deaths were recorded, particularly at the bridge along Deka Road. She said this was at the onset of the rainy seasons in 2008, 2016, 2018 and 2019. Mpofu-Zuze acknowledged Ema has “from time to time” received concerns about mining companies polluting the Deka River. “In each case, the agency has engaged relevant offices such as the Veterinary Department who deal with animal health and the ministry of Health and Child Care in cases of human health as they are better placed to conclusively confirm if the issues are attributable to the river’s pollution,” she said. Mpofu-Zuze said Ema, on account of routine environmental monitoring through ambient water monitoring of six sampling points in and around Deka, has no record of Chilota and Zimberly “pouring” their effluent into the river. “At the time of receiving the allegations, the two companies did not have such a licence because Chilota Mine has not been operational since 2020 and Zimberly have a ‘closed system’ which means all their process water is recycled back into the plant without discharging into the environment hence the licences are not currently applicable,” she said. She admitted that Chinese coal-mining companies were contributing to the pollution of Deka, especially during the rainy season because of runoff, but said HCCL and the Zimbabwe Power Company were the main polluters. “A 2018 study by the National University of Science and Technology (Nust) linked the colouration to water quality changes caused by the mixing of two effluent streams Runduwe and Sikabala, resulting in an increased contaminated runoff from areas where coal material had accumulated, leading to pollution,” Mpofu-Zuze said, noting this is “the main unavoidable challenge with coal mining worldwide.” “Besides the HCCL Acid Mine Drain, ZPC effluent and Baobab Sewer Treatment Plant, during a period of dry spells or no rains, there are no other direct point sources of pollution into Deka River or the effluent receiving streams that flow into Deka. It is only during the periods of heavy rains with peak surface runoff where non-point sources of pollution are relevant to Deka River pollution.” As part of its mandate, Ema has 347 sampling points where it conducts a Monthly Ambient Water Monitoring Programme on all major rivers in Zimbabwe, and Deka is among them, said the Ema official. “Monitoring is done on three points representing the upper, mid-river segment and downstream. Over and above, there are three other points on the Sikabala Stream, an effluent stream that flows into Deka River. All these points are strategically monitored to establish the water quality of the water bodies within the coal-mining industry in Hwange where the allegations were made,” she said. Mpofu-Zuze said there are nine-coal mining and processing entities in Deka’s catchment area, whose activities both directly and indirectly add pollutants to the river. “In addition, effluent from other sources such as sewage treatment facilities and other nonpoint sources including coal fines find their way into Deka River, the main water body receiving effluent from the mentioned sites in Hwange,” she said. Mpofu-Zuze said Deka River is seasonal and flows mainly during January to May. For the greater part of the year, “the river’s flow is mainly from Runduwe Stream containing effluent from ZPC and Sikabala Stream containing effluent from HCCL acid mine drainage.” However, ambient tests on Deka River showed that most parameters are within recommended limits except for manganese, which the Ema official attributed to the Acid mine drainage effluent. “As the river progresses further downstream, the water quality improves owing to the natural assimilation capacity of the river,” Mpofu-Zuze said. According to the WHO, drinking water with high levels of manganese for a long time may cause “weakness, anorexia, muscle pain,” and other neurological dysfunctions. Manganese is also said to cause discolouration of water.

Page 22 News NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 NATHAN GUMA PROMINENT Zimbabwean anti-corruption journalist Hopewell Chin'ono has been acquitted by the High Court in Harare on an allegation of obstruction of the course of justice. The case involved President Emmerson Mnangagwa's controversial niece and gold dealer, Henrietta Rushwaya. Starting July 2020, Chin'ono was arrested and spent 45 days in jail; first on the case of allegedly inciting public violence, secondly on obstruction of the course of justice and thirdly for allegedly circulating a video that spread falsehoods. But all the three "bogus" cases, as he described them, have been thrown out, leaving Chin'ono a free man. In his ruling, High Court judge Paul Musithu said magistrate Marehwanazvo Gofa had omitted a gross irregularity when she ruled that Chin’ono had made a statement in connection with a case that was pending before the court, when no case was pending before any court at the material time. “It is ordered that the 1st Respondent’s (Magistrate Marehwanazvo Gofa) ruling dated 12 December set aside and replaced with the following order; That the Applicant’s (Hopewell Chin’ono) exception be upheld and that he be found not guilty and discharged. “That in the event of the matter being remitted back to magistrate’s court, the 1st respondent be hereby disqualified from further participation in the criminal prosecution of the Applicant and that any further trial be conducted before a different magistrate,” read part of the judgement seen by The NewsHawks. The judgement also said Chin’ono’s tweet was in the public interest. “Even assuming that the alleged offensive tweet fell within the ambit of section 184 (1) (c) of the code, the tweet was of public interest as it sought to inform the public on a matter of public interest as required by section 61 and 62 of the constitution. “There was no intention to prejudice any pending case as the tweet was intended to demonstrate the National Prosecution Authority’s (NPA) inconsistencies towards bail, especially where a certain category offenders such as the Applicant appeared before the courts. “The applicant was entitled to express his views in terms of Section 61 and 62 (of the constitution). As a practicing journalist, the Applicant was entitled to seek, receive and communicate information in terms of Section 61. Accordingly, no offense has been committed." After the judgement, Chin'ono hit out at Mnangagwa’s government for brazenly abusing the state security apparatus and judicial system to punish dissenters Rhodesia-style. He described his unjust and repressive imprisonment by the government as "cruel" and "evil". Said Chin'ono: "The High Court of Zimbabwe has dismissed the bogus charges against me in the Henrietta Rushwaya case, and also acquitted me today. "The High Court also ordered that the state must pay my legal costs. This ruling came after my legal team challenged magistrate Marehwanazvo Gofa’s ruling that I must be tried by her although the charge was bogus." Chin'ono added: "I would like to thank my legal team that was led by Beatrice Mtetwa, assisted by Doug Coltart, Gift Mtisi and the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR). "This third acquittal in a row at the High Court proves what I have always said to the world, that I was a victim of political persecution by President Mnangagwa’s government for exposing corruption by his government and other players in his government. "This latest acquittal came after I was arrested on November 3 2020, for exposing that the National Prosecution Authority had done a corrupt deal with Henrietta Rushwaya, to give her bail unopposed after she was caught trying to smuggle 6.7 kilogrammes of gold to Dubai. "I was first arrested on July 20, 2020, for exposing the looting of public funds meant for Covid-19, the regime lied that I had incited citizens to remove the government from power. I spent 45 days at Chikurubi Maximum Prison. I was arrested again for the second time on November 3 in 2020, for this case which was thrown out today." Chin'ono said he suffered badly while in jail for political reasons. "I spent 24 days in prison at Chikurubi Maximum Prison. I was arrested again for the third time on January 8, 2020, for something I didn’t do, and using a law that doesn’t exist. I spent 23 days in Chikurubi Maximum Prison," he said. "The case was thrown out again by the High Court. The idea was to send me to trial at the magistrate’s courts so that I get convicted and jailed. But each time my lawyers led by Beatrice Mtetwa were able to prove on review at the High Court that the charges were bogus! Without my lawyers and their ability to prove that these were bogus charges, I would have been in jail. "I am eternally grateful to them and the long hours they put in over three years to get the bogus charges thrown out, and to get me acquitted on the three occasions." Taking no prisoners, Chin'ono tore into Mnangagwa and his regime for authoritarian repression and hounding critics, including journalists. "To President Mnangagwa’s Government I say: The police, courts and the prison service are meant to maintain law and order and the rule of law, and not to punish and persecute critics, the opposition and journalists for doing their work," he said. "You wasted three years of my life persecuting me for doing my work as a journalist. It was evil and cruel for a government whose mandate should be to protect citizens, to instead become a predator to its own people. "Today I am not celebrating, my life was messed up for three years. There is nothing to celebrate. We still have political prisoners like Job Sikhala and Jacob Ngarivhume wrongly jailed; they are being persecuted like what happened to me on three occasions! "So there is nothing to celebrate when innocent citizens are in jail! Thank you to all Zimbabwean citizens and friends of Zimbabwe who stood up for me during this difficult time, and thank you to all African and global leaders that shared messages of solidarity publicly and privately." Concluded Chin'ono: "Lastly, I want to thank my family and friends who stood up for me, thank you." While Chin’ono has been acquitted, more arrests on opposition politicians Sikhala and Ngarivhume have exposed government’s authoritarian reign of terror. This week, Zengeza West legislator Sikhala was convicted, almost a year after his arrest, and slapped with a suspended six-month custodial sentence and a US$600 fine. Sikhala was however not released from custody, despite spending over 300 days in prison, with the state arguing he has outstanding cases. The sentencing of opposition Transform Zimbabwe (TZ) leader Ngarivhume (pictured) on charges of inciting violence after he called for peaceful anti-corruption demonstrations has also raised a public outcry. Last week, Ngarivhume was arrested for leading and organising the 31 July 2020 protests. He was convicted by Harare magistrate Feresi Chakanyuka on Thursday and has been sentenced to 48 months imprisonment, with 12 months suspended. He will effectively serve 36 months in prison without the option of a fine. He was accused of inciting public violence by using his Twitter handle to convene the 31 July 2020 nationwide anti-corruption protests which were quashed by the security forces. Human rights organisation Amnesty International has condemned the convictions, saying they are a travesty and further evidence of an escalating crackdown on peaceful dissent and the right to freedom of expression ahead of the general elections. "The conviction and sentencing of Job Sikhala is a travesty of justice and a shocking demonstration of the growing crackdown on peaceful dissent, especially on opposition leaders and party members in Zimbabwe,” said Flavia Mwangovya, Amnesty International’s deputy director for East and southern Africa. Obstruction charge: Chin’ono acquitted Journalist Hopewell Chin'ono

NewsHawks News Page 23 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE BARD Santner Markets Inc, a Harare-based banking and finance advisory firm, has expanded its operations to Victoria Falls by setting up Bard Santner Offshore Corporate Services to tap into the growth potential of the Victoria Falls Offshore Centre and other financial opportunities there. The move is set to entrench localised expertise in identifying gaps within the market as well as build confidence within their customer base, Tatenda Hungwe, the company’s executive director, told The NewsHawks. “Our growth strategy is to establish and enhance our service offering with local and international institutions so that there is localised expertise within the financial sector, that speaks to international capital,” he said. Hungwe adds that the facility that they have set up will help corporates listed at the Victoria Falls Stock Exchange with administration, fiduciary and corporate adminstration services, among other offerings. “The Victoria Falls Stock Exchange is an exchange seeking to be registered in the offshore finacial sector. It has entities listed that require corporate services; what we are doing is simply laying the foundation for the needs of those companies registered in the offshore sector to be met,” said Hungwe. The Victoria Falls Offshore Centre is an emerging regional financial hub, with the Victoria Falls Stock Exchange (VFEX), a United States dollar-indexed bourse which offers currency stability and certainty, as its commercial heartbeat. The government set up an offshore financial centre in the resort city, the Victoria Falls Offshore Centre, chaired by Marc Holtzman, a veteran US banker with 35 years experience in emerging markets, which they aim to vie with the likes of Dubai and the Isle of Man to attract foreign investment. Hungwe says the success of the project creates opportunity for them to tap into the offshore markets. “Victoria Falls Offshore Centre is a tax-free zone that offers a range of financial services to international investors in banking, insurance and asset manangement, among others. It is in the Victoria Falls Special Economic Zone which was created to attract capital and we have seen it evolve into a competetive and attractive international investment platform. We see it as an opportunity in the transformation we believe this will bring to the country,” said Hungwe. Bard’s expansion, which includes the opening of new offices in the resort town, follows a successful capital markets conference in London which was attended by companies, corporate executives and investors, from Zimbabwe and other countries. The conference, organised by Bard and Financial Markets Indaba, opened new opportunities for Bard and other companies. Bard Santner, which strongly believes there is opportunity in every challenge, is the first financial institution to register and set-up in the Victoria Falls Offshore Centre. Apart from being Zimbabwe’s premier tourism destination, with a global reputation and tourist source markets, Victoria Falls is slowly emerging as a true financial hub since the establishment of the Special Economic Zone, the US dollar-anchored stock exchange and the broader strategy of making it a regional financial centre in the mould of Mauritius. Bard Santner Vic Falls office open Bard Santner Markets Inc chief executive Senziwani Sikhosana

Page 24 News BERNARD MPOFU THE South African rand — which is used in Zimbabwe's multi-currency system — is still stuck in murky waters after it slumped to its lowest level on record against the United States dollar as investors expressed grave concern over a blazing diplomatic row between Pretoria and Washington relating to the alleged supply of arms of war by Union Buildings to the Kremlin. This came as gold miner AngloGold Ashanti has announced it will move its primary listing to New York from Johannesburg in a bid to access a deeper pool of investors and reduce risks associated with South Africa, the company said on Friday. Zimbabwe mainly uses the US dollar and its own battered local currency, although there are other units which are legal tender as well. The rand, pula, pound and euro are some of the currencies. The diplomatic row put trade worth billions of dollars to South Africa at risk as Pretoria got a battering economic backlash from the US at a time when the African Growth and Opportunity Act (Agoa) has just be renewed to 2025. The legislation significantly enhances market access to the US for qualifying sub-Saharan African countries, including South Africa. Zimbabwe was excluded from Agoa when the US slapped it with targeted sanctions in 2002 over policy clashes and stolen elections. The rand was today trading at US$1: R19.44. Yesterday the currency fell as much as 1.6% to 19.5148 per dollar, breaching the all-time low of 19.35 set during the Covid-19 lockdown in April 2020. South Africa has refused to let go the blazing diplomatic row with the US over an alleged sale of arms to Russia — which has not been proven by evidence – without putting Washington's hawkish ambassador to Pretoria Reuben Brigety firmly in his place. Foreign affairs public diplomacy head Clayson Monyela said while it is time to move on, it should be made clear beyond reasonable doubt that Brigety "apologised unreservedly" in a meeting with International Relations and Cooperation minister Naledi Pandor for his actions which crossed the line in a recorded meeting and that should now be considered a matter of public record. Monyela said: "So, let's fill in some gaps & close this matter. @USAmbRSA & us are keen to move on. The relations between our two countries are strategic and far too important. "1. In our meeting we reminded Ambassador Brigety that government's National Conventional Arms Control Committee is on record saying they've not approved any sale of arms to Russia, related to the period or incident in question. Therefore, any assertion that 'South Africa (Government) sold arms or is arming Russia' is factually incorrect. "2. We invited him to produce any evidence that he relied on for the public pronouncements. None has been submitted yet. The inquiry will be another platform to receive such. Established diplomatic protocols and channels were not observed. "3. Having raised all these and other matters, @USAmbRSAapologised unreservedly. In his tweet, he used language that appears to have left some wondering about the 'apology'. I have informed his office (diplomatic courtesy) that I'd tweet & tag him (as confirmation). @ USAmbRSA's apology is on record and NOT in dispute. "5. We reaffirmed the commitment to contiue working to enhance the existing cordial, strong and mutually beneficial relations between the two countries." In the aftermath of the diplomatic tiff, the question remains: Were there any arms sold by Union Buildings to the Kremlin in the first place? Brigety says there were weapons sold by South Africa to Russia and he even put his head on the block over it. However, stakeholders where are the facts and the evidence? They say it is not enough for the US to say a ship was seen on satellite sailing to and from Simon's Town, apparently loading and offloading arms. The South African government says it is investigating the issue as there is no official record of any sale of arms to Russia. This is mysterious. Did the South African government sell any arms or was it the private sector? Or criminal syndicates? They say is critical is to ascertain the facts, evidence, proof, truth and get closure to lay the matter to rest. This is critical against the backdrop of recent catastrophic history and devastating conflict in the Middle East, resulting from flawed and "sexed up" intelligence which informed momentous and historic decisions on war. Iraq inevitably comes to mind. It is important, analysts say, to ask questions to get answers and accountability on these key issues. After he was demarched, Brigety dramatically climbed down on his sensational allegations. "I was grateful for the opportunity to speak with Foreign minister Pandor this evening and correct any misimpressions left by my public remarks. In our conversation, I re-affirmed the strong partnership between our two countries & the important agenda our Presidents have given us," Brigety said. South Africa demarched Brigety and read the riot act to him. Besides meeting Brigety, Pandor also spoke to her counterpart, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, about the issue which has caused a global diplomatic storm. Brigety's message fell short of the apology, which South Africa's foreign affairs says he made. What is clear, though, is that he was forced to abandon his initial hawkish and megaphone diplomacy for the art of tact in his engagement. Rand plunges to all-time low after US-SA diplomatic row International Relations and Cooperation minister Naledi Pandor US ambassador to South Africa Reuben Brigety NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

NewsHawks News Page 25 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 IN the aftermath of a blazing diplomatic row between the United States and South African this week over allegations that Pretoria had sold arms of war to Russia which has invaded Ukraine, African countries’ plight has been highlighted once again. While some Africa countries have historical and ideological ties with Russia, they are under growing pressure to pick a side between the United States and Russia as a result of the Ukraine war. The US and Russia are fighting a fierce geopolitical and diplomatic war — a turf war — in Africa, now a subject of a renewed scramble for its resources by major powers, including China, Japan, European Union states, Britain, Germany and France, among others. However, this analyst says Russia’s influence in Africa is likely to be diminished by any outcome of the war in Ukraine. And Western governments will need to take Africa into their confidence regarding geopolitical matters rather than berate the sovereign stances of countries that feel unseen and neglected by them. RONAK GOPALDAS WITH ties forged under Soviet rule, Russia has historically enjoyed warm relations with many African countries, as their economic and ideological ambitions often align and their ties are bolstered by a mutual mistrust of the West. The spread of Africa’s votes on United Nations (UN) resolutions to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, however, indicates three key themes. Firstly, many African countries are pulled in competing directions by broader global geopolitics — for many, abstaining was the rational choice. Secondly, Russia’s support on the continent may be overstated and is not unconditional. Finally, Russian influence is often limited by the extent to which it can influence the political elite of a country and in some cases co-opt that elite into patronage networks. The split in the way African countries voted to condemn Russia’s actions is an important departure point for an exploration of the changing nature of Africa’s ties to Russia. There have been myriad interpretations of the votes, most of which have focused on the failure of several African countries to denounce the invasion. Few have questioned whether the nonaligned stances of these countries were tacit refusals to be used as supporting actors in public displays of condemnation by the United States and European Union (EU), to distract from the inability to offer meaningful practical or military support. Fewer still have explored whether the nonaligned stances signal weakening Russian influence on a continent it has typically relied on for support. This paper examines political relations between Russia and Africa, delving into the legacy of independence, military support, diplomatic and foreign policy stances, aid, foreign direct investment, and trade. It will also unpack whether Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was a catalyst for what appears to be Russia’s diminishing influence or whether the former Soviet Union’s waning global standing and economic relevance precipitated a loosening of ties. The fluidity of geopolitics has left many African states between a rock and a hard place. What does this mean for Africa, not only in terms of its relationship to Russia but also more broadly on the geopolitical stage? Further, how would Africa be positioned on the global stage should Russia prevail, should the war drag on, or, more interestingly, should Ukraine emerge victorious? In the first vote, the assembly voted overwhelmingly (73% or 141 of the 193 members) to reaffirm Ukraine’s sovereignty and demand an unconditional Russian withdrawal. Twenty-eight of those votes were from Africa’s fifty-four states. Africa is a sizeable voting bloc, constituting 28% of the general assembly’s members. To illustrate how disjointed Africa’s stance was, there were 52 countries that did not vote in favour of the resolution — half of which were African nations. In the second vote, just 19% of African states voted to suspend Russia from the UNHRC. In the third vote, 56% of African countries voted not to recognise the annexation claims of Ukrainian territories, and the UN noted in a press release on the vote outcome that most countries abstaining were African nations. In the fourth vote, which was on whether Russia should pay reparations to Ukraine, 50% of African countries abstained from voting, while less than a third voted in favour (see figure 1). The fifth and most recent vote, calling for an end to the war, saw the highest number of African states voting yes across all resolutions. Six of the fifty-four African countries voted “Yes” in all five votes, while an additional nineteen countries supported at least three of the resolutions. Strategic Joseph Siegle, head of research at the Africa Centre for Studies, broadly grouped Africa’s voting alignments into four categories after the first vote. The first category, who exclusively abstained or voted no across all five votes, consists of the Central African Republic, Mali, and Sudan, whose leaders all lack political legitimacy, but have been brought to and kept in power through Russian arms and mercenary support. The second grouping, who either abstained or did not vote on the first resolution, are those whose leaders and elites have close ties to Russia and benefit from its political cover: Algeria, Angola, Burundi, Equatorial Guinea, Guinea, Madagascar, Mozambique, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. A third group — Morocco, Namibia, Senegal, and South Africa — likely disagree with Russia’s actions, but upheld their tradition of non-alignment by refusing to be drawn into voting. The fourth and final group Siegle identifies, who voted in favour in the majority of votes, are among Africa’s more advanced democracies — Botswana, Cabo Verde, Ghana, Malawi, Mauritius, Niger, Nigeria, Kenya, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, and Zambia. Of course, these are not clear-cut groupings. There are areas of overlap and opacity, and while Siegle developed his groupings at the time of the first vote, subsequent voting suggests these categories largely hold. The motivation for each country’s decision shows Russia’s targeted, but limited presence on the continent and the extent to which Russia is still well-regarded by Africa for its backing of the continent’s liberation movements and history of standing up to perceived Western neo-colonial slights. Viewed collectively and on balance by aggregating vote outcomes across the five votes, the majority (52%) of African states either abstained from voting or effectively did the same by not attending. This fragmented voting pattern stunned many and drew sharp criticism from various Western capitals, and even from some of the African countries themselves. But Africa is not a country. The vote outcome shouldn’t have been a surprise. It highlights the lack of consensus within Africa, not just on Russia, but also on a broader willingness to take a collective position between large power rivals like the United States, China, and Russia. The African Union (AU), Africa’s representative body, was clearer on its position: while it stopped short of outright condemnation, it asked Russia to respect international law and Ukraine’s sovereignty. The AU even offered to mediate talks between the two countries. A 2021 study by two independent South African public policy think-tanks, the South African Institute for International Affairs and the Institute for Security Studies, scoured the voting data of Russia and African countries on the UN Security Ukraine war alliances: African states between hard rock and a hard place Analysts claim Russia’s influence in Africa is likely to be diminished by any outcome of the war in Ukraine.

Page 26 News Council (UNSC) between 2014 and 2020. The UNSC is made up of five permanent members — China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States (the P5) — and ten non-permanent members. Of the 10 non-permanent members, Africa is allocated three seats (the A3), but countries serve as individual members and not on behalf of the AU or its Peace and Security Council. By contrast, the UNGA is the main policymaking body of the UN, comprising all 194 member states with equal voting rights. While Russia was a clear outlier in its willingness to employ its veto power or abstain from voting altogether, African countries almost always opted to abstain from voting on controversial resolutions. The study notes that the relationship between Russia and the A3 has historically converged but is slowly diverging; voting alignment between the A3 and Russia has fallen from 91 percent in 2014 to 72% in 2020. A3 membership on the UNSC is only a small sample of Africa’s numbers in the UNGA, and UNSC voting patterns cannot be extrapolated onto UNGA votes. It does, however, suggest that African perceptions of Russia have indeed shifted over time. For Russia, the outcome of the first Russia-Ukraine vote could be considered a symbolic victory at best. It showed the West that Russia was not as isolated as many would have expected and that the West should not take African support for granted. Indeed, Russia has expertly crafted a narrative that champions a multipolar world where the imposition of Western democratic ideals is resisted and the ideological sovereignty of non-Western nations is respected. The irony of Russia’s claims in the context of the Ukraine invasion is glaring, but Moscow’s narrative finds an audience in parts of Africa where colonial rule gave way (sometimes with Russian support for anticolonial movements) to strongman rule or where such strongmen still hold on to power, often with backing from global powers, particularly in the West and in Central Africa. A natural corollary of Africa’s split vote, however, is that Russia should not take African support for granted either. Despite the disappointment Western countries voiced at the number of African abstentions, they are acutely aware that an abstention is not tacit support and that African countries have both agency and wider geopolitical considerations at play. Russia’s changing influence Country votes at the UNGA do not necessarily represent the voice of citizens, as evidenced by the public outcry over abstentions or nonparticipation by several countries, such as South Africa and Uganda, whose leaders were quick to invoke neutrality. A 2021 Afrobarometer survey showed that as many as half of respondents in Africa felt that elected officials did not represent their views,19 a perception exacerbated by high levels of corruption, weak economic outcomes, and growing inequality. While this sentiment is by no means uniquely African, there are other signs on the ground that suggest African perceptions of Russia are cooling. A poll by Gallup of more than a thousand African respondents across twenty-three countries found that African approval of Russia’s leadership, while low, has remained consistently higher than the global average. Russia has always positioned itself as an equal of African states, similarly opposed to Western paternalism and reluctant to meddle in domestic affairs on the continent. This positioning combined with the legacy of support it showed African liberation movements has earned the country extensive goodwill, not just among African leaders but among African citizens. The same survey indicated that Africans nevertheless assigned higher approval ratings to US, Chinese, and German leadership at 60%, 52%, and 49% respectively. Russia’s approval in Africa reached a peak of 57% in 2011 but was in steady decline, worsened by the 2014 annexation of Crimea. After a low of 26% in 2017, African perceptions of Russia’s leadership on the continent began to improve. The turnaround coincides with Russia’s renewed push into Africa as the country launched a host of hard- and soft-power measures to bolster its multipolar world narrative and sidle up to embattled African leaders. Russia’s overall approval rating in Africa, however, is artificially boosted by almost extreme high scores in certain regions, West Africa in particular. When viewed on a country-by-country basis, the effects of Russia’s targeted forays into Africa are telling. Russia has an 84% approval rating in Mali, where mercenaries from the Wagner Group — a paramilitary outfit with close links to the Kremlin and Russian military intelligence — opportunistically took advantage of a French troop withdrawal after then president Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta was overthrown in a coup. Malians were seen taking to the streets waving Russian flags. This was despite the Wagner Group being accused of human rights atrocities in the country when more than 350 Malians were killed in the village of Moura. Similar incidents of protesters waving Russian flags have been witnessed in Burkina Faso, Niger, and the Central African Republic and highlight the efficiency and effectiveness of Russia’s ability to manipulate both the narrative and the optics. The Russian narrative positions Wagner troops as liberators from despotic regimes, a framing that is eagerly embraced by long-suffering citizenries unaware that newly installed governments are seldom much different from the last, apart from being newly indebted to Russia. In a whistle-stop tour of Africa (Egypt, Ethiopia, Republic of the Congo, and Uganda) in July 2022, Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov was at pains to spin fuel and food security concerns in Africa as the fault of Western sanctions, not Russia’s invasion of a sovereign nation. Russia has gone to great lengths to manage its image in Africa with mixed success. A 2021 survey by Afrobarometer showed that just 35% of African respondents viewed Russia’s presence on the continent as positive, lower than the 46% rating for former colonial powers. The previous year’s survey found that 38% of respondents viewed Russian influence as positive, while 16% viewed it as negative. Perceptions of Russia in Africa are slipping, albeit slowly. To assume that Africans are more susceptible to Russian propaganda26 is a simplification and discounts that Africans feel ignored by the West. African countries have long bemoaned economic and political marginalisation at international forums like the UN, where many feel unheard. The continent does not have a permanent seat in the G20 or on the UNSC, but this may change given recent support from the German and French foreign ministers for two permanent African seats on the UNSC and from US President Joe Biden, who has backed Africa’s bid for one permanent seat, albeit without veto powers. In addition to feeling ignored, members of the African diaspora regularly experience racism and xenophobia in the United Kingdom, Europe, and China, with the two most recent instances being in China and Ukraine. In Guangzhou, at the height of the coronavirus pandemic, Africans were evicted by landlords, refused restaurant service, and forcibly tested for coronavirus. At the start of the war in Ukraine, African students and professionals trying to flee the fighting were forced off busses and trains to make space for Ukrainian citizens. Images of these scenes were widely shared across social media and have done little to generate sympathy for the plight of Ukraine among Africans. Russia effectively leverages this sentiment, using hints of truth mixed with blatant propaganda that offers both African citizens and leaders a sense of relevance, even if Africa is less of a priority for Russia in the broader global power play than many on the continent would like to believe. For Russia, Africa is a useful theatre in which it can distract the attentions of the West from its own regional ambitions and force Western countries to spread their diplomatic, military, and financial resources more thinly to assuage fears of Russia’s growing presence on the continent. All of this is done by committing very limited Russian resources, the bulk of which are private, and extracting mineral resources and wealth in the process. Russia’s Africa playbook Unlike several other European countries (like France, Italy, Portugal, and the United Kingdom), Russia has never had any formal colonial presence in Africa, although it has a deep and violent colonial history in Central Asia, the Caucasus, and Eastern Europe. The closest it came in Africa was in 1889, when Russian explorer Nikolai Ashinov undertook an unsanctioned mission to secure a foothold on the continent for his country. He landed with a small contingent in Sagallo, a town in what is now Djibouti, and briefly declared it “New Moscow.” Djibouti was, however, already occupied by the French, who sent the brazen Ashinov and his men packing in less than a month. Russia’s geographic isolation from access to the continent, and the fact that many of its European counterparts had beaten it to Africa, meant that it would have to change tack to gain a foothold on the continent. No less interested than Europe in Africa and the strategic benefits and resources it offered, Russia crafted a shrewder means to extract wealth from Africa and increase its strategic reach and influence. The Soviet Union, looking for allies during the Cold War, identified with the exclusion many African countries felt and leveraged their sympathy to embed influence and, in some cases, patronage networks among the political elite. Importantly, their advances were not simply passively accepted but often sought by African leaders. This model is traceable until the present day, where it continues to be a simple yet highly effective mode of outreach to decisionmakers and power brokers to wield outsize influence and returns for very little investment. In terms of traditional bilateral transactions (such as investment, aid, or trade), Russia brings relatively little to the table economically, but what it offers politically and financially to a few affords it extensive influence. Modes of financial influence Investment: In total, Russian investment amounts to less than 1% of foreign direct investment into Africa, much smaller than investments from Europe, North America, and Asian countries. In 2019, Russian foreign direct investment was less than one-sixth that of the biggest investor, the Netherlands, and only 20% of what China had invested in the continent in the same year. It was also significantly less than what South Africa and Mauritius had invested on the continent. Like most of these other countries, Russia has concentrated its investment almost wholly on resources and energy extraction. Aid: Russian direct aid too is scant, mostly symbolic, and usually comes in the form of debt forgiveness or contributions to humanitarian crises, often in kind. In the early days of the coronavirus pandemic, Russia’s Ministry of Emergency Situations (EMERCOM) delivered 25 tonnes of personal protective equipment, medical products, and disinfectants to the Central African Republic, the Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe. It also aggressively promoted its Sputnik V vaccine across the continent, but received a lukewarm reception at best, as the vaccine was expensive, shrouded in concerns around safety and efficacy, extensively constrained by logistical and delivery difficulties, and tainted by corruption allegations. South Africa, despite being one of Moscow’s closest partners on the continent, refused to auRussia’s Foreign minister Sergey Lavrov NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

NewsHawks News Page 27 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 thorise the vaccine’s use. Trade: In 2020, Russia-Africa trade reached US$14 billion, about 2% of the continent’s total trade, paling in comparison to larger trading partners like China, France, India, and the United States. Moreover, the trade relationship is wholly asymmetric. Russia exported US$12.4 billion in goods and services to the continent, while importing just US$1.63 billion, leaving Africa with a near US$11 billion trade deficit. Almost a full 30% of Africa’s imports from Russia are wheat and cereals, bought by countries like Algeria, Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania, South Africa, and Sudan. Minerals such as fuels, chemicals, and gas account for another 20% of Russia’s exports to the continent. For its part, Africa exports predominantly agricultural products to Russia. If the investment, aid, and economic ties between Russia and African countries are so thin, what then has made the relationship so close? Brothers in arms Much of the balance of Russia’s exports to Africa is made up of military equipment and arms. Indeed, Moscow has been the biggest arms seller on the continent for more than a decade, and nearly half of all of Africa’s military imports are from Russia, while 20% of all Russian arms sales are to Africa. Admittedly, these numbers are skewed by sales to Algeria and Egypt, which collectively account for well over half of Africa’s Russian arms imports. These include tanks, MiG fighter jets, warships, helicopters, rockets, and small arms. The scale of Russian arms sales to the continent dwarfs that of countries like the United States (16%), France (16%), China (10) and Germany (6). Moscow has promised the creation of joint arms production or maintenance facilities on the continent but generally has not lived up to its promises of transferring any technological capabilities. It’s not just the hardware. Russia’s military presence on the continent extends to maintenance, training, and, most prominently, private military support. The most notorious provider of these services is the Wagner Group. While Moscow denies any ties to the group, Wagner is used as a proxy to extend Russia’s influence on the continent and extract minerals and resources. The deployment of state-linked Wagner paramilitaries (which for Africa started in Libya) is opportunistic and preys on fragile governments (of which there are several) and political instability to create dependencies on Russian military assets. The paramilitaries’ presence has extended to Angola, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Madagascar, Mali, Mozambique, Sudan, and Zimbabwe. The Wagner Group has also exploited legitimate grievances in some African states toward Europe (most notably France), particularly in West African countries like Burkina Faso and Mali. Many of the grievances have historical roots, but more recently, they centre on the failure of supposed Western allies to help quell instability in the region, leading these governments to turn to Wagner for support. In return for propping up shaky regimes, the Wagner Group, and by association Russia, receives mining and mineral concessions (such as for oil, gold, diamonds, bauxite, lithium, and chromium), allowing the country to extract wealth from the continent. To be sure, Russia can and does offer valuable and mutually beneficial trade and technological capabilities across several key African industries, but it is the more nefarious and unwritten cooperation agreements that attract the most attention. There are high-profile cases in which Russia has also employed a method of courting and capturing pliant political elites who are sympathetic to Russia, have strong historical ties to the country, or have grievances against other external powers. It is a low-risk strategy with a high degree of deniability that delivers outsized returns when successful. Additionally, many of these elites actively reach out to Russia to push their own domestic agenda. Former South African president Jacob Zuma, who found both refuge and military training in Russia during apartheid, pushed through an unaffordable, US$76-billion nuclear-power deal with Rosatom, Russia’s atomic energy company. The deal was ultimately foiled by South Africa’s robust checks and balances, a vociferous public, and several incorruptible policymakers at the South African National Treasury, a process that marked the beginning of the end for Zuma’s presidency. South Africa’s pushback was the exception, however, and several other African states have embraced Russia’s nuclear promises. Egypt, where Rosatom has already commenced work on a US$29 billion nuclear plant, borrowed 85% of the construction cost from Russia to finance the deal. Energy diplomacy has been an effective tool for Russia in African states where electricity supply is insufficient or unstable. Through an African push by Rosatom, Russia has signed nuclear cooperation agreements with eighteen countries (a third of the continent), such as Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sudan, and Zambia, some of which are considered beacons of democracy in the West. Africa’s dire need for greater generation capacity and Russia’s technological capabilities should not be diminished, but these deals are sometimes pursued through Russian co-optation of top officials and even presidents. Central African Republic President Faustin-Archange Touadéra has Russian bodyguards, and former Russian Federal Security Service member Valery Zakharov acts as his national security adviser. Mozambique’s President Filipe Nyusi signed several energy deals with Russia in 2019 and invited Wagner mercenaries to help quell Islamic State insurgencies in the north of the country. Many heads of state have been willing allies to Russia’s advances, including President Denis Sassou Nguesso of the Republic of the Congo, President Ali Bongo Ondimba of Gabon, President Andry Rajoelina of Madagascar, President Emmerson Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe, President Salva Kiir of South Sudan, and President Alpha Condé of Guinea. To supplement their more overt approaches, Russia also extensively employs disinformation campaigns peddled through social media (such as Facebook and Twitter) to stir instability in countries, often also through the Wagner Group. When South Africa didn’t vote in line with Russia at the UNGA, Twitter bots began using the hashtags #iStandWithRussia and #iStandWithPutin, which started trending on the social media platform. Not all the pushback was from automated bots, however, as many prominent and legitimate accounts lamented the racist treatment of Africans in Ukraine. Other countries like India, Nigeria, and the United States have experienced similar social media barrages in the past from Russian misinformation campaigns. Implications for Africa At the very least, Russia offers Africa perceived relevance and a voice for a continent relegated to the sidelines of the global geopolitical stage. The West is seemingly becoming more insular and more consumed by great power competition with China. China itself is increasingly focusing its investments and financial engagements on both the domestic economy and its immediate neighbourhood in Asia. Within this shifting geopolitical landscape, Russia is not inattentive to Africa, even if the continent is not its top priority. Russia has seized on Africa’s genuine feelings of disenfranchisement in the global economy and global governance, leveraging its own sense of marginalisation from the global stage to exaggerate the tangible benefits it can offer to the continent. Africa is not a passive recipient of Russia’s attention. Quite the opposite: African states and leaders have actively courted Russian involvement as much as Russia has sought to deepen its ties and presence in Africa. This is often a response to a perceived Western vacuum or lack of interest. This agency is highlighted by the recent joint naval exercises South Africa hosted with Russia and China. The drills came at a particularly sensitive geopolitical time after South Africa faced Western backlash for having abstained from voting on all five resolutions at the UNGA on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The South African government, asserting its independence and sovereignty, rejected criticism of its hosting and participation in the naval exercises and insisted that it remains neutral on Ukraine. South Africa’s firm stance was a public relations coup for Russia, which deployed for the joint naval exercises a frigate armed with its new hypersonic cruise missiles. For South Africa, this was a clear message to the West that the country will not be dictated to — a message likely designed to generate greater engagement from Western powers, not the opposite (as many fear). A key threat for Russia that could undermine the country’s continued relevance and usefulness to Africa is that nostalgia for the old Soviet Union is fading with the generation of African leaders that benefited from it. Younger generations of Africans (who make up a large portion of the population, as the continent’s median age is below twenty) grew up at a time when Russia had only a shell of its Soviet Union gravitas. The invasions of Crimea and Ukraine have done little to earn Russia goodwill among countries and citizens that sacrificed so much for sovereignty and independence, especially on a continent that is slowly moving toward democracy and development. Even for Africa’s strongmen, Russia’s struggle to assert dominance in Ukraine, where it has so far been repelled by a far smaller army, will be of concern. These leaders have essentially put all their eggs in the Russian basket, so trade and arms sanctions placed on the country could see their gambles backfire. That Russia’s “special military operation” to Ukraine has dragged into a year-long war with no end in sight has laid bare Russia’s military and arms deficiencies. The country’s military has been weakened by decades of underinvestment, strategic missteps, and seemingly little will by its fatigued forces to fight a wholly unnecessary war. Russia’s military partners in Africa will be acutely aware that Russia has lost its military edge and that, being spread so thin at home, it may be forced to concentrate resources (financial, military, and personnel) on the war in Ukraine, leaving it unable to honour its commitments to African states. Indeed, in the event of a loss to Ukraine, Russia may ultimately be forced to retreat, regroup, consolidate its assets, and pull back from Africa. This would leave many authoritarian regimes on the continent deeply exposed to challenges from their rivals and would ultimately be more destabilising for citizens in these countries. The West should recall that African countries will not accept being told with whom they can and cannot engage. Western governments will need to take Africa into their confidence regarding geopolitical matters rather than berate the sovereign stances of countries that feel unseen and neglected by them. As such, an abstention in the UNGA, even if peddled as a stance of nonalignment, may have been the most pragmatic course of action for many African countries. An abstention can be defended as neither tacit acceptance nor rejection of a resolution in the event of a Russian retreat or loss. It is also an expression of agency and a statement that these countries will not be cowed into toeing the Western line. The likeliest outcome for Africa from any eventuality of the war in Ukraine is that Russia’s capabilities, influence, and presence on the continent will be blunted by Russia’s financial, military, and personnel-related overstretch in Ukraine. It is important not to overstate Russia’s role in Africa and instead acknowledge that its presence on the continent is driven by opportunism as much as by invitation. Russia is not heavily invested in Africa, and the continent is less a strategic and geopolitical priority than Russian leaders want African officials to believe. Once the risks outweigh the rewards, Russia may leave a vacuum that could be more destabilizing than its presence. *About the writer: Ronak Gopaldas is a director at Signal Risk, a South Africa–based risk analysis firm. He is also a fellow in the Centre for African Management and Markets at the Gordon Institute of Business Science. His work focuses on the intersection of politics, economics, and business in Africa. The author would like to thank Kyla Denwood for excellent research assistance. Central African Republic President Faustin-Archange Touadéra with Russian counterpart Vladmir Putin

Page 28 International Investigative Stories ROCKED by a series of law enforcement and media probes, the Metropolitan Museum of Art has pledged to investigate suspicious works in the museum’s 1.5 million-piece collection. The move appears to be a rare admission by North America’s largest museum that its endeavors to keep its collection clean have fallen short. In a statement posted to the museum’s website, Met director Max Hollein said a new four-person team of provenance investigators would work alongside curators, conservators and other researchers to expand efforts to examine its vast catalogue. “First, we will broaden, expedite and intensify our research into all works that came to the Museum from art dealers who have been under investigation,” Hollein said. “This examination will build on decades of research, and it is important that we allow whatever time is necessary for this urgent work to be completed.” Hollein noted particular attention would be paid by investigators to items added to the Met’s collection between 1970 and 1990 — a period when the museum grew rapidly, aided by a lax approach to provenance. The announcement follows ICIJ’s latest investigation into the Met’s collection, published in March, which found at least 1,109 pieces were previously owned by people who had been either indicted or convicted of antiquities crimes; 309 of them were on display at the time. Fewer than half of the 1,109 relics had records describing how they left their country of origin, even those from places that have had strict export laws for decades. Many of the items were removed after international guidelines were already put into place to restrict the movement of antiquities across national borders, according to museum records. The Met’s heightened focus on the origins of its collection comes amid a period of unprecedented law enforcement scrutiny. Last year, ICIJ reported Manhattan prosecutors had obtained several warrants to seize allegedly stolen antiquities from the museum — with six seizures taking place in 2021 and 2022 alone. Now, such court-ordered seizures citing statutes like “criminal possession of stolen property” are happening almost routinely. Hollein said the Met had since returned works to Egypt, Greece, Italy, Nepal, Nigeria and Turkey. Last month, the museum returned 16 works to India, he added. “[As] a preeminent voice in the global art community, it is incumbent upon the Met to engage more intensively and proactively in examining certain areas of our collection and to increase the resources we dedicate to this ongoing crucial work,” he said. ICIJ began reporting on the Met’s collection in 2021, examining the museum’s Asian collection that included Cambodian antiquities that passed through the hands of Douglas Latchford, an indicted art trafficker believed to have played a key role in the mass pillaging of Cambodia’s cultural heritage. The reporting drew from leaked financial records and built on previous reporting from the Chasing Aphrodite blog and elsewhere. The Met’s decision to investigate its works follows similar initiatives by other major museums including Boston’s Museum of Fine Arts, which has had a provenance curator for years. But the Met’s planned team, led by a new “manager of provenance”, is believed to be the biggest of its kind in North America, according to the New York Times. In addition to hiring the new research team, the Met will convene “thought leaders, advocates and opinion makers in the area of cultural property in various ways, both within the Museum and outside” and will increasingly publicly share its work with other countries, according to Hollein’s statement. Hollein said the museum will also form a panel of 18 curators and other art experts “to consider our policies and practices” around its collection. The statement did not provide a specific timeline for the review but Hollein emphasized that the work is “complex and will take time.” He said the upcoming changes “will make the Met an even stronger institution and a more powerful voice within the global community.” — International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. International InvestigativeStories In response to scandals and stolen art seizures, the Met plans to scour its own collections for looted artifacts NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

International Investigative Stories Page 29 Criminal gangs are logging the world’s last Brazilwood trees to make violin bows INSIDE Pau Brasil National Park, some of the last Brazilwood trees left in the wild are being illegally logged to make bows for stringed instruments. At night, João can hear the revving of chainsaws echoing across the valley where he lives on Brazil’s Atlantic coast, the soundtrack to the destruction of some of the world’s last wild Brazilwood trees. The noises come from the nearby Pau Brasil National Park, one of the few remaining fragments of the forest that once covered much of Brazil’s northern coastline. The reserve was created as a safe haven for Brazilwood — also known as Pau Brasil — and other native species, but illegal loggers regularly invade the forest under cover of darkness to cut down the endangered trees. “In there it’s pure mafia,” João, whom OCCRP is referring to by a pseudonym for his safety, told a reporter from Brazilian magazine piauí. “There are the workhorses, the people who go there and work during the night. Then there is the middleman, who takes them to the buyer.” Often, said João, the “workhorses” who invade the national park to cut down trees are his own neighbors. “I know people who steal wood,” he said, describing one recent encounter with illegal loggers in February. That evening, as João was driving his motorcycle down one of the dirt roads that criss-cross the valley to his grandmother’s house, he stopped to greet a friend from the area and an unknown man he was with. As João was about to drive off, he heard the two men joking about the night’s work ahead. “Today we will do good business,” João recalled one saying to the other. “We will leave the park loaded.” ICMBio, the agency responsible for policing the Pau Brasil National Park, told reporters it’s investigating reports of illegal logging in February. Brazilwood is being driven to extinction by an industry not often associated with organized crime: classical music. Known for its density and strength, the wood is crafted into bows that are used to play stringed instruments such as violins and cellos around the world. But as supplies of Brazilwood have dwindled, Brazil’s bow makers have turned to illicit sources. Last year, piauí, Data Fixers, and OCCRP revealed that at least 33 bow makers have been investigated, fined, or had Brazilwood seized by Brazil’s environment enforcement agency over concerns about its origin since 2018. Reporters obtained forensic tests on samples of this confiscated wood that showed they were logged in Pau Brazil National Park. Experts say the illicit Brazilwood trade can be more profitable than trafficking cocaine, while the penalties for getting caught are far less severe. Sticks of Brazilwood cost just a few dollars to buy in Brazil, but once crafted into bows they can sell for thousands of dollars apiece in the U.S., Europe, and Japan. For people living near Pau Brazil National Park, the lure of such easy money is hard to resist. While the nearby coastal town of Porto Seguro is known for its luxury resorts and swanky bars, just a few kilometers inland, many local people live in poverty. Fábio Faraco, who led the ICMBio between 2012 and 2019, said illegal loggers can earn $100 — more than a third of Brazil’s monthly minimum wage — for just one or two nights of work in the park. "This whole illegal economic circuit is very profitable. These are people who see Brazilwood as an opportunity for easy money,” said Faraco. Secret Trails Pau Brazil National Park was created in 1999 to protect one of the patches of Atlantic Forest that still survive on Brazil’s northeast coast. Just over a decade later, the park was expanded to include part of the surrounding area, to the chagrin of local landowners. The new boundaries swallowed several existing farms, which today stand empty, their gates padlocked. Some of these, it seems, have been co-opted by the Brazilwood smugglers. Officers from ICMBio were investigating suspected illegal logging on one of these private farms, Linhares, in September 2021 when they found out that the property’s manager, Derivaldo Novais dos Santos, had been murdered. Inspectors had spoken to dos Santos on Linhares farm just six days earlier, but when they returned they were informed that he had been killed and his body dumped in a rural area of the neighboring district of Queimado. ICMBio called in the police to investigate, but as yet no one has been charged. Police declined to comment because the case is ongoing. When ICMBio officials searched the Linhares property where dos Santos worked, they found Brazilwood logs stashed inside, along with other types of wood used to make luxury decor. Further inspections uncovered 26 trails that connected the farm to areas in the park where wood was being illegally cut down. Officers noted the paths had been planted with banana tree seedlings to hide them from view. "We conclude, therefore, that there is intense extraction of wood from the interior of the Pau Brasil National Park,” they wrote in a report. “The extraction of Pau Brasil is also evident, this [species] destined to be made into bows." Farm administrator João Carlos Rocha Júnior, who manages 15 properties around Pau Brasil National Park, including Linhares, denied his clients were involved in smuggling, saying their properties had been taken over by criminal networks in their absence. “One week, we see the gate is broken, then we fix it. The next week, someone writes a message saying to not lock the gate again, because they know who we are,” he said. An internal report prepared by the managers of Pau Brazil National Park in 2016 — the year law enforcement first started clamping down on illegal logging in the reserve — identified three gangs that were behind the Brazilwood trade. That July, military police arrested a former firefighter who was caught with 20 Brazilwood logs inside the park. In a statement to the local police, the man said the wood was meant to be exported to Italy and Portugal to make violin bows. (He was released a few months later.) It’s unclear how many gangs still operate in the park today. João said he knew of two rival groups that carry out the illegal logging. “The situation there is ugly,” he said. “Bandits take people in there and tear [the trees] apart.” Daniel Neves, president of Brazil’s National Association of Music Industry, said the trade needs to be better policed if the country’s bow making industry is to survive. "The government needs to pay attention to illegality, as it has the power to ensure Brazil doesn't lose its status and the tradition of bow making,” he said. — Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project. Felled Brazilwood in the Pau Brasil National Park. (Photo: Joana Moncau) NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Page 30 The NewsHawks is published on different content platforms by the NewsHawks Digital Media which is owned by Centre for Public Interest Journalism No. 100 Nelson Mandela Avenue Beverly Court, 6th floor Harare, Zimbabwe Trustees/Directors: Beatrice Mtetwa, Raphael Khumalo, Professor Wallace Chuma, Teldah Mawarire, Doug Coltart EDITORIAL STAFF: Managing Editor: Dumisani Muleya Assistant Editor: Brezh Malaba News Editor: Owen Gagare Digital Editor: Bernard Mpofu Reporters: Brenna Matendere, Ruvimbo Muchenje, Enock Muchinjo, Jonathan Mbiriyamveka, Nathan Guma Email: [email protected] Marketing Officer: Charmaine Phiri Cell: +263 735666122 [email protected] [email protected] Subscriptions & Distribution: +263 735666122 Reaffirming the fundamental importance of freedom of expression and media freedom as the cornerstone of democracy and as a means of upholding human rights and liberties in the constitution; our mission is to hold power in its various forms and manifestations to account by exposing abuse of power and office, betrayals of public trust and corruption to ensure good governance and accountability in the public interest. CARTOON Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe The NewsHawks newspaper subscribes to the Code of Conduct that promotes truthful, accurate, fair and balanced news reporting. If we do not meet these standards, register your complaint with the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe at No.: 34, Colenbrander Rd, Milton Park, Harare. Telephone: 024-2778096 or 024-2778006, 24Hr Complaints Line: 0772 125 659 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] WhatsApp: 0772 125 658, Twitter: @vmcz Website: www.vmcz.co.zw, Facebook: vmcz Zimbabwe Editorial & Opinion ZIMBABWE’S cost-of-living crisis is spiralling out of control but, as usual, President Emmerson Mnangagwa has kept silent and many people are beginning to ask whether he has more “profitable” fish to fry than attending to the cries of wretched plebeians. Livelihoods are a serious matter. The situation demands decisive leadership, at the highest level. Chronic high inflation has been with us for a prolonged period — and there is no better evidence of leadership failure and dysfunctional policy than this. Self-important politicians have this dangerous impression that the poverty-stricken masses are getting habituated to suffering. Such delusion is really unhelpful; nobody can ever get comfortable with extreme poverty. Prices have gone haywire, and this is an understatement. The mayhem has become so unnerving that citizens are increasingly drawing parallels with the catastrophic hyperinflation of 2006-2008. A balanced diet has become a luxury to most. Some families are surviving on just one meal a day. The prophetic words of Edwin Hama and Lovemore Majaivana are holding true: life has become unbearably tough and money is too tight to mention. Amid all this, we see the President enjoying a swanky private jet, each minister lavished with a US$500 000 windfall, bigwigs grabbing large tracts of land, and public funds financing the obscene lifestyles of politically connected persons. This is the dystopian society Zanu PF has reduced the republic to. The industrial-scale looting continues, with utter impunity. Zimbabwe`s vast mineral endowment is being squandered by the powerful and their cronies. Yesterday it was Gold Mafia, today it is Chrome Mafia, tomorrow it is Lithium Mafia. The criminality knows no limit. On Thursday, Finance minister Mthuli Ncube announced a cocktail of measures meant “to stabilise the exchange rate and macro economy”. Tellingly, his three-page statement came after legislators robustly demanded answers from the executive. You can rest assured that if the MPs had not spoken out, the government would have continued to muddle along without a care in the world. We live in strange times. On Tuesday, two days before Ncube`s statement, cabinet announced that the government was “concerned by the spiralling prices of 14 basic goods especially bread, flour, cooking oil and mealie-meal”. It was also revealed that a cabinet committee – comprising ministers drawn from the Industry and Commerce, Finance and Economic Development and Information Communication Technology — has now been set up to look into the price increases “to ensure corrective measures” are taken. The government’s approach — as enunciated by cabinet — is already at risk of degenerating into a farce. Ancient wisdom teaches us that if the only tool you have is a hammer, you tend to see every problem as a nail. Likewise, if your DNA is dominated by kneejerk instincts, unworkable policies and commandist leanings, you tend to see price control as the magical solution to every single economic problem. President Mnangagwa and his Finance minister should get real. They know the source of the problem. If the printing of money is curtailed and the authorities discontinue the ridiculously artificial foreign currency exchange rate, half the headaches in this economy would be solved. But they will not do the right thing, will they? There are two main reasons for this: we are in the middle of an election campaign season on one hand and the artificial exchange rate is creating much-needed arbitrage opportunities for the pot-bellied comrades on the other. And so, as the prescient Majaivana and Hama correctly prophesied many moons ago, the suffering shall continue for most citizens. Does Pres Mnangagwa know price of food? NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 Heads must definitely roll Dumisani Muleya Hawk Eye

New Perspectives Page 31 IT is clear that austerity through high interest rates has failed to curtail inflation and bring stability in the monetary sector. However, it has perpetuated the elites’ grip, thus weakening our society and its democratic processes. Democracy thrives when the masses are empowered, have a strong voice, thus keeping those in power under check. This environment of high inflation and high interest is only benefitting the elite and has made the masses weaker. To move away from their grip, just reduce the interest rates since that austerity policy has failed. We need to get out of the trap. Since about mid-2021, around the time the impact of global supply shocks — including the rise in oil prices globally starting in the 2020s also feeding into inflationary pressures — our inflation soared. In response, the Chicago boysstyle policymakers, and given Zimbabwe was under an active re-engagement drive with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), with the attendant strong neoliberal and procyclical inclinations. Overall, it has meant that the policy rate began being raised quite regularly since then, resulting in extortionary interest rates. On the other hand, lack of meaningful tax base enhancement reforms and little progressive taxation, along with few taxation measures taken to tax the very rich, not to mention lack of any meaningful external debt relief/moratorium provided by creditors, while the IMF also provided little special drawing rights (SDRs) allocation, all meant development expenditures were cut quite regularly and deeply. In addition, lack of governance in terms of checking otherwise highly likely over-profiteering, and on the contrary inflation continued to increase even as interest rates were punitive — not to mention the cost-push channel enhancing impact of interest rates in the first place. Hence, since 2021 policy rate has remained above 150%, while CPI inflation has remained above 200%. In one year since 2020, even a lot more severe austerity policies — different from current (non-developmental) expenditure efficiency or belt-tightening, which should indeed be adopted — in terms of both fiscal and monetary austerity policies, have resulted in weak economic growth. At the same time, CPI inflation has galloped, with authorities resorting to innovative inflation reporting, just for the numbers to look better, while the policy rate has also seen a significant increase. Hence, procyclical and austerity policies have driven the country into serious stagflation, that is growth has been stagnating, and inflation has also not come down, in fact, increased. While the government takes pride, and rightly so, in indicating that its policies led to above-3% growth during the last two years, the growth could have been even higher. And this would have been achieved without causing any extra burden on the current account, if counter-cyclical policies had continued even beyond mid-2021, and if there had been both a better import compression policy, and less reliance placed on using monetary policy to lure otherwise highly volatile foreign portfolio investment (FPI) or hot money. Absence of any meaningful non-neoliberal economic, institutional market reforms, at the same time, also meant the growth rate could not have been sustained for a longer period, as the situation of twin deficits would have resurfaced, and in unsustainable manifestation. Having said that, both the current government, and IMF did not learn from this experience of why procyclical austerity policies were not working both nationally, and also overall on the global scale, and even went harder in this direction of these wrong policies, which have spawned a highly unsustainable macro-economic situation, especially in terms of inflation, low foreign exchange reserves, and high debt distress. There is clearly, therefore, a need for reversal of these policies. The policy rate should be reduced drastically, and quickly, given also that the inbuilt time-taking monetary transmission mechanism will likely keep retarding economic growth for the next one to two years, while a progressive taxation policy is introduced, along with tighter controls/ checks placed on current expenditure, and subsidy targeting done more efficiently, to have much greater fiscal space for enhancing development expenditures, and in also providing meaningful energy subsidy, since it has a strong bearing on cost-push inflationary channel of overall inflation. Economic policies, political parties` manifestos and budgets should reflect this change, while the government should also come up with a meaningful non-neoliberal reform strategy, especially for energy, and state-owned enterprises (SOEs) sectors, at the earliest possible, to stem huge fiscal losses on each account. Here, for instance, better management of the energy sector could lead to a decrease in energy tariffs, and less circular debt. Lower losses by SOEs could lead to both greater fiscal space, and lessen the impact on inflation. Moreover, greater provision of Special Drawing Rights by the IMF, and more meaningful debt relief/moratorium will indeed go a long way in allowing the government to move away from procyclical, and austerity policies. *About the writer: Kaduwo is a researcher and economist. Contact: kaduwot@ gmail.com or WhatsApp +263773376128. Break elite’s grip – Just reduce interest rates Econometrics HawksView Tinashe Kaduwo IMF Head Office NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Page 26 NewsHawks Issue 76, 15 April 2022 Business MATTERS NewsHawks CURRENCIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE USD/JPY 109.29 +0.38 +0.35 GBP/USD 1.38 -0.014 -0.997 USD/CAD 1.229 +0.001 +0.07 USD/CHF 0.913 +0.005 +0.53 AUD/USD 0.771 -0.006 -0.76 COMMODITIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE *OIL 63.47 -1.54 -2.37 *GOLD 1,769.5 +1.2 +0.068 *SILVER 25.94 -0.145 -0.56 *PLATINUM 1,201.6 +4 +0.33 MARKETS *COPPER 4.458 -0.029 -0.65 BERNARD MPOFU THE brokerage unit of insurance giant Old Mutual says while Zimbabwe’s economy has a silver lining, heightened political tension in the run-up to the next general elections may reverse economic gains. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) sees Zimbabwe’s economy growing by a modest 2.5% against a new government estimate of 6%. A recovery of the agricultural sector and strong mining industry output are this year seen as key drivers for the country’s gross domestic product growth. “We expect gradual recovery in economic activity as the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war wane,” Old Mutual Securities says in its first-quarter report. “With the harmonised elections in 2023, the Zimbabwean economy has been showing signs of positive business growth. However, potential increases in political economic risks given the elections may become a threat to growth in the near term.” Zimbabwe has a history of disputed elections outcomes which has offered triggered a wave of politically-motivated violence. Apart from the political risk, experts say high levels of inflation, a weakening domestic currency, high unemployment, huge debt overhang and, most recently, an energy crisis will weigh down on economic growth. Government projections indicate that the agricultural sector performed way above its performance for the 2021/22 season. Growth in the hectarage cultivated and above-average rainfall received resulted in better output, particularly for maize. Other commercial crops are expected to fare better due to wetter conditions experienced during the 2022/23 cropping season. As at 31 March 2023, tobacco sales amounted to US$149 million against sales of US$141 million in the comparable period last year. On the macro-economic front, year-on-year inflation for the country dropped to 87.6% as at March 2023 from 105.5% at end of December 2022. “The efforts put by both the Ministry of Finance and the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) to maintain price stability had resulted in a near convergence of the official exchange rate and the parallel market exchange rate by the end of Q4 2022,” the report reads. “However, the premium between the official exchange rate and the parallel market exchange rate widened during Q1 2023 to approximately 60% heightening inflation risks. The local currency depreciated by 27.69% on the RBZ Auction market during the first quarter of the year.” Heightened political tension likely to undo economic gains Recovery of the agricultural sector seen as among key drivers for the country’s gross domestic product growth.

Companies & Markets Page 33 BERNARD MPOFU TREASURY has announced a raft of reforms to slow down rising inflation and rescue the beleaguered Zimbabwe dollar from collapse, but experts and sceptics say the move may be a case of too little too late. Already, economic commentators and business groups have warned of excessive spending and money supply growth as the southern African nation gears for elections later this year. Critics say the ditching of the Zimbabwe dollar for the greenback mirrors Gresham’s Law at play: good money chasing bad money. According to the country’s statistical agency, over 70% of local transactions are now being conducted in the United States dollar. On the official market, one now requires ZW$1 200.00 to get a dollar, while the figure is now approaching the ZW$3 000 mark on the streets of Harare. Finance minister Mthuli Ncube on Thursday unveiled new measures to stabilise the exchange rate and macro economy at a time the mismatch between the official and parallel market rates has widened. The dramatic collapse of the local unit has sparked a wave of new price increases across the country, prompting cabinet to set up a committee to arrest the surges. The country has also been has been hit by shortages of basic commodities in formal retail chains as the collapse of the local currency triggers hoarding and arbitrage opportunities. To stimulate appetite for the Zimbabwe dollar which has largely become elusive as retailers now demand hard currency, Ncube urged government departments and agencies to accept payments in local currency. But critics say this may fuel corruption and lethargy in service delivery. The Finance minister also announced full retention of domestic foreign currency earnings, transferred external loans from the central bank to Treasury and lifted a ban on imports of basic commodities. “Foreign currency receipts across all categories of inflows have increased by at least 100% compared to a few years ago and are at their highest levels in years, with total foreign currency receipts expected to top US$13 billion,” Ncube said in a statement. “However, despite all the underlying strong fundamentals, we have now seen a resurgence of macro-economic instability, with domestic inflation being driven primarily by the skewed preference of the US dollar as a savings currency. This has put enormous pressure on the exchange rate as the skewed preferences have continued to increase the velocity of the Zimbabwe dollar.” Gift Mugano, an adjunct professor of economics at Durban University of Technology in South Africa, says the re-dollarisation of the economy reflects failure by the authorities to defend the value of the domestic currency. He said the scrapping of 15% retention on forex deposits is a good move as it will reduce money supply and improve business viability since exchange rate losses coming on the back of exchange rate disparities will be eliminated. “On the recent measures by the ministry of Finance, I like to argue that it is a mixed bag with both positives and negatives but the negatives outweighs the positives which means that the rate will continue to run away until the ZWL is buried,” Mugano said. “On the negatives, the decision to liberalise the imports of basic communities is expected to drain forex, threaten survival of local industries, deepen dollarisation as importers of such commodities will exclusively charge USD and ultimately push the ZWL towards the graveyard. “Use of gold coins and gold tokens, is against the spirit of building reserves required to support the ZWL. Gold tokens, in particular, will not succeed as a result of drought of confidence. In the same way gold coins failed to restore stability, gold tokens will fail.” The continuation of the auction system is a policy misstep, Mugano added. “The economy is now dollarised. In view of this, the auction system has overstayed its welcome. What is the rationale of allocating forex to the pharmaceutical sector or fuel dealers when they exclusively sell in USD?,” he asked. Leon Africa chief executive Tinashe Murapata warned that policy missteps and rolling power outages lasting up to 16 hours will harm the economy. “Treasury payments are causing the rate to spiral out of control. The banking sector credit has been reduced to US$1.5bn at best. Monetary policy at best is blunt,” Murapata said. “The elephant in the room are Treasury payments outside of Zimra collections that are causing the rate to run. The obvious antagonistic relationship between Treasury and RBZ is now a cost to the economy. “Given how the economy is performing and the fast depreciating currency it’s obvious the November budget is now out of sync with reality. A supplementary budget is necessary. This constitutional mandate is what the minister should have explained to markets. And pertinently to his line ministries who remain starved of funding yet inflation is eroding their allocations. Instead the minister thought it best to take over the governorship of RBZ.” IH Securities in a research note said the confidence deficit on the digital tokens has negative implications on the economy. “While the attraction for gold coins was the arbitrage presented when buying in local currency, the same can be said for the digital gold-backed coins giving incentive for players to willingly surrender their excess real time gross settlement system (RTGS),” IH said in its April equities research. “In our view, there is, however, likely going to be a confidence issue with the digital gold coin lowering uptake of the product and hampering intended effectiveness of neutralising excess liquidity. In this regard, pressure on the Zimbabwe dollar in the short term is expected to sustain. “While the economy is moving towards full dollarisation, there remains a niche of businesses such as formal supermarkets that are highly exposed to the local currency, thereby putting pressure on their earnings.” As Zimbabwe counts down to the next polls, the authorities, Murapata added, may be planning to push for a mono-currency monetary system as a last-gasp measure to gain full control of the monetary policy. “Cleaning up of RBZ balance sheet always comes with a new currency. Can Treasury be clear to economic agents what’s going to happen to ZWL? At present it seems the path to a new currency is being hatched. Treasury should not shock and awe markets. The rate rampage is extraordinary even for an election cycle,” he said. “Therefore one must be suspicious of a statement that avoids the obvious but panders to politicians. The statement must be read in conjunction with the sixes and sevens that occurred with cabinet announcements just this week. “Clearly government is divided, hence the noncommittal statement by Treasury which seems to be blaming RBZ. Yet RBZ acts on GOZ instructions. The best we can wish for with this statement is for elections to be gone quickly. The panic in GOZ corridors will harm the economy further.” The dramatic collapse of Zimbabwe’s local currency against the US dollar has sparked a wave of new price increases. Govt measures to soaring inflation not convincing NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Page 34 Companies & Markets BERNARD MPOFU ZIMBABWE is currently facing teething problems in rolling out its 5G network by year-end amid high expectations that the new technology will spur economic growth, a telecoms expert has said. 5G is the fifth generation of cellular technology. It is designed to increase speed, reduce latency, and improve flexibility of wireless services. Last year, Econet, the country’s largest mobile network operator (MNO) by subscriptions and revenue, partnered global electronics giant Ericsson in launching the country’s first 5G network but is currently conducting a pilot project. Lawrence Nkala, acting TelOne managing director, told delegates at the launch of a technology forum organised by the United States embassy in Harare recently that the country’s telecoms regulator is yet to finalise paperwork on the assignment of spectrum for the new technology. Nkala took over from Chipo Mtasa who retired after 10 years at the helm of the country’s state-owned fixed telephony operator which also has an MNO licence. “We (Zimbabwe) have not assigned spectrum to any player,” Nkala said. “What is happening now, (is) we have one of our MNOs — Econet who has deployed a couple of base stations but is using a trial spectrum which the regulator assigned on a trial basis. I think they did give that as well to NetOne and Telecel the MNOs. The trial will also help smoothen the quantum of spectrum assigned. As Econet experiments and they can assist the regulator come up with the requisite spectrum that can satisfy any operator to have a meaningful operation.” Nkala said the assignment of the spectrum will pave way for the deployment of the new technology. Zimbabwe, he added, currently has three bands that have been identified for use for 5G. “The prime spectrum which is 3.4 to 3.6 is currently occupied by some incumbents. So the regulator was asked why he hasn’t assigned the spectrum; it is because these incumbents must vacate. They were given notices by June 2023. So once they vacate that main band, then it will avail spectrum for them to start assigning,” he said. “Speaking to the regulator, the assignment method has not been found yet. They haven’t decided on how this will happen. In other markets this is auctioned, as you know. In Zimbabwe they are debating whether to auction or they will do administrative assignment where they will just put a price for the spectrum per megahertz that they will charge. That is work in progress and the expectation is that before the end of the year, we will have an assignment that is made and operators will either be going to auction where they bid or there will be administrative assignment for that spectrum." Nkala said while the new technology will drive economic growth, the high cost of 5G-compatible devices would widen the haves and have-nots in most countries of the Global South. According to a study by international accounting firm Pricewaterhouse Coopers (PwC), as 5G rolls out in coming years, it will create value in many industries and for society as a whole. The adoption of 5G, according to the PwC report titled: The Global Economic Impact of 5G, will add US$1.3 trillion to global GDP by 2030. BERNARD MPOFU ZIMBABWE has maintained its tail-end position as the least attractive investment destination for the mining sector for nearly a decade although the capital-intensive sector remains a major foreign currency earner for the economy, a new report by a Canadian think-tank has shown. Currently endowed with over 40 base minerals, Zimbabwe is lagging when compared with regional peers in terms of foreign direct investment. Critics and experts blame corruption, multiple layers of registration, poor infrastructure and policy inconsistency. According to the Fraser Institute Annual Survey of Mining Companies 2022, Botswana led the roost in the region and fared better than some countries of the global North. This year, the report shows, Mozambique, South Sudan, Angola, and Zambia joined Zimbabwe as among the least attractive jurisdictions in which to investment. Also in the bottom 10 with are South Africa, China, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Papua New Guinea, and Tanzania. Zimbabwe, China, Democratic Republic of Congo, and South Africa were all in the bottom 10 jurisdictions last year. “When considering both policy and mineral potential in the Investment Attractiveness Index, Zimbabwe ranks as the least attractive jurisdiction in the world for investment, a spot it occupied last year as well,” the report reads. “Zimbabwe has consistently ranked amongst the bottom 10—it has held that dubious distinction for the previous nine years. On policy, Botswana is the highest ranked jurisdiction in Africa and the second-highest in the world, (2nd of 62) in 2022. “Botswana’s increase in its PPI score (23 points) reflects decreased concerns over uncertainty concerning protected areas (-53 points), infrastructure (-40 points), political stability (-29 points), and labour regulations and employment agreements (-29 points). “Botswana is also the most attractive jurisdiction in Africa and top 10 in the world when considering both policy and mineral potential, ranking 10th out of 62 in overall investment attractiveness. Morocco is the second most attractive jurisdiction in Africa both for investment and when only policies are considered.” The report shows that the top jurisdiction in the world for investment based on the Investment Attractiveness is Nevada, which moved up from 3rd place in 2021 Western Australia, which topped the ranking last year, ranked 2nd. Saskatchewan continues to be on the podium, though it dropped slightly from ranking 2nd in 2021 to 3rd this year. Newfoundland and Labrador ranked 4th, moving up from the 21st place it occupied in 2021. Rounding out the top 10 are Colorado, Northern Territory, Arizona, Quebec, South Australia, and Botswana. Four jurisdictions— Newfoundland and Labrador, Colorado, Northern Territory, and Botswana—were outside of the top 10 in 2021 but this year displaced Alaska, Idaho, Morocco and Yukon. At 100, Nevada had the highest PPI score this year, displacing the Republic of Ireland as the most attractive jurisdiction in terms of policy. The median score for Africa on the investment attractiveness index showed an increase of 2.4 points this year. With a median score of 54.25, Africa is the third least attractive region for mining investment when accounting for both mineral potential and policy, according to miners. “This year, Angola, Ivory Coast, Mozambique, South Sudan, and Zambia received enough responses to be included in the report,” the report reads. “Six African countries — Zimbabwe (62nd), Guinea (Conakry) (61st), Mozambique (60th), Angola (58th), Democratic Republic of Congo (56th), and South Africa (53rd) — ranked in the bottom 10 on this year’s survey based on policy. Based on their overall investment attractiveness scores eight African jurisdictions ranked in the global bottom 10: Zimbabwe (62nd), Mozambique (61st), South Sudan (60th), Angola (59th), Zambia (58th), South Africa (57th), Democratic Republic of Congo (55th), and Tanzania (53rd). “Zimbabwe, the lowest-ranked African jurisdiction based on policy (62nd) and the least attractive jurisdiction for mining investment globally, experienced an almost 29-point decline on its policy score. All respondents claimed that the uncertainty regarding the administration, interpretation, or enforcement of existing regulations and the country’s infrastructure were major areas of concern that discouraged investment in the country.” South Africa decreased its policy score by 20 points and ranks 53rd out of 62 jurisdictions. Investors expressed increased concern over the availability of labour skills (+18 points) and infrastructure (+15 points). Moreover, respondents indicated that regulatory duplication (74%) and uncertainty concerning the administration and enforcement of existing regulations (67%) continue to be a deterrent to investment. Guinea (Conakry) decreased its policy score by almost 52 points — the single-largest decrease among all jurisdictions included in the repor t— and went from ranking 52nd (of 84) in 2021 to 61th (of 62) in 2022. The Fraser Institute Annual Survey of Mining Companies was sent to approximately 1 966 explorations, development, and other mining-related companies around the world. The survey was conducted from August 23rd to December 30th, 2022. The companies that participated in the survey reported exploration spending of US$1.90 billion in 2022 An overall Investment Attractiveness Index is constructed by combining the Best Practices Mineral Potential Index, which rates regions based on their geologic attractiveness, and the Policy Perception Index, a composite index that measures the effects of government policy on attitudes toward exploration investment. While it is useful to measure the attractiveness of a jurisdiction based on policy factors such as onerous regulations, taxation levels, the quality of infrastructure, and the other policy-related questions that respondents answered, the Policy Perception Index alone does not recognise the fact that investment decisions are often to a considerable extent based on the pure mineral potential of a jurisdiction. Zimbabwe least attractive mining investment destination 5G rollout faces teething hurdles NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Companies & Markets Page 35 PRISCA TSHUMA DIVERSIFIED concern Padenga Holdings Limited has recorded 68% revenue growth to US$128 million for the year ended 31 December 2022 due to the positive performance of the Dallaglio mining operations unit. Commenting on the financial statements for the year, group chairperson Thembinkosi Sibanda said Dallaglio contributed 82% to the group's revenue growth on the back of a production increase at Eureka Mine in Guruve. The unit sold 1 961 kilogrammes of gold compared to the 976 kg registered in the prior year. This was 101% higher than volumes for full-year 2021, making Dallaglio one of the top three national gold producers. “This was attributable to the increased contribution from Eureka Mine, which had not yet been fully operational during the same period last year coupled with improved gold prices,” said Sibanda. Eureka Mine was commissioned in October 2021 and became operational in 2022, hence its notable contributions to the group revenue for the period under review. Increase in revenue improved the group's earnings before interest, tax depreciation and amortisation (Ebitda) to US$32 282 038 in the period under review, up from US$14 168 711 in the preceding year. The group also registered before-tax profit of US$13 892 552 from a loss before tax of US$7 263 278 in full-year 2021. The group generated cash amounting to US$24 604 823 in full-year 2022 compared to US$15 502 776 recorded in the previous year. “The increase in cash generated was mainly due to improved revenues and efficiencies,” added Sibanda. However, the Zimbabwean crocodile unit had a negative performance, contributing only 18% to the revenue in the period under review. This was due to the reduction in both unit volumes and revenue. “Revenue or the Zimbabwean crocodile business reduced by 7% in comparison to the prior year, as a result of the 27% decrease in the skin volumes partially offset by an improvement in the average realisation per skin,” he said. The unit harvested 34 117 skins in the period under review compared to 55 136 skins harvested in 2021, because of a shift in the harvest season providing additional time to allow for remedial actions implemented to impact skin quality. Consequently, the unit sold 33 189 skins compared to 39 936 skins in full'-year 2021. In 2022, the group discontinued its United States-based alligator business unit through the sale of the operating assets of the unit to an offshore equity group. “Consequent upon the continued oversupply in the alligator skins market coupled with the quality issues that took a number of years to resolve, the business unit accumulated losses over several years,” Sibanda said. Going forward, the group said it was focused on operationalising the underground mine at Pickstone Peerless Mine, whose development is at an advanced stage. The group spent US$13 498 837 on capital expenditure in 2022, with the refurbishment of the underground mine at Pickstone Peerless Mine in Chegutu being the major project. Phase one of the project was scheduled to be completed in August 2023. “Completion of the project is expected in August 2023, after which commercial production will commence. This is poised to contribute significantly to the group’s revenue and profit,” the group anticipated. Padenga revenue growth up 68% Eureka Mine in Guruve NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Page 36 Stock Taking PRISCA TSHUMA SPIRITS and beverages producer African Distillers Limited has recorded 56% revenue growth to ZW$41 billion in inflation-adjusted terms for the year ended 31 March 2023, up from ZW$23 billion recorded in the same period last year. Despite operating in an environment characterised by high inflation, prohibitive interest rates and increased power supply outages, the company registered growth in revenue due to the increased volumes. “Revenue growth was driven by increased volume. Cost containment measures were in place over the period. However, cost pressures were experienced in distribution, fuel and power, payroll and maintenance,” said the company chairperson Matts Valela. In 2022, businesses were hit by inflation, which peaked at 285%, the highest interest rate standing at 200% together with long hours of load shedding affecting production. “Measures introduced by the government to reduce ZW$ liquidity resulted in relatively stable foreign exchange rates except at the tail end of the year where accelerated depreciation was witnessed resulting in increased value chain costs,” he said. The company spent ZW$1.3 billion on distribution costs, ZW$1 billion on administrative expenses and other operating costs, which include fuel and power. Regardless, perating income increased by 15% to ZW$5.4 billion. Volume growth was strong at 18% above prior year, mainly driven by the ready-to-drink segment, which grew by 23%. Wine and spirit volumes grew by 16% and 14% respectively. “The increase in volume was due to improved product availability, increased market penetration and promotional activity,” he said. The spirits company registered ZW$1.5 billion in net profit in the period under review, a decline from the ZW$2.1 billion recorded in March 2022. The company’s major shareholder and partner, Distell Limited, was recently acquired by Heineken Beverages. The transaction was completed on 26 April this year. With Distell’s prestige within the wine and spirits categories, Heineken’s position in Africa is expected to be reinforced, gaining traction with its popular products such as the Amarula brand, Hunter’s and Savanna ciders. Valela said although acquired by Heineken, Distell Limited was not completely divorced from African Distillers. “The Company continues to receive support from Distell in line with the existing franchise and technical arrangements. It is anticipated that no adverse changes will arise from the acquisition,” said Valela. The company anticipates business growth as it will continue leveraging on ensuring full product availability, market share protection and brand portfolio expansion, focusing on production efficiencies and cost containment initiatives. The board recommended a final dividend of US$0.0050 per share, amounting to US$593 137. An interim dividend of US$0.0025 per share was paid in December 2022, bringing the total dividend to US$0.0075 per share. Volumes uptick for African Distillers African Distillers Limited chairperson Matts Valela NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Companies & Markets Page 37 NATHAN GUMA ORGANISERS of the Mosi-oa-Tunya Festival, a multinational event that promotes cultural exchange and international business partnerships, say they are going to use the event to improve investment in Zimbabwe’s resort city of Victoria Falls. The inaugural festival, which brings music and business together, is set for launch next week, laying the ground for the main event scheduled for Victoria Falls in August this year. The festival is set to provide a platform for businesses, investors and entrepreneurs to showcase their products, services and ideas, while creating networking opportunities for local and international businesses. Some of the key speakers earmarked for the festival include US-based Fredy Muks, a board chairperson of Global Music at the Recording Academy (Grammy), conveners of the prestigious Grammy Awards. It will also feature business and tourism players, for instance international real estate agent Karen Nyenga and Annabelle McKenzie, director of the Year of Return and Beyond Year of the Return for the Ghana Tourism Authority. The Year of the Return is a call by the government of Ghana to the African diaspora to return and be a part of the transformation of Africa using the West African country as a gateway. Mosi-oa-Tunya Festival co-founder Caroline Samuel said the fiesta is important for marketing Victoria Falls as a tourism destination. “The reason why we are doing this is that we would like to promote the Victoria Falls as a tourism destination. Being one of the Seven Natural Wonders of the World, it is something huge for Zimbabwe and we need to highlight it to the world. “And also, we would like a few businesses to come in from outside, because the Victoria Falls is a Special Economic Zone. We would like to open a few office parks there so that we can invite investment into the country. There is lots of opportunities there in Victoria Falls. “If you look at the construction of convention centres, there is not one there. We need more accommodation in Victoria Falls and also medical tourism, among others,” she told The NewsHawks. She said the festival will also provide a platform for investors and entrepreneurs to showcase their products and services, making it easier for local businesses to meet with international counterparts. “Victoria Falls having a lot of opportunities, we are going to be talking about energy, healthcare and several other things happening, for example mining. On health, Zimbabwe does not have a one-stop medical centre where our sportspeople can go to. That is one thing we would like to have in Zimbabwe. “That will also promote more sportspeople from around the continent and around the world to come through to Zimbabwe and come and have camps in Victoria Falls, which will bring investments to Zimbabwe. That will also tie in with construction opportunities that are there in Victoria Falls. “As well as free-economic zone, we make it a financial hub and make it an office park. We also do not have a theme park in Zimbabwe, which is something that we can have." The festival’s co-founder, Sianne Adeosun, said they are also looking to promote corporate social investment in Victoria Falls through the extravaganza. “With regards to CSR, we are looking to partnership with IOAN Nurses in USA which are going to help use equip a nursing homes we have Victoria Falls and to help us with up-to-date equipment like blood pressure machines, bedding and beds to revamp the living conditions of the elderly living at the place. “We are going to help the nursing homes by providing the nurses with some training as well. So, that is one of the programmes we have going on. The partners are also going to provide a new technology that would allow people get e-prescriptions which will scrap out situations where people go to hospitals and get charged a lot. So that is the technology that is going to be introduced through us, and is first coming to Victoria Falls." Adeosun said they will help revamp Boabab Primary School, which is going to host the festival. “We could have picked a hotel, but we thought of giving back and making sure that the children see good examples of their fellow citizens. We decided that we are going to revamp the school, and get their basketball court up. “The school is not bad, but it just needs a facelift. So we are just going to paint and fix the fencing. We are also going to try and provide them with computers and sponsorships. We are speaking to people that are willing to provide internet access, solar panels and also teachers with a good working environment and free meals for children,” she said. Inaugural Mosi-oa-Tunya Festival set to be launched Caroline Samuel Sianne Adeosun NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Page 38 News Analysis NATHAN GUMA THE government’s abrupt withdrawal of a gazetted notice which had controversially decreed official secrecy on public procurement deals in the health sector is a reflection of chaotic governance fuelled by internal political struggles and rampant corruption. This week, Zimbabweans were stunned by the gazetting of General Notice 635 of 2023 which banned the disclosure of public procurement details in the health sector. “It is hereby notified that the president has in terms of Section 3 (6) of the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Act declared that the following be of national interest and shall not be publicly disclosed: “Construction equipment and materials, biomedical and medical equipment, medicines and drugs, vehicles including ambulances, laboratory equipment, chemicals and accessories, hospital protective equipment; and repairs and maintenance service of hospital equipment and machinery,” read the notice. In less than a day, President Emmerson Mnangagwa was quick to rescind the controversial notice, describing it as fake. In a statement, Chief Secretary to the Office of the President and Cabinet Misheck Sibanda said the purported government notice was fake, adding that investigations into its origins are currently underway. The notice had sparked public outrage as it had created fertile breeding ground for corruption by placing public procurement in dark corners under the purview of some nameless and faceless individuals. The publishing and quick withdrawal of the notice shows there is confusion in the government, mainly fuelled by internal power struggles in the regime which has two political factions, one led by President Mnangagwa and the other one by his deputy Constantino Chiwenga, battling to control the levers of state power and resources. Rashweat Mukundu, a political analyst, says the confusion reflects Zanu PF’s approach to governance. “I think we have hit rock bottom, and we cannot sink any further. If something is not done quickly to rescue this country from this malady of kleptocracy, then Zimbabwe will likely be a failed state,” Mukundu says. “For me these are the manifestations of poor governance capacity and skills within the ruling party which unfortunately will continue to cause poverty and suffering among the people of Zimbabwe. “I think what we are witnessing are the manifestations of Zanu PF’s worst approach to governance, even though government has withdrawn, or now says the gazetted policy on procurement was done so illegally without authorisation. “But, what this matter tells us is the level of disregard from transparency and accountability. The fact that someone in government had the audacity to generate such a policy directive indicates the levels of corruption and disregard for transparency and accountability.” Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition (CiZC), a human rights and governance watchdog, says the Zimbabwean government deliberately published the notice and has been insincere in the fight against corruption. “The citizens of Zimbabwe should congratulate themselves that they were able to stop the barbaric regulation, that barbaric position. We cannot say the government made a mistake — that was not true. They were testing the waters. They thought they would get away with it, but they faced serious resistance from the citizens. “To those who always say people of Zimbabwe are docile, it is now clear that it is a lie. They did resist, and people were even prepared to go to the courts. And the government was facing serious humiliation, and they had to climb down in the face of serious resistance, where citizens had to fight back oppression,” said Obert Masaraure, the CiCZ spokesperson. He said the incident also underlines the lack of transparency and accountability which are at the heart of Zimbabwe's long-running governance and leadership crises. “The fight against corruption in Zimbabwe is being undermined by the executive. He [Mnangagwa] has managed to undermine state institutions that are supposed to deal with corruption. He has managed to undermine the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc). How? By ensuring that he does not give them enough capacity to deal with corruption. “Look at the Auditor-General’s report. What has been done so that all the findings of the report are put to use? Nothing! The government does not care. But the AG is publishing damning details of how officials are failing to account for public resources. “Nothing is being done to them. So, what needs to be done is to have a government that is interested in fighting corruption, but this current government is failing to do that because the senior officials are corrupt themselves. Even the head of state has been implicated in the Gold Mafia scandal, and is yet to make a statement himself! He is a law unto himself. He does not care about reporting to the people,” Masaraure said. Vivid Gwede, a political analyst, said the publishing and immediate withdrawal of the scandalous procurement notice shows that there is a big problem within the government. “The announcement and revocation of policies in a matter of hours exposes contradictions or confusion within the government. “The expectation is that when government makes policy pronouncements there would have been serious deliberations about their import and consequences. Thus, at least, there would be coherence in addressing the targeted challenges,” Gwede said. Zimbabwe’s corruption fight, already in a shambles due to lack of political will, is expected to worsen, with experts warning of turbulence ahead of the 2023 general elections due to public discontent caused by economic failure and corruption. The country has been a non-mover, with a 23/100 score, falling behind the regional average of 32/100, while ranking 157 out of 180 of the most corrupt countries in the world, according to the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) released in February by the civil society organisation Transparency International. The index measures perceptions of public sector corruption levels in 180 countries around the world. The global average has remained unchanged for over a decade at just 43/100, while the sub-Saharan region average is pegged at 32/100. More than two thirds of the countries scored below 50, including Zimbabwe, while 26 others fell to their lowest scores yet. Zimbabwe has the lowest score in the Sadc region, trailing all its neighbours, with Seychelles scoring 70/100, the highest score in the sub-Saharan region, followed by neighbours Botswana with 60/100. Zimbabwe also falls below South Africa, Mozambique, Zambia and Malawi, among others, scoring 43/100, 26/100, 33/100 and 34/100 respectively. Thanks to an alert media and the public outrage, the scandalous procurement notice was dead on arrival. Millions of taxpayer dollars have been protected from corrupt political elites and their cronies. Alert media, public outrage thwart health sector looters NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Critical Thinking Page 39 The Bulawayo I grew up in is now a shabby replica — But Zimbabwe can still enthral' GRAHAM BOYNTON IF you stand on the top of the View of the World, the soaring granite outcrop in Matobo National Park outside Bulawayo, you will see the African bushveld stretching out before you to a distant horizon. It is calm, tranquil Africa at its most beautiful. I sit here in perfect silence watching eagles and vultures floating on the thermals above me, while below Matobo’s white rhinos are snuffling and snorting their way through their afternoon feed. There is nowhere else I would rather be. Just a few paces away from where I am standing is the grave of Cecil John Rhodes, the now much-maligned builder of an African empire. Ironically, when Rhodes died here in 1902 the local Ndebele people gave him a royal funeral, according him the salute that had previously been reserved only for tribal royalty. “Bayete! Bayete! Bayete!” they chanted as his coffin was carried to this resting place in these granite hills. Thus the complicated narrative continues to resonate around the Zimbabwean city that I grew up in. Despite the fact that I have spent most of my adult life in Western cities, primarily London and New York, it is here in Bulawayo that my turbulent soul finds its peace. And for all the decades of neglect and mismanagement under successive regimes, it remains a small, charismatic city full of historical resonance. City of Kings This area was known by the local Ndebele people (also called the Matabele, and this western region of the country region is Matabeleland) as both the City of Kings and the Place of Slaughter. Until Rhodes and the white settlers came towards the end of the 19th century, it was ruled over by a succession of tribal kings, the founding royal Mzilikazi arriving here 60 years earlier having fled the wrath of the Zulu warrior king Shaka. Mzilikazi’s son King Lobengula granted exclusive mining rights in the area to Rhodes’s agents in 1888, which led to columns of largely white pioneers arriving in ox wagons and proceeding to create a pretty, modern, Western city out of the raw bushveldt. Whatever the modern moral judgement of these settlers, they, like the Old World migrants to America three centuries earlier, were creating frontier civilizations with the best of intentions. The ordered, organised colonial Bulawayo I grew up in in the 1960s and 1970s is now a memory, replaced by a shabby replica of its former self. The post-colonial governments of first Robert Mugabe and now his coup successor President Emmerson Mnangagwa have neglected this town, providing neither investment nor economic incentives. It is slowly withering. The centre of the city is chaotic and unkempt, the once pristine parks strewn with rubbish, and the roads… well, the roads are so scarred with deep potholes that during the day drivers appear drunk as they weave this way and that to avoid chasms in formerly pristine tarmac roads. (The same drivers avoid going out at night because the potholes are not as easily detected by vehicle headlights and if you hit a deep one you could lose a wheel.) For all that, the people and their history make Bulawayo worth visiting. After 48 hours at Matobo National Park and View of the World, I spent several days noodling around the city, the highlight of which was a walking tour with Paul Hubbard. Paul is an internationally respected 30-something polymath who knows the social, political and architectural relevance of every building in the city). And even though Bulawayo’s centre is in a state of disrepair, those old Victorian buildings can still tell vivid stories of a pioneering past.  Into the wild So, after a few bucolic days reinvestigating my colonial youth, it is time to head north to Hwange National Park, one of Africa’s most beautiful and diverse protected reserves, and wallow in the Matabeleland bushveld, a magical place that remains unchanged since the 1970s. Another bumpy, pot-holed drive takes me there and within four hours I have put behind me the disputatious politics of modern Zimbabwe and arrived again in timeless Africa. I pull into Sable Valley Lodge, on the border of the park, with a burning desire to reconnect with pure wilderness, and so I have started at a group of lodges that come under the Amalinda Safari Collection rubric, a company owned by an old Bulawayo family. The patriarch (he is called Khulu in Ndebele) is Cedric Wilde, after whom one of the family’s three Hwange camps is named. Cedric has some story. After Robert Mugabe became the country’s leader in 1980, Cedric bought land he turned into a flourishing 3 000-hectare game ranch with all manner of wild animals – 400 eland, 300 wildebeest, giraffe, zebra, gemsbok from Namibia, and more than 3 000 ostriches; all imported at great expense. It was a massive investment that he hoped would set the tone for wildlife conservation in the region for years to come. When, during the political upheavals of 2000, Cedric was thrown off his farm and into jail, the land was invaded and all the wildlife was eaten by the new occupants. The once pristine farm was soon reduced to rubble. However, being resilient Zimbabweans, the Wilde family, led by Cedric but driven by his two daughters Sharon and Linda and their can-do husbands, reinvented themselves as a Hwange safari company, and it is at their brand-new Sable Valley Lodge that I spent the next few days. Close encounters The lodge is set beside the Dete Vlei, a four-mile stretch of dried riverbed that is rich with game, primarily elephant and buffalo herds and prides of lion. What Dave Bennett, one of those can-do husbands, has created is a charming traditional camp, but with the bonus of a sunken “hide” beside a waterhole that allows rare and intimate access to the wild beasts. We spent several evenings sitting in the hide, photographing and sipping beers, just feet away from bull elephants and dangerous dagga bulls (male buffaloes) that resulted in the best photographic close-ups I have had in the African wilderness in years. Bennett’s mission here is to create an animal corridor that runs through to Mana Pools and to help achieve this he is tutoring the proprietors in neighbouring concessions the art of marketing photographic tourism. It is an ambitious and honourable crusade and therein may well lie the future of Zimbabwe’s wildlife conservation. After a couple of days I was off on another pot-holed, bone-jarring ride to a familiar wildlife camp, this one in the middle of Hwange Game Reserve. Linkwasha Camp is an old favourite, mainly because it is set beside the Ngamo Pan, a vast open area that simply teems with game. In the space of just three four-hour game drives, I was close up with cheetah, giraffe, zebra, eland, roan antelope, lions, elephants, exotic knobbilled ducks, and the rest. If this were one’s only evidence of Africa’s wilderness in the early 21st century it would be reasonable to conclude that all was well, and that wild Africa is thriving. In fact, these are islands of exception and provide profound evidence and reasons why we should all fight to preserve these wild places. The Las Vegas of Zimbabwe A final bone-jarring drive across the country lead to my final destination – Victoria Falls, the glittering other world, the Las Vegas of Zimbabwe. The government has deemed the Falls a special economic zone and entrepreneurship is flourishing. The centrepiece of the town is the great waterfall – twice the height of Niagara Falls and more than twice the width – and in full flow, as it is during my visit, it is one of the great wonders of the natural world. The town itself looks and feels unlike anywhere else in Zimbabwe. Neat, well kept, it is almost devoid of pot-holed roads, and orderly. This is because Zimbabwe’s hopeless government is hands-off here and leaves the flourishing private sector to sort things out. According to local entrepreneur Jim Brown, my dinner companion at the luxurious Palm River Hotel, which he owns, along with the lovely, more traditional, Ilala Lodge a couple of miles away in the centre of town, business is picking up post-Covid. “We are doing OK. Upstream of Palm Lodge (which is located on the banks of the river) there are seven new lodges built in the last five years. And we look after the city here. The private sector has fixed the streetlights, we do a lot of refuse collection — we have a weekly clean-up drive — and we maintain the infrastructure.” Like other Zimbabweans they are making a plan, against the odds, in the face of government indifference. As Brown says: “It’s not America or Europe; it’s Africa. You do what you need to do.” And with that I fly out of my old, beleaguered homeland from a Chinese-built airport. Battered and beaten up politically, economically and psychologically by a venal ruling elite, Zimbabweans remain the friendliest and most accommodating people on the continent. For now they live in a country that has not yet fallen apart and the citizens’ stubborn optimism is something to behold. That and the beautiful landscape they inhabit are the reasons to visit Zimbabwe. — The Telegraph. NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Page 40 Reframing Issues Industry role-players and the government are alert to the problem and are monitoring the impact closely through a  ministerial task team. In addition,  Eskom, the power monopoly, along with the government, are exploring possibilities of reducing  power cuts  which are expected to spike during the winter when demand usually rises. The second headwind is that South African farmers have not benefited fully from the decline over the past year in the US dollar prices of some of their key inputs such as agrochemicals. This is because of the weakening of the South African rand against the dollar, shaving off some of the benefits of the price decline in US dollar terms. Thirdly, farmers are experiencing lower commodity prices compared with last year. But a drop in input prices is providing a necessary financial cushion. There are positives On the plus side, the area plantings for all South Africa’s major crops are expected to be above the five-year average area. This is according to Crop Estimates Committee, a government and industry body that monitors crop production. Secondly, input prices have come off from last year’s highs. For example, in February 2023, essential agrochemicals such as glyphosate, acetochlor, and atrazine were down in rand terms by 32%, 18%, and 2%, respectively compared to February 2022. These price declines have continued through to March 2023. These declines would have been higher had the South African Rand not weakened against the US dollar over the same period. That’s because in US dollar terms, the prices of the very same agrochemicals are down by 30% from February 2022. Prices of insecticides and fungicides have also declined notably from last year’s levels. Also worth noting is that in February 2023, essential fertilisers such as ammonia, urea, di-ammonium phosphate and potassium chloride were down 6%, 36%, 28% and 14% in rand terms, respectively. Again, in US dollar terms, the price decline was more notable, which speaks to the impact of the relatively weaker South African rand on imported products. These price changes in inputs are vital as they impact vast components of the grain input costs. For example, fertiliser accounts for a third of grain farmers’ input costs, while other agrochemicals account for roughly 13%. A third positive factor is that the weather conditions for the winter crops also remain positive. In its Seasonal Climate Watch update  published on 03 April 2023, the South African Weather Service  noted  that the winter crop growing regions of South Africa will receive rains. A fourth positive factor is that the summer crops, which are nearing the harvest process, are in reasonably good condition. I generally expect an ample harvest in most summer crops, which is aligned with the view of the Crop Estimates Committee. Takeways From a consumer perspective, developments are broadly positive and bode well for some moderation in consumer food price inflation in the second half of the year, when the decline in commodity prices could begin to filter into the retail prices. The one major risk is electricity stability. This is as much a risk for farmers as it is for consumers. However, I am hopeful that the government’s interventions, such as the load curtailment and diesel rebate, to limit the damage of the electricity crisis to food production will help. If the government’s proposed interventions help during irrigation periods — afternoons and evenings — South Africans can expect a favourable winter season. The reduction in power cuts will also be particularly beneficial for food processors. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Wandile Sihlobo is a senior fellow in the Department of Agricultural Economics at Stellenbosch University in South Africa. Farmers in South Africa face power cuts and a weak rand - But some factors are in their favour WANDILE SIHLOBO WINTER is an important season for South African agriculture, with some of its key field crops being produced during the cold months of June, July and August, and maturing after that, with harvesting in December. Preparation of the land for winter crops begins in April, which is also the same time harvesting of the summer crops begins. Farmers in the Western and Northern Cape, Free State, Limpopo and other winter crop growing regions are making arrangements for growing winter wheat, canola, barley and oats. All of the country’s wheat production takes place during the winter months, making the winter season an important contributor to the country’s wheat needs. South Africa produces  roughly 60% of its wheat requirements and imports the balance. It also produces, on average, about 90% of its barley annual consumption. Domestic production of oats is about  64% of annual consumption. The country is  self sufficient in canola production. Barley, oats and canola are all winter crops. This year, the outlook for winter crops is clouded by a difficult operating environment, especially the areas that are under irrigation. The two biggest headwinds are power cuts and US dollar strength. Nevertheless, there are also positives which should take the pressure off food price rises that have hit consumers hard. These positives include a fall in the cost of inputs, like fertiliser and agrochemicals, as well as good harvests from the summer season just ending. Headwinds The main contributing factor is the increase in recurring power cuts which will affect irrigation. South Africa’s agriculture has never faced a period of power cuts as severe as the current ones. The agricultural sector in general is heavily reliant on sustainable energy. For example, recent work by the Bureau for Food and Agricultural Policy (BFAP) shows that roughly a third of South Africa’s farming income is directly dependent on irrigation. This shows that disruptions in power supply generally puts at risk a substantive share of the South African agricultural fortunes. Of all South Africa’s field crops, wheat has the largest production –  about half  – under irrigation. Of the other key field crops, about 15% of soybeans, 20% of maize and 34% of sugar production are under irrigation. The potential disruption of irrigation would lead to poor yields, and ultimately a poor harvest. Such an eventuality would lead to an increase in wheat imports. NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Reframing Issues Page 41 HENNING MELBER/ ROGER SOUTHALL NAMIBIAN President Hage Geingob used his  recent state visit  to South Africa to also address a meeting of the national executive committee of the governing party, the African National Congress (ANC). This underscored the ANC’s historic ties to Namibia’s governing party, South West Africa People’s Organisation (Swapo). According to President Cyril Ramaphosa, who also heads the ANC, the party had a “wonderful engagement” with Geingob, who posted on Facebook: As former liberation movements, we learn from one another, a manifestation of the deep bonds of solidarity formed during our struggle against oppression. As political scientists and sociologists, we both followed individually and jointly the performance of the two organisations since the days of the liberation struggles. We have continuously analysed and commented on trends in their governance of the countries. In our view, the nostalgic reminiscences of the parties’ days as liberation movements serve as a heroic patriotic history turned into a form of populism. Such romanticism uses the merits of the past to cover failures in the present. It also is a potential threat to the achievements of constitutionalism. Geingob’s visit came at a time when both governments under the former liberation movements, Swapo and the ANC, face an erosion of their political legitimacy. With elections in 2024 in both countries, their challenges are similar. Both face tough choices about how best to handle the challenges when entering the election year. They have, since moving into office, disappointed expectations, not least in their failures to fight corruption. Voters in South Africa and Namibia will in 2024 pass their verdict at the ballot boxes. How they perform will shape the future of democracy in both countries. History with lasting bonds South African-Namibian relations have a special history. After the first world war, the Treaty of Versailles  officially ended the war between Germany and the Allied powers. It turned the German colony South West Africa into a C-mandate of the new League of Nations. Its administration was delegated to South Africa. It effectively annexed the territory and entrenched apartheid. This led the national liberation movement  Swapo  to take up arms. Recognised by the UN General Assembly as the  “sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people”, Swapo and the ANC, which had likewise launched an armed struggle, became  close allies. Both received wide international support. From liberation movements to governments Under UN-supervised elections  in November 1989, Swapo obtained an absolute majority (58%). Independence was proclaimed on 21 March 1990. The date was chosen by the elected Constituent Assembly in recognition of the Sharpeville massacre in 1961 – when apartheid police murdered 69 unarmed black people protesting against being forced to carry  identity documents  controlling their movement. Released only weeks earlier from prison, Nelson Mandela attended the ceremony as the celebrated guest of honour. Namibia, SA’s ruling parties share a heroic history - but their 2024 electoral prospects look weak Apartheid in South Africa came officially to an end through the result of the first democratic elections in 1994. Like Swapo, the ANC emerged as the majority party (62.7%). It indicated the success of the democratic settlements in both countries that Swapo and the ANC led processes leading to the drawing up of final constitutions. These embedded accepted democratic principles: free and regular elections, independent judiciaries, bills of fundamental human rights, and the separation of powers of the three branches of government. Since then, both countries have continued to rank among the top African democracies. Regular elections were largely free and fair. Judiciaries have remained independent and have served as a check on executive power. Both parties initially increased their majorities. Crucially, however, the parliaments dominated by Swapo and the ANC have failed to hold governments to account on major issues. Popularity in decline Support for the ANC peaked at nearly 70% in the third democratic election in 2009, but by the 5th election in 2019, it had fallen to 57.5%. Even this was regarded as a triumph, put down to the personal popularity of its latest leader, Cyril Ramaphosa. In the run-up to the elections in 2024, surveys predict the ANC will lose its absolute majority, and be forced to form a coalition to remain in power. It is also anticipated that it will lose its majority  in several provinces. It may even lose Gauteng, the country’s economic hub, and KwaZulu-Natal. It has long lost control of the Western Cape to the opposition Democratic Alliance. In Namibia, Swapo has fared comparatively better. By  2014, it had consolidated its political dominance into a whopping 80% of votes for the National Assembly, and 86% of votes for its directly elected presidential candidate Hage Geingob. But the National Assembly and presidential elections in 2019 marked a turning point. With 65.5% the party lost its two-third majority. For both, ANC and  Swapo, the loss of control over the regional, provincial and  local levels of government  has turned politics into a matter of alliances, with shifting coalitions. Politics has become a negotiated commodity. Principles are regularly traded for power, eroding the trust which citizens place in politicians and democracy. For all that they continue to dominate central government. But, their dominance is being steadily eroded by their lacklustre performance in power and failures in delivery of basic services.  State capture  has become a form of governance. 2024 and the limits to liberation It is too early for any reliable predictions regarding the 2024 election results. While many assume that the ANC will lose its absolute majority, it has an uncanny ability to defy expectations. But even if it squeaks home, its credibility is likely to be further damaged. Unless he is shuffled aside by the ANC (a possibility whispered quietly in dark corners as the brightness of his image dims), Ramaphosa is likely to remain in office as South Africa’s president. But he could be compelled to lead a coalition government. Swapo’s electoral prospects seem less bleak, even though it is thought that the opposition will make gains. Geingob’s two terms as state president ends.  Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah  Swapo’s first female candidate, might become the head of state. But in both countries, those holding office will face an uphill battle. Numerous analyses have explored how former liberation movements in southern Africa have failed the ideals of the liberation struggle when in power, even becoming undemocratic and increasingly corrupt. They have transited  from dominance to decline. In many ways, this was to be expected. Few parties can retain power for decades without losing their popularity. Yet in southern Africa, liberation movements’ loss of popularity is combined with accusations that they have betrayed the promises of freedom. They have  displayed a democratic deficit. By dismissing accountability for the lack of delivery they have squandered their trust and support. How Swapo and the ANC respond to any further decline will define the future of democracy. Opposition parties are expected to play an increasing role. But the former liberation movements might benefit from their fragmentation and dilemma. After all, opposition parties have so far offered  little if any credible alternatives which promise more well-being for the ordinary people. — The Conversation. *About the writers: Henning Melber is extraordinary professor in the Department of Political Sciences at the University of Pretoria in South Africa. Roger Southall is professor of sociology at the University of the Witwatersrand. South Africa's President Cyril Ramaphosa (left) with President Hage Geingob of Namibia NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Page 42 Reframing Issues CHRISSY DUBE/ STEPHEN BUCHANAN-CLARKE CORRUPTION is a major problem for Africa, with the continent losing billions of dollars every year to illicit financial flows (IFFs) caused by corrupt practices.  An anti-corruption seminar held in mid-April in Johannesburg aimed to create awareness and action on how supreme audit institutions can contribute to state anti-corruption efforts and address the increasing audit expectation gap. Participants were from 14 African countries and included auditors general and anti-corruption agencies. The continent lost about $50billion to IFFs in 2015, according to the report of the high-level panel on illicit financial flows from Africa. This staggering amount of money could have been used to address poverty, improve infrastructure and provide better healthcare and education for citizens. The seminar focused on institutionalised good governance, fraud and corruption concepts for supreme audit institutions and stakeholders. The opening and keynote addresses emphasised the importance of institutionalised good governance. Sessions that followed focused on fraud and corruption with presentations by, among others, the Association of Certified Fraud Examiners and The Global Fund. The role of supreme audit institutions in preventing and detecting fraud and corruption was also examined. Participants took part in a poll exercise to assess their practical experiences in their respective supreme audit institutions and found these audits are significantly contributing to their respective countries’ anti-fraud and anti-corruption efforts. Supreme audit institutions have a critical role to play in the fight against corruption. They are responsible for auditing public accounts and holding public officials accountable for their actions. Many people expect supreme audit institutions to do more to prevent corruption, but they don’t have adequate resources and support to do so. Seminar participants discussed the audit expectation gap on supreme audit institutions’ contributions to anti-corruption efforts and possible actions were established to enhance their efforts. The seminar also helped to raise awareness about the issues concerning state anti-corruption efforts postCovid, which is crucial for the development of effective anti-corruption strategies in relation to the online/ digital aspect of fraud and corruption. Institutionalised good governance is essential for the effective functioning of supreme audit institutions. It involves establishing strong institutions, transparency, accountability, and the rule of law. When institutions are strong, they can provide a check and balance against corruption, ensuring that public officials are held accountable for their actions. Seminar participants explored how supreme audit institutions can work with other state organs to create an anti-corruption ecosystem that promotes transparency, accountability, and the rule of law. The seminar also emphasised the importance of citizen participation in the fight against corruption. The value of collaboration and partnership in the fight against corruption was highlighted. Several key recommendations emerged from the seminar for African states to address fraud, illicit financial Strong audit institutions needed to stem fraud, money laundering in African states flows and corruption. First, African states need to strengthen their legal and regulatory frameworks for addressing these issues. They must enact and enforce anti-corruption laws and regulations, as well as effectively implementing measures to prevent money laundering and illicit financial flows. Second, African states need to improve the capacity and effectiveness of their anti-corruption agencies and institutions by providing adequate resources and training to these institutions, as well as enhancing coordination and information-sharing between agencies. Third, African states should enhance transparency and accountability in public procurement processes by, for example, strengthening procurement regulations, introducing electronic procurement systems, and improving the monitoring and evaluation of procurement activities (real-time audits). Fourth, African states must strengthen their oversight and accountability mechanisms by improving the capacity of audit institutions and parliaments to hold government officials and institutions accountable for their actions, as well as promoting citizen participation in the oversight processes. Last, African states need to enhance international cooperation and coordination in addressing fraud, illicit financial flows and corruption. This includes working with international organisations such as the African Union and United Nations, as well as enhancing cooperation with other countries. The seminar was hosted by the African Organisation of English-speaking Supreme Audit Institutions and Good Governance Africa in partnership with the Financial Services Volunteer Corps, the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit and The Global Fund. — Mail & Guardian. *About the writers: Chrissy Dube is head of governance insights and analytics at Good Governance Africa. Stephen Buchanan-Clarke is the head of the GGA’s human security and climate change programme. African states need strong audit institutions to stem fraud, money laundering. NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Reframing Issues Page 43 STEPHEN ASATSA IN early April 2023, Kenyan police discovered a mass grave linked to a Pentecostal church in the coastal town of Malindi. By the end of the month, at least 110 bodies had been dug up from shallow graves in the area’s Shakahola forest. A loss of this magnitude is  traumatic and painful  for the families and friends directly affected, and also for the public exposed to the details. The  level of media attention, public backlash and judgement of the dead makes the experience of the loss even more difficult for those directly concerned. The Shakahola story is being controlled by parties outside the families affected because of the  government scrutiny and a police investigation related to the criminal case against the church leader. This has the potential to disrupt healthy grieving. Africa is considered  one of the most religious continents  in the world. Many people use religion as a coping mechanism during difficult moments, yet in this case, religion is centre stage as the possible perpetrator of the grief being experienced. This complicates the grieving process as people experience betrayal from one of their most valued support systems: religion. Most families will adapt their own style and process – all valid – to handle the pain and trauma. As a counselling psychologist, I have conducted studies on how communities deal with death  and found unique practices that help in processing grief. However, there are certain common stages of grief that people will experience — and can be helped to process — as the Shakahola tragedy continues to unfold. These stages are: • shock and numbness • yearning and searching • despair and disorganisation • reorganisation and recovery. Shock and numbness This is one of the initial responses individuals experience when they receive news of the death of a loved one. It manifests in the form of denial of the fact that the person is dead. Some people hope that what’s happening will be reversed. Others react by minimising the magnitude of the loss. Shock or denial is one of the immediate healthy reactions to a traumatic event. This gives affected people the time to absorb and accept a difficult reality before they come to terms with it. Families should resist efforts to get them to accept a loss and “move on”. Shock, disappointment, anger, frustration, denial or even acceptance are all valid reactions. Yearning and searching At this stage, a grieving person has begun to get in touch with the reality of their loss. Staring at a perceived Kenya’s starvation cult left over 100 dead – How people can handle tragedy impossible future, a grieving individual tries to search for the comfort they used to enjoy from the deceased. This manifests in a continuous preoccupation with the person who has died, and an attempt to look for reminders of them. Some grieving people will cling to their loved one’s photos or clothes, or spend time in their favourite places. In a traumatic case like the Shakahola one, one of the most important things that families will be yearning and searching for is justice and information about what caused their loved one’s death. A satisfactory autopsy process and prosecution of the perpetrators would help people to grieve in a healthy way. Families should be allowed to experience this stage without any external regulation. This can be therapeutic as it helps families reflect, experience the pain associated with the loss and vent their emotions. In this stage, individuals will cry and feel sad, confused or frustrated as the reality of their loss sets in. Despair and disorganisation With the reality that their loss is permanent and irreversible, bereaved people in this stage may feel hopeless and angry, and question their situation. For families affected by the Shakahola saga, many are likely to be furious at government agencies, their deceased loved ones and the church. This anger may also be directed at themselves, especially if they feel they could have done something to prevent the death of their loved one. It may also be directed at others for causing the death or not doing enough to prevent the death, or at God for not listening to their prayers to prevent the death. It’s important to allow families to express these mixed reactions at whoever they choose to without trying to convince them otherwise. It’s healthy for them to ask questions and blame whoever they choose to. This stage is not permanent. Reorganisation and recovery At this stage, the intensity of grief declines and hope is restored. A grieving person begins to see the possibility of living a good life again. They begin to relinquish some of their loved one’s property or start to carry out some of the duties that were performed by the deceased. These four stages, however, manifest differently for different people. And they’re not linear. They may appear in any order. Time is also a silent stage and factor that helps people process grief. The public watching the stories coming out of Shakahola can experience secondary trauma. This is difficult to avoid since access to information is a fundamental right. It’s therefore important for people to be aware of negative emotions that may develop as a result of following the saga. It shouldn’t raise alarm, though, as with time, these emotions will subside. Journalists, security forces and other workers with direct access to the tragedy and exhumation of bodies are exposed to the danger of high-level traumatisation. They may need to seek psychosocial support to avoid developing severe psychological effects, including insomnia and anxiety. Understanding grief is an important step towards healing. When you experience a tragedy, it is important to realise that any accompanying emotions are normal reactions to an abnormal event. The process may take time and the pain may not subside quickly, and it all remains valid. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Stephen Asatsa is a counseling psychologist at Catholic University of Eastern Africa in Kenya. A Kenyan investigator at a mass gravesite in Shakahola in April 2023. Yasuyoshi Chiba/AFP via Getty Images NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Page 44 Africa News JOHN MUKUM MBAKU SUDAN, Africa’s third largest country  by land mass, shares borders with  seven  countries in an unstable region. This means that Sudan’s current conflict will have economic, social and political ripple effects across a number of countries, including the Central African Republic, Egypt, Libya, Chad, South Sudan, Ethiopia and Eritrea. The conflict might also affect countries further afield, including the US, Russia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia, which have close economic ties with Sudan. It could destabilise the Sahel region and the Horn of Africa and jeopardise US interests in these regions. It could also delay the ratification, by the yetto-be-formed legislative assembly, of the agreement for Russia to build a naval base at Port Sudan. Finally, the conflict could interfere with trade between Sudan and the Gulf states – the UAE and Saudi Arabia. Sudan’s  top exports  are gold, which earned a total of US$2.85 billion in 2021,  groundnuts  (US$488 million), crude oil (US$385 million), and  sheep and goats  (US$239 million), all of which are sold primarily to the UAE, China, Saudi Arabia, India and Italy. Sudan (and South Sudan) exported about 132 000 barrels per day of crude oil in 2021 with the UAE accounting for 45% of these exports. Sudan is also the world’s top exporter of gum arabic, a key ingredient for many food industries. The harvest of this product has been  disrupted  by the conflict. Sudan’s main imports are raw sugar, refined petroleum, wheat, packaged medicines and cars, mainly from China, UAE, Saudi Arabia, India and Egypt. The current conflict could derail this trade and create economic problems for Sudan and its trading partners. Sudan is not a major export market for these countries but they should care about the instability in Khartoum for at least two reasons. First, the conflict could destabilise the region and negatively affect the efforts of these countries to expand their export trade. Second, Sudan is located on the Red Sea. Instability could interfere with trade flows through the  Suez Canal, restraining these countries’ ability to trade with the rest of the world. Port Sudan, which is about 169 nautical miles from Jeddah (Saudi Arabia), is an important travel point for thousands of Muslims from west and other parts of Africa who are embarking on the Hajj to Mecca through  Jeddah Islamic Port. In addition, most Nigerian  hajj air carriers transit through Sudanese airspace on their way to Mecca. Violent conflict in Sudan could force these carriers to seek alternative but more expensive and longer routes, a process Sudan’s conflict will have a ripple effect in an unstable region - and across the world that could prevent many Muslims from successfully performing this important religious ritual. In addition, 90% of Sudan’s external trade passes through Port Sudan. The port is also an important commercial sea gateway for neighbouring  landlocked countries. Interruption of the port could worsen already acute shortages of key commodities, including especially food. Port Sudan also has a container port that handles trade to and from various parts of the world. It has been argued that Russia is seeking to build a military base at Port Sudan in order to grant its warships access to and influence over one of the world’s busiest and most contested sea lanes – the Suez Canal. Ripple effect A civil war in Sudan could spill into already violence-plagued neighbouring countries, such as  Chad, the Central African Republic, South Sudan, Libya, Eritrea and Ethiopia. Were Sudan’s neighbours to get involved on either side of the conflict, the region could become embroiled in the civil war largely because communities in the border areas share a common heritage. Two countries stand to suffer the most if the conflict escalates: Egypt and South Sudan. Sudan straddles the Nile River. Its main tributaries meet at Khartoum and then flow downstream to water-hungry Egypt. Fragility in Khartoum could affect Egypt’s fresh water supply and hence economic and social development. Instability in Khartoum could also derail efforts to reach agreement on the filling and management of the  Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. That could create problems, not just for Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia, but also for the entire Nile basin. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam is a hydro-electric project which Cairo sees as a threat to its use of the Nile. Since Ethiopia began constructing the dam in 2011, Egypt has relied on Khartoum’s cooperation to fight perceived threats to its water security. Cairo might see Sudan’s security situation as a threat to reaching a mutually  acceptable  tripartite treaty for the filling and management of the dam. A peaceful, democratic Sudan, thus, is important to Egypt and other Nile Basin countries. Ninety percent of  South Sudan’s economy is based on oil, which is exported through Sudan to Port Sudan. Conflict in Khartoum could seriously interfere with oil shipments and force economic collapse in South Sudan. External ties Outside the African continent, three countries have significant interests in seeing Sudan return to peaceful coexistence: the Russian Federation, the US and the UAE. The Russian Federation: Russia is interested primarily in gaining access to the country’s enormous resources, which include gold, uranium, oil and its port facilities. Looking ahead, Russia also has much to lose. It has sought for some time to establish a military base at Port Sudan, which would host about  300 troops  and give Russian  warships access  to and influence over the Suez Canal and the Red Sea. Russia’s hope is that its foothold in Sudan will give it better access to other countries in North Africa and the Horn of Africa. A full-blown civil war would delay or derail that. The United States:  Some foreign governments, such as the US, have indicated that they are interested in helping Sudan establish democratic institutions and a governing process undergirded by the rule of law. Others may want to place themselves in a position to exploit the country and its resources. However, since it signed on to the  Abraham Accords, Sudan has emerged as an important player in efforts by Washington to improve diplomatic relations between Israel and the Arab States. The United Arab Emirates (UAE):  The UAE has military and commercial assets in Eritrea, Somaliland, Somalia and the southern coast of Yemen. It stands to benefit from a peaceful Sudan. Under the administration of Omar al-Bashir – the military leader who ruled Sudan for three decades until he was overthrown during a 2019 popular uprising – Sudan was a beneficiary of billions of dollars in aid from the UAE. The UAE has also benefited from the relationship. For example, Sudan has become a major exporter of  gold  to the UAE. Finally, continued instability in Sudan could exacerbate the already serious humanitarian situation in many of Sudan’s neighbours, such as Chad, which has received  hundreds of thousands of Sudanese refugees. — The Conversation. *About the writer: John Mukum Mbaku is a professor at Weber State University in the United States. The raging conflict in Khartoum could negatively affect trade flows through Port Sudan to the rest of the world. Getty Images NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

World News Page 45 New World Economy: Money makes the world go round, so here’s a win-win proposition JEFFREY D. SACHS The situation has become intolerable. The poorer half of the world is being told by the richer half: decarbonise your energy system; protect your rainforests; ensure safe water and sanitation; and more. And yet they are somehow to do all of this with a trickle of five-year loans at 10% interest. THE key to economic development and ending poverty is investment. Nations achieve prosperity by investing in four priorities. Most important is investing in people, through quality education and healthcare. The next is infrastructure, such as electricity, safe water, digital networks and public transport. The third is natural capital, protecting nature. The fourth is business investment. The key is finance: mobilising the funds to invest at the scale and speed required. In principle, the world should operate as an interconnected system. The rich countries, with high levels of education, healthcare, infrastructure and business capital, should supply ample finance to the poor countries, which must urgently build up their human, infrastructure, natural and business capital. Money should flow from rich to poor countries.  As the emerging market countries became richer, profits and interest would flow back to rich countries as returns on their investments. That’s a win-win proposition. Both rich and poor countries benefit. Poor countries become richer; rich countries earn higher returns than they would if they invested only in their own economies. Strangely, international finance doesn’t work that way. Rich countries invest mainly in rich economies. Poorer countries get only a trickle of funds, not enough to lift them out of poverty. The poorest half of the world (low-income and lower-middle-income countries) currently produces about US$10 trillion a year, while the richest half of the world (high-income and upper-middle-income countries) produces about US$90 trillion. Financing from the richer half to the poorer half should be perhaps US$2 trillion to US$3 trillion a year. In fact, it is a fraction of that. The problem is that investing in poorer countries seems too risky. This is true if we look at the short run. Suppose that the government of a low-income country wants to borrow to fund public education. The economic returns to education are very high but need 20 to 30 years to realise, as today’s children progress through 12 to 16 years of schooling and only then enter the labour market. Yet loans are often for only five years and are denominated in US dollars rather than the national currency. Suppose the country borrows US$2 billion today, due in five years. That is okay if, in five years, the government can refinance the US$2 billion with yet another five-year loan. With five refinance loans, each for five years, debt repayments are delayed for 30 years, by which time the economy will have grown sufficiently to repay the debt without another loan. Yet, at some point along the way, the country will likely find it difficult to refinance the debt. Perhaps a pandemic, Wall Street banking crisis or election uncertainty will scare investors. When the country tries to refinance the US$2 billion, it finds itself shut out from the financial market. Without enough dollars at hand, and no new loan, it defaults and lands in the IMF emergency room. Like most emergency rooms, what ensues is not pleasant to behold. The government slashes public spending, incurs social unrest and faces prolonged negotiations with foreign creditors. In short, the country is plunged into a deep financial, economic and social crisis. Knowing this in advance, credit rating agencies like Moody’s and S&P Global give the countries a low credit score, below “investment grade”. As a result, poorer countries are unable to borrow long term. Governments need to invest for the long term, but short-term loans push governments to short-term thinking and investing. Poor countries also pay very high interest rates. While the US government pays less than 4% per year on 30-year borrowing, the government of a poor country often pays more than 10% on five-year loans. The IMF, for its part, advises the governments of poorer countries not to borrow very much. In effect, the IMF tells the government: better to forgo education (or electricity or safe water or paved roads) to avoid a future debt crisis. That is tragic advice. It results in a poverty trap, rather than an escape from poverty. The situation has become intolerable. The poorer half of the world is being told by the richer half: decarbonise your energy system; guarantee universal healthcare, education, and access to digital services; protect your rainforests; ensure safe water and sanitation; and more. And yet they are somehow to do all of this with a trickle of five-year loans at 10% interest. The problem isn’t with the global goals. These are within reach, but only if the investment flows are high enough. The problem is the lack of global solidarity. Poorer nations need 30-year loans at 4%, not five-year loans at more than 10%, and they need much more financing. Put more simply, the poorer countries are demanding an end to global financial apartheid. There are two key ways to accomplish this. The first way is to expand roughly fivefold the financing by the World Bank and the regional development banks (such as the African Development Bank). Those banks can borrow at 30 years at about 4%, and on-lend to poorer countries on those favourable terms. Yet their operations are too small. For the banks to scale up, the G20 countries (including the US, China and EU) need to put a lot more capital into those multilateral banks. The second way is to fix the credit rating system, the IMF’s debt advice and the financial management systems of the borrowing countries. The system needs to be reoriented towards long-term sustainable development. If poorer countries are enabled to borrow for 30 years, rather than five years, they won’t face financial crises in the meantime. With the right kind of long-term borrowing strategy, backed up by more accurate credit ratings and better IMF advice, the poorer countries will access much higher flows on far more favourable terms. The major countries will have four meetings on global finance this year: in Paris in June, Delhi in September, the UN in September and Dubai in November. If the big countries work together, they can solve this. That’s their real job, rather than fighting endless, destructive and disastrous wars. — Daily Maverick. *About the writer: Jeffrey D Sachs, professor at Columbia University in the United States, is director of the Centre for Sustainable Development at Columbia University and president of the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network. NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

STYLE TRAVEL BOOKS ARTS MOTORING Porsche just got angrier Being a Fashion Model Life&Style Page 46 Issue 131, 12 May 2023 JONATHAN MBIRIYAMVEKA IN 1996, slain American rapper Tupac Shakur released his double album, All Eyez On Me. The album comprised 27 hot tracks, including Picture Me Rollin’, I Ain’t Mad At Cha, All Bout You and firm favourite Wonder Why They Call U, among others. California Love was the first single off that hit album and it went viral. Then a year later in 1997, Tupac’s arch rival in the East Coast-West Coast beef, the Notorious B.I.G released his double album, Life After Death. The album consisted of 24 hot tracks, including Notorious Thugs, Kick in The Door, Ten Crack Commandments, What’s Beef and, of course, the popular bangers Mo Money Mo Problems and Hypnotize. Outside of the hip-hop world, the king of pop Michael Jackson dropped one of the greatest albums to date, titled Dangerous. And true to Whacko Jacko’s extravagance, Dangerous was his eighth studio album. It was released by Epic Records on 26 November 1991, more than four years after Jackson’s previous album Bad, according to reports. For those who can remember, the album features the tracks Who Is It, Heal The World, Remember The Time, Black or White, Will You Be There and, of course, Jam to mention a few. And coming back home, Jah Prayzah on Friday released two albums on the same day in Harare and then takes the albums to Bulawayo on Saturday. One album is titled Chiremerera and the other one is called Maita Baba. Now this is where the problem starts! Jah Prayzah had earlier on released the cover art for both albums, with the first one — Chiremerera — depicting a polygamous relationship. Jah Prayazh appears to be on the throne flanked by two of his wives, while a third was seated on the ground holding a kid. And on Maita Baba he poses with a goat symbolising that he is the Greatest Of All Time. The difference between the two, so he says, is that Chiremerera is traditional music, while Maita Baba is Afrobeats. The whole move smacks of confusion. Critics have been asking: What is Jah Prayzah trying to do? Instead of releasing just a double album like some of the greatest musicians, he chose to put out two different albums. What is all the more startling is that these days it is easy to release singles which will then culminate in fulllength albums. The reason being that firstly, there are no record sales to talk about and, secondly, musicians are depending on music streams. So, for it would be wasteful of any musician to release the whole album at once, let alone two albums at the same time. Even the radio stations would not be able to play all the songs from the same artiste. Radio stations get to choose which songs they put on their playlist even if an artiste releases an album comprising up to 20 tracks. So what this means is the other tracks will not make it on the airwaves and even at club level, DJs will still play the tracks they think are hits only. In the case of Jah Prayzah, he seems not to know which way he wants to take his music. Remember he released the Svovi single in June 2021, an Afrobeats track before releasing a full-length album, Gwara, in July 2021, which was wholly traditional. Many thought Gwara defined the direction in which Jah Prayzah would take going forward, but he is still caught up in the confusion. While it is up to Jah Prayzah to do music as he pleases, he must know that nothing beats originality and this is why the likes of Oliver Mtukudzi and Thomas Mapfumo were revered beyond our borders and overseas; it is because their sound remained uniquely Zimbabwean. So when Jah Prayzah shifts towards Afrobeats we see the move as akin to running away from his shadow. All he needs to do is take one step at a time to perfect his identify before he can jump to other genres which may come and go. And also for Jah Prayzah to excel in Afrobeats, he would need Nigerian producers, the likes of Kel-P, Don Jazzy, Masterkraft and SperoachBeatz, to make that happen. Jah Prayzah churns out rare brace of albums Traditional, Afrobeat mix Jah Prayzah

Poetry Corner Title: How things once turned Poet: Farai Chinaa Mlambo The other night we dreamt Of dark low hanging clouds And pounding tropical rains; The sky rumbled as an overfed beast And gave birth to a staccato of bass and contralto farts Such as had never been heard Frogs leapt from their hibernation And croaked with sheer determination At this miraculous turn of events At the pens, cows mooed their incredible delight And mollycoddled their gleeful calves As bulls bellowed their approval The cocks flapped their wings And uttered a unanimous victory crow from the fowl runs All over there were deafening echoes Of shrilly voices of little kids Backed by women's pregnant ululations; Drumbeat resounded from virtually all quarters In accompaniment to beerish chants That immediately sank into the ancestral lands Whence Chaminuka's Gourd Froths with unfulfilled royal promises Soon ploughs of all makes and sizes Creaked amid cracking whips As they gratefully welcomed the chance To shake off their rust and lust Upon the free intercourse with the fallow earth Alas, we woke up to a blistering October sun Perched on a clear blue sky With no slightest trace of a spec of our picturesque dreamy scenes We saw the dream anyhow Resurrected as an omnipresent corpse Hanging limply on all the trees around With the toes on its limbs barely scratching the earth below As if demanding an autopsy from it Detailing why it had died before its birth ***************************************************** Title: These Fatherless sons: An Ode of Despair! Poet: Tevin Ntobeko Ndimande Hath the world given no fathers, Only our humble folk and mothers? This folk of fatherless sons, Parading their mothers like guerrillas’ triumphant guns, Singing a wartime song! These motherless sons, Where are their fathers? This world with many men is clothed and clad, Dare ask the weaning nepios or the growing lad, They know not of fathers but mothers. Where the hell went the fathers? Either dead or deadbeat, Expired of the pressure, Or simple ran away; couldn't handle the heat! ***************************************************** Title: In Africa Poet: Temba Munsaka I am tired of the goring, politics is boring! Their camouflage green-like flora, baggy pants matadors in a ring. Around the ring, they saunterbig boys in combat A dazzling sight indeed, inside the ring, they struta coliseum of decay. Thrusting and allonging, the credulous have the final say on paper But the barracuda always winsa facade that has become part of our lives! Suerte de matara horn thrust in his guts, spine-chilling it was as protagonists smell blood Yet we cast nonetheless, beguiled we all are The ring is for the stern Savage bulls don’t cringe They plummet till you die Cheerleaders forget in a haste, they howl after the fightwhen they get no recompense for the duel Wet behind the ears they are, to be plucked like greens! As toreadors have the last laugh! - A collection of protest pieces ************************************************ Title: The Bravery Of A Stolen Heart Poet: Ndaba Sibanda Bonani traversed beyond the small and big hills Beyond the singing mountains and valleys The bushes were full of thorns and roots And were a well-known refuge for snakes He braved windy or chilly nights And the frightening sounds of owls Whoo whooo whooo whooo Hoo hoo hoo hoo Maybe the owls were hooting: Who cooks for you? Who cooks for you-all? Who cooks for you? Were the witches and wizards Not stalking him too? What about the infamous ghost Over Nkanyezi bridge? Was it not said to be stubborn? Was it not said to be talkative and slippery? How did he deal with that spook That showered down some red-hot coal? Sometimes he heard dogs bark madly Sometimes there was some grunting At times there were eerie voices Sometimes he tripped and fell to the ground Jackals howled and snakes hissed Lions roared but he was undeterred At times the night`s darkness Was blinding and confusing But Bonani groped for the path And rummaged through the bushes Sometimes the rivers were flooded Sometimes the rain pounded For Bonani it was just a delay He usually reached his destination His destination kept his heart Beyond the hills and valleys Beyond the streams and rivers Someone had stolen his heart *********************************************** Title: The Last Stand Poet: Gift Sakirai At two I knew not what they taught Daily, I stayed indoors \doggedly pursuing mother to a fault. Snotty-nosed and recalcitrant, I threw tantrums to my mother's consternation. At five, I left the comfort that home guaranteed and found my personage in the midst of people unknown. Fear thus a friend of mine became in that class of peers unforgiving. I learned mostly from a curriculum unofficial, kicks and fists thus my friends became and homeward I took nosebleeds like homework daily. At fifteen I loved my first love, a gem of a girl whose smile was the envy of many a teenager. I mumbled in her presence daily for words would fail me always. This it was for a whole year until like a bird in flight she flew out of my life. At twenty I stumbled into university, having scrapped by my studies. Therein all hell broke loose for what mother had taught was useless thus rendered. I partook in pomp and fanfare. By chance it was that I finished my studies, only to be accosted by a job market unforgiving. At thirty-five I decided to take the plunge after years of a hesitation acute and hitched myself to a woman who had thus been a decade patient. Therefrom, I second guessed myself into fatherhood, and bumbled along in a world where; I was a stranger unwelcome. At sixty-four with hair turned grey I'm still waiting to exhale and for once have a momentary relief from a life vengeful a year before I'm put out to pasture like a heifer overworked. I know not what the twilight years will my way bring a mystery it was in childhood, a mystery it still is in old age. A hustle death will have in taking me to the world beyond though. Having been short changed many times over in life, I swear my fall won't be as easy as that. This time, I won't go down without a fight. Death, beware! NewsHawks Page 47 Issue 131, 12 May 2023

Page 48 People & Places NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023 God willing, get well soon!

“The general feeling is that all teams are technically sound,” commented De Souza. “They will have size in their packs, they will have a mauling aspect in their line-out. I think we still need to see how mobile they are. We’ve seen Scotland in the Six Nations, they have some speed on the outside. They have some playmakers that can make things happen. So ja, it’s interesting, we are still sizing each other and see who has what arsenal to present at the Junior World Trophy.” With lots of raw pace and skill, Zimbabwe’s slick backline put the opposition to the sword in the Africa Cup last month, but De Souza’s men were no slouch either in the forwards. It is however upfront where the Junior Sables need to make vast improvements against opposition of better quality in the World Rugby Trophy, to entertain any chances of leaving the tournament with something. “Definitely we know our problem areas from the Canada (International Rugby Series) experience last year,” De Souza remarked. “We know our problem areas were the set-pieces – the scrummaging and the mauls. We definitely have put some work in that. If you look at our selection, we now have size, we have mobility. I think we are technically sound in the scrum department. You saw in the (Africa Cup) final versus Kenya, we scrummed and turned over ball with seven men versus eight and in the wet weather. So ja, I think we have ticked some of those boxes. All we can do is perfect them as we go against more astute teams in those departments in the World Junior Trophy. That is definitely our focus. The maul department, we know definitely that Uruguay loves the maul. I’m sure also that Scotland uses the maul quite a bit. So ja, our defensive maul structure is something that we definitely need to keep perfecting, and try make use of as best as we can. Those are definitely the key points and focus areas at the moment. We will keep working on them and try see how best prepared we can be in those departments.” De Souza is keen on having his team stay in the limelight in the build-up to Zimbabwe’s return to the World Rugby Trophy after a 10-year absence. “It only makes me want to work even harder, for us to become better, to perform better, knowing that people know how we play, and what style we’re working towards,” said the former Sables ace. “So from now we can only work on changes, work on adjustments, and ENOCK MUCHINJO HAVING put daylight between them and the rest of Africa over the past two years, Zimbabwean sport’s team of the moment will now dare to challenge some of the world’s best without any fear in July. Zimbabwe’s Under-20 rugby side heads into the World Rugby Under-20 Trophy in Kenya after dominating the African title in 2022 and 2023 – the last one won in the East African country last month with a brand of stylish and entertaining rugby not seen from any Zimbabwean rugby team in very long time. The Junior Sables take on Scotland, Uruguay as well as the play-off winner between Canada and the United States. Talent-laden Zimbabwe open in Group A against the relegated Scotsmen on 15 July. Global youth international rugby consists of two main competitions, the World Rugby Under-20 Championship for the top-tier nations, and the World Rugby Under-20 Trophy being hosted by the Kenyans. Although it is the second-biggest global competition at this level, the World Rugby Trophy is still a major step up for African champions Zimbabwe, who with hosts Kenya are the two teams from the continent in the eightteam contest. “Scotland is a team that has been playing in the Under-20 Six Nations (with England, France, Ireland, Italy and Wales). We’ve had an opportunity to watch them play, they were not the best of teams in the Six Nations,” Zimbabwe’s head coach Shaun De Souza told The NewsHawks this week. “But they are a team of quality. I think they will be vying to regain their position in the Championship tier, so they definitely want to come and win this World Trophy event. We’ve analysed them, we’ve seen their strengths, and we’ve seen their weaknesses. There are certain areas that we think we can exploit. We just need to perfect those areas, and see where we can compete within their strengths.” After seemingly running out of competition in Africa, and leaving the Nairobi crowds in awe in the Barthes Trophy last month, the Junior Sables will be back in the Kenyan capital to face their sternest test of depth and character in two years. Sport Page 49 Zim’s Junior Sables not afraid to face world after Africa conquest Scotland, relegated from the World Rugby Under-20 Championship, will open against Zimbabwe in the World Rugby Under-20 Trophy in Nairobi on 15 July. work on strategies, which just helps the team get better and stronger. It’s just my preference, I think it works for me, I think it's exposure for our team. We want universities and clubs to have a look at our players and open up doors and create opportunities.” De Souza named a large 45-man provisional squad this week, to go through a rigorous training programme culminating in the selection of the final travelling 28. “It’s a process that we are going through. We have eight weeks to make sure that we perfect that,” he said. “We have three build-up games within our camp squad set-up. We will play Harare Sports Club, Old Georgians and Old Hararians in the next three weekends, as a build-up to hopefully a triangular series that we are trying to put into place. South Africa is working on their team to play in the Under-20 Championship tier; they are hosting that. We’ve had discussions, it’s still in premature stage, but there is a possibility of having an event where South Africa and Kenya come and play two games against Zimbabwe here in Zim. It’s exciting, it will be a big buildup for all the African teams. The European teams are playing triangular series as well as they prepare. We’re trying to emulate that and help each other leading into these tournaments in July.” TRAINING SQUAD Forwards: Happias Zhou, Gerry Zisengwe, Stan Muranganwa, Tanaka Gondo-Mukandapi (vice-captain), Huntley Masterson, Tanaka Ndoro, Vincent Chimwendo, Farai Madzima, Tendai Maruma, Tadiwa Chimwada, Gealan Jaricha, Takunda Mudzingwa, Allan Mawunga, Leo Mutendi, Hagler Muchenje, Kelvin Kaseke, Tamuka Kambani, Tashinga Makiwa, Nqobile Manyara, Bryan Chiang, Takudzwa Zvomuya, Shingi Manyarara, Tawananyasha Bwanya, Godfrey Zvinavashe, Martin Hakunavanhu, Muzuva Gutu. Backs: Panashe Zuze (captain), Brendon Marume (vice-captain), Dion Khumalo, Brendan Jameson, Kudakwashe Nyamushaya, Munotida Marimirofa, Tawanda Matipano, Shadrick Mandaza, Benoni Nhekairo, Tanaka Chinyanga, Panashe Mugorogodi, Kelton Kaseke, Welton Charumbira, Cody Grant, Simbarashe Kanyangarara, Alex Nyamunda, Taonaishe Mapani, Tadiwanashe Unganai, Kholwani Moyo. FORMER Zimbabwe cricket captain Heath Streak, who is currently serving an eight-year international ban for dealings with illegal bookmakers, is reportedly critically ill. David Coltart, Zimbabwe’s former cabinet minister and a close friend of the Streak family, announced the news of the revered but disgraced ex-skipper’s failing health on Twitter on Saturday: “This is a call to prayer warriors in #Zimbabwe and beyond. Heath Streak, one of the greatest cricketers our nation has ever produced, is extremely ill and needs our prayers. Please could we all be in prayer for him and his family.” Streak, one of Zimbabwe’s greatest players of all time, was banned by the International Cricket Council (ICC) last year for breaching the body’s anti-corruption code, but said he was never involved in match-fixing. Streak was found guilty of five breaches of the ICC's code in April 202. The charges included revealing inside information which could be used for betting purposes and failing to disclose a payment in bitcoin from a potential corrupter to anti-corruption officials. After his ban in 2021, Streak retreated to his family farm in Turk Mine, Matabeleland North, where he has been undergoing rehabilitation. — SportsCast Cricket legend Heath Streak critically ill NewsHawks Issue 131, 12 May 2023

THIS week, the mayor of our nation’s capital city, and the chairperson of the top-flight football competition, the Premier Soccer League (PSL), made a tour of Rufaro Stadium to assess ongoing renovation at the 1972-established sports facility. Interestingly, both men are politicians from different sides of the Zimbabwe’s foremost political divide. Harare mayor Jacob Mafume is a senior member of a party that preaches excellence, an organisation that to millions of citizens is the symbol of long-desired change, an alternative to decades of the ruinous governance of the ruling party. The league’s boss is Farai Jere, the magnate co-owner of one of the country’s biggest football clubs. He has recently entered the political field, to stand for public office as MP in his rural area of Murehwa, on the ruling party’s ticket. After their tour of municipal-owned Rufaro, Harare’s number one resident, background of dull brown rows of sitting areas and all, addressed accompanying reporters. The mayor animatedly lauded what he called “significant progress with the stadium.” Looking around for yourself, you wouldn’t be persuaded to agree, if you have any sense of standards. Among those you expect to be dissatisfied with the progress should be the mayor himself, surely – and his party colleagues – who because of said adherence to excellence, ought to have an idea of what modern-day infrastructure looks like. Just across the border in Zambia, they not so long ago constructed a completely new stadium, Levy Mwanawasa Stadium in Ndola, in under two years between 2010 and 2012. A state-of-the-art arena as good as any you’ll find in Africa, complete with 50c PRICE SPORT Zim Cricket launches Premier League NEWS $60 Covid tariff for visitors & tourists CULTURE Community radio regulations under review @NewsHawksLive TheNewsHawks www.thenewshawks.com [email protected] Thursday 1 October 2020 WHAT’S INSIDE ALSO INSIDE Finance Ministy wipes out $3.2 Billion depositors funds Zim's latest land controversy has left Ruwa farmer stranded Story on Page 3 Story on Page 8 Story on Page 16 Chamisa reaches out to Khupe Unofficial president calls for emergency meeting +263 772 293 486 Friday 12 May 2023 Cricket legend Heath Streak critically ill ALSO INSIDE Sports World Athletics ban transgender women from competition Juju nonsense: It’s never too late to say enough is enough It’s astonishing how our leaders are so blind to the world around us Whilst Zambia built this modern Levy Mwanawasa Stadium in Ndola in under two years, authorities across the border in Zimbabwe are dithering over what refurbishment is urgent at an outmoded 51-year-old facility. all the Fifa-required facilities of a football stadium in the 21st century, right from the ground up, in just two years. In the capital city Lusaka, another entirely new stadium, National Heroes Stadium, opened in 2014 after work had started from scratch only three years earlier. How so terribly sad that in our case, what should be routine refurbishment of an already existing structure, a 51-year-old stadium for goodness’ sake, should be handled as if it’s the biggest construction project carried out in Zimbabwe’s history. While a neighbour has seen two brand new stadiums rise from the rubble, we have been warned that our beloved Rufaro — a vintage five-decade-old structure — could well reopen before full refurbishment is complete. “We will open the stadium anyway before bucket seats get here,” cautioned Mafume in case you expect too much and end up more appalled than you already are. Samples of the bucket seats, he explained, were locked up somewhere in Ethiopia, to arrive in Harare sometime in the week. Only samples, bear that in mind. Ordering of the actual seats themselves, and finally installing them, will be another process altogether. Meanwhile, the mayor is clearly excited about applying new soil to the turf, and the setting up of a “pop-up irrigation” system, which he says has contributed to the stadium’s “lush green” only seen by a handful others. A call to the groundsmen at some of the schools around the city would give our authorities a demystifying free lesson on basics that the “city fathers” and a whole premier league administration are practically holding strange rituals over. Wait until we are told how much that kind of workmanship has cost. If you think you might manage to remain sane after hearing it, do not hold your breath. I am not. Enock Muchinjo HawkZone