NewsHawks 20 October 2023

Price US$1 Friday 20 October 2023 NEWS Army fights  back President  Mnangagwa Story on Page 4 NEWS Zanu PF legislators lavish Mnangagwa with praises WHAT’S Story on Page 7 INSIDE SPORT Welch completes Zim move, selected for Namibia tour Story on Page 44 ALSO INSIDE Zanu PF's two-thirds backdoor plot intensifies SADC convenes extraordinary summit on Zim over elections

Page 2 Exclusive NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 OWEN GAGARE THE Southern African Development (Sadc) will hold an extraordinary summit of heads of state and government on Zimbabwe on Wednesday under the auspices of its current chairperson, Angolan President João Lourenço, The NewsHawks can exclusively reveal. As recently disclosed by this publication — which has a detailed brief on what has been happening of late on the issue behind the scenes — the special meeting follows intense regional consultations in the aftermath of Zimbabwe’s disputed elections held on 23 and 24 August which have left the country, region and international community more polarised and deeply divided amid deepening economic deterioration. Details on the upcoming Sadc extraordinary meeting on Zimbabwe are contained in documents exclusively obtained by The NewsHawks from Zimbabwe’s ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. A letter written on 19 October 2023 by the Sadc troika organ on politics, defence and security cooperation director Professor Kula Ishmael Theletsane to the regional body’s national contact persons in Zimbabwe and Zambia’s foreign affairs ministries, Pearson Chigiji and Isabelle Lemba respectively, says the special meeting will be held virtually on 25 October 2023 from 10am to 1pm. Sadc is headquartered in Gaborone, Botswana’s capital. Angola is the current chair. Chigiji is also acting chief director-of multilateral affairs in Zimbabwe’s ministry of Foreign Affairs and  International Trade, while Lemba is permanent secretary in the Foreign Affairs in Zambia. “Reference is made to the above subject matter (extraordinary summit). I wish to humbly notify that following consultations with H.E Joao Manuel Goncalves Lourenco, President of the Republic of Angola and the chairperson of Sadc, a virtual extraordinary summit of the Sadc Heads of State and Government has been scheduled to take place on 25 October 2023 from 10:00 to 13:00 hours (Botswana time),” Theletsane writes in his letter, whose reference is Notification of an Extraordinary Summit of Sadc Heads of State and Government to be held virtually on 25 October 2023. “The summit will, among others, receive and consider the report of extraordinary meetings of the Council of Ministers and Organ Troika Summit, which were held  virtually on 27 September 2023, regarding the impending deployment of the Sadc Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the approved budget thereof. “The summit will also consider the outcome of the meeting of chiefs of defence of the quadripartite convened by the African Commission on 6 October 2023 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. It is advised the meeting will be 1+6. “The draft agenda and programme for the summit are attached hereto. The annotated agenda will be held uploaded in the link to be communicated in due course. Please humbly accept, Your Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.” The agenda of the meeting, also seen by The NewsHawks, focuses on DRC — that is an update on the security situation there, deployment of Sadc forces and the budget, report of the meeting of the chiefs of defence of the quadripartite convened by the African Commission and an update on elections in the region. This is where Zimbabwe will be extensively discussed. While the agenda does not talk about Zimbabwe, it is the main reason why the summit is being held in the first place. Sadc leaders are approaching the Zimbabwean issue cautiously, but resolutely. The programme of extraordinary summit includes: Virtual connection of delegates to the meeting (9.40am-10am); heads of state and government joining (10am); opening session with prayers, anthems — Angola, Sadc and African Union (10.10am-10.20am), welcome remarks by Sadc executive secretary Elias Magosi (10.20am-10.30am); opening remarks by the Sadc chairperson Lourenco (10.30am10.40am); main deliberative session (10.40am12.20pm); communique (12.20pm-12.30pm) and closing session (12.20pm-12.30pm), and anthems again (12.50pm-1pm). Zimbabwe’s disputed elections are a subject of debate and discussion among its disgruntled population, the region and world capitals. Zimbabweans are deeply engaged on the issue daily largely due to their economic woes. In the region, it is being discussed widely, with South African President Cyril Ramaphosa engaged in secret talks with Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa on the way forward. They recently met three times in a month. Ramaphosa is deeply concerned about the impact of Zimbabwe’s continued crisis on South Africa, especially ahead of his country’s crucial elections next year in which the governing ANC faces a litmus test of political survival. Immigration is now a big election issue in South Africa. About four million Zimbabweans — a quarter of the population — have fled the country as political and economic turmoil at home became dire and still further deteriorates. The majority of those are in South Africa. Internationally, the Zimbabwe’s elections have also been causing waves. They were discussed in the United Kingdom’s House of Lords, for instance, and on many other platforms. Even in countries like Russia, notorious for authoritarian political repression and democratic aberration, when they talk about election rigging, Zimbabwe features. Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his ruling Zanu PF won the disputed elections amid complaints of brazen voter suppression and manipulation of the voter registration, voters’ roll inspection and the voting process, as well as a series of irregularities and illegalities. Main opposition leader Nelson Chamisa, who leads the CCC, described the polls, unconstitutionally and illegally run by a Central Intelligence Organisation-controlled hybrid securocratic entity Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz), as a “gigantic fraud”. With the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) dysfunctional due to internal divisions and divisive partisan conduct, Faz ran the elections after the army was withdrawn by Mnangagwa for self-serving political reasons over SADC convenes extraordinary summit on Zim over elections Angolan President João Lourenço

NewsHawks News Page 3 Issue 153, 20 October 2023 bhora musango (internal sabotage) from the process. The pliant judiciary, which is crucial in elections, was partisan and made compromised judgements, favouring officialdom, while discrediting the electoral process. The CCC is now in turmoil over Faz-engineered recalls that have divided the party. Before that, Faz tried to block its parliamentary election candidates for Bulawayo. As The NewsHawks has always insisted, from day one Sadc leaders were determined to discuss the issue of flawed Zimbabwean elections and the aftermath as they are clear the recent polls have a destabilising effect on the region. The key points and roadmap on the issue included robust discussion of the report of the Sadc Election Observer Mission led by former Zambian vice-president Nevers Mumba — which rejected the polls, saying they did not meet the standards set in Zimbabwe’s constitution, the country’s electoral law and the regional body’s Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections; an extraordinary meeting of ministers; special meeting of the Sadc leaders of the troika organ on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation; and ultimately a heads of state and government extraordinary summit set for Wednesday. While Mnangagwa and his supporters protested vehemently, urged by a wounded Zanu PF, against the Sadc report, regional leaders knew where they were leading to. The issue of disputed elections in Zimbabwe falls under the Sadc troika of the organ on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation, which is chaired by Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema. The Sadc organ on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation has jurisdiction over any matter affecting peace and security in any member state as enshrined in Article 11 of the Protocol, of which Zimbabwe is a signatory. This is the basis for Sadc intervention in Zimbabwe. It was the same basis which Sadc used in 2008 to step in, resulting in the creation of the transitional Government of National Unity (GNU) led by the late president Robert Mugabe and his bitter rival Morgan Tsvangirai. After Mumba issue his damning report on Zimbabwe — which actually praises the country and its authorities in vast swathes of paragraphs and issues — Harare officials and their media hacks went ballistic, calling Mumba all sort of names and making threats against him. Hichilema was also targeted. Mnangagwa’s spokesperson George Charamba, Zanu PF mouthpiece Chris Mutsvangwa and ruling party treasurer-general Patrick Chinamasa led the attacks. However, Mumba, supported by Hichilema, stood firm. The Sadc council of ministers and the troika of the organ on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation also supported the Mumba team and the report – after their extraordinary meetings from Lusaka last month — which is now the regional body’s property authored by its secretariat and experts. After their virtual meeting coordinated from Lusaka on 26 September, ministers said they “noted with concern” personal attacks and threats through the media on Mumba and Hichilema. They said there was risk that if left unchecked the attacks might damage and undermine the credibility of Sadc as an institution. The Sadc troika organ on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation leaders met virtually on 27 September coordinated in Lusaka. Hichilema chaired the meeting with Namibia and Tanzania, troika representatives, sending delegates. They agreed during the meeting to hold an extraordinary summit on Zimbabwe. Prior to that, Sadc had issued a statement, saying: “Sadc expresses concern on statements made about its electoral observation mission) following the release of its preliminary statement on Zimbabwe’s harmonised (general) elections." Given its responsibilities under the Sadc Treaty and relevant protocols, Zimbabwe’s attacks on the troika of the organ on politics, defence and security were out of step with obligations. Although Mnangagwa and Zanu PF are deeply wounded by Sadc findings as the region treated them with deference on previous fraudulent and disputed polls, the Harare authories do not have sufficient regional support to resist the processes and their responsibilities as a member state. Signs that Sadc leaders are unhappy were already there. Only three leaders, Ramaphosa, Democratic Republic of the Congo’s Félix Tshisekedi and Filipe Nyusi of Mozambique attended his inauguration. The leaders at the inauguration were heavily criticised by the opposition and civil society in the region for indulging Mnangagwa. The chairpersons of Sadc — Lourenco — and the Sadc troika of the organ on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation, Hichilema, were not there. After that, private consultations through the Sadc summit troika, which comprises DRC, Angola and Zimbabwe, and the organ, which has Zambia, Namibia and Tanzania, accelerated to discuss problems destabilising the region and threatening stability — leading to the extraordinary summit on Wednesday. Recent elections in Eswatini and the forthcomings ones in Madagascar and DRC will be discussed. Looking into next year, South Africa and Comoros might also feature. Yet Zimbabwe has been a deep scar on the conscience of the region for sometime now. An extraordinary summit on Zimbabwe was held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in March 2007 where Sadc asked former South African president Thabo Mbeki to mediate talks between Zanu PF and then then main opposition MDC. Mbeki’s mediation ended up with a Government of National Unity in 2009.  Zimbabwe has had several negotiated political settlements before. President Emmerson Mnangagwa with his Zambian counterpart Hakainde Hichilema.

Page 4 NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE WHEN Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa immobilised the military from running elections as they illegally had done mainly since 2000 at the height of militarisation of politics in fear of bhora musango (internal sabotage) and replaced it with Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz), a Central Intelligence (CIO)-controlled hybrid securocratic entity that eventually ran the polls, the big question subsequently became: What will the army do? Will it retreat or fight back? Mnangagwa’s surprise appointment of Lieutenant-General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe — the closest military ally of his main internal political rival Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga — as the new Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) commander, partly answers that question. Sanyatwe replaced Lieutenant-General David Sigauke who retired recently. Sigauke had replaced the late Lieutenant-General Edzai Chimonyo in 2021. Before Sigauke came in, Mnangagwa and Chiwenga had fiercely fought over the proposed appointment of Lieutenant-General Engelbert Rugeke as ZNA commander. Chiwenga wanted Rugeje, his close ally, to take charge, but Mnangagwa refused. A compromise was reached to place Sigauke in charge for two years. So the coming in of Sanyatwe signals a victory for the military over Mnangagwa’s politics. The unexpected appointment of Sanyatwe with immediate effect is part of a major fightback campaign by the army which had been aggressively forced to retreat by Mnangagwa through a series of redeployments, purges, and mysterious deaths, according to informed military insiders. A military source told The NewsHawks this week: “When you were writing those Faz stories before the recent elections, we told you that there will be far-reaching ramifications of Mnangagwa's political strategy and the biggest post-election issue to watch out for will be what will the army do. Is it going to retreat to the barracks or fight back? “Mnangagwa sidelined the army and used Faz to seek re-election, and a possible third term, which is now complicated, but that was always going to cause a reaction; whether a retreat or a fightback. The issue of the unsettled leadership question between Mnangagwa and Chiwenga — and the role of the army — is explosive and won’t go away. This is where we are now.” Sanyatwe, who is on United States and United Kingdom targeted sanctions due to his role in the 1 August 2018 election-related massacres of civilians in the streets of Harare over delayed poll results, is personally close to Chiwenga and the main commander that Mnangagwa does not trust, yet he was central to the November 2017 military coup and is now in charge of the army under the overall defence forces commander General Philip Valerio Sibanda. The military source added: “Sanyatwe’s bouncing back certainly signifies a military fightback, not Mnangagwa’s consolidation of power. Mnangagwa might be the appointing authority and might also have appointed Sanyatwe's wife Chido as deputy Home Affairs minister, but Sanyatwe is Chiwenga’s foot soldier through and through. “Chiwenga helped him become Presidential Guard commander and to get quick promotions. When the coup took place, Sanyatwe was a Brigadier-General, he was promoted or perhaps kicked upstairs to become Major-General and then retired as a Lieutenant-General with other generals such as Martin Chedondo, Douglas Nyikayaramba and former Air Vice-Marshal Shebba Shumbayawonda. “The most high-profile among those who were sidelined was him, Sanyatwe, as he led the Presidential Guard, drawing widespread criticism for telling the Kgalema Motlanthe Commission of Inquiry into the August 1 2018 Harare killings that one of his soldiers caught on video shooting into a crowd was firing into the air at a 45 degree angle. “The Motlanthe Commission found that the military used ‘unjustified and disproportionate’ force, including live bullets, to quell the August 1 2018 unrest. That led to the US and UK imposing targeted sanctions on Sanyatwe. “When it was found that the Zimbabwean security services were responsible for six deaths and 35 injuries during the 1 August 2018 protests, Sanyatwe was subsequently sacrificed and that served Mnangagwa’s expedient political agenda. The Motlanthe report concluded that the use of live ammunition on civilians was ‘clearly unjustified and disproportionate’, which was damning. “A few months after that, the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission found that law enforcement agents seemed to ‘resort to use of brute, excessive and disproportionate force in most circumstances, thereby causing avoidable loss of life and also worsening the situation’, resulting in the deaths of 17 people during the January 2019 fuel protests.” A Human Rights Watch report also detailed allegations of rape and indiscriminate door-to-door raids by the Zimbabwean security services around the time. This left Sanyatwe and others in charge vulnerable to removal by Mnangagwa for political expediency, not due to concerns over human rights. The source continued: “Further, Sanyatwe was the go-between in Chiwenga’s divorce with Marry Mubaiwa. He paid gupuro (Shona token of divorce). Besides, when he was ambassador in Tanzania, where he was sent to political isolation from Chiwenga, he frequently came home to keep in touch with the Vice-President and others in their military network.” Military sources told The NewsHawks, which covered the Faz story extensively before, during and after the elections, that the situation could lead to a new political brinkmanship in the election aftermath even though Mnangagwa was aggressively consolidating power while Chiwenga was on the back foot. One of the stories is republished in this edition (on Pages 4/5) for context and background purposes. The military, deeply involved in Zimbabwean politics since the days of the liberation struggle and in elections particularly from 2000, had run the 2018 polls that gave Mnangagwa a semblance of democratic legitimacy after the coup, although his legitimacy has always remained contested. Now the military is vigorously pushing back against its Commander-in-Chief — Mnangagwa — in the post-election period in a bid to stop ruthless purges of its command element that brought him to the helm through a coup six years ago which is part of his coup-proofing strategy, insiders say. Military insiders say the reaction by the army was triggered by Mnangagwa’s aggressive coup-proofing manoeuvres, particularly removal of the military from running the recent elections and replacing them with Faz. Sanyatwe is anti-Faz. Coup-proofing is a strategy of creating structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power through a putsch. These coup-proofing strategies may include the strategic placing of family, ethnic, and factional groups in the military and other positions of influence; as well as fragmenting of military and security agencies by removals, redeployments and eliminations. Analysts say Zimbabwe is currently a militarised authoritarian state in which Mnangagwa and Zanu PF remain in power through structure-induced stability. Security forces, particularly the army, are central to stability and keeping Zanu PF in power. The shadowy CIO-run Faz, unconstitutionally and illegally funded through state resources,  emerged at the centre of the recent elections amid charges of brazen manipulation of the whole electoral process — from voter registration, voters’ roll inspection, voting, collation and transmission. This is what the army used to do under the late former president Robert Mugabe and Mnangagwa until 2018, especially after 2000 at the height of militarisation of politics. Faz is also now involved in Zanu PF political strategies, including disqualification of opposition candidates before the elections and the current recalls of MPs, to ensure Mnangagwa remains in power and even gets a two-thirds majority to change the constitution to seek a third term in 2028 when his current constitutional second term ends. Faz, which is registered as a private non-governmental organisation, did not make it a secret that its task was to help Mnangagwa to win re-election. It took a lead role at campaign rallies and heaped praise on the 81-year-old despite his central role in Zimbabwe’s disastrous failure under 43 years of Zanu PF rule. “God seldom packages and presents resilience, hard work, wisdom, experience, visionary caring leadership and good energetic health as in this candidate,” Faz said of Mnangagwa. However, Zimbabwe’s opposition and civil society activists always said the shadowy group has a darker side, accusing it of intimidating voters and interfering in electoral processes, a reality exposed systematically in detail by The NewsHawks. Once ensconced in power after coming in through a coup and having controversially won the bloody 2018 election, Mnangagwa unleashed a wave of shake-ups, clear-outs and eliminations to consolidate and maintain power. He was also determined to unclasp Chiwenga’s grip on levers of power that he almost wiped out all his coup allies.Through a combination of re deployments, removals and the political contingency of death, planned or natural, Mnangagwa appeared unstoppable, especially after the Zanu PF congress last year in October and the recent elections. He used all the rules in the dictator’s playbook — from weakening and eliminating both internal and external rivals to personalising power and suborning state institutions.  Mnangagwa rang in the changes in the military, police and CIO, targeting Mugabe and former first lady Grace Mugabe’s allies, before going for Chiwenga’s loyalists. Key commanders — who pivoted the coup including Sanyatwe who was Presidential Guard commander — were removed in February 2019, while Chiwenga was battling ill-health in India. Like his initial South African health mission, the Indian health trip in 2019 was unsuccessful, resulting in his seeking treatment in China, allowing Mnangagwa to consolidate. Commanders retired for diplomatic assignments when Chiwenga was away included the late Zimbabwe National Army chief-of-staff retired Lieutenant-General Nyikayaramba, who was chief-of-staff responsible for service personnel and logistics, retired Lieutenant-General Martin Chedondo and retired Air Marshal Sheba Shumbayawonda. In May 2019, Mnangagwa then appointed Sanyatwe Zimbabwe’s ambassador to Tanzania, while Nyikayaramba was posted to Maputo, Mozambique. Chedondo was posted to China. Sanyatwe has a personal relationship with Chiwenga to the extent that he flew from Tanzania to assist him finalise his divorce proceedings with his wife Marry Mubaiwa by paying gupuro (token of divorce). Another big blow for the Chiwenga camp was the removal of Rugeje, who was critical in the coup, from heading Zanu PF’s critical mass mobilisation political commissariat. Rugeje operated in the war room during the coup. He was promised the job of the Zimbabwe National Defence University vice-chancellor, which did not come. Things got worse when he started criticising Mnangagwa everywhere. Sources say the return of Sanyatwe — the key commander that is closest to Chiwenga and the one that Mnangagwa does not trust the most – signals the fightback by the army, and his clandestine third-term bid will be the new battlefront amid renewed fight for leadership as the political, economic and security situation continues to deteriorate, showing no meaningful change from the Mugabe era. Army fights back Mnangagwa Lieutenant-General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe News

Re-run Page 5 MORRIS BISHI THE shadowy Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)-run Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz), which has unconstitutionally seized control of the running of the 2023 elections to retain President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Zanu PF in power, has deeply penetrated communities and tightened its grip on the electoral process, an investigation by The NewsHawks shows. While Mnangagwa and Zanu PF leveraged the military to win the 2018 elections and other previous polls, this time round the CIO, working with other state institutions, is running the show to ensure Mnangagwa’s re-election amid fears of internal sabotage. Sidelined army commanders aligned to Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga, who ran the last elections and previous ones under the late former president Robert Mugabe, are sulking and furious about this strategy. The investigation, carried out in collaboration with Information for Development Trust under a project probing corruption, bad governance and electoral manipulation, revealed that the CIO-controlled Faz has spread its tentacles to every ward in the country, collecting vital voters’ details right down to household level using an army of 5 910 information gatherers. The information gatherers — three in each of the country’s 1 970 wards — are working under the close supervision of their CIO handlers. Each information gatherer is being paid US$380, meaning government is spending US$2 245 800 monthly on unbudgeted salaries. They are also getting generous portions of the local currency as part of their salaries. In previously elections Zanu PF has received election funding from dodgy business people and the sale of minerals, such as diamonds, whose funds are not sent to Treasury. The scientific-like CIO strategy enables Zanu PF to control the electoral process in terms of structures, numbers of registered voters and the actual voting process, as well as polling stations. It also promotes systematic voter intimidation and victimisation, especially at ward level. An operational Faz document titled Faz Campaign Scope, seen by The NewsHawks, says the organisation has penetrated all provinces up to household level through several tactics, leaving voters vulnerable to abuse during the 23 August elections. “Once the party has access to the voters’ roll, preferably broken down to constituencies and even to polling stations, volunteers must keep in touch with registered voters through texting and phoning. This must be done almost intrusively, as a way of maintaining intimacy. Volunteers should be in the habit of checking on the health and well-being of voters as a way of showing the party’s and candidate’s concern. This can also be used for reminding voters of important election-related events and issues, while also keeping them up to date on key developments,” the document reads. “Faz volunteers are required to intrusively access party cell registers, from party cell chairmen, and check and verify their accuracy and integrity. To this end, Faz then discretely conducts a head count of cell members, checking if they are registered to vote. If any party members or holders of positions of leadership are found not to have national documents or registered to vote, Faz, therefore, will handhold and assist all those to rectify the discrepancy under supervision. “Volunteers must be available to furnish voters with the party’s and candidate’s campaign literature in their homes and workspaces. This will be done door-to-door or at community gatherings. Literature will also be distributed at markets, bus termini or shops, thus helping to expand the campaign to voters outside the volunteer’s immediate area of responsibility.” Volunteers were also tasked with administering voter education, assisting undocumented or aliens to acquire national registration documents and to register to vote. “These interventions, which are already taking place in all constituencies nationwide, should result in a significant surge in registered voters who attribute that achievement to President ED (Mnangagwa) and Zanu PF. Volunteers must maintain contact with people they would have assisted to register to vote or to acquire national documents so that they are not won over to the opposition’s poisonous narratives,” the document reads. Critical information being collected by the agents and informers includes names, addresses, identity numbers and voter registration details at polling station level. Faz is also counting people at household level before recording the information on their tablets and smartphones. The information which will be computed, condensed into data and processed will be crucial in influencing and manipulating the electoral process in favour of Zanu PF through a combination of tactics, including persuasion and intimidation, in some cases. It is also being used to predict potential outcomes, using real figures, so that Zanu PF knows which constituencies and wards to put campaign resources in or activate its coercive machinery. Faz, which is registered as a private organisation focusing on philanthropic work, is led by CIO co-deputy director-general retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi at national level. The NewsHawks has previously gathered and reported that Faz received an initial disburseCIO-linked outfit takes over ahead of watershed elections FOREVER Associates Zimbabwe (Faz) is a Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)-led outfit which has secretly taken over the running of national elections with the aim of manipulating the process in favour of the incumbent President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Zanu PF. The organisation, headed by CIO co-deputy director-general retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi, has representatives in every ward across the country. The takeover of electoral business is not a constitutional or official arrangement, but an underground operational unit campaigning for Mnangagwa and Zanu PF in the 23 August general elections. As a result, Faz has now displaced the army’s structure called Heritage that used to perform a similar role and other functions. In 2018, the army ran elections through Heritage and Africom, a converged communications service provider. Sources say, so far, Faz has received US$10 million and 200 cars to run its affairs in preparation for elections. More resources have been promised to capacitate the secret structure. Faz’s mandate, working together with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and its chair Justice Priscilla Chigumba, is to coordinate logistics and decisive forces to retain Mnangagwa in power. On its website, Faz says it is a private organisation that contributes, through active mobilisation, to win the hearts and minds of the electorate, to maintain Zanu PF’s governance. The group says it was formed in 2010 by students at Solusi University, an institution run by the Seventh-Day Adventist Church, to access business and empowerment opportunities then offered under the government’s Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Programme. Faz says it registered as a trust, with the support of the then ministry of State for Presidential Affairs. However, it says that its aspirations were thwarted by the “retrogressive internal competitive silo-like character of the Inclusive Government of National Unity that was in office from 2009-2013”, leading to its disbanding. The group says it relaunched in June 2022, and submitted its application for affiliate status in Zanu PF two months thereafter, a decision that it says is still pending. Faz has also denied any links to government. It has however taken over the chaotic voters’ roll inspection process and in April took over the running of Zanu PF’s primary elections. Faz profile . . . NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 President Emmerson Mnangagwa's supporters

Page 6 Re-run NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 ment of US$10 million and 200 cars to run its affairs in preparation for elections. Additional resources have been promised to capacitate the secret structure. The mandate of Faz, working together with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and its chair Justice Priscilla Chigumba, is to coordinate logistics and decisive forces to retain Mnangagwa in power. The NewsHawks investigation, which also focused on Masvingo, also established that Faz has structures at national, provincial, district, constituency and ward levels — where minute details are collected for use in the electoral process. The organisation is visible countrywide and has been sending shivers down the spines of many, especially opposition supporters, particularly in rural areas. Faz has now displaced the army’s structure called Heritage which used to perform a similar role and other functions. In 2018, the army ran the elections through Heritage and Africom, a converged communication service provider. With its members spread across provinces, Faz rose to prominence last year by playing a pivotal role in making Zanu PF cell registers before running Zanu PF primary elections this year. The organisation also mobilised people during voter registration and they caused panic due to their presence at Zimbabwe Electoral Zec centres during the recently held voters’ roll inspection exercise. How Faz operates Information gathered through interviews and reading an operational document shows provincial coordinators report to Tapfumaneyi. The provincial coordinators have teams in each district countrywide, led by district intelligence officers. The CIO structure include directors and branches they run at the top at its Chaminuka Building headquarters and its sub-offices in Harare; provincial intelligence officers and district intelligence officers. There also several other departments involved. So district intelligence officers and coordinators oversee operations in constituencies. At ward level, Faz has recruited and trained three Zanu PF-aligned members to collect information under the supervision of CIO operatives. A Faz operational document calls the three civilians in each ward “volunteers”. Zimbabwe has 1 970 wards, meaning Faz has recruited 5 910 volunteers who are part of its machinery to run the elections. In Masvingo province, which has 242 wards, there are 726 Faz volunteers in total. The volunteers report to CIO operatives who manage intelligence at constituency level and their information is transmitted through applications on their phones provided by Faz. They also collect GPS coordinates for each household and monitor political activities of people in their respective areas. The approach and systematic use of data for political and electoral purposes amounts to an illegal mass surveillance and data collection technique, an intricate “watch over” of people, in this specific case in Masvingo using technology and other means. CIO operatives and Faz volunteers attend most Zanu PF events and their presence is usually acknowledged by ruling party officials. Faz has a specific mandate to undermine the opposition. “The message must seek to thoroughly discredit the opposition and its candidate, rendering them unelectable. This includes anything that makes their candidate stink to the heavens, and speaking against their party’s anarchic, subversive, treasonous, undemocratic and terrorist pedigree and related actions,” the document reads. The document also carries the code of conduct for all Faz members which urges members to be ambassadors of Zanu PF who should only represent the interests of the party. “We do not and shall not claim to have any other identity than that we are members of Faz Trust, a private organisation, which is an affiliate of Zanu PF. We are as individuals, proudly members of Zanu PF and are unapologetic about this reality,” reads part of the code of conduct. The main opposition party, CCC this week wrote to ZEC complaining about Faz’s activities among other things. In a letter dated 29 May, addressed to Zec chairperson Priscilla Chigumba, senior party official Ian Makone. “The presence of FAZ organisation at the inspection centres must be explained because in some instances Faz officials are interfering with, and even controlling the process. We cannot have an illegal body overriding the operations of a Constitutional body,” wrote Makone. FAZ in Masvingo Investigations by The NewsHawks established that the leader of Faz in Masvingo is a CIO operative called Jacqueline Moloyi stationed at the spy organisation’s provincial offices at Nssa Building in Masvingo town. District Intelligence Officers (DIOs) coordinate Faz activities in districts and operatives in charge of constituencies coordinate operations of the organisation in constituencies. Faz members are receiving salaries which are higher than those of most civil servants. They are getting a monthly salary of US$380 and a generous portion in local currency. They also get other benefits which include phones (tablets) which they use to submit their reports. Efforts to get a comment from Moloyi were fruitless as she was continuously unreachable on mobile phone. A Faz insider told The NewsHawks that members were given tablets similar to those which were used by Zec officials during voter registration, so that they can use GPS coordinates, to make it easy to locate various people. “This thing is being run by our office. There is nothing like Faz as a non- governmental organisation since it is being funded by government. Our agents are in control of it, all the information being collected is coming to our offices for action. Have you noticed that Faz members are using tablets and those tablets are carrying various applications which use GPS for easy reporting? This is meant to drum up support for the President during the coming elections, that’s why the team is being paid handsomely,” said Faz member. Identify opposition members Faz members say they can easily identify non-Zanu PF members because they have access to Zanu PF cell registers. “The assumption is that one is either an opposition supporter or an undecided voter, if they are registered to vote but do not appear in Zanu PF structures. So, there is a deliberate effort to recruit from this pool and that’s where persuasion and propaganda come in,” said a Faz member. “Of course, some are known opposition activists or sympathisers. Intimidation is then deployed on such people. In rural areas, the message has been clear to such people that they are viewed with suspicion because they are not in party structures.” Zanu PF Masvingo provincial spokesperson Pepukai Chiwewe said his party does not work directly with Faz, which he said is just an affiliate of the party like other affiliates. Chiwewe said Faz members may campaign for Zanu PF, including attending party events, just like what state security agents do. “Faz is just an affiliate of Zanu PF and none of our members submit reports to it. Its members, just like any other security organisation of the party, are allowed to attend our events and we are not aware of where they submit their reports,” he said. Zaka rural district councillor for ward 19 Peter Imbayarwo (CCC) said Faz members have been intimidating people living around Jerera Growth Point by visiting homes. The NewsHawks visited Zaka South’s ward 24 during the process of voters’ roll inspection over the weekend and witnessed Anita Paidamoyo Chivingwi, a Faz member, sitting a few metres away from the centre, taking down details of all those who inspected the voters’ roll. Faz was deployed round the country to monitor the voters’ inspection process. Their presence was visible in Harare and Bulawayo, for instance, this week. Independent electoral experts and journalists saw and reported Faz activities. CCC also publicly complained about Faz. Independent Norton MP Temba Mliswa has made the loudest protests about Faz activities yet. A traditional leader said Chivingwi has been threatening opposition supporters with death before elections if they continue to support CCC. Former legislator and CCC senior official in Chiredzi Machirairwa Mugidho told The NewsHawks that Faz members working with CIO agents are violating fundamental human rights and constitutional freedoms. She said her party reported to police several cases of Faz members in Zec centres during inspection of the voters’ roll. “We are worried by activities of Faz members who are moving around threatening our people. They are doing this with support from CIO and this violates one’s freedoms as enshrined in our constitution. We witnessed several cases of Faz people taking details of voters at Zec centres and we reported the cases. In other instances, police chased them away, but they continued,” said Mugidho. Susan Mabunda, a single mother from Chilonga in Chiredzi South, said people in her community, especially women, are no longer free to participate in political activities due to the continued monitoring by Faz members who are forcing them to support Zanu PF. She said Faz members have been listing the names of CCC supporters and those attending the opposition party’s rallies and other political events, including the nomination process. “Faz is limiting our freedoms. Our area is less developed, maybe because we are the (minority) Shangaan people. This can be addressed only if we vote for a new government, but our political movements are being monitored by Faz members who are in our communities,” she said. While Mnangagwa and Zanu PF relied on the military to win the last elections, this time round Faz — a CIO-run shadowy outfit — is running the show and pulling out all the stops to deliver victory by fair means or foul. CIO co-deputy director-general retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi

News Page 7 NATHAN GUMA ZANU PF legislators have been turning turns to sing the praises of President Emmerson Mnangagwa in Parliament, while MPs from the opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) have been absent from the House following recalls by self-proclaimed interim secretary-general Sengezo Tshabangu. In letters dated 3 October, Tshabangu wrote to Speaker of Parliament Jacob Mudenda and Local Government minister Winston Chitando recalling 15 legislators and 17 councillors.   Tshabangu said the legislators and councillors, elected on the CCC ticket, had ceased to be members of the opposition party and thus had lost their seats. Mudenda immediately upheld Tshabangu’s request and the 15 recalled opposition lawmakers were expelled from Parliament, while those remaining have been docked two months' pay for their reactions to the expulsion of the MPs. In response, CCC leader Nelson Chamisa said they would disengage from Parliament until the speaker reinstates the expelled legislators. The absence of all CCC MPs has resulted in one-sided debate on Mnangagwa’s State of the Nation Address. Mnangagwa painted a rosy picture of the situation in Zimbabwe despite deteriorating socio-economic conditions. For instance, during the first sitting, Zanu PF MPs showered praises on Mnangagwa’s claim that Zimbabwe’s mining sector is growing. “The President spoke about a vast number of developmental projects and strides made so far since the beginning of the new dispensation;  inter alia, power supply improvement following the commissioning of Hwange Power Station Units 7 and 8; the road network rehabilitation,” said Tanatsiwa Mukomberi, Zanu PF legislator for Masvingo South. “Tourism industry on a growth trajectory, registering an increase of 62% in international tourist arrivals in the first half of 2023; the foreign exchange rate stability through fiscal and monetary policies in place and a greater degree of industrialisation and technological breakthrough; "The mining sector registered growth from US$2.8 billion in 2017 to US$12 billion to date; the growth in food security through the Ministry of Lands, Agriculture, Fisheries, Water, Rural Development, to mention but a few. All these developmental strides are a testimony of good governance under the leadership of His Excellency Dr. E. D. Mnangagwa.” This is despite latest statistics by the Zimbabwe Statistical Agency (ZimStat) show a different picture. As previously reported by The NewsHawks, economics professor Gift Mugano said ministers are misleading Mnangagwa on the state of the mining economy. “In some platform, Mnangagwa reported that the agricultural sector rose from US$5.7 billion to around US$8 billion in 2023. Using the mining sector and agricultural sector GDPs reported by Mnangagwa, it means that these two sectors add up to US$20 billion which is the current size of our economy. “For avoidance of doubt, Zimbabwe's GDP as at 11 August 2023 stood at ZW$120.3 trillion, i.e., US$20 billion at official exchange rate,” Mugano told The NewsHawks. While Gokwe legislator Davison Masvisvi has also been praising Mnangagwa for introducing bills which he says seek to promote constitutionalism, the Zanu PF leader has been under fire for leaving out crucial bills. “Let me also congratulate all cmembers of this august House for election to this highly respected House. The nation is looking up to us to contribute immensely and passing laws that set our country into a trajectory of development,” Masvisvi said. “The President of the Second Republic, Dr. E. D. Mnangagwa quoted several Bills which will be tabled before this august House. All of which seek to ensure that we conform to the dictates of our own Constitution.  Of interest is the Climate Change Bill which sets the agenda of ensuring that communities are equipped in mitigating effects of climate change including drugs and other shocks of climate change that are not limited to natural phenomena.” However, as reported by The NewsHawks, civil society has been griping over Mnangagwa’s choice to ignore crucial Bills from the 9th Parliament that would legislate illicit mineral flows. The Centre for Research and Development (CRD) had hoped, for instance, that Mnangagwa would resuscitate crucial amendments to the Mines and Minerals Act, Gold Trade Act, Precious Stones Act and formulation of a policy on rare earth minerals, in the 10th Parliament, to plug the mineral leakages. Zimbabwe has been operating without a national policy on the trade on gemstones such as ruby, sapphire, emerald, which leaves room for illicit financial flows in the gemstone sector. Zanu PF legislators lavish Mnangagwa with praises NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Page 8 News NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 NATHAN GUMA FORMER Finance minister in the Government of National Unity (GNU) Tendai Biti has blamed poor political leadership and a shambolic mineral resource governance strategy for the stagnation in Zimbabwe’s economic growth, with the country trailing neighbours in GDP, and resources failing to benefit the local people. Speaking at the CEO Roundtable in Victoria Falls this week, Biti said Zimbabwe is lagging behind in economic development due to a combination of lack of transparency in mining deals and a toxic political environment. “We have had around 13 elections since 1980 . . . and each one of them has been disputed, including the harmonised election on August 23. The report by the Sadc Electoral Observer Mission (SEOM) on the election is the most damning that you can ever find in recent times. And, that puts a premium on our attractiveness as an investment destination,” Biti said. “With the consequent slow development of Zimbabwe, slow growth rates, 3% growth rates and negative growth rates, where we could be having a sustained growth rate of at least 9% per annum, our GDP is around US$18 billion. “In 1980, our growth rate was US$7bn, Zambia was US$3bn, Kenya was US$7bn. Fast track 44 years after independence, Kenya has a US$264bn economy, Zambia has a US$63bn economy and US$18bn. What is the difference? The difference is our toxicity. We need to confront the elephant in the room which is our ugly politics, our vicious politics, our predatory politics, we need to address that.” Giving a comparison of Zimbabwe and Botswana, Biti said due to transparency, the western neighbour has managed to make an economic breakthrough, despite relying on only one mineral. “To address the issue of resources, it is true that Zimbabwe is a rich country. We have got 63 minerals and of those, four or five of them, we have got world-class deposits. World-class deposits of platinum, gold, chrome — and now world-class deposits in lithium,” Biti said. “But this country is not benefitting from these minerals. There is a country a few kilometres from here called Botswana. They have got one mineral. The per capita is US$6 500. The per capita in Zimbabwe in US$1 200. But, they have one mineral and we have 63. The difference is that Botswana has managed its one mineral transparently. “Their agreement with the De Beers group is transparent, and our accumulation model is faulty. If you take diamonds in Botswana, they have got a huge factory outside their airport, which cleans and polishes diamonds at a greater cost than India. In Botswana, polishing is US$30. In India you can get away with US$10. But the Botswana government told De Beers to say that we will process the diamonds here. “The problem in Zimbabwe is that we are selling these mining concessions opaquely. We are selling these mining concessions without any due diligence. Zimplats in Ngezi was given that concession. We do not know what price they paid. I was minister of finance, we do not know what price they paid. That agreement, if it had been subjected to Parliament, no Parliament would have passed that.” As previously reported by The NewsHawks, mining law experts have also urged the Zimbabwean government to align the legal framework that regulates gemstones with international best practice to curb the illicit trade in minerals, if the country is to benefit from natural resources in a similar manner to Botswana. “The major difference between our policy in Zimbabwe and Botswana is that here mineral resources are vested in the President, while in Botswana they are vested in the republic. This has a serious implication,” according to a report by the Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association (Zela), compiled by mining law expert, Lyman Mlambo. “Firstly, the minister of Mines really acts in the interests of the President and government. In Botswana, decisions devolve to lower levels and are highly subject to scrutiny . . . also made by low-ranking officials." The report also shows some loopholes within the Precious Stones Trade Act which have been promoting the illicit trade in diamonds. “Section 7 (1) gives a lot of mandate to the minister to accept or refuse the issuance or renewal of a licence without giving any reason for such refusal. The most fundamental difference between Zimbabwe and Botswana is that there are policy statements which are not formal policies. “There is no regulation. Basically you have informal activities taking place. This results in serious potential losses in terms of revenue to the country,” reads the report. Zimbabwe’s existing diamond policy restricts exploration and mining of diamonds to four entities, including the Zimbabwe Consolidated Diamond Company (ZCDC), Murowa Diamonds, and any other two companies approved by the government. Some of the companies granted rights to explore and mine gemstones have been mired in scandal, thereby raising speculation over transparency in the centralised gemstone management policy. ZCDC failed to account for the use of money exceeding US$400 million, and could not properly account for 352 583.11 carats of diamonds worth about US$146.3 million that were in stock, according to the 2019 Auditor-General’s report. Currently, mining operations in the gemstone industry, besides diamonds, and to some extent emeralds, are dominated by artisanal miners and informal foreign dealers. Hopes of amendments to crucial Bills on mineral management have also been thwarted with President Emmerson Mnangagwa failing to reintroduce into the 10th Parliament Bills on mineral management. Civil society had hoped that Mnangagwa would reintroduce crucial amendments to the Mines and Minerals Act, Gold Trade Act, Precious Stones Act and formulation of a policy on rare earth minerals, in the 10th Parliament, to plug the mineral leakages. Bad leadership behind Zim’s impoverishment Former Finance minister Tendai Biti

News Page 9 OWEN GAGARE PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa continues his relentless push for a Zanu PF twothirds majority in Parliament by proclaiming elections in constituencies left vacant after some CCC legislators were recalled by Sengezo Tshabangu, who claims to be the opposition party's interim secretary-general. High-level sources say Mnangagwa desperately needs a two-thirds majority as he is contemplating changing the country’s constitution to enable him to run for a third term of office in 2028. The Zimbabwean constitution, which came into effect in 2013, restricts presidential tenure to two terms. Mnangagwa came to power through a military coup in November 2017 before controversially winning the 2018 elections to secure his first term as an elected president. He secured his second and last term after another controversial election rejected by the main opposition CCC, the Southern Africa Development Community and several other electoral observe missions on 23 and 24 August. Using Tshabangu as a willing pawn, Zanu PF with the assistance of the Central Intelligence Organisation-linked Foreever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz) has ochestrated the expulsion of 15 legislators from the National Assembly and nine senators, to make it easier for the President to change the constitution.  In the letter dated 3 October, Tshabangu wrote to Speaker of Parliament Jacob Mudenda and Local Government minister Winston Chitando recalling legislators and councillors. Tshabangu said the legislators and councillors elected on a CCC ticket had ceased to be members of the party. The recalled MPs include Pashor Sibanda who won the Cowdray Park National Assembly seat ahead of Finance minister Mthuli Ncube, Ereck Gono (Lobengula Magwegwe), Nicola Watson (Bulawayo South), Desmond Makaza (Mpopoma Mzilikazi) Obert Manduna (Nketa), Mlilo Sitabile (proportional representation), Jasmine Toffa (P.R), Janeth Dube (PR), Evidence Zana (Youth Qouta), Morgan Ncube (Beitbridge West), Nomathemba Sibanda (PR), Velisiwe Nkomo (P.R), Prince Dubeko Sibanda (Binga North) and Bright Moyo Vanya (Lupane East). Mabvuku Tafara MP Febion Kufahakutizwi was also recalled. Mnangagwa on Friday proclaimed by-elections in some of the constituencies as he pushed ahead with his two-thirds majority via the backdoor. “Whereas, in terms of section 129 (k) of the constitution of Zimbabwe, the seats of members of Parliament for Beitbridge West, Binga North , Bulawayo South, Cowdray Park, Lobengula-Magwegwe, Lupane East, Mabvuku-Tafara, Mpopoma-Mzilikazi and Nketa have become vacant by reason of ceasing to be members of CCC of Morgan Ncube, Prince Dubeko Sibanda, Nicola Jane Watson, Pashor Raphel Sibanda, Ereck Gono, Bright Moyo, Vanya Febion, Munyaradzi Kufahakutikwi, Desmond Makaza and Obert Manduma on 9th October 2023, whowere the elected numbers of Parliament for t he respective constituencies; “And whereas it is provided by Section 39(2) of the Electoral Act [Chapter 2:13 ], that after the President has been notified in terms of  the said section of vacancies in membership of Parliament, He shall issue a proclamation ordering a new election to fill the vacancies, in the same manner, mutatis mutandis, as is provided in Section 38 of the said Act in regard to a general election; “And whereas, the Speaker of Parliament notified me on 9th October, 2023 in writing of vacancies for the aforementioned constituencies: “Now, therefore, under and by virtue of the power vested in me the President as aforesaid, I do, by this proclamation - (a) order new elections for the constituencies of Beitbridge West, Binga North, Bulawayo South, Cowdray Park, Lobengula-Magwegwe, Lupane East, Mabvuku Tafara, Mpopoma-Mzilikazi and Nketa.” Mnangagwa fixed 7 November as the date on which the nomination court will sit. The by-elections will be held on 9 December. Zanu PF will be plotting to pour massive resources into its campaign while hoping for voter apathy by opposition supporters to win constituencies it lost during the 23 August elections. Mnangagwa has a penchant for changing the constitution to advance his political goals. In the last parliamentary term Mnangagwa, through the Zimbabwe Constitution Amendment (No.2) Act changed the suprreme charter to remove the running mate close so that he has a pliant deputy, while giving himself greater control over cabinet, the Prosecutor-General and Public Protector. The Act permitted the President to promote judges of the High Court and the Supreme Court to a higher court on the recommendation of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC), without the need for public interviews, thereby opening the door to promotions on the basis of political suitability and cronyism. It allowed judges of the ConCourt and the Supreme Court to continue to serve beyond the current retirement age of 70, if the President, after consulting the JSC, consented to their doing so. This effectively stripped judges of their security of tenure, thus their independence, since they will hold office from year to year subject to the President’s whim. Zanu PF failed to get the two-thirds majority it sought in Parliament, winning 136 of the 209 National Assembly seats contested, while the CCC got 73 seats. A by-election will be held in Gutu West following the death of independent candidate Christopher Mutonhori Rwodzi in the run up to the election. The threshold for obtaining a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly is 186, but Zanu PF managed to get 176 legislators in total. The National Assembly has a total of 280 members, that is 210 elected members, 60 women chosen under the proportional representation (PR) system and 10 youth quota seats. Zanu PF got 136 elected seats, 33 PR seats and seven youth quota seats, totalling 176. The CCC, on the other hand, managed 103 seats in total: 73 elected seats, 27 women PR seats and three under the youth quota. Parliamentarians are chosen in terms of section 124 of Zimbabwe’s constitution. Two-thirds backdoor plot intensifies Self-proclaimed CCC interim secretary-general Sengezo Tshabangu NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Page 10 News NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 NATHAN GUMA THE main opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) says President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s move to proclaim by-election dates has exposed his hand in the recalls of its parliamentarians and councillors by self-proclaimed secretary-general Sengezo Tshabangu, amid indications of Zanu PF machinations. On Friday, Mnangagwa proclaimed 7 November as the date of the nomination court and 9 December as election day to fill vacancies created by the controversial recalling of nine opposition CCC legislators by Tshabangu. “Whereas in terms of section 129 (k) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, the seats of the members of Parliament for Beitbridge West, Binga North, Bulawayo South, Cowdray Park, Lobengula-Magwegwe, Lupane East, Mabvuku-Tafara, Mpopoma-Mzilikazi and Nketa have become vacant by reason of ceasing to be members of CCC of Morgan Ncube, Prince Dubeko Sibanda, Nicola Jane Watson, Pashor Raphael Sibanda, Ereck Gono, Bright Moyo Vanya, Febion Munyaradzi Kufahakutizwi, Desmond Makaza and Obert Manduna on the 9th of October, 2023,” reads the proclamation dated “And whereas it is provided by Section 39 (2) of the Electoral Act, that after the President has been notified in terms of the said section of vacancies in the membership of Parliament, he shall issue a proclamation ordering a new election to fill the vacancies in the same manner, mutual standis, as is provided in Section 38 of the said act in regard with the election.” Earlier this month, Tshabangu raised eyebrows after he wrote to Parliament recalling 15 CCC legislators and 17 councillors, a position which he has upheld by both Speaker of Parliament Jacob Mudenda and Local Government minister Winston Chitando. In a statement, the CCC said that Mnangagwa’s endorsement of the recalls through the by-election proclamation has uncovered his hand in the recalls. “It has come to our attention that Mr Mnangagwa has issued a proclamation to announce a date for by-elections to replace our party members who were elected by the citizens, even under a rigged and fraudulent electoral environment,” read the statement. “This proclamation is in response to an illegal recall initiated by a Zanu PF imposter, named Sengezo Tshabangu, who falsely claims to be the interim secretary general of our party, led by President Nelson Chamisa. The illegal proclamation is a clear indication of Mr Mnangagwa’s involvement in the illegal recalls of our elected members. Mnangagwa's intention is to decimate the authentic opposition in Zimbabwe, following his defeat by President Nelson Chamisa in the recently concluded rigged and fraudulent elections.” The CCC said the endorsement of the recalls has plunged the country into a constitutional and political crisis. “This precedent was set by the Speaker of Parliament, Advocate Jacob Mudenda, who reduced his administrative duties to a mere conveyer belt, in contrast to the requirement of the Administrative Justice Act read together with Section 129 (k) of the constitution of Zimbabwe,” read the statement. “Zimbabwe is now facing an unprecedented constitutional and political crisis. This has proved the most glaring manifestation of state institutions capture by Mr Mnangagwa. As a matter of fact, the CCC, led by President Chamisa, has not recalled any party member.   "Additionally, the CCC does not have an interim secretary-general position. Furthermore, Sengezo Tshabangu, the imposter, is not a registered CCC member as he is absent from our official registers. Lastly, we have reported this imposter to Milton Park Police Station with reference number SSS1290. Therefore, we reiterate that the recalls are illegal, and a by-election date cannot be determined for a matter that is currently before the courts.” Added the CCC: “The party will explore all available solutions to protect the nation from the unnecessary anguish of going through another election immediately after a contentious one. We will continue to provide updates to the nation regarding the measures that the movement is undertaking to safeguard it from further contention.” There are strong indications that Mnangagwa, who won the disputed August 23 election, is pushing for a two-thirds majority in Parliament which would see him amend laws to bolster his stay in power through an extension of his term. By-elections move betrays Zanu PF

MORRIS BISHI THE Zimbabwe Catering and Hotel Workers' Union (ZCHWU) allegedly converted a 20-acre agricultural plot on the outskirts of Harare into residential stands, with the leadership allegedly pocketing millions of dollars from the proceeds of the sale of housing stands without the knowledge and approval of the general membership. The leadership and the plot board committee reportedly developed about 316 residential stands and started selling at a cost ranging between US$15 000 and US$22 000 per stand, meaning about US$6 million was raised. ZCHWU members have engaged the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc) as they seek to weed out corruption and get justice. Apart from selling residential stands, the president, vice-president, plot board committee members and selected national executive members are allegedly giving themselves allowances ranging between US$300 and US$500 per sitting. In a letter read by The NewsHawks, written in June this year and addressed to Zacc, the members accused their current president and other board members of turning the plot into residential stands without consulting all stakeholders as required by the union's constitution. "We are writing this matter raising concerns over our union, the Zimbabwe Catering and Hotel Workers' Union. There is blatant disregard of the constitution by the current leadership. In terms of the union constitution, Section 8 (a) management of the affairs of the union is vested in the national council. There is nothing that can be done by the union without the approval of the national council. This practice is not being followed resulting in abuse of union funds and properties," reads the letter addressed to Zacc. "Around 1994 or 1995 the union through the national council approved the purchase of a plot at 16 Pleasant Valley Cold Comfort, Tynwald in Harare for agriculture purposes. In 2016 the union through the National Council held a congress in Gweru and resolved that the plot be leased as farming activities had failed to yield anything meaningful. This congress ushered in new leadership which did not implement this resolution but decided to change use of the land from farming to residential stands outside the National Council resolution." It added: "The leadership and the plot board committee proceeded to develop about 316 residential stands and started selling at a cost ranging between US$15 000 and US$22 000. The land development was awarded to Tresberry Land Developers without going to tender. The president and selected national executive members are giving themselves hefty allowances of between US$300 and US$500 as sitting allowances for every meeting and this is signed in vouchers as cost of living or bonuses. There was also a dubious purchase of a house at 302 Samora Machel Avenue in Harare which is now the union's head office at an estimated price of close to US$300 000 also without following procedure and is suspicious of being inflated.” The stands development is also said to have resulted in the demolition of farm houses, fowl runs, dismantling of irrigation equipment and disposal of equipment, including a tractor and a plough which were allegedly clandestinely shared among the leadership in violation of section 8(f ) of the union's constitution which bars members from disposing of union property. According to section 8(f ) of the union's constitution, there is no committee member or individual who has been given powers to either purchase or dispose of properties except the national council. ZCHWU president Felistas Nyamunda told The NewsHawks that she was not interested in responding to any questions since she was attending the graduation ceremony of her child. "I heard that you are looking for me, what do you want? I am attending my child's graduation, don't ask me anything about the union. Please write whatever you want," Nyamunda said. Union member Philip Matsilele told The NewsHawks that things are not looking good in the organisation with the current leadership running it like their private company while abusing funds on a massive scale. Matsilele said funds from the sale of the plot were supposed to build a hotel and catering school as well as a hotel for the union but they ended up buying an inflated building which is now the head office. He also said that the term of office of the current leadership elapsed in 2021 when a congress was held which ushered in a new leadership, but the current executive approached the courts challenging an election which they themselves had organised. "The idea was to construct a hotel and catering school and a hotel for the union, but surprisingly the millions of dollars from the sale of the stands vanished, save for only a house which was bought at an inflated price. The union has over 5 000 members who are paying monthly subscriptions, but as we speak we don't know how the funds are being used. For the past 10 years, not even a single audit was done on union financial books and this points to disaster," said Matsilele. "In December 2021, the union held a congress at Macheke lodges which voted out the leadership of president Felistas Nyamunda and vice-president Japhet Shumba and ushered in president Jeremiah Mutsvanga, vice-president Alois Magejo and myself as a trustee but the current leadership approached the courts challenging the process despite being the ones who organised the elections. They do not want an election and as we speak they are illegal.” Another union member said the current leadership went to court after those that had been voted in announced that they will call for an audit before taking over, raising fear among those who were involved in the sale of the union's plot. "They are protecting their interests, knowing fully well that a new leadership will institute an audit which will expose their theft. As a result, an interim order nullifying the 2021 congress was granted on 4 March 2022 returning them to their positions, but from last year they are silent on new dates for an elective congress since the ruling came after we consented, thinking that a new congress was going to be quickly held," said the union member. News Page 11 US$6 million land scandal rocks hotel workers’ union Zimbabwe Catering and Hotel Workers Union President Felistas Nyamunda NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Page 12 News NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE THE Anti-Corruption Trust of Southern Africa (ACT-SA) has castigated the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc) as well as the Local Government ministry for failing to act on a two-month probe which revealed growing cases of graft at Gokwe Town Council. The investigation was conducted by The NewsHawks in partnership with Information for Development Trust, a non-profit organisation supporting investigative journalism in Zimbabwe and southern Africa. The investigative story, published in May this year, revealed that minutes of council meetings, resolutions by the local authority and interviews with council officials placed the acting town secretary Alexander Nyandoro at the centre of the rot at the local authority that includes allegations of siphoning of thousands of dollars. Nyandoro was accused by councillors and corruption watchdogs of illegally pocketing US$45 000 after he billed the local authority for the use of his personal car eight years before he was appointed acting town secretary. He claimed the money from the council in September last year. Nyandoro was appointed acting town secretary in November 2021 after the then Local Government minister July Moyo fired Joseph Mandlokuwa under a cloud. In a statement released on 17 October, ACT-SA said besides the probe by The NewsHawks, it had also carried out its own probe which ascertained the findings and put them forward to Zacc and the Local Government ministry. “ACT-SA is gravely concerned with the inaction by relevant authorities that has left accused persons at Gokwe council bragging about how connected they are which makes it difficult, if not impossible, for any action to be taken against them,” reads part of the report. Munyaradzi Bidi, the director of ACT-SA Zimbabwe chapter, urged the relevant authorities to take action. “We are also plunging ourselves into a very dangerous situation in which people who commit corruption go around boasting that no action will be taken against them because of connections with high-profile persons. I hope you still remember a time when the same local authority procured river sand from Harare and transported it to Gokwe. This is unbelievable but it happened. We are demanding action right now,” Bidi said. In addition, Obert Chinhamo, the ACT-SA regional director added that the failure to take action against people alleged to be dabbling in corrupt activity is disturbing, considering the abundance of evidence. “I also don’t understand why it is difficult (for Zacc and Local Government ministry to ask the local authority (Gokwe Town Council) why it paid Nyandoro US$45 000 for mileage when there was no such arrangement with the former town secretary of the local authority,” Chinhamo said. Nyandoro refused to comment and referred questions to council spokesperson Brian Kapfumvuti, who defended the acquisition of the vehicles by the town secretary, saying it was part of his working conditions. “The acting town secretary bought the BT50 in terms of his contract of employment and council resolutions,” Kapfumvuti said. “His substantive post is that of chief administrative officer. About the Ranger, the council bought the car in terms of his contract and council resolutions.” Thandiwe Mlobane, the Zacc spokesperson, said the organisation did not act on the corruption reports at Gokwe Town Council because the email used by ACT-SA to submit a formal complaint was not in use. “Let me check where the [email protected]  goes to. I will get back to you. Upon further enquiries, it seems the email that was used is unknown to Zacc: I have been told that some of these emails were created a long time ago and in particular this one. And I am sure Zacc no longer uses Gmail for emails. That has since been stopped, I think,” Mlobane said. ACT-SA, however, insisted that Zacc received the complaint since it was also sent through to the commission's WhatsApp hotline number. Nyandoro had been touted as the broom that would sweep Gokwe clean, but the investigation showed that the situation had deteriorated on his watch. Local Government ministry communications director Gabriel Masvora said his chief director would call this reporter to explain the inaction over the corruption at Gokwe Town Council, but no calls were received. “Checking with the respective department if they have anything latest… My CD is calling you to explain the issue . . .” Masvorasaid. The thorny issue revealed in our investigation centred on the 16 September 2021 council resolution in which the acting town secretary allegedly arm-twisted the council, which was back then dominated by the MDC-Alliance, to pass a resolution to pay him US$45 000 for the use of his personal car. He also acquired a Mazda BT50 double cab vehicle from the local authority for US$5 000 and also got a Ford Ranger that was bought for US$60 000 by the cash-strapped local authority after another controversial council resolution in November last year, according to council minutes in our possession. Nyandoro used his Mercedes-Benz E-class between 2013 and 2015 when he was still council’s chief administrative officer. He charged council US$60 a day for two years after arguing that car hire companies would have demanded US$150 a day for the same car, council minutes show. In its statement this week, ACT-SA made several recommendations as a remedy to the Gokwe Town Council stormy issues. ACT-SA said: “The Acting Town Secretary (Mr Alexander Nyandoro) should be investigated and made to refund the full amount of US$45 000 which he was wrongfully and unlawfully paid as mileage for the use of his personal Mercedes-Benz vehicle for work-related errands, yet the use thereof was not approved by the former Town Secretary, there were no logbooks found to confirm the same and also that the local authority had a vehicle that was available for him to use instead of using his personal vehicle. "The Acting Town Secretary (Mr. Alexander Nyandoro) should also be investigated for wrongfully and unlawfully claiming a Mazda BT50 allocated to the Council Chairperson (Resolution 870/15) to be given to him as part of his contractual benefits as if it had been bought for him yet he was not entitled to the vehicle in view of the old organogram.” ACT-SA also recommended that the former acting town secretary (J. Mandhlokuwa), before the appointment of Nyandoro, should be investigated and charged for failing and/or neglecting to advise councillors to make proper decisions in his former capacity as the Acting Town Secretary. “The former Acting Town Secretary ill-advised councillors to pass resolution  1279/21 that was used to prejudice the local authority of a Mazda BT50 given to the current Acting Town Secretary Mr. Nyandoro,” said ACT-SA.  The NewsHawks hereby republishes the minutes (pictured). Zacc yet to act on Gokwe corruption

News Page 13 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE MEMBERS of Parliament have questioned the government's commitment to stemming the sale of illicit alcohol and the police’s capacity to deal with perpetrators at a time many youths are resorting to drug abuse in the face of the deteriorating economy. This includes a cheap illicit beer known as kambwa which is popular in many high-density suburbs and rural growth points. The cheap brew is a combination of ethanol concentrate diluted with generous volumes of water and then mixed with a brown colourant mainly from baking products. During a question-and-answer session in the National Assembly which featured only Zanu PF MPs after the suspension and recall of CCC MPs, Tendai Nyabani of Rushinga queried the government’s political will to deal with those responsible for the sale of illicit booze. “With reference to drugs and substance abuse in communal lands, the ordinary man believes it is the abuse of dagga. What is meant by 'substance'? What are you referring to when you say substance? I have brought a sample of this type of beer and no one is being arrested. I was going to make reference to it when debating the State of the Nation Address by His Excellency, the President. This beer has 65% alcohol. It is being sold for US$1 for three,” said Nyabani. Consumers of this beer exhibit signs of drunkeness, but with wilder intensity. They can barely stand, while typically staggering and eventually falling, sustaining injury and soiling their clothes. Nyabani says the illicit it brew has taken men away from their families. All culprits should be brought to book. “Wives have become widows when husbands are still alive due to consumption of this substance. If these substances area a menace to the community, we would want to make sure that tomorrow all retailers supplying them are arrested because we do not want anybody to use this substance. If they are not arrested tomorrow, it means you are condoning the sale of this substance,” said Nyabani. Leader of government business in the National Assembly and Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi concurred with Nyabani, but said action was being taken. “I would like to thank Honourable Nyabani for the rather lengthy question which is more of an explanation. I said this issue is spreading across the country and it may affect the young people. He has said that men are no longer behaving like men because they have lost their virility to this substance commonly referred to as 'kambwa',” said Ziyambi. He added that as part of the solution to the problem, police will be taking action on all those sellig alcohol without a licence. “The other issue that has now become a cause of concern is that we now have shops that are sprouting up, some people are using the boot of their vehicles and some of them no longer know that for one to sell beer, they must have a liquor licence. Beer is now being sold everywhere. The ministry of Home Affairs is now seized with moving around to ensure that if it is a grocery shop, any retailer selling liquor must be arrested. If you are selling liquor, you must be selling liquor that is legal, because some people are smuggling some types of alcohol through our borders,” Ziyambi said. In central Harare, many big buildings have closed shop, making way for “shopping malls” that are basically small cubicles allocated to small traders. Liquor shops are common in the cubicles. Although the vendors are publicly displaying their wares, the general public has lost confidence in the political will of the police to deal with culprits. Police however say since January 2023 over 4 000 culprits have been arrested, sent to court or fined. Shamva South legislator Joseph Mapiki expressed concern over corruption in the police service. He said those arrested are often back on the streets the following day. “The problem that we have is that if people are arrested today, they are released tomorrow morning. The committee that has been put in place should look into the issue whether government departments are doing their work diligently because some people are arrested today only to be released the following day. So, they may be in the habit of bribing police details,” said Mapiki. Ziyambi said bail was a basic right, but the government will work on specialised courts to deal with such issues. “On the question that people are being arrested today and only to be released tomorrow, our constitution says that once a person has been arrested, they have a right to be allowed on bail. They can give surety or pay a deposit so that they can be tried whilst on bail, it is part of our laws. It is permissible. The problem is that the person who has caused this person’s arrest is now afraid to come forth. Yes, we are still looking into it and we would want to come up with specialised courts that will deal with, such as issues of those that deal in illicit drugs so that their cases are fast tracked,” said. MPs raise alarm over illicit brew NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Page 14 News NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE/ RUVIMBO MUCHENJE RESEARCH has shown that endemic poverty in Zimbabwe, affecting 70% of the population, is a risk factor for drugs and substance use.  Socio-economic challenges are also linked to increased rates of stress, trauma, and mental health challenges which are all risk factors for substance use. Research by South Africa’s North West University lecturer Vakai Matutu and Biomedical Research and Training Institute scholar Daniel Mususa titled “Drug and Alcohol Abuse Among Young People in Zimbabwe: A Crisis of Morality or Public Health Problem”, unearthed scientific reasons for the crisis. The research was conducted in Zimbabwe with the aim of understanding drug and substance abuse among young people in Zimbabwe. The study focused on the driving forces or push factors for drug and substance abuse among young people, the sources of illicit drugs and substances, prevalence of drug and substance abuse among young people as well as the interventions being implemented to address the problem of drug and substance abuse. Part of the paper reads: “Drug and substance abuse continues to be on the rise in Zimbabwe. It is more prevalent in urban areas…The key findings indicate that prevalence of drug abuse is at 57% among young people, the most commonly abused drugs and substances are marijuana and alcohol. “Stress, peer pressure, breakdown of the family support system and limited knowledge about the effects of drug abuse were identified as the major factors that drive substance and drug abuse among the youth.” The research also found that criminalisation of drugs and substance abuse makes it difficult for young people to seek help when they suffer from the effects of the drug abuse. “The paper recommends an emphasis on shift from the legal approach to a public health approach in order to address the challenges and complications associated with drug and substance abuse among young people in Zimbabwe,” reads part of the research paper. This week, Shamva South member of the National Assembly Joseph Mapiki told Parliament that porous borders are to blame for substance abuse by youths in the country. Mapiki was speaking before Zanu PF MPs after Speaker of Parliament Jacob Mudenda barred opposition CCC MPs from attending six sittings as punishment for protesting his decision to recall 15 opposition legislastors based on a letter from the party’s self-appointed secretary-general Sengezo Tshabangu. “Let me also reiterate that the constitution talks of security, provided by armed forces as well as food security. We also secure our country from poverty and drug abuse. We have a lot of countries that are dumping their drugs on us, some from as far as Asia, because there is easy market for United States dollars in Zimbabwe. We also have drugs coming from countries such as Mexico, Afghanistan and our neighbour Zambia which is notorious for supplying skin lightening creams,” said Mapiki. In March this year, 27-year-old Davison Gomo was taken into custody at the Robert Mugabe International Airport while in possession of 1.2 kilogrammes of cocaine and 21kgs of crystal meth, both of which were hidden in metal pulleys. In April a 71-year-old foreign national has been arrested at the Robert Mugabe International Airport while trying to smuggle drugs worth US$3 million Ronald Florentius Paes, an Indian national, appeared in court in October 2022 following his arrest at Robert Gabriel Mugabe International Airport for being in possession of 7.3kgs of heroin. In May, Ghanaian national Frank Adjei was arrested at the same airport after being found in possession of heroin valued at US$7.6 million. Mapiki urged the government through immigration to be vigilant and flush out drug peddlers. “I therefore urge the government to come up with stringent laws that bar the use of illicit alcohol and skin lightening creams. Anything with alcohol content above 2% should not be sold over the counter. The sale of an elicit brew popularly know as kambwa at dollar for two, which has 65% alcohol content should not be entertained at all, more so when opaque beer only has 4% and is sold at a dollar each,” said Mapiki. He added that apart from imported drugs, youths who cannot afford these drugs have improvised to intoxicate themselves. “We have quite a worrying issue, an issue of concern. The boiling of diapers by the youths who consume water extracted from boiled diapers is dangerous because they will be intoxicated. We have the spinal cord, I do not know what it is called in Shona. The backbone has muscles that enable a person to move and also to see whether the person that is near them is a woman or not. So, if these muscles come into contact with drugs, let us say alcohol content of 2%, the nerves will become loose if the person continually abuses drugs,” The net effect of such, Mapiki added, is the surge in the number of divorces. “As a result, if you are to greet that person, it will take them long time to respond as they will merely spend a long time staring at you because the veins would have become loose, as a result they will be malfunctioning. It will only be the next day when the victim of drug abuse will realise that someone was greeting them, so they will now extend their hand in response to the greeting. It can also happen at night that the same veins will not be able to connect when the wife requests for her conjugal rights, so the veins will take longer to function. It may take two days for the veins to properly function. So, as a result, the family becomes disjointed as the man will respond to his wife’s request when the wife would have already gone to Bulawayo to buy some wares. These are the effects of drug abuse; divorce cases are on the increase because men are failing to perform their conjugal duty due to drug abuse,” said Mapiki. Apart from the high-end drugs from across the borders, young people trying to escape the reality of unemployment and poverty have resorted to abuse of unlikely substances such as baby diapers. “We have quite a worrying issue, an issue of concern. The boiling of diapers by the youths who consume water extracted from boiled diapers is dangerous because they will be intoxicated,” said Mapiki. In the mix of substance abuse is the raging debate on whether a 'health drink", Kambucha, is a health drink or alcohol. “There has also been an advent of drinks whose alcohol content is understated and comes from other countries via Zambia as a distribution point. Our customs and excise officials should be vigilant because a few days ago, Zambia gave a communique to the fact that a Kambucha drink which was being sold in Zimbabwe did not have 0.005% alcohol content, but instead had 8.5%. This has led to members of the Marange Apostolic Faith inadvertently drinking alcohol due to this misleading information,” said Mapiki. Economic woes fuel drug abuse

News Page 15 NATHAN GUMA THE government has proposed to align its Drug and Substance Abuse Programme with the Civil Protection Unit (CPU), as experts recommend the setting up of mental healthcare institutions at community or primary care level, The NewsHawks has learnt. The CPU is mandated with coordinating activities involving prevention and mitigation of disaster risks, preparedness planning, timely early warning and response to rehabilitate affected elements. Substance abuse has continued to escalate in the country, with six out of 10 patients admitted to mental institutions suffering from drug-related issues, according to narcotic experts. In a post-cabinet briefing this week, the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Drug and Substance Abuse said that police have arrested a total of 468 offenders, 402 being male and 66 female. Out of the 468 offenders, 36 were suppliers who were referred to court, whilst 432 were drug users and consumers who paid deposit fines. Raids were conducted during the period under review and drugs were confiscated. The taskforce said a total of four drug dens had been destroyed in three provinces, two in Harare metropolitan areas of Mbare and Epworth, one in central Gweru, and another in Mashonaland West. “Cabinet has resolved that the Drug and Substance Abuse Programme should be aligned to the Civil Protection Unit which is comprehensive; that the resource mobilisation committee be chaired by the Ministry of Local Government and Public Works and utilise resource mobilisation structures in Civil Protection,” reads the briefing.   “That the command centre be activated in order to fully support the programme in its dayto-day operation; and that parliamentarians be integrated in Drug and Substance programming at Sub-National structures.” A psychologist from the Zimbabwe Psychology Association (ZPA) Noreen Dari said there is a need for mental healthcare at primary level in the healthcare system. “Steps by the government are essential where we are trying to address the problem that has already occurred. More can be done, especially looking at the preventative framework. What can we do to prevent these things?” said Dari, a former president of the ZPA. “It is multi-sectoral in terms of identifying what are the major drivers for substance abuse. What is it that is leading people there? And for us coming from a mental health space, we would like to improve access to mental healthcare. “So this is just that on a normal day, someone is struggling with their mental health. How easily can they easily access support and care? So, sometimes absence of that care and support will sometimes end up aggravating the situation. Can more be done? Yes! And one of the most important things is setting up healthcare at a very primary level in terms of the health systems. Cabinet said the Liquor Licensing Board has been conducting inspections across the country, a total of 244 bottle stores, 197 bars, 90 nightclubs and 145 other outlets monitored for compliance purposes. “Cabinet wishes to inform the nation that 198 (184 male and 14 female) patients received drug rehabilitation services inclusive of treatment, medical detoxification and rehabilitationservices to all referred and walk-in clients,” reads the briefing.  Illicit drugs activist Savannah Madamombe says the drug problem has mainly been driven by the country’s economic crisis which has been instilling trauma, a situation that has been worsened by a fragile primary healthcare system. “The drugs issue is a mental health issue, and there many causes to it. There are several reasons why people take drugs to do what they call soothing themselves, or to do what essentially is treating themselves. So, sometimes people will be dealing with anxiety and they self-medicate, but they do that using drugs, beer and everything,” Madamombe says. “So, if people are using weed, it is because there is a certain thing they are trying to deal with through weed, because it is described as a depressant, in drug terms. Weed is said to slow down the brain. If it does so, the person feels better if there are traumas they are dealing with. So, sometimes when people are facing anxiety, they take these drugs to boost energy. “The reason for trauma may be that they may have been abandoned at a very young age. But, essentially, what that does is that it brings a sense of abandonment. Those children end up not being calm. Why are the children abandoned? It is because of the economy which is not working. Because if it was working, parents would have been there living with their children in Zimbabwe. They would be able to go and come back.” Madamombe said the problem has also been worsened by neglect. “But a lot of children have been left without oversight of adults, because the parents are leaving the country in search for work. Even in the event that the parent manages to relocate their children, they end up having challenges because they would have been uprooted from wherever they are into a very different society without enough support. So, the base of the problem is essentially being dragged back to the state of the nation,” she said.  “The state of the nation is not stable. We are finding a lot of people going through a lot of trauma brought about by idleness. Our primary healthcare is in shambles. Even issues that would have been dealt with from the source, there is none of that in our primary healthcare. If a person goes to the clinic, there should be certain indicators which would help patients get help, but there is nothing like that at primary level, and it is very essential.” Treat substance abuse as emergency Illicit drugs activist Savanna Madamombe NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Page 16 News NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE JUSTICE minister Ziyambi Ziyambi and his counterparts from the Housing and Social Amenities and Public Service ministries were on Wednesday grilled in Parliament over the country’s perennial lack of disaster preparedness as the rainy season begins following the loss of life in previous calamities like Cyclone Idai and Cyclone Freddy. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs charter states that governments have an obligation to mitigate natural disasters and prevent its negative effects on fundamental human rights. These include rights to life and shelter. However in the past, the government has failed to fulfil this obligation, notably during Cyclone Idai between 14 and 17 March 2019 as well as in the subsequent calamity of Cyclone Freddy leading to many deaths and massive loss of property. During Wednesday’s question-and-answer session, Zaka North MP Opphias Murambiwa asked National Housing and Social Amenities deputy minister Yeukai Simbanegavi to state government policy on the assistance of flood victims. “What is government policy with regards to the assistance of those whose properties have been destroyed by natural disasters such as storms, floods, et cetera? Thank you,” he asked. In his response, Simbanegavi responded although he said the question should be directed to the minister of Local Government. “However, the Ministry of National Housing, in terms of accommodating those who would have been affected by natural disasters, we have a policy whereby we can also allocate some Government flats and other accommodations to disaster victims. “For example, we have houses in Binga that are under construction that we will allocate to the people that would have been affected by disasters in that area. We are also constructing flats in Dzivaresekwa which are also going to be strictly allocated to people that have been affected by floods, here in Harare,” he said. Gokwe Gumunyu MP Stephen Ngwenya was not satisfied with the reponse and pressed further. “Still concerning those floods, what is the policy position of the ministry concerning — because she actually referred to houses that will be built or are being built but at the moment — many people have been affected, as we speak, by these winds and floods? “What is the government position concerning those people who have been affected before?” he asked. In response, Simbanegavi said: “Maybe that question can be directed to the minister of Local Government. If he is not in, the honourable leader of government business can respond (Ziyambi).” In turn, Ziyambi struggled with the question and sought assistance from former Local government minister July Moyo who is now minister of Public Service. “I was looking at Honourable Moyo, you know he is an expert in that area because he has been in Local Government for a long time. I will just give a brief answer to that on the government policy. With your indulgence, if you agree, I will refer to Honourable Moyo. “Basically, if we have a disaster, the government has a Civil Protection Unit (CPU) that will be activated and it will assess the damage and recommend the help that is needed. Government will then be able, at that juncture, to mobilise resources towards what the CPU would have recommended on the basis of the disaster that would have happened,” said Ziyambi. In his lengthy explanation in which he tied himself in knots, Moyo said the CPU in the ministry of Local Government every year makes sure that by September, they plan in terms of how to deal with climate change-induced disasters which can be in two parts, either floods or drought. “If people survive a storm or a disaster like what we have had, then the issue of properties can be addressed in several ways. For the houses that are destroyed, which the honourable member has asked about, there is a quick reaction that can be done by either the Civil Protection Unit or the department of Social Welfare to provide tents. “Right now, those two organisations are already working so that we can see whether we can provide tents. The tents are not made in Zimbabwe, so normally the Civil Protection Unit is empowered to work with donor agencies that are part of the civil protection system of this country. “Therefore, that is what is taking place and I know that a number of members of Parliament will be concerned because disasters have already happened. The speed with which we do it definitely depends on the responders. The responders are also organised in such a manner that at the provincial, district, ward and village levels, including the traditional leadership and the councils, have to inform,” he said. However, Gokwe-Kabuyuni MP Spencer Tshuma still quizzed Moyo. “I want to direct my question to the minister of Local Government. Last year, we experienced Cyclone Freddy which had thunderous rainfall that damaged schools, roads and other infrastructure. Those in the rural areas were affected.  What are you doing as a government to correct the impact of natural disasters where you find some dams and some schools that have roofs damaged, seeing that the rains have come?” he asked. Moyo, in response, said the plan is to make sure that “we save lives first.” “As members of Parliament, let us assist our people as soon as possible, schools need to be attended to promptly. When we think of what should be done in schools, then in some cases, we need to provide tents whilst we are rebuilding the schools. “For instance, after Cyclone Idai in Chimanimani, we had some learning and living tents during that transitional period when we were working on restoring their livelihoods,” responded Moyo. Repeatedly, civil society organisations have urged the government to ensure meaningful and informed participation in cases of natural disaster. After the Cyclone Idai disaster, civil society said the government must make early-warning information regarding climate effects and natural disasters available to all sectors of society. They urged the government to adapt and mitigate plans that should be publicly available, transparently financed and developed in consultation with affected groups. Disaster preparedness: Minister grilled Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi

NewsHawks News Page 17 Issue 153, 20 October 2023 NATHAN GUMA HUMAN-WILDLIFE conflict is continuing to worsen in Chiadzwa, with villagers living in fear of marauding hyenas whose habitats are being destroyed by mining activity in the area, a natural resource watchdog has said. Chiadzwa — located some 80 kilometres from the eastern town of Mutare — has been a hive of mining activity since the discovery of diamonds in 2006, which has seen massive clearing of forests and blasting of mountains and the destruction of animal habitats. While attacks on domestic animals by hyenas have been common, they have increased in the past months, with fatalities being recorded, raising an outcry from the community.     This week, Cosmas Sunguro, president of the Zimbabwe Diamonds Allied Workers' Union (Zidawu) told The NewsHawks that the conflict has largely been worsened by mining activity, which has seen the clearing of wild animal habitats to pave way for mining activities. “We have had cases of human-wildlife conflict with others being in Buhera, and just two weeks ago the headman was attacked by a hyena and, most recently, last week we had a hyena that attacked Charles Gamunorwa, a village head aide. What then happened is that when he was trying to assist someone who was being attacked by a hyena, he was eventually killed,” Sunguro told The NewsHawks. “And that on its own comes as a worrying thing because they have seen that the mining area in this area has taken much of the land which was used by these animals, hence, we have seen now wild animals like the jackals and hyenas coming to attack people in Chiadzwa. While we see that they are attacking human beings, it is unfortunate that we now have a case of loss of human lives.” He added: “There are two people who were also attacked, and they are still hospitalised. We have always said that it is important that we do our things, we do things holistically. Mining companies submit environmental impact assessment (EIA) reports and outline how they are going to manage wildlife. Unfortunately, they do not follow that.” Sunguro said the displacements have seen wild animals, particularly hyenas, descending to Chiadzwa in search of food in human. “They are blasting mountains and land where the hyenas live. They are even taking some reserved forests. That on its own you would find that the animals do not have anywhere to live and no food, so they easily descend into human settlements and start eating goats and people,” Sunguro said. “It is very unfortunate that there has been loss of lives. I also tried to contact the Vet Department also suggesting that the hyenas have rabies. It is unheard of in our area. We know that hyenas attack domestic animals, but never before have they been so vicious to the extent of killing people. "I think the best way is for the Parks and Wildlife [Authority] to control the number of hyenas and other animals. The shrinking size of the forests is also causing more conflict. Also, what is important is for the people to avoid fighting the animals. We know that they will be attacking livestock and others, but we should never attack them.” Contacted for comment, the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority spokesperson Tinashe Farawo said while they have been carrying out awareness campaigns, their mandate did not stray into mining. As previously reported by The NewsHawks, human activity, particularly poaching and trophy has been worsening human and wildlife conflict in north-western Zimbabwe, undermining tourism, as frightful elephants are being driven out of reach of rangers during game drives. “Trophy hunting is also undermining tourism in that it is driving elephants deep into the forest. If you kill one elephant, then you will drive them away, because no one wants to die, even animals do not want to die,” Farai Maguwu, director of the Centre for Natural Resource Governance (CNRG), told The NewsHawks. “So, when there is gunfire, they [wild animals] will know that there is danger and they will move deep into the forest where they feel they are safe. This is now giving a burden to tour guides when they want to do game drives, they are now struggling to find elephants. “Some are even saying that Chobe (in northern Botswana) is now a better area for game drives than Hwange and Victoria Falls. And the other thing is that there has also been human-wildlife conflict,” he said. Human-wildlife conflict intensifies in Chiadzwa Farai Maguwu CNRG director

Page 18 News NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 HAZEL NDEBELE THE Zimbabwe Consolidated Diamond Company (Pvt) Ltd (ZCDC) has invested in a robust security system to minimise pilferage and illegal mining activities at its Chiadzwa concession, an official said at a media workshop organised by the state-owned mining firm in Manicaland this week. The ZCDC, the seven-largest diamond producer in the world, organised a media workshop and a tour of Chiadzwa mine on 18-19 October under the theme: “Equipping the media to achieve informative and responsible diamond mining reporting”.   Presenting on product safety, chief security officer Elias Mvere said the safety of the product is determined by the robustness of the security system that is implemented to protect diamonds from theft. “The ZCDC security system is robust and is based on three pillars (physical, technological and psychological) aimed at achieving world-class security standards in protecting the Marange diamond fields. It is integrated by carefully crafted processes designed to ensure 100% product security,” said Mvere. “On the physical side, we are double fencing,” he said. “On the technological side, we have the four-tier surveillance system and related to that is the drone surveillance system implemented by our fully certified drone pilots who conduct constant surveillance over the entire diamond fields and footage is seen in real time. On the psychological side, we are rigorously training our members on artificial intelligence, all in the spirit of securing our product”. He said the diamond company engaged expert drone pilots from South Africa under a programme dubbed: Remote Piloted Aircraft System, specifically for security surveillance. “Our drones were also examined by Civil Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe (Caaz) and an Operational Area Survey was conducted. The drones are very effective. We also use them in crime awareness under our moral suasion pillar”. Diamond security is governed by the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) requirements. The Kimberley Process is an international certification scheme that regulates trade in rough diamonds. According to Mvere, the ZCDC has 100 % compliance to KPCS security standards. Zimbabwe is the current chair of the KPCS and will be hosting the plenary session in Victoria Falls, from 5-11 November. Our security system robust: ZCDC — Pictures: Aaron Ufumeli

News Page 19 NATHAN GUMA ZIMBABWE’S economic growth is likely to be blighted by weakening mineral prices and domestic currency shortages, among other factors, which could undermine the welfare of citizens, particularly the poor majority. Zimbabwe — which boasts Africa’s largest and the world’s fifth-biggest reserves of lithium, known as the “white gold” among several other valuable minerals, is hinging its economic growth aspirations on mining, which is one of the country’s main sources of foreign currency. Apart from the drop in mineral prices and the Zimdollar's decline, the economy has also been plagued by recurring electricity shortages, commodity price volatility and rising global geopolitical tensions. According to an economic review for September by the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development (Zimcodd), these headwinds may derail economic activity by increasing the cost of industrial production, fuelling inflation tax, reducing disposable incomes, subduing aggregate consumer demand, widening societal inequalities, and deepening poverty. The mining sector is facing immense pressure, with global prices of key minerals having declined significantly, with lithium down at 69%, diamond (-60%), palladium (-41%), rhodium (-74%), and nickel (-8%). “As for gold, the yellow metal lost 3.7% in September 2023. The decline was largely the result of higher opportunity costs caused by extensive run-on bond yields alongside a stronger dollar as well as a large drop in the Chinese local gold price premium,” reads the Zimcodd analysis. “The available official trade data show that Zimbabwe exported gold worth US$141 million, down 12.8% from US$161 million exported in July 2023. Cumulatively, the nation earned about US$1.15 billion in the first eight (8) months of 2023, down 10.9% from US$1.29 billion earned for the same period in 2022. "The decline in gold export earnings is partly attributable to a decline in official gold deliveries. Cumulative deliveries of gold came in at 22.4 tonnes between January-September 2023 which lag behind 25.6 tonnes realised for the same period in 2022.” The decline in bullion deliveries has been attributed to side marketing, smuggling, incessant rains experienced in the first quarter which affected small-scale and artisanal miners, and rising mining cost structure propped up by high electricity tariffs. Zimbabwe needs adequate infrastructure to support advanced technologies which are key in ensuring gold production tracking and monitoring to minimise chances of gold leakages and illicit trading. Zimcodd said the government's Liquidity Management Committee (LMC) should also be capacitated to establish an optimal level of Zimdollar liquidity in circulation in the economy to stabilise the monetary base and contain frequent local currency fluctuations. “The economy is rapidly dollarising, with the latest Zimbabwe Statistical Agency (ZimStat) survey establishing that about 80% of domestic transactions are now conducted in United States dollar. This trend is now also being reflected in Treasury revenue collections which are now dominated by foreign currency,” Zimcodd said. “Latest statistics from the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (Zimra) have shown that after factoring in tax refunds totalling ZW$212.5 billion, half-year (1HY23) total net revenue collection came in at ZW$4.43 trillion. Using the 1HY23 average official exchange rate of ZW$/US$1,996.64, this 1HY23 revenue collection translates to about US$2.22 billion. Of this amount, the actual United States dollar collection was US$1.32 billion which is almost 60% of the total collection.” Zimcodd said while it was plausible that the stable United Stated dollar is gradually constituting a lion’s share of Treasury revenue collection, rising cash dollarisation being experienced in the economy is posing serious 2024 budget risks. “Cash dollarisation is deepening the hardto-tax informal sector economy while fuelling corruption, tax evasion, and other underground activities like smuggling, drug dealing and money laundering/ externalisation,” Zimcodd said. “Other likely 2024 budget risks include the persistence of both commodity price volatility and exchange rate deterioration which may adversely affect revenue collection, service delivery, and debt servicing costs. As such, going forward, authorities must adopt innovative strategies to increase revenue collection efficiency which is key in reducing the chances of unsustainable budget deficits amid rising economic dollarisation.” Weakening mineral prices set to afflict poor majority NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Page 20 News NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 DIAMOND extraction process at Chiadzwa mine operated by the Zimbabwe Consolidated Diamond Company (ZCDC). Zimbabwe is the world's seventh-biggest producer of diamonds and accounts for three percent of global production. The country produced 5 million carats of diamonds in 2022 and earned US$424 million. 1 800 workers are employed by the company. Several community social responsibility programs such as building and rehabilitating nearby schools and equipping them with computer laboratories are being done by the company. A uniform sewing factory which employs 16 workers has also been set up by the company. ZCDC is 100 % percent owned by the Zimbabwe government but runs as a private company. — Pictures: Aaron Ufumeli Chiadzwa diamond mining in pics

NewsHawks News Page 21 Issue 153, 20 October 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE WHEN Takemore Mufuya from Chimanimani’s Veremu Village in ward 21, woke up on 14 March 2019 around 10pm, she heard heavy sounds from the nearby mountain and thought several haulage trucks were driving down the road but she wondered how it was possible, given that it was raining. The dust road was slippery whenever it rained.  When she opened the curtain, she saw what seemed to be recurring lightning strikes in the thick darkness but wondered why there were no thunder reverberations accompanying the lightning. At that point, the rains were pounding even harder. A few minutes later, her neighbour knocked violently while enquiring why Mafuya and her family were still inside their house when some nearby homes had been swept away by raging waters of what was to be later known as Cyclone Idai. The noise she was hearing was coming from mudslides and heavy boulders descending from the mountain. What she had thought were silent lightning strikes were actually flashes from big rocks knocking against each other as they descended the mountain at high speed powered by rain and heavy wind. “I quickly grabbed a blanket, wrapped my youngest child and carried her on my back and held another kid with my hand. My husband then hand-held our six-year old child and went out to start escaping. When we were walking towards the higher land, the soil had already loosened and it seemed like earth was going to swallow us,” Mafuka explained during a recent workshop held in Mutare organised by the Centre for Natural Resource Governance (CNRG) led by Farai Maguwu. The workshop was organised in conjunction with CNRG’s TaCCET partners to commemorate the deaths and losses incurred four years ago by Chimanimani community members during Cyclone Idai. TaCCET stands for Tackling Climate Change and Energy Transitions Project (TaCCET-Zim). It is a climate justice consortium whose members are: – Reyna Trust, Environmental Buddies, MACRAD, Young Entrepreneurs Trust, Green Governance, WONECA and CNRG which plays a coordinating role. Mafuka continued narrating : “We kept on walking and we finally reached the police station where people had gathered. After a short while we were told to start escaping as the place had been surrounded by water. A rope was laid for us to use in crossing from the police station.  I held it tight but while in the middle I was swept away and fell on my back with my body going on top of the child I was carrying. We were swept for several metres and my child was separated from me and washed away.” “I kept praying while  being washed away and after some kilometres I got stuck in a bush. I remained there the whole night until the next morning…” she said before breaking into tears. After she broke down, Mafuka’s colleague then revealed to the workshop participants that besides losing her child, she also lost her husband that night and their bodies were never recovered. The NewsHawks has since learnt that in spite of the increasing severity of the climate crisis, there is no dedicated fund in Zimbabwe to support psychological programmes for the survivors of disasters such as Cyclone Idai. Additionally, disadvantaged people did not receive adequate assistance to adapt. There has been no trauma healing for the survivors. The communities still believe there is a gap since some individuals are still battling the trauma. Need for psyco-social support Hilda Tendeukai (23), from ward 15 Ngangu Village, Chimanimani, the epicentre of the cyclone, also expressed the need for psycho-social support. “When Cyclone Idai devastated Chimanimani, I lost my best friend who was close to me, and I was traumatised as a result. We had shared dreams that were destroyed. The cyclone also washed away our livelihoods. Because of the storm, I missed a few weeks of school as a student, which reduced my studying time and negatively impacted my grades that year,” Tendeukai said, adding: “Psycho-social support is still needed. We still fear any weather phenomenon that looks like it’s going to rain. We feel much must be done along that line for us to mentally recover from the effects of the cyclone disaster and move on with our lives.” Families of victims, survivors compensation Survivors and families of victims of Cyclone Idai in Chimanimani have since started demanding compensation from the government for the painful losses. The families and survivors said the government ought to have protected them from the disaster, hence the need for compensation. Although the government was aware of the impending disaster, nothing was done to evacuate the people to safe places. Even during the disaster, no help was rendered to rescue people. Women spoke of spending hours precariously clinging onto trees. Some who could have survived in the first few hours of the disaster eventually succumbed as the relentless torrent, comprising mud and boulders, pulverised everything in its path. Mary Chirwa (47), a resident of from Ngangu Village in Chimanimani, said she lost her husband, who was the family’s breadwinner and a nine-year-old child, hence her demand for compensation. “I lost my child who was stuck on my back and my husband too as we tried to cross the waters using a rope. It was a very painful loss and have no one to take care of me and my children now because we lost the breadwinner. Cyclone Idai victims recount tragedy Pictures 1 and 2: Cyclone Idai survivors during a workshop in Mutare to commemorate victims who died during the disaster. 1

Page 22 NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 It is for that cause that I feel the government must compensate me for these lifetime losses,” Chirwa said. Elizabeth Tashinga, another survivor of the cyclone, said she broke her limbs and had to be treated using money from her church coffers as the government did not provide support for her medical expenses. “I feel the government must therefore compensate me for the medical expenses I incurred. I am not alone in that situation and my call is for compensation for all people affected by the cyclone. That is the general feeling in Chimanimani, but we do not know where to go to demand this compensation,” Tashinga said. Hardlife Nyika said he owned a poultry project of 50 chickens but all of them were consumed by people who were brought to his homestead from low-lying areas. “I never received any compensation and I have a heavy heart. It was my belief that compensation would come from the government, but I got nothing. I strongly feel that the government must compensate me for the loss of my source of income while helping fellow villagers who were fleeing from the cyclone in low-lying areas,” Nyika said. Gendered dynamics The Cyclone Idai disaster had apparent gendered effects which saw women and girls bear the heavy brunt of suffering due to their roles in the family and communities in Chimanimani. The cyclone left behind nothing short of catastrophic damage in Zimbabwe, tearing apart lives, submerging villages, and destroying everything, but little has been said about the gendered effects of the natural disaster.  Brave mothers perished as they tried to cross flooded rivers with their children. One woman had a child swept from her back by torrents. She was carrying one child on her shoulders while holding another who got submerged and swept away. “The disaster really affected us as women. In some cases, during Cyclone Idai the physical strength of men allowed them to survive compared to women. Imagine the survival possibilities of a woman with a child on her back versus a man not carrying anything. “The burden of caring for children during the disaster hugely depended on women,” said Rachel Mutongo (42) from ward 21 in the Kopa area of Chimanimani. “Even after the cyclone when we were put in emergency camps, the burden to provide food, and clean and safe drinking water was a responsibility of women. Imagine sharing the same tent with four children and making sure that everyone is fed and safe.” Women had no choice but to show leadership during the ill-fated night when hundreds perished in the darkness. One mother narrated how she led her husband and children out of the house as water reached window level. She said she slowed down her family and instructed them to tip-toe as the water-soaked ground appeared like it wanted to open up and swallow them. In Zimbabwe, nearly 17,000 households were displaced, and an estimated 1.4 million hectares of arable land, accounting for onethird of national agricultural production, was destroyed, affecting 50 000 people, the majority of whom were women, exacerbating already high levels of malnutrition. Erica Matimaire (56), who lives in Ndima Village in ward 21 with her grandchildren, lamented how the cyclone took away her livelihood options as she used to have a small plantation of bananas, pineapples and oranges which were swept away. The plantation was her main source of livelihood and she has not found another source of income since then. The other option available to her is artisanal mining which is the most dominant activity in the area. Matimaire no longer has the physical strength to engage in artisanal mining, which she also says is very damaging to the environment. “The cyclone destroyed our primary source of income. My small plot of land, where I had been growing fruits, got flooded. This had a significant impact on me as a small-scale farmer who lived from hand to mouth. I no longer have a source of income. If I was a man maybe I could switch to mining, but the job is mostly for men due to its physical energy requirements,” she said. “We heavily relied on the money we made from selling these fruits, which helped us support and feed our families. The few handouts we received in the aftermath of the cyclone didn’t last very long, and now we are left on our own.” In some instances, women drenched in the cyclone waters were stripped naked and men had to give them T-shirts to cover up during the rescue efforts. These experiences left many women traumatised. After the cyclone, some young girls dropped out of school as families prioritised the schooling of boys. Need for exhumations, closure on disaster Maguwu told The NewsHawks that the cyclone left those with a lower income and less social capital unable to rebuild their lives. “Chimanimani community revealed that Cyclone Idai has left deep scars in the community and hearts of the survivors which need special attention. Broken lives, broken bones and broken dreams define the horrific tales told by the survivors. “Many bodies that washed up in Mozambique and buried there have not been repatriated back to Zimbabwe. The affected families, further impoverished by the cyclone, have no capacity to carry out the exhumations and repatriation. “And yet to those in authority, there is an urgency to declare Cyclone Idai a closed chapter - fait accompli!” he said. Climate crisis awareness campaigns Maguwu further insisted on the need for climate crisis awareness campaigns in communities. “Most of the survivors have no idea that climate disasters are caused by human actions – to a large extent burning of fossil fuels and carbon emissions and there is a need for awareness campaigns on this. There must be discussion on loss and damage and reparations. Building back better can only happen if there is finance and it is time those who emit the most are held accountable for their actions,” he said.  News

NewsHawks Page 23 Issue 153, 20 October 2023 News Participants of the Women in politics and investigative reporting workshop undergo training at The NewsHawks. The training was facilitated by The NewsHawks News Editor Owen Gagare and Digital Editor Bernard Mpofu in collaboration with the Canadian Embassy in Harare. — Pictures: Aaron Ufumeli Gender and Media Connect director Patience Zirima addresses young journalists attending a training workshop on gender-sensitive reporting and investigative reporting. The training was facilitated by The NewsHawks in collaboration with the Canadian Embassy

Page 24 NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 Legal Insights Sexual harassment under scrutiny Following a recent high-profile case of sexual harassment at the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), we publish this landmark judgment in a David versus Goliath case between Rita Marque Mbatha and Farai Bwatikona Zizhou, and Conference of Zimbabwe Industries. RITA MARQUE MBATHA versus FARAI BWATIKONA ZIZHOU and CONFEDERATION OF ZIMBABWE INDUSTRIES HIGH COURT OF ZIMBABWE MAFUSIRE J HARARE, 20 October 2021 Date of written judgment: 1 December 2021 Unopposed application Applicant in person First respondent in default No appearance for second defendant MAFUSIRE J Introduction The plaintiff claims a default judgment for sexual harassment. She is unrepresented. The matter appeared on the unopposed motion roll on 20 October 2021. It was one of several such appearances. In the past the matter would be removed from the roll for one reason or other. The matter has had a long and turbulent history. The plaintiff says the wheels of justice have turned ever so slowly for her. There can be no denying that. She has been to this court. She has been to arbitration. She has been to the Supreme Court. She is back in this court. She strives for closure. Any lesser mortal would probably have given up. Plainly, the plaintiff is no lesser mortal. Her tenacity and fighting spirit have moved mountains. She is still fighting. This judgment only settles half the case. The other half still continues. I shall explain. Nature of claim The plaintiff has pleaded sexual harassment at the work place in 2002 to 2003. Then she was employed by the second defendant. She alleges that sexual harassment of female employees at the second defendant’s work place was rampant. She says as against herself, the first defendant was the sole culprit. He was the Chief Executive Officer. She was his personal assistant. She says despite reporting him, the second defendant, through its President, was flippant, if not contemptuous. Her claim is for USD500 000 [five hundred thousand United States dollars]. It is against both defendants. Initially they both defended vigorously. But by and by she barred the first defendant in default of a plea. That did not just happen. It was after sweat and blood. The details emerge later. But having barred the first defendant she now seeks a default judgment as against him only. As against the second defendant the case continues. At the time of this judgment, it was poised for a pre-trial conference. Details of the claim The sexual harassment was over some nine months. It started when she was still on probation. She got employed by the second defendant in September 2002. She got fired in July 2003. It was an unfair dismissal. The first defendant engineered it all. He schemed it. She had reported him for the sexual harassment. He took revenge. The charges were trumped up. [5] The sexual harassment took the following forms: [5.1] inappropriate touching; [5.2] unwelcome offensive jokes; [5.3] invitation by innuendo to an inappropriate sexual relationship; [5.4] receiving offensive telephone messages; [5.5] receiving pornography on the computer; [5.6] an attempt to kiss by force, causing an injury on the thigh in the process of resisting. On record, there are several electronic messages from the first defendant to her. One e-mail, in January 2003, at 12:16 hours, is worth reproducing. On it a deliberately misleading subject caption was used, “Call from Mr Miller (Superior Holdings)”. The e-mail goes: “Rita, I have used the above caption just in case. Please delete completely immediately after reading. Look at the time I am sending this note – just to show you I could not sleep before writing this note to you. Rita I love you very much and wish you could be mine. When I am taking a bath with Clara I always pretend it’s you the torture is unbearable. It hurts me that when I touch your lovely hand you cringe and ask me to stop. Do I repulse you? I desperately need to kiss you. Shamwari if I do get dismissed, it will be because I would like to do whatever I can for the person I care for most, you. Right now I am under pressure to balance the budget of CZI. You have just completed your probation and according to CZI rules, you are not eligible for the general increase for permanent staff, but the small adjustment that is in your appointment letter. I am bending the rule — for you, please hold on tight to me — if we crash, we crash together. I am awarding you the same percentage increase as everybody else. I am defending it against the treasurer this morning. Doing so will cost CZI an extra ZW$3 million in employment and other costs for the three people involved. The others are lucky to be associated with you. This will wipe out the surplus we were going to make after selling the Land Rover. The treasurer had made his recommendations following the rule and I have asked Venek! ai to make the change before he comes for the final meeting this morning. I feel guilty as it is no right to expropriate you from your husband but unfortunately … Please God help me on this one as it has been giving me sleepless nights. You are the love of my love. I will do anything for you.” The plaintiff says when she reported the sexual harassment to the then President of the second respondent, the response was ambivalent. When she tried to follow up she was told off. The President is said to have retorted that as a married woman, she should be ashamed to say that she had been sexually harassed. That hurt, she says. Litigation Having faced a brick wall, the plaintiff turned to the law. She brought the matter on arbitration. The arbitration went on for years. There were several sittings. She says the defendants were employing delaying tactics. They would seek postponements. They would offer to talk an out of court settlement but would renege. They would miss some sittings. They would not file documents timeously, or at all. But she persisted. Eventually she got an award. Among other things, the arbitral tribunal found that she had been unfairly dismissed. It also found that she had been sexually harassed. That was in March 2014. In June 2014 she instituted the present proceedings. The defendants were barred for late noting of an appearance to defend. They applied for condonation. When granted, they took a special plea in bar. They alleged the plaintiff’s claim had become prescribed. They calculated the period of prescription from 2002 when the sexual harassment occurred. As a result they came up with eleven years. Prescription for an ordinary debt is three years. This court agreed with the defendants. Under judgment No HH 93- 16 it dismissed the plaintiff’s claim. It said the cause of action had arisen in 2002 to 2003 when the sexual harassment had occurred. It upheld the special plea of prescription. The plaintiff appealed. Under Judgment No SC 69-18 the Supreme Court disagreed with the defendants. It premised its judgment on s 17 of the Prescription Act, [Chapter 8:11]. In terms of this provision, and in paraphrase, the period of prescription in respect of, among other things, a debt which is the subject matter of proceedings on arbitration, is extended for one year from the end of those proceedings. The Supreme Court allowed the plaintiff’s appeal on the basis that her claim in this court had been instituted barely three months after the end of the arbitration, i.e. well before prescription had run the full course. After allowing the appeal, the Supreme Court gave the defendants ten days to plead over to the merits of the plaintiff’s claim. The first defendant missed the deadline. He applied for condonation a record four times: two in this court and the other two in the Supreme Court. He completely botched it. Eventually condonation was firmly and finally refused by this court under Judgment No HH 592-20. The first defendant was permanently barred. The first defendant having been barred in default of a plea, the plaintiff made attempts to set the matter down for a default judgment against him. Early attempts were unsuccessful for one reason or other. One of them, as depicted by a judgment of this court under HH 392-21, was that her causa for seeking a default judgment had been incorrect. She had sought a default judgment on the basis of a failure to file an appearance to defend timeously. Yet the correct causa had been the failure to file a plea within the ten days prescribed by the Supreme Court. Eventually the plaintiff succeeded in setting the matter down on the unopposed motion roll. In the company of the newly appointed judges NDLOVU J, DEME J and KATIYO J who were on induction, I granted the relief sought but reserved judgment on quantum. Here now is the judgment on quantum. ...To be continued. News Rita Marque Mbatha

NewsHawks Page 25 Issue 153, 20 October 2023 International Investigative Stories SPAIN’S major soccer league signed a sponsorship contract with Iranian telecom company MTN Irancell. But getting money out of the sanctioned country isn’t easy. Here’s how a “citizenship-by-investment” program made it possible. Fernando Morientes, the former top Real Madrid striker, stood in a packed conference room in Tehran, Iran. In front of a picture of Ayatollah Khamenei, the country’s supreme leader, Morientes punted an autographed soccer ball to a cheering crowd. It was December 2017, and Spain’s major soccer league, La Liga, had just publicly partnered with MTN Irancell, Iran’s state-owned telecoms giant. And Morientes, a brand ambassador for La Liga, was happy to lend his stardust to the proceedings. By that point, it had been widely reported for years that MTN Irancell’s Iranian majority owner was itself owned by entities linked to the country’s defense ministry and to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Dignitaries at the Tehran ceremony included Mostafa Ajorlu, an IRGC commander who has retaliated against Iranian players who backed anti-government protests. From La Liga’s perspective, partnering with MTN Irancell offered access to a lucrative Iranian market. Contracts seen by reporters show MTN Irancell committed to pay La Liga 10 percent of any profit it earned from subscribers who watched Spanish soccer on its online channel, plus about $900,000 over roughly three years. But because of longstanding sanctions imposed by the U.S. on Iran’s banking sector, getting money out of the country could be problematic: Even South Africa’s MTN Group, a minority shareholder in MTN Irancell, noted in its 2021 annual report that it had trouble “repatriating cash” from its Iranian partners. In an apparent bid to get around this issue, La Liga took at least one MTN Irancell payment from a Hong Kong-based shell company that was owned by an Iranian intermediary, leaked documents seen by OCCRP show. This intermediary had purchased a passport from Dominica, a small Caribbean country with a flourishing money-for-citizenship scheme. This passport was used to set up the front company that routed the Iranian payment to La Liga. The U.S. government would later sanction a similar company owned by the same intermediary — and also set up with a Dominica passport — for facilitating the sale of tens of millions of dolInternational InvestigativeStories Spain’s ‘La Liga’ soccer league received Iranian money through shell company set up with purchased Dominican passport

Page 26 NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 International Investigative Stories lars of Iranian petrochemicals. In a response to questions, a lawyer representing La Liga said the league is “unaware of any link between the contractual relationship it maintained in the past with MTN Irancell, and the creation of any companies by ‘Dominica passport holders’ to which you refer.” The representative described the league’s relationship with MTN Irancell as a “sponsorship contract” that enabled “numerous promotions of Spanish football [to be] carried out in Iran, where there is a great love of football among its young population.” He wrote that the deal fell under a pre-existing relationship with MTN Group in Africa, that it had ended years ago, and that “currently, there is no relationship with MTN or MTN Irancell.” The Spanish league “complied with EU sanctions regulations in connection with the MTN Irancell contract,” he added, noting that MTN Irancell “was not, and never has been, a sanctioned entity.” At the time the relationship began in 2017, he wrote, “the Iranian nuclear agreement signed in 2015 was in full force and effect, resulting in the lifting of international economic sanctions. Furthermore, there were no sanctions on professional sport, on the sponsorship contracts linked to the promotion of professional sport.” The Dominican Route U.S. sanctions would have made it difficult for Iranian institutions to move money through much of the international financial system, experts said. “You simply cannot execute any normal, conventional international transaction if it is an Iranian party on the other side,” said Mahdi Ghodsi, an economist specializing in Iran and sanctions at the Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies. “Anything that is illegal in the U.S. is de facto illegal for the rest of the international banking system because the U.S. is the major governor of the international banking system.” Rather than going through U.S.-dominated financial routes, MTN Irancell used intermediaries with so-called “golden passports” from Dominica to transfer at least one payment from Iran into Spain, documents show. These men, Hossein Mohammadrezaei and Pedram Pirouzan, ran a money exchange business called Pedram Pirouzan and Partners in Damavand, a small city near Tehran. Mohammadrezaei bought into Dominica’s citizenship-by-investment program, purchasing a Dominica passport in 2017, and his partner Pirouzan also obtained a passport at an unknown date. Using these documents, they then set up apparent shell companies around the world. One of these companies facilitated tens of millions of dollars worth of Iranian petrochemical sales to China and was sanctioned by the U.S. in 2022. Another was used to enable a payment of 65,000 euros by MTN Irancell to La Liga. A receipt issued by MTN Irancell and obtained by reporters shows that Pedram Pirouzan and Partners transferred the funds in either March or May of 2019 , around the time the IRGC was labeled a terror group by the U.S. But though the payment was arranged by an Iranian money changing house, a wire transfer slip obtained by reporters shows that it was sent from another corner of the globe. On March 18, it shows, La Liga received a payment for the same amount of 65,000 euros from a Hong Kong company, Lonking Industrial, which had been set up by Mohammadrezaei using his Dominica passport. The firm — which, like many Hong Kong companies associated with Iran, had an address in the mainland Chinese city of Yiwu — sent the money to La Liga’s account at Spain’s Banco Santander from an account at China’s Huaxia bank. The bottom of the wire transfer slip includes an informational stamp written not in Chinese but in Farsi, the primary language spoken in Iran. In response to reporters’ questions, the La Liga representative wrote that the organization had not heard of Mohammadrezaei and Pirouzan or their money transfer business. Mohammadrezaei and Pirouzan did not respond to requests for comment. Banco Santander declined to comment. Hua Xia bank could not be reached for comment. Unusual Payments OCCRP’s reporting shows that La Liga also received several other unusual payments while doing business with MTN Irancell. Though the source of the funds cannot be established, three former La Liga employees familiar with the MTN Irancell agreement said that the transactions were part of the broadcast deal. One route involved dropping cash into a La Liga account at an ATM in Dubai. Five receipts obtained by reporters show that a single machine was used on two different days in November 2019 to deposit a total of about $76,000 in Emirati dirham, in multiple transactions just minutes apart. Money laundering experts consulted by OCCRP said the deposits resemble a common laundering practice called “smurfing” which is used to avoid raising attention with regulators. “Smurfing means chopping a large amount of money into small pieces so that you stay under the limits where financial institutions such as banks or trusts are required to report them,” said Brendan Newitt, crime defense attorney with the Dutch law firm De Roos & Pen. The La Liga representative said the league had never made use of ATM transfers, “neither directly nor indirectly.” Other payments also raise red flags. Over the previous several years, leaked documents show, La Liga received the equivalent of hundreds of thousands of dollars from companies based in the United Arab Emirates and Turkey. Several of these companies were liquidated shortly after making the payments. Some had no apparent connection to soccer, but appeared to be jewelry and electronics firms. Newitt said that such activity is highly unusual for a major soccer league. “You would think that when a party uses an offshore entity, a loan or payment is made in only one or a few transactions. Why use offshore companies, cash and checks to make smaller deposits?” added Newitt. “It could have completely legal economic reasons, but it remains highly unusual.” In response to reporters’ questions about these transactions, the La Liga representative did not explain the use of these companies, but wrote that the league “conducted business due diligence, including sanctions screening using specialized, subscription-based databases, and did not return any sanctions alerts regarding MTN Irancell or any other related third party.” A letter obtained by reporters shows that, in October 2019, about half-a-year after the IRGC had been designated a terror group, La Liga executives informed MTN Irancell that it had “transferred in full all its rights and obligations under the Sponsorship Agreement” to a subsidiary based in the United Arab Emirates. All subsequent payments, the letter said, should be made there. The La Liga representative said the move was made “for commercial reasons.” Jens Sejer Andersen is International Director at Play the Game, an initiative that promotes democracy and transparency and freedom of expression in the world of sport. Having reviewed reporters’ findings, he said: “I think the whole matter shows how desperately European football needs financial oversight and regulation … It seems La Liga cannot have been completely unaware about how problematic it is to work with dictatorships far from Europe, but has thrown all considerations aside in the insatiable appetite for money.” “This story should be one of many that convince European politicians to step up and start regulating an industry that, under the shield of sports autonomy … allows for all kinds of financial and political malpractices to flourish.” — Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project.

The NewsHawks is published on different content platforms by the NewsHawks Digital Media which is owned by Centre for Public Interest Journalism No. 100 Nelson Mandela Avenue Beverly Court, 6th floor Harare, Zimbabwe Trustees/Directors: Beatrice Mtetwa, Raphael Khumalo, Professor Wallace Chuma, Teldah Mawarire, Doug Coltart EDITORIAL STAFF: Managing Editor: Dumisani Muleya Assistant Editor: Brezh Malaba News Editor: Owen Gagare Digital Editor: Bernard Mpofu Reporters: Brenna Matendere, Ruvimbo Muchenje, Enock Muchinjo, Jonathan Mbiriyamveka, Nathan Guma Email: [email protected] SUB EDITORS: Mollen Chamisa, Gumisai Nyoni Business Development Officer: Nyasha Kahondo Cell: +263 71 937 1739 [email protected] Subscriptions & Distribution: +263 71 937 1739 Reaffirming the fundamental importance of freedom of expression and media freedom as the cornerstone of democracy and as a means of upholding human rights and liberties in the constitution; our mission is to hold power in its various forms and manifestations to account by exposing abuse of power and office, betrayals of public trust and corruption to ensure good governance and accountability in the public interest. CARTOON Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe The NewsHawks newspaper subscribes to the Code of Conduct that promotes truthful, accurate, fair and balanced news reporting. If we do not meet these standards, register your complaint with the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe at No.: 34, Colenbrander Rd, Milton Park, Harare. Telephone: 024-2778096 or 024-2778006, 24Hr Complaints Line: 0772 125 659 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] WhatsApp: 0772 125 658, Twitter: @vmcz Website: www.vmcz.co.zw, Facebook: vmcz Zimbabwe Sanyatwe return signals the military's fightback Dumisani Muleya Hawk Eye Editorial & Opinion SINCE Zimbabwe’s Independence in 1980, the ruling Zanu PF has pulled out all the stops to decimate the political opposition in an effort to create a one-party state, silence dissenters and intimidate citizens. In the aftermath of the fraudulent 23 and 24 August 2023 general elections — which were declared a monumental sham by election observer groups, including Sadc — the opposition CCC has come under massive attack. High-placed political sources say the idea, clearly, is to dismantle the party, call by-elections and enable Mnangagwa to clinch a two-thirds majority in Parliament, which will give him latitude to amend the national constitution and grab a third term in office. Mnangagwa is smarting from the humiliation he suffered at the ballot box in August courtesy of the CCC. After obliterating the then MDC through Trojan horses and a compromised judiciary, Zanu PF's calculation was that Nelson Chamisa and the opposition movement were dead and buried. They hijacked state funding meant for the MDC, grabbed offices and other assets and quickly wrote what they imagined to be the epitaph of political opposition in Zimbabwe. Police repeatedly banned meetings of the opposition, state spies were unleashed and the agenda of creating a defacto one-party gained momentum. But Mnangagwa was not prepared for what happened next. Things did not go according to script. Even with powerful state machinery at his disposal, he failed to annihilate the opposition. His two-thirds majority plan came crashing to the ground. What is more, the CCC won 99% of Zimbabwe’s urban councils, reducing Zanu PF to a rural party. Zanu PF's desire to create a one-party state in Zimbabwe can be attributed to several reasons. Firstly, it allows the ruling party to consolidate power and control the country's political landscape, thus ensuring its longevity in government. Senior Zanu PF officials have often boasted that the party will rule "until Jesus returns" or "until donkeys grow horns". When arrogance meets impunity, the outcome can only be tragic. By eliminating political opposition, Zanu PF can limit challenges to its authority, maintain its grip on resources, and shape policies to its advantage. In the 1980s, right from the birth of the new republic, Zanu launched a vicious campaign designed to obliterate the opposition Zapu. Zapu leader Joshua Nkomo — later feted by the same shameless opportunists as "Father Zimbabwe" — was vilified, hounded and subjected to dastardly assassination attempts by Zanu murderers. Secondly, the Zanu PF overlords have long concluded that a one-party state offers a more straightforward governance structure which gives them carte blanche to do as they please, because decision-making under an authoritarian polity becomes centralised within the party. This concentration of power has allowed the ruling party to exert control over key institutions, such as the judiciary, electoral commission, and security forces, further solidifying its dictatorial rule. Mnangagwa knows he lacks all legitimacy in the eyes of the world. Wounded and peeved, he is now going for broke. But at what cost to the long-suffering people of Zimbabwe? This is a very dangerous game. What will happen when the citizens finally decide to stop participating in meaningless formal politics? The repercussions are too ghastly to contemplate. Tyranny has it’s bold limit NewsHawks Page 27 Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Page 26 NewsHawks Issue 76, 15 April 2022 Business MATTERS NewsHawks CURRENCIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE USD/JPY 109.29 +0.38 +0.35 GBP/USD 1.38 -0.014 -0.997 USD/CAD 1.229 +0.001 +0.07 USD/CHF 0.913 +0.005 +0.53 AUD/USD 0.771 -0.006 -0.76 COMMODITIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE *OIL 63.47 -1.54 -2.37 *GOLD 1,769.5 +1.2 +0.068 *SILVER 25.94 -0.145 -0.56 *PLATINUM 1,201.6 +4 +0.33 MARKETS *COPPER 4.458 -0.029 -0.65 THE Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) lost 29% of its value at the close of the third quarter as foreign participation remained subdued during the period under review. Official statistics show that while the ZSE recorded a total market turnover of ZW$171 billion in the third quarter of 2023, a 27% increase from the previous quarter, market cap remain depressed, mirroring foreign investor sentiments on the local bourse. In comparison to the same period last year (third quarter 2022), the market turnover recorded a 418% jump from ZW$33 billion. “The market capitalisation lost 29% from the previous quarter, to close the quarter at ZWL$9.87 trillion, a quarterly report for the period ending September has shown. “Foreign investor participation was 11% in Q3 2023. Q3 2023 recorded net sells position of $28 billion.” Election seasons have traditionally resulted in low foreign participation as most investors take a wait-and-see attitude. Zimbabwe held its general elections on 23 and 24 August which saw President Emmerson Mnangagwa retaining power in a poll which was widely criticised by both regional and international election observation missions.  Regional bloc Sadc has already submitted a comprehensive report on the election while international observers are yet to publish their full assessments of the polls. The top five biggest contributors to market cap were: Delta contributed 30.36%, Econet (13.10%), FBC (5.44%), CBZ (4.26%) and EHZL.zw which contributed 3.54% The ZSE All-Share Index lost 26% from the second quarter of 2023 to ghe third quarter of 2023 to close at 126,642.42 points. Foreign investor participation accounted for 11% of third-quarter 2023 trades. The ZSE All-Share Index, which is the measure of overall market performance, was down 26% in the third quarter of 2023 to close at 126,642.42 points. Statistics also show that the ZSE Top 10 Index, which is the blue-chip index, retreated 39% to close the quarter at 56,560.21 points in the third quarter of 2023. The ZSE ICT Index recorded the highest loss for the third quarter 2023, registering a 41% drop to close at 78,092.73 points. — STAFF WRIT ZSE loses 29% as foreign investors remain subdued

Companies & Markets Page 29 ZIMBABWE’S unemployment rate increased from 19.7% in the second quarter (Q2) of 2023 to 21% in Q3 2023 as the economy faces an exodus of people leaving the country while an increasing number is now turning to the informal sector for livelihoods, a study by the country's statistical agency has shown. Experts say a wobbling economy and the country’s volatile socio-political situation have forced millions to migrate to neighbouring countries such as South Africa while thousands have also left for Western nations in search of better prospects. Independent statistics however show that the country’s unemployment rate is hovering around 75%. According to a third-quarter labour force survey by the Zimbabwe Statistical Agency (ZimStat), the levels of unemployment in the country have been going upwards despite pronouncements by the authorities that the economy is ticking mainly driven by agriculture and mining output. “The 2023 3rd quarter unemployment rate increased by 1.3 percentage points compared to the 2nd quarter of 2023,” the report says. “Year-on-year comparison reviewed that 2023 3rd quarter unemployment rate increased by 0.9 percentage points compared to the 3rd quarter of 2022.” The Quarterly Labour Force Survey (QLFS) is a household-based survey conducted in both rural and urban areas across all provinces in Zimbabwe. Working Age Population refers to persons aged 15 and above. The report also shows that the labour force participation rate for Bulawayo province was 61.3% followed by Harare province at 60.2%. Labour force participation rate refers to the proportion of the working age population that is in the labour force. Labour force participation rate for persons in urban areas was 60.6% while for persons in rural areas it was 34.2%. “In urban areas, male labour force participation rate was 71.7 percent while for females the rate was 51.3 percent. Harare province had an employment to population ratio of 47.9 percent and Bulawayo province was at 47.1 percent,” the report says. The employment-to-population ratio is the proportion of working age population that is in employment. Employed population in informal sector (non-agriculture) increased by 4.1 percentage points in the 3rd quarter of 2023 compared to 2nd quarter 2023. Informal sector (non-agriculture) constituted 46.6% and tge agricultural sector constituted 18% of all employed persons. In the agricultural sector, females constituted 16.3% of all employed females while males constituted 19.2% of all employed people, ZimStat says. — STAFF WRITER. Unemployment rate only 21%: ZimStat BERNARD MPOFU A STUDY by the Absa Group has ranked Zimbabwe, Ethiopia and Mozambique as the most difficult countries to access foreign currency due to stringent capital restrictions. While Zimbabwe has been using a dual monetary system with the United States dollar now accounting for over 75% of transactions, experts say getting credit in hard currency remains a toll order. The study which consulted more than 50 institutions across Africa including central banks stock exchanges regulators and market practitioners, was supported by United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. It shows that Zimbabwe has one of the least developed financial markets on the continent. The index shows that despite being lowly ranked, Zimbabwe this year improved to position 17 out of 28 on the rankings from 19 last year after aggregating the weights of the six pillars — market depth; access to foreign to foreign exchange; market transparency, tax and regulatory environment; capacity of local investors; macroeconomic environment and transparency and legal standards and enforceability. South Africa remains largest and most advanced market. According to the 2023 African Financial Markets Index (AFMI), at position 28 Zimbabwe is bottom ranked in terms of access to foreign exchange. The first real estate investment trust was listed on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange in November 2022. The report shows this helped the southern African nation improve on its rankings. “Alongside having adequate reserves and a developed interbank market, having few restrictions to international capital flows is key to improving access to FX,” the report shows. “Ethiopia, Mozambique and Zimbabwe remain the lowest scorers due to their broadbased and stringent capital restrictions.” Absa Group Limited is listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange and is one of Africa’s largest diversified financial services groups. Now in its seventh year, the Absa Africa Financial Markets Index evaluates countries' financial development based on measures of market accessibility, openness and transparency. The index has become a benchmark for the investment community to gauge African countries’ market infrastructure and is used by policymakers to learn from developments across the continent. “Among the biggest improvements in the overall score were Zimbabwe and Rwanda, rising by almost 2 points each, linked to progress in building sustainable financial market frameworks,” the report says. “Zimbabwe has added climate risks to financial stability regulation while Rwanda is working with multilateral organisations to improve market standards for green investments. Overall, 20 AFMI countries now incorporate environmental, social and governance-linked financial policies, which can help to mobilise new investment.” Forex access difficult in Zim, Mozambique and Ethiopia NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Page 30 Companies & Markets NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 BERNRAD MPOFU ASSET management firms’ exposure to the equities market declined to nearly 45% from 54% as the property sector emerged as a new haven for funds under management (FUM), a report by the capital market regulator has shown. According to the Securities and Exchanges Commission of Zimbabwe's latest capital market quarterly report for the period ending 30 June 2023, the sector remains despite resilient despite the headwinds confronting the economy. “The sector’s exposure to the stock market declined to 44.61% from 54% recorded in March 2023. However, sector exposure to property increased to 36.77% from 34.27% recorded in March 2023,” the report says. “There was also a marked increase in money market investments from 4.68% recorded in March 2023 to 10.59% recorded as at 30 June 2023. Increase in exposure to property and money market is largely attributable to divestment in equities. Private equity, cash/call deposits and bonds all account for the remaining 8.03% investment exposures for the asset management industry.” The Funds Under Management (FUM) as at 30 June 2023 were ZW$14.13 trillion, representing a 472% increase from ZW$2.42 trillion reported as at 31 March 2023. The industry FUM average for the period ended 30 June 2023 stood at ZW$565 billion, the report shows. The year-on-year comparison shows a 1 066% increase in FUM from ZWL1.21 trillion reported as at 30 June 2022. The ZSE All-Share index was reported at 171,408.90 points up 344% as at 30 June 2023 from 38,568.48 points as at 31 March 2023 During the second quarter of 2023, two new Collective Investments Schemes (CIS) were licensed, bringing the total number of licensed CIS to 81 up from 79 as at 31 March 2023. In other licensing categories, there was one new Securities Investment Management Company, one new Trustee Services Company and one new securities investment advisory firm that were licensed during the quarter. Two securities investment Advisory companies voluntarily surrendered their licences. The total turnover for both the equities and exchange traded funds (ETFs) on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) amounted to ZW$135.78 billion and ZW$493 million respectively for the quarter ended 30 June 2023. Real estate investment trusts (REITs) recorded a total turnover of ZW$1.11 billion on the ZSE. Financial Securities Exchange (FINSEC) recorded a total of ZW$162.05 billion worth of trades whilst, Victoria Falls Exchange (VFEX) recorded US$6.61 million from 2 230 trades that went through the foreign currency denominated exchange for the quarter ended 30 June 2023. Property market haven for investors

NewsHawks Companies & Markets Page 31 Issue 153, 20 October 2023 The Banker Banking sector must leverage AI: FCB chief executive officer KELVIN JAKACHIRA FIRST Capital Bank chief executive Tapera Mushoriwa says Zimbabwe’s banking sector should leverage off global technological advancements such as artificial intelligence (AI). Speaking at this year’s Banks and Banking Survey Awards ceremony held in Harare on Thursday, Mushoriwa said global consideration for AI in the banking sector has increasingly garnered traction in recent years. “Intelligence algorithms that can assess credit risk, detect potential defaults or accurately calculate probability of default, and recognize fraudulent activities carry welcome implications like increased productivity and cost benefits that have become widespread in global financial markets,” Mushoriwa said at the Banks and Banking Survey Awards ceremony held in partnership between First Capital Bank with the Zimbabwe Independent. “Zimbabwe’s banking sector can also leverage off these technological advancements.” He said across the globe macro-economic conditions are changing, making it imperative for all organisations to adopt and/or adapt to stay afloat. “Zimbabwe is no exception, we have faced challenges as a country, challenges that have tested our resolve, indeed such challenges have forced us to innovate and find pathways of growth in ways never thought possible,” Mushoriwa said. “At industry level, the banking sector has not been spared, but we too have displayed sheer resilience that has kept us moving forward, even more so in the last two quarters.” He said the economy has experienced increased dollarisation, pointing out that key to the higher US dollar flows in the formal banking sector have been the mining and agriculture sector. Mushoriwa said the US dollar flows have played a key role in driving a rebound in forex cashflows in other sectors of the economy which, in turn, has enabled players in these various sectors to retool and re-energise their operations, setting the stage for stronger performance in years ahead. He said the growing base of US dollar deposits has been instrumental in the strengthening of banks’ balance sheets and reduction in currency risks. “While all these positives have provided the sector with room to reorganise itself, questions over the sustainability of the USD as the primary currency of trade and, by extension, the banking industry’s operations, have echoed louder,” Mushoriwa said. “What measures are in place to ensure NPLs [non-performing loans] — which have increased — remain well below the 5% benchmark? The market is short in USD liquidity and therefore earnings are flat, in some cases compressed vis a vis growing cost base.” Mushoriwa said confidence concerns remain strong hence the US dollar remains in the growing informal sector. “Credit fuels economic expansion. These are a few of the questions that have kept the sector’s leaders up at night,” he said. “This calls for solutions that will see the banking sector moving forward regardless of the challenges that lie ahead – sustainable solutions.” The FCB chief executive said attracting foreign direct investment and lines of credit becomes key and complementary to efforts for formalisation of deposit efforts. “However, it is key for the banking sector to ensure that there are strong and best practices policies and practices on ESG,” he said. “The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has been leading efforts on the Global Reporting Initiative through OECD which provides guidelines for use by organisations, especially us banks, who are intermediary players to organisations, on the economic, environment and social dimensions of their activities, products and services.” Mushoriwa added: “In finding answers to these questions, we are charged with several issues that encompass sustainable finance, rebuilding confidence, artificial intelligence (AI), digitisation, financial inclusion, collaboration, smart partnerships, forging international alliances, and regional integration. This of course must be underpinned by increased transparency.” He said as a sector, they have begun aligning their growth with sustainability in mind, as is now the norm in other countries. “We are funding green projects, supporting micro-small and medium-sized enterprises: MSMEs, and uplifting the underprivileged and vulnerable groups in our society, among many other initiatives,” Mushoriwa said. “The banking sector is reducing its carbon footprint by harnessing solar energy in its operations, increasing the use of recycled materials, and going paperless with the help of digital platforms. Taking a more expansive view, forging alliances with international partners and integrating with other regions has never been more imperative for us.” He said free movement of capital enhances allocative efficiencies, attracts capital, and can open doors for improved macroeconomic stability. “Again, we have a lot to do, and steps on the continent albeit slow are in the right direction such as Africa Trade and Pan-African Payment and Settlement System,” he said. He said as First Capital Bank, they are ready to play their part and collaborate with others. “We look to facilitate growth for all our stakeholders within our chosen markets, not only limited to financial solutions but also including interventions such as these events and supporting the communities in which we operate,” Mushoriwa said. The Banks and Banking Survey Awards ceremony were graced by Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor John Mangudya, European Union ambassador to Zimbabwe Jobst von Kirchmann, First Capital Bank Limited board chairperson Patrick Devenish, Alpha Media Holdings group CEO Kenias Mafukidze, Pax Africana Holdings Pvt Ltd chief sustainability consultant Ndumiso Hadebe, African Sustainability Consultants representative Tawanda Muzamwese and several banking executives and captains of industry and commerce. First Capital Bank chief executive Tapera Mushoriwa

Page 32 NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 RESILIENCE OF THE BANKING SYSTEM: SOUNDNESS, SAFETY, FINANCIAL INCLUSION The Governor Dr. J.P. Mangudya Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe At the Zimbabwe Independent Banks and Banking Survey Dinner 19 October 2023 STATE OF THE BANKING SECTOR 0 500000 1000000 1500000 2000000 2500000 Dec-18 Mar-19 Jun-19 Sep-19 Dec-19 Mar-20 Jun-20 Sep-20 Dec-20 Mar-21 Jun-21 Sep-21 Dec-21 Mar-22 Jun-22 Sep-22 Dec-22 Mar-23 Jun-23 The Zimbabwean banking sector is safe, sound and resilient to meet the aspirations of economic growth of the country. Indicator Banking Sector (%) Benchmark (%) Capital Adequacy 40.48 12.00 Prudential Liquidity ratio 59.88 30.00 Loan to deposit Ratio 55.00 70 Non-performing loans 3.62 5.00 • The Banking sector has demonstrated resilience and strong performance with all banking institutions recording profits. • The sector has withstood shocks including COVID-19 and has become even stronger. • Banking sector performance indicators compares favourably to international benchmarks Foreign Currency Deposits Confidence in the banking sector improved significantly as depicted by growth in foreign currency deposits from around US$300 million in 2018 to US$ 1.6 billion as of end September 2023. Companies & Markets

NewsHawks Page 33 Issue 153, 20 October 2023 Companies & Markets FINANCIAL INCLUSION • Financial inclusion at around 84% is impressive. This is being driven largely by digital financial services, including mobile banks. • Around 95% of local currency transactions in the country are being conducted through electronic payment systems • Mobile transactions account for 80% of total volume of transactions highlighting its significance in promoting financial inclusion • Electronic payment, through RTGS accounts for 80% of total value of transactions. • The National Financial Inclusion Strategy II (launched in 2022) is key for fostering inclusive growth employment and poverty reduction consistent with the Government’s aspirations of leaving no one behind Indicator Jun 2023 Share of Total Bank Loans Number of loans to MSME 9,307 4.58 Number of loans to Women 206,886 3.64 Number of loans to Youth 54,309 2.72 Active Bank Accounts (million) 7.33 - Mobile Banking Subscribers (million) 7.91 - Number of low-cost accounts (million) 2.35 - RBZ SUPPORT TO BANKING SECTOR RESILIENCE The Bank has and will continue to put in place measures to ensure the resilience and sustainability of the banking sector Current measures to support banking sector resilience and sustainability include: • The lender of last resort facility for banking institutions • Ensuring an efficient payment system and payment finality as the settlement hub. • Frameworks for the smooth functioning of the banking sector and payment systems: • Risk-based Supervision & Anti-Money Laundering/CFT • Climate Risk Management • Cloud Computing & Cyber Security • Fintech & Financial Inclusion • Promoting foreign currency trading through a wholesale foreign currency auction system to drive an active interbank FX market. • The Bank manages a national switch to support interoperability in the financial ecosystem.

Page 34 NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 AREAS FOR FURTHER IMPROVEMENT IN THE BANKING SECTOR • Partner with universities to create innovation hubs to deepen innovation through Financial Technology, open-banking and open finance. • Enhance a sound counter-party risk management system based on the principles of the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) to promote a vibrant interbank market. • Strengthen banking sector integrity through enhanced Customer Due Diligence (CDD) and electronic know-your-customer principles (eKYC). • Enhancing low-cost accounts that commensurate with the profile of different customers to move away from the one-size fits all concept. • Re-modelling bank charges e,g. pay as you go low-cost accounts like cellphones. • Enhancing cyber security to deal with fraud and money laundering. • Adopt appropriate technologies that include Artificial Intelligence to deal with financial risks and monitoring compliance. THANK YOU! Companies & Markets

Reframing Issues Page 35 PROFESSOR ARTHUR G.O. MUTAMBARA AS predicted by the ZIPA commanders, Josiah Tongogara's alliance with Robert Mugabe does not last. By the end of the liberation struggle, Tongogara is palpably fed up with Mugabe's leadership. From 10 September to 15 December 1979, the UK Government organised a conference at Lancaster House to resolve the matter of Zimbabwe's independence. The parties represented during the conference are the UK Government, the Patriotic Front led by Robert Mugabe (ZANU) and Joshua Nkomo (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe Rhodesia Government, represented by the Prime Minister, Bishop Abel Muzorewa, and Ian Smith, Minister without portfolio. The delegation of ZANU's military wing — ZANLA — is led by its Chief of Defence, Josiah Tongogara, while that of ZAPU's military wing — ZIPRA — is led by its Intelligence Supremo, Dumiso Dabengwa. General Peter Walls represents the Rhodesian army. At the Lancaster House Conference, Josiah Tongogara really gets under Robert Mugabe’s skin. Tongogara proves to be an independent and confident player who takes to embracing Ian Smith every morning. In the main conference meetings, he does not toe the line and sometimes challenges Mugabe’s averments. For example, when Mugabe asserts that they need 10 days to get information to their combatants on the ground using runners, he interjects and says: “No, that is not correct. We can do it in four days.” At some point during discussions about other military matters, he bursts out and says: “You politicians are wasting time. You talk too much. Leave these issues to General Peter Walls and me. We will sort it out.” While Robert Mugabe remains calm, he is apoplectic with rage. Joshua Nkomo fidgets nervously. When there is a breakdown in the talks, and the Patriotic Front liberation movements — ZAPU and ZANU — decide to go back to the bush, with Robert Mugabe being the most strident advocate of the continuation of the armed struggle, there is a meeting of the ZANU team at Lancaster. In ensuing discussions, Josiah Tongogara, who is leading the ZANLA (ZANU’s military wing) delegation at the conference, says with a menacing look towards Robert Mugabe: "It is fine. We are going back to Mozambique. We will put on our boots, pick up our guns, and proceed to the battlefield, including you (pointing an aggressive finger at Mugabe). Comrade, you are going to do some fighting for a change!” All Mugabe can do is sheepishly and nervously continue chairing the meeting. He is completely humiliated. However, the worst affront to Mugabe by Tongogara at the Lancaster House Conference is when he openly suggests to colleagues in both ZANU and ZAPU that Joshua Nkomo should be the first Prime Minister of Zimbabwe and not Robert Mugabe. He posits that he does not see Mugabe as a leader but rather as an administrator under the able and tested leadership of Joshua Nkomo – a man of stature and history. This was a treasonous view to Mugabe, his sycophants and ardent bootlickers at the conference in London. The ultimate treachery! In my discussions with Enos Nkala, he says: “Oh, that one — Tongogara — he was in trouble. The Zezuru boys were watching him closely at Lancaster. That is all I can say.” Tongogara’s total and undiluted antipathy towards Mugabe’s leadership is one of the reasons he pushes for ZAPU and ZANU to fight the 1980 general elections as one party — the Patriotic Front — knowing very well that Joshua Nkomo would be the natural and senior leader. He argues and posits that: "We are not fighting for anyone to become Prime Minister or President of Zimbabwe. We are fighting against a system. What is wrong with Joshua Nkomo being our national leader? He is one of us here at Lancaster House as the Patriotic Front and the most senior among us." He candidly and fearlessly articulates this view in meetings of the ZANU delegation and to his ZIPRA and ZAPU colleagues at the Lancaster House Conference, in particular Dumiso Dabengwa. In June 2018, in an interview on the programme Breakfast Club with Zenzele Ndebele, Dumiso Dabengwa confirms that Tongogara openly argued against Mugabe leading the unified and integrated Patriotic Front, which was supposed to contest the 1980 elections as one party. Dabengwa says: “He [Tongogara] had almost openly said it during the Lancaster discussions. Tongogara said: ‘As far as I am concerned, Joshua Nkomo should be the leader of the Patriotic Front because he is a natural leader who has the experience and focus, while Mugabe is good only for administration, and that is the position he should occupy, probably as secretary general of the Patriotic Front.’ Those were Tongo’s views. Unfortunately, he said them out during informal discussions with other people at Lancaster. But he was direct enough. He said them to me. Tongogara was very clear. He went on to state that: ‘I am not saying this to please you. This is how I look at the two men and as per my own observations. It would be really disastrous for Mugabe to be the leader of the Patriotic Front and leader of that country. This is how I feel about it.’ Tongogara was very adamant about that position.” There we are. This is what Dumiso Dabengwa has to say, in June 2018, about the fallout between Mugabe and Tongogara. Furthermore, Tongogara had a premonition (which turned out to be prophetic) that after independence, the disruptively ambitious politicians from both ZAPU and ZANU would cause the ZANLA and ZIPRA guerrillas to fight each other if there was no solid foundation of unity between the two parties during those seminal and crucial elections of 1980. At a Machiavellian level, Tongogara’s assessment was that his supremacy within the two armies — ZIPRA and ZANLA — would be unchallenged, as the most senior ZIPRA commanders — Dumiso Dabengwa and Lookout Masuku — were prepared to work under him. Well, Tongogara is clearly fed up with Mugabe’s leadership, and in his mind, the joint participation of ZAPU and ZANU in the elections would effectively throw Mugabe under the bus. That is his calculation, a rather naive one indeed. Within ZANU, there are no takers for Tongogara’s idea of a united front with ZAPU in the forthcoming inaugural 1980 independence elections. Not a single ZANU leader supports him. Indeed, Robert Mugabe, Edgar Tekere, Enos Nkala, Maurice Nyagumbo, Simon Muzenda, Eddison Zvobgo, and the rest of the top ZANU officials do not share Tongogara’s vision. The ZANU politicians have an inordinate hatred for Joshua Nkomo from the 1963 split from ZAPU. More importantly, they do not want to "share the spoils of the war", to borrow Mugabe's phrase. Furthermore, they have done their tribal calculations and ethnic arithmetic that show them that, given the ethnic composition of Zimbabwe, a predominantly Shona ZANU would outperform a predominantly Ndebele ZAPU. It is prudent to state that in 1979 the two parties are national in character. However, the ZANU stalwarts would seek to brand the two liberation movements in ethnic terms for Machiavellian electoral purposes. Consequently, assured of electoral victory, the ZANU leaders argue that: “The leadership question must be determined through the 1980 general elections. ZANU and ZAPU must fight it out electorally. The overall leader of the nationalist movement cannot be determined before that inaugural plebiscite. We will work with ZAPU after the polls when it is clear who is the top dog.” IMF managing director Kristalina Georgieva during the World Bank Group and IMF meetings in Washington in April 2023. Photo by Stefani Reynolds / AFP) via Getty Images) Tongogara and Mugabe: The Fallout Book Excerpt from: In Search of the Elusive Zimbabwean Dream, Volume III (Ideas & Solutions) NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Page 36 Reframing Issues NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023 This is the ZANU thinking championed by Robert Mugabe and never explained to Joshua Nkomo and ZAPU. At the last ZANU meeting at the Lancaster House Conference, Tongogara makes an emotional plea for ZAPU and ZANU to fight the general elections as one entity. He is completely outvoted by his now increasingly irritated ZANU colleagues. He repeats that effort back in Maputo, to no avail. The die is cast. From that last Maputo meeting, he embarks on his last journey, where he dies in an alleged vehicle accident on 26 December 1979. In The Army and Politics in Zimbabwe, Miles Tendi alludes to the profound suspicions that followed Tongogara’s death, given the acrimonious differences at Lancaster: “… after the tension and disagreement between Tongogara and Mugabe at Lancaster House over whether to agree [on] a settlement, British officials suspected that the former had been eliminated by the latter. Tongogara had also been in favour of ZANU and ZAPU forming a pact in the 1980 election, a suggestion Mugabe found disagreeable.” Indeed, the British government, Rhodesian leadership and ZAPU/ ZIPRA cadres all smell a rat. They regard Tongogara’s death with profound suspicion. Murder, most foul! When he receives the news of Tongogara's death, Joshua Nkomo says: “What? There goes my unity with ZANU. Tongogara has been eliminated by the anti-unity elements in ZANU.” UK diplomat Robin Renwick is adamant it was an internal hit – an inside job: “We could not actually prove he was killed, but I remain suspicious of it all. Tongogara was the only effective rival to Mugabe at Lancaster House. It was just too convenient that he died when he did.” When I put all these stories and perceptions about Tongogara — his death and the suspicions held by various people — to Robert Mugabe, he just deviously chuckles and says: “Well, Tongogara did many things to undermine my leadership. He was also feared because he was cheeky. You do not want that." That is all Mugabe says, but he insists that Tongogara's death was genuinely due to an accident. This position is also emphasised by Edgar Tekere — now an unparalleled and acerbic opponent of Robert Mugabe — much to the delight of a pleasantly surprised Mugabe. “A principled Edgar Tekere has decided not to launch cheap shots at his sworn enemy.” Mugabe marvels at his good fortune. Well, the truth of Tongogara’s death remains an open question. Some have argued that maybe Tekere was not part of the inner circle involved, which might have included Robert Mugabe himself, Solomon Mujuru, Emmerson Mnangagwa, and what Nkala calls the Zezuru mafia. The jury is still out. In fact, in his old age after being deposed in a coup d’état in November 2017, Mugabe makes fascinating revelations in a bizarre narration during a press conference on 29 July 2018 — the eve of the 2018 general elections. His objective is to impugn and disparage Emmerson Mnangagwa’s character. Mugabe talks about how Emmerson takes him to visit a bogus spirit medium who was also a sister to his mother. A visibly irate and dishevelled Robert Mugabe says: “I was always curious and wanted to know the fate of the great Chaminuka — the prophet. What could have happened to him? Why is there no evidence of how he was treated by the Ndebeles who took him? I wondered what happened. Emmerson says to me: ‘Oh, yes, I know you are worried about that. Well, I have a person who knows what happened.' I said: ‘I wanted to see that person. We want the story to be known.’ Then Emmerson says: 'You come,' and I went with him to his home, and he says: 'There is this lady – my aunt – a sister to my mother. She is possessed with a powerful spirit, and she will be able to tell you everything.' Can she? Emmerson says: 'Yes, she is already waiting for you. I told her you are coming. You go up.' The woman was living up in some elevated ramshackle hut, and then Emmerson says: ‘Oh, but you have to remove your shoes first.' I removed my shoes and went up a squeaking, shaky ladder into the dirty hut. The woman started telling me how strong she was, that she had the spirit of Mbuya Nehanda and that she was the one who eliminated Tongogara. Ah, and nothing about Chaminuka? Nothing at all! He (Mnangagwa) wanted me to see that he had this aunt of his – a spirit medium — who was powerful. All this woman wanted was to meet me and convince me that she was a spirit medium whom we should accept and work with. So, ah, all that was a lie, you see — what Emmerson had told me about this woman. He is a liar, that one.” Although this odd and curious narration is conducted in public at a press conference on 29 July 2018, and is currently online (on the video-sharing channel — YouTube), our unsophisticated media practitioners, uncritical analysts and thoughtless historians do not pursue and investigate its meaning. In fact, no media house carries the story, while no analysis of Mugabe's old-age treacherous utterances is ever conducted. Firstly, our two 'great leaders' were going to see traditional healers to address matters of state and national governance. Secondly, they are proudly told that Josiah Tongogara was taken care of (dispensed with) to pave the way for Robert Mugabe, and they keep it as their dirty little secret for 38 years. Why did Emmerson's aunt boastfully talk about the death of Tongogara? What gave her the confidence to say this to Mugabe and Emmerson? Was it because the two were grateful beneficiaries of Tongogara’s demise? What does Emmerson know about the death of Tongogara, given that his aunt claims to be the author of, and authority on, the subject? Why did Emmerson organise that scandalous meeting, and why was he comfortable with the woman's treacherous message? What other dubious and unbecoming meetings, secrets and nefarious activities have the two engaged in, from 1977 to 2017, to the detriment of our country's history, legacy and prosperity? I guess all we have are questions. This is an excerpt from the book: In Search of the Elusive Zimbabwean Dream, Volume III (Ideas & Solutions), By Professor Arthur G.O. Mutambara. *About the writer: Prof. Arthur G.O. Mutambara is the director and full professor of the Institute for the Future of Knowledge (IFK) at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. The late former President Robert mugabe The late former President Robert mugabe and the late Vice President Joshua Nkomo.

Dr Siphosami Malunga ORDERING as a form of participation or mode of liability is both uncontroversial and under-scrutinised under International Criminal Law (ICL). It is found in the Ordering has its origins in International Humanitarian Law. The International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia (ICTY) Trial Chamber has described ‘ordering’ as implying a superior-subordinate relationship between the person giving the order and the person executing it. The ICTY and (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) have held in Blaškić and Akayesu that “ordering constitutes an abuse of power in that a person occupying a position of power abuses his authority by ordering others to commit crimes”. There is no requirement under international law for a formal relationship between the person who issues the order and the one who receives and carries it out. The case of Kordic and Cerkez also held that “no formal superior-subordinate relationship is required for a finding of ‘ordering’ so long as it is demonstrated that the accused possessed the authority to order.” The ICTR Appeals Chamber held in Gacumbitsi that unlike superior responsibility, discussed below, which requires effective control of the subordinate by the superior, there is no such requirement for ordering. Ventura interrogates the question related to the level of control required when ordering. The question emanates from the fact that some ICTY and ICTR judgments have implied that ‘a direct relationship between the individual who gives the order and the one who physically executes it’ is required. However, Ventura rejects this and argues that this is not reflected in modern jurisprudence and would entail that when an order is passed down, transmitted or re- issued the “person who gives the original order would — at most — be liable for instigating, since he or she would not have a direct line of authority to the physical chamber held in Blaškić that like other modes of participation, ordering requires intent on the part of the accused and that the accused’s actions contribute to the relevant crime perpetrators”. Furthermore, he argues that the direct relationship requirement would also be in conflict with the actus reus of ordering, which recognises an indirect relationship between the individual who gives the order and the one who physically executes it. In Blaškić the ICTY Appeals Chamber held that ordering merely “requires authority to order, a more subjective criterion that depends on the circumstances and the perceptions of the listener”. Embracing dolus eventualis, the Appeals Chamber found that: “A person who orders an act or omission with the awareness of the substantial likelihood that a crime will be committed in the execution of that order has the requisite mens rea (criminal intent or guilty mind) for establishing liability under article 7(1) pursuant to ordering. Ordering with such awareness has to be regarded as accepting that crime”. The Blaškić Appeals Chamber decision implies that the accused is criminally liable not just for the crimes they specifically order, but for any other crimes that are committed as a likely consequence of this order because they are deemed to have accepted their commission as a likely consequence. Finally, the Rome Statute also provides that a person is criminally responsible if he “orders, solicits or induces the commission of such a crime”. It should, however, be noted that the International Criminal Court (ICC) differs from the ad hoc tribunals in its approach to ordering as a mode of liability. At the ICC, there is no requirement that the crime is committed and it is sufficient that a crime is attempted pursuant to the order. The jurisprudence of the ad hoc tribunals requires that the crime must be actually committed. The ICC Pre-Trial Chamber has held in Katanga that ‘ordering” is different from indirect perpetration and that “the highest authority does not merely order the commission of a crime, but through his control over the organisation, essentially decides whether and how the crime would be committed”. Contrary to the view of the ICC, some scholars have argued that ordering is akin to indirect perpetration as “[a] person who orders a crime is not a mere accomplice but rather an indirect perpetrator, abusing his position of authority to force a subordinate to commit a crime”. However, Ventura posits that the level of control over the subordinate or the person who physically commits the crime differentiates ordering from indirect perpetration. He argues that although the difference is subtle, ordering can only equate to indirect perpetration if the person ordering has effective control over the subordinate to ensure automatic compliance. Ventura says that there are some discrepancies in the jurisprudence of ordering which have the potential to raise debate. He identifies what seems to be a subtle difference in the elements of ordering as some judgments have held the order should “have had a substantial effect on or substantially contributed to the commission of crimes”, while “others appear to add an additional requirement: that the acts must have a “direct and substantial effect” on the commission of the illegal act”. The latter has added a “directness requirement” and Ventura goes on to unpack this requirement in two ways, firstly arguing that the directness requirement might entail that the order must have been directly transmitted to the physical perpetrator whereas the second interpretation might entail that the order must have been directly aimed at the commission of the crime. In relation to the first interpretation, he argues that it clashes with established jurisprudence which has accepted that “an accused need not give the order directly to the physical perpetrators and, in addition, that ordering liability may ensue from the passing down, transmitting or reissuing of orders”. On this basis it is sufficient to dismiss this interpretation. In relation to the second interpretation, Ventura relying on the SCSL’s Taylor Appeal Judgment seems to argue that the directness requirement entails that ordering should have a substantial effect on to the commission of the crime. Surprisingly, he seems to conclude that the directness requirement is redundant. This seems to be a reasonable conclusion as the correct interpretation of the directness requirement would mean employing the “but for” test which entails that, if it were not for the order, the crime would not been committed. However, even this interpretation clashes with established jurisprudence that requires a lesser threshold which has a substantial effect on or whether the order substantially contributed to the commission of crimes. It is evident that Robert Gabriel Mugabe had the authority to give Five Brigade orders as envisaged in Gacumbitsi, and did give orders as supported by various accounts by cabinet ministers and military leaders such as the then Minister of Women Affairs and Community Development Joyce Mujuru and the then Deputy Minister of Youth, Sport and Recreation and later Minister of Water Resources and Development Cephas Msipa who said that Five Brigade operated under Mugabe’s explicit orders. Brigadier-General Emilio Munemo, who was the deputy commander of Five Brigade from December 1982 to April 1983 after which he became Five Brigade commander from April to July 1983, also confirmed that he reported directly to Mugabe. Since they received orders directly from Mugabe, he was therefore liable for the crimes that the brigade committed. Five Brigade itself reportedly told the local population that they had been ordered to ‘wipe out the people [Ndebele] in the area” and to ‘kill anything that was human” - genocide. However, even if Mugabe had not ordered Five Brigade to commit crimes, the case of Blaškić is illustrative of the fact that he was still liable for the crimes that were committed as a likely consequence of his orders. The case for the then Minister of State Security Emmerson Mnangagwa — now the President of Zimbabwe — and the Ministers of Home Affairs from 1982 to 1984, Herbert Ushewokunze and Enos Nkala from 1985 onwards, requires discussion. Blessing Miles Tendi contends that there was discord within Five Brigade partly because of the conflicting orders received from the Ministry of State Security and the Ministry of Home Affairs. Quoting from an interview with an officer who served in Five Brigade, Tendi states that: “Home Affairs would go to Five Brigade soldiers with orders from the minister. The next day state security comes with orders from Mnangagwa direct to the soldiers. It was confusing for Svaruka and Shiri [Svaruka served as Shiri’s officer when Five Brigade was carrying out its operations]. There was chaos. Things slid badly, so badly. Shiri lost control of his command post. [T]he brigade was deployed without proper logistical support. It received competing, contradictory and morally reprehensible instructions from the Home Affairs and State Security Ministries, which were duelling for control of Five Brigade”. It can be inferred that both ministries and ministers (reporting directly to Mugabe) had the authority to give orders to Five Brigade as required by Gacumbitsi, in particular because Five Brigade reported directly to Mugabe. It was held in Gacumbitsi that a more subjective criterion on the authority to order depends on the circumstances and the perceptions of the listener, therefore this element on the authority to order might be satisfied provided Five Brigade perceived that Mnangagwa, Ushewokunze and Nkala had the authority to give them orders. Additionally, in the case of Blaškić it was held that “it is irrelevant whether the illegality of the order was apparent on its face”. It is therefore irrelevant whether these ministers had the legal authority to give Five Brigade orders. They may still be held liable not only for the crimes they ordered Five Brigade to commit, but for the crimes committed as a consequence of their orders. In addition, consistent with the jurisprudence, and despite this being the actual case, there is no requirement that Mugabe or any of the alleged high-level perpetrators should have given the orders directly to the actual physical perpetrators. It was sufficient that any orders given to higher level commanders would have been and were in fact transmitted or re-issued downwards to lower-ranking members of Five Brigade, Zimbabwe National Army, Central Intelligence Organisation and other alleged direct perpetrators. There is sufficient evidence that the orders by Mugabe and other alleged high-level Gukurahundi perpetrators had a substantial effect on or substantially contributed to the commission of crimes as envisaged by the jurisprudence of the ad hoc tribunals discussed above. *About the writer: Dr Siphosami Malunga is a Zimbabwean international criminal lawyer. He writes in his personal capacity. Gukurahundi: Ordering another form of participation in killings NewsHawks Reframing Issues Page 37 Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Page 38 Reframing Issues World News ROBERT NDLOVU IN a world where connectivity is a lifeline for information, education, and economic opportunities, the promise of Starlink, SpaceX's ambitious satellite internet project, shines brightly for rural and unconnected regions in Africa. However, recent developments suggest that some African countries are hesitant to grant Starlink the operating licences it needs, and they have proposed stringent requirements. Zimbabwe’s internet penetration is around 62%, according to the telecoms regulator. I am not sure if this is the internet penetration or mobile penetration rate.The regulator issued a statement that importing and accessing the web using Starlink without a licence from them was and is illegal. On the surface, this may seem trivial, but regulatory oversight is crucial for ensuring network reliability and security. However, the situation becomes complex when considering the vast, underserved, or completely unconnected areas in Zimbabwe and other African nations. In remote areas like Binga, Guruve, Chiredzi, Tsholotsho, and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe, local operators have often shown little interest in extending their coverage to areas they deem unprofitable based on ARPU (Average Revenue Per User). The regulator has established a Universal Service Fund (USF), meant to specifically address this issue by levying a certain percentage from all telecom operators in Zimbabwe, both large and small. Consequently, people in these regions are left with limited options. They can either continue to live without internet access, a disadvantage in an increasingly digital world, or they can import Starlink kits to establish connectivity independently. The standard procedure dictates that any satellite operator must have an earth-based station to interconnect with local networks. This is important for several reasons, including security and ease of interconnections. Although it may seem like an unnecessary burden, in a world where cybercrime, fraud, and scams are on the rise, having a database of end-users (who, what, where, when, and why) becomes essential. The moral argument here is compelling. If local mobile operators are unwilling to invest in extending their services to the most remote parts of the country, should rural residents be denied the opportunity to access the global information highway through Starlink? Moreover, it is crucial that any licensing regime recognises the importance of educational institutions. Schools and academic institutions should not be burdened with exorbitant fees for using Starlink to bridge the digital divide and provide quality education to students in underserved areas. The  statements issued by the authorities seem to put the rural population  in a difficult position and of course many urban dwellers. On one hand, people are forbidden from importing Starlink kits without licences and, on the other hand, mobile operators are uninterested in servicing these areas. This leaves end-users often in desperate need of connectivity for education and economic development, farming, security, call conferencing, remote services etc with no viable options. To address this conundrum, it is essential that the Information Communication Technology (ICT) ministry come up with a future focused  licensing regime for StarX, something that the regulators our regulator is more than capable of doing. By doing so, potential users can purchase equipment from known and licensed distributors, ensuring the government does not lose revenue due to smuggled kits. While it is understandable that local operators have invested millions in their licences, technological disruption is a constant. Once upon a time, it was illegal to make calls over the internet.Yes VoIP. The high cost of data and the very  limited availability of networks are major obstacles for students and professionals alike. As universities churn out  thousands of graduates annually, the greatest challenge they face is the affordability and availability of network connectivity. Recently, the ICT minister was quoted as saying that Starlink must adhere to the country's laws.There is a thin line between security and privacy from a technical point of view. While users must enjoy their constitutional right to access information, it would be difficult to conduct data traces from user to end user in cases of fraud or cyber breaches. Who is collecting what data and for what purposes? Is it in compliance with the Data Protection Act? These are things that the telecoms regulator deals with on a daily basis, but I have a gut feeling that the regulator’s hands might be tied. A delicate balance must be struck to open up a whole new channel to meet our ever-increasing bandwidth  needs, which our local telcos cannot deal with at this stage. As if the network is a person, today when you go anywhere, especially supermarkets, they tell you: "Akula network” or “Hapana network” (there is no network). The writing is on the wall. Like all disruptive technologies, a balance must be struck, or we will be giving the regulator a job-and-a-half to try and monitor every square mile of Zimbabwe in search of Starlink kits. It is a no-brainer.The Fourth Industrial Revolution is here, never mind Artificial Intelligence. There should be a push for streamlined licensing processes to ensure that Starlink can be a beacon of hope, providing connectivity to underserved regions and helping Africa achieve its 2030 goals in the digital era. In a world where knowledge knows no boundaries, let us not hinder the progress of our people due to a lack of connectivity. Starlink's introduction will not only boost connectivity in rural areas but also in our cities, where network service levels are mostly well below acceptable Service Level Agreements due to mostly problems beyond their reach such as power outages, the cost of upstream bandwidth, maintenance costs, fuel and skills shortage. The Zimbabwe Revenue Authority will be an unintended beneficiary through taxes if the licensing process is clear and taxes are not punitive. For the uninitiated, Starlink services use a kit that weighs about 7kg, depending on the model. It points to the sky and does not need any mobile network or fiber connection, providing very high speeds and low latency. Currently, kits cost about US$500 in areas where Starlink has rights but, like any disruptive technology, prices will likely decrease. Starlink kits connect to low-orbiting satellites 500km above or below the Earth's surface. Anyone from anywhere can buy a kit from Malawi and put it on roaming, enabling connectivity even in remote areas with no cellular coverage. We plead to the ICT minister to give the regulator enough room to come up with a balanced policy so as to protect all stakeholders but not to hinder their work through the sort of political overtones that a former ICT minister raised in Parliament recently. The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe is encouraging people to embrace the digital dollar — yes we can. But we connect using what? That is a question from the unconnected. I am confident that the powers that be will allow the regulator to do its function — creating a level playing field without undue interference or influence. Only that way can we work towards fulfilling Vision 2030. *About the writer: Robert Ndlovu is a vastly experienced ICT consultant and engineer. Starlink : A potential lifeline for rural Zim NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Reframing Issues Page 39 ANDREW WOODEN SPACEX-OWNED Starlink has quietly started advertising its Direct to Cell service  on its website, promising connectivity to existing LTE phones "wherever you can see the sky." Direct to Cell works with existing LTE phones with no changes to hardware, firmware, or special apps required, claims the site. Starlink will offer text services in 2024, followed by voice, data and IoT connectivity in 2025. Basically anywhere you are outside you will be able to use your existing LTE phone to tap into the satellite service, the obvious benefit being if you are out in the wilderness somewhere without terrestrial coverage. Starlink satellites with Direct to Cell capability  are loaded with an eNodeB modem that acts like a cellphone tower in space, "allowing network integration similar to a standard roaming partner." The site says: “SpaceX is leveraging its experience in manufacturing and launching the world’s most advanced rockets and spacecraft to deploy Starlink satellites with the Direct to Cell capability at scale. Direct to Cell satellites will initially be launched on SpaceX’s Falcon 9 rocket and then Starship. On orbit the satellites will immediately connect over laser backhaul to the Starlink constellation to provide global connectivity. In August last year, Elon Musk and T-Mobile CEO Mike Sievert made a big spectacle at SpaceX’s launch facility, announcing ‘Coverage Above and Beyond’  a joint project which promised to ‘bring cell phone connectivity everywhere’. The project appears to have experienced a name change in the intervening time, and additional operator partners are now listed on the new webpage as Optus in Australia, Rogers in Canada, One NZ in New Zealand, KDDI in Japan, and Salt in Switzerland. As was the case with that initial launch, the details of what level of connectivity might be possible using this method remains vague – there was no actual announcement or press release for service which might have yielded such specifics. To that point, Peter Kibutu, Advanced Technology Lead – NTNs at TTP told Telecoms. com: “Starlink continues to set ambitious targets for its satellite network, however, its plans to deliver a direct-to-cell service requires scrutiny. Offering connectivity supported by unmodified 4G handsets might only result in low-bandwidth data and voice services, falling short of contemporary data demands and user experience. “Delivering satellite connectivity akin to what we can experience today on 4G and 5G devices will require the 3GPP-compliant 5G NR NTN waveform, which is continuously optimised to maximise the performance of direct to handset services over LEO satellite constellations. Starlink has made it clear that it will continue to use its own proprietary technology which, while providing it with speed to market, could present roadblocks in years to come as it struggles to support high-performance connectivity services and use cases that will be readily available via other satellite operator’s 5G NTN networks. It will be interesting to see if Starlink will also be looking to develop services that leverage industry best practices and incorporate a wider ecosystem.” There are no details on pricing or anything else at this stage either, so we’ll just have to wait for more to emerge in order to weigh up what it is precisely Starlink is offering, and how it compares to rival satellite connectivity ventures. — Telecoms.com *About the writer: Andrew Wooden has extensive experience in tech journalism and content strategy. Starlink indicates its satellite-to-phone service will start 2024 NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

Page 40 Reframing Issues RIANA PFEFFERKORN/ CALLUM VOGE GOVERNMENT efforts to access private communications are nothing new. In decades past, such attempts at prying were often justified on national-security grounds. Today, however, policymakers point to child safety and disinformation as reasons to limit privacy protections. Established democracies are often leading this charge, inadvertently paving the way for the world’s autocrats. But people around the world are not taking these policies lying down. They speak out, using events like Global Encryption Day to highlight the importance of privacy and security not just for their own lives but for their communities and societies. And as vociferous opposition continues to stymie government efforts to expand surveillance powers, it has become clear that public pressure works. Encryption, which scrambles digital data so that it can be read only by someone with the means to decode it, has become ubiquitous because it keeps information confidential and secure while authenticating the identity of the person with whom one is communicating. Today, billions of people use encryption to send digital messages and emails, transfer money, load websites, and protect their data. The gold standard in security is “endto-end” encryption (E2EE), as only the participants have access to the data — not even the service provider can decipher it. Despite its immense value and global appeal, encryption is under threat worldwide. It is used by law-abiding citizens to protect themselves, but also by bad actors to hide their malicious activities. For this reason, law-enforcement authorities oppose encryption designs, especially E2EE, that prevent them from accessing data. But even after decades of research, there is still no known way to grant law enforcement access without undermining  encryption’s privacy and Curbing government internet surveillance security features. The makers of encrypted devices and services have therefore resisted calls to build in “backdoor” government access, which would make all of their users more vulnerable. The harmful online activities that concern police do not happen only in encrypted spaces. Hate speech, disinformation, and other objectionable content remain a pernicious problem on social-media platforms and other sites, motivating a worldwide legislative push to force tech companies to improve their services. The British Parliament, for example, recently passed the Online Safety Bill (OSB) after several turbulent years during which civil-society pressure changed its scope  significantly. The final version focuses mainly on the removal of illegal content and mitigating risks to children. Yet the OSB still has serious flaws. For example, Parliament failed to include language safeguarding encryption. Moreover, the law gives Ofcom, the United Kingdom’s communications regulator, the  authority  to compel social-media platforms and messaging services to mass scan their users’ files and communications for evidence of child sexual abuse. No one contests that fighting child exploitation is immensely important. But Ofcom’s power covers E2EE messaging services, which, by definition, cannot be accessed by service providers. Thus, the only way these services could comply with an Ofcom order is by making fundamental changes to their encryption design. In other words, the OSB gives Ofcom the power to force service providers to undermine their own encryption. Apple, Meta, and Signal have all promised to pull their E2EE apps from the UK rather than comply with any government order to diminish their users’ privacy and security. In response, Ofcom has publicly vowed not to use its new authority, at least for now. And with good reason: important bodies have concluded that scanning technologies are not sufficiently accurate, would limit fundamental rights, and would likely fail the proportionality test — the disadvantages would outweigh the advantages. Furthermore, criminals could  easily circumvent  these controls by encrypting content with a separate application. Ofcom would be wise to tread carefully, lest it risk the privacy and security of internet users for the sake of unproven and potentially ineffective technologies. Ofcom’s (supposed) forbearance recalls Australian authorities’ conduct since the passage of a contentious 2018  law  granting new governmental powers to  compel  communications providers to add backdoor access to their products. Civil-society and cybersecurity experts raised alarms about the law’s dangers for privacy and security, and legislators themselves  admitted  the bill was flawed, but it passed anyway. Five years later, not a single compulsory notice has been issued. This may reflect a deliberate choice: exercising such a power risks political blowback. Wield the sword too enthusiastically, and it might be taken away; better to keep it sheathed in favor of other, less controversial tools. Then again, government forbearance might also indicate that the controversial new power was unnecessary in the first place. Public scrutiny of government powers keeps them in check. That is how a democracy is meant to work. In promising not to use its new tool, Ofcom appears to have grasped that the government’s legitimacy is at stake. But as the UK bill inspires similar legislation in other countries, some of which are less democratic and have a track record of weaponizing digital technologies against their citizens, this nuance will likely be lost. The first test will come in the European Union, where legislators are fighting over a draft regulation to expand tech companies’ child-safety obligations. Like the UK bill, the proposed Child Sex Abuse Regulation  (CSAR) has already gone through numerous revisions, as member states  lock horns  over protecting E2EE. Derisively called “chat control,” the draft CSAR has been widely decried for potentially forcing European service providers to scan all public and private communications, which would amount to an  illegal  general monitoring obligation.  Recent  reporting  stoked these concerns by revealing that Europol, the EU’s law-enforcement agency, requested unlimited access to and use of the data produced beyond the purposes identified in the regulation; it appears to have no intention of restraining itself. Continued public pressure is necessary to push for reform of “the most criticized draft EU law of all time.” If government surveillance is a concern in an established democratic entity like the EU, what hope is there for beleaguered democracies like Turkey, India, and Brazil, much less autocracies? Fortunately, the public movement in support of encryption is growing, with advocacy groups like the  Global Encryption Coalition leading the charge. By engaging with civil society, technologists, and the public, governments can design regulations that respect privacy, data security, and freedom of expression while still helping protect users from harm. Doing so is the only way to make sure that the internet works for everyone. — Project Syndicate. *About the writers: Riana Pfefferkorn is a research scholar at the Stanford Internet Observatory. Callum Voge is Director of Government Affairs and Advocacy at the Internet Society. Despite its immense value and global appeal, online encryption is under threat worldwide, with established democracies leading the charge. But after facing intense public pressure to protect the privacy and security of users, governments have realised that compelling “backdoor” access to applications is politically risky. NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

STYLE TRAVEL BOOKS ARTS MOTORING Porsche just got angrier Being a Fashion Model Life&Style Page 41 Issue 153, 20 October 2023 JONATHAN MBIRIYAMVEKA BACK in 2011, a little-known Harare group, Munandi Express, won the Chibuku Road to Fame national finals. Besides the grand prize of US$5 000,  Munandi Express also got a recording contract with Gramma Records. While Munandi Express comprised crème de la crème instrumentalists, as their name suggests,  the group never went beyond the Chibuku Road to Fame contest. Sadder still, Munandi Express fluffed the chance to go into the mainstream music scene due to the failure to make use of the recording contract. That said, Munandi Express disbanded soon after being crowned winners. A premature end to a group that had promised to be a gem! The money was shared among group members. Thereafter, some went overseas and a few remained in the country. Sadder still,   the group had produced quality music, tapping into their experiences as session musicians. It appeared the group suffered a stillbirth because the members participated with one goal in mind: to win the prize money. And that was what happened. Since the inception of the Chibuku Road to Fame contest in 2001, winners can be traced to their formative years and few groups have stood the test of time. Past winners include Blackface (2006), Bopoma Stars (2009), Club Shanga (2010), Munandi Express (2011), Terry and the Bliss (2012) and Hambakwe Stars (2013). A week ago, 911 band won this year’s Chibuku Road to Fame at a packed Takashinga Cricket Club in Highfield, Harare. The Afro-jazz group was way ahead of competition to clinch a recording contract and, of course, the prize money. In second position was High 5, an Afro-fusion outfit from Mashonaland province which got US$10 000 for its efforts. And the second runner-up Kweseka from Matabeleland North province won US$7 000. But to date, Romeo Gasa, Mark Ngwazi and Club Shanga are some of the few previous participants whose careers were birthed at Chibuku Road to Fame. These groups have also continued making music and also joined mainstream music scene. Many groups have passed through Chibuku Road to Fame but only a few survive in the industry. However, Chibuku Road to Fame is not to blame since it is more like a reality show, your Idols, X Factor and the like. Chibuku Road to Fame is there to unearth and expose gems that are expected to rock the local music industry. With each edition of Chibuku Road to Fame, audiences get value for their money through entertainment and freebies. Starting at provincial level, the competitions witness an impressive turnout and an entry of artists representing various genres. The vibrant performances showcase immense talent and creativity that Zimbabwe’s music industry has to offer. Organised by Delta Beverages through Chibuku brand and the National Arts Council of Zimbabwe who identify and nurture artists, the longest-running talent search show is part of the local entertainment calendar. The music talent identification platform allows up-and-coming artistes to step into stardom as they begin their musical journey. Orgnisers however need to make a follow-up on the winners and ensure that the fame does not end on the road, but stays for good. Chibuku Road To Fame winners should go beyond clinching grand prize Midlands' 911 band scooped US $15 000 Chibuku Road to Fame grand prize held at Takashinga Cricket Club in Highfield on Saturday

Page 42 People & Places Springboks storm into final NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

THE much-anticipated international career of Nick Welch will finally begin after the 25-year-old batsman was included in Zimbabwe’s squad for the end-of-month tour of Namibia. Welch spent three seasons with English county side Leicestershire before leaving at the end of last season. Harare-born Welch played for Zimbabwe at Under-17 level, but appeared to have targeted a senior career with England before deciding to represent his country of birth. Zimbabwe and Namibia will clash in five T20Is in Windhoek on 24, 25, 27, 29 and 30 October, with the tourists aiming to avenge their 3-2 series defeat in Bulawayo in 2022. Apart from Welch, wicketkeeper Nyasha Mayavo is the only other player in Zimbabwe’s 16-man squad who has not played in any of the three formats of international cricket. SQUAD Craig Ervine (captain), Faraz Akram, Ryan Burl, Tendai Chatara, Luke Jongwe, Innocent Kaia, Tinashe Kamunhukamwe, Clive Madande, Wessly Madhevere, Wellington Masakadza, Nyasha Mayavo, Carl Mumba, Richard Ngarava, Sikandar Raza, Nick Welch, Sean Williams. — SPORTSCAST. Sport Page 43 Welch completes Zim move, ex-Leicestershire batsman selected for Namibia tour Nick Welch celebrates batting success in his Leicestershire days. When you purposefully build a fortress and a culture, you can’t go wrong doing something right in Ugandan rugby by putting their money where their mouth is, in a sport they know they are physical and perhaps genetically equipped to compete — rugby. The deliberate efforts are bearing fruit. This past month has seen Africa staging the next Olympic qualifiers for Sevens rugby in both the men and women’s game. Harare was first to host the men’s event in September and here were the top three in that order: Kenya, South Africa, Uganda. Women’s competition in Tunisia last weekend: South Africa, Kenya, Uganda! The Ugandans taking bronze in both should not surprise anybody because they have been putting in the hours, and the investment. Ugandan rugby and national sports authorities have appealed to the minds and souls of their citizens, that while their football teams might not prompt much of a high opinion, rugby gives them the opportunity to be seen and respected. The Ugandan rugby culture is centred around the Legends and Kyadondo, where players of all ages, both sexes, are taken through structured training programmes by qualified coaches. Fans are part and parcel of that culture and you need to be at one of these two modest grounds during a Cranes home Test, or tournaments, to witness something different to the Springboks at Loftus, but something uniquely special in its own right. For the players, it is non-negotiable to fight for those patriotic spectators – men and women – who gather in their numbers hours before the game amid inimitable East African fanfare. I was at the incredibly noisy Legends with Zimbabwe’s Sables for the Victoria Cup in 2019 and they swear no one, no matter who it is, can come to their fortress and leave with bragging rights. The smoke from the braai, the local beverages, the polite and well-behaved spectators in spite of the thoroughly remarkable alcohol consumption, the involvement of the good-natured expatriates in the fun, makes one want to relive the experience and I certainly would like to do so again one day when the Cranes are winning a big Test match. It is about the rugby, the tasty meat, the friends and, more importantly, a celebration of being Ugandan and playing a part in the advancement of Ugandan rugby. You could hear a pin drop each time Zimbabwe scored a try in the Sables’ tense win, then just moments late the great sounds would reverberate again throughout the ground – 5 000 voices in unison and believing their rugby team to be the best Uganda can brandish to the world of sport. I recognised some of the faces of the fans from Legends at Harare Sports Club last month — again all cheerful, singing, the next biggest group of fans after Zimbabwe. It must have been great sacrifice for them to come all the way down here, and they even had a big travelling media contingent. It was like Legends and Kyadondo in Harare and they did provide quite an atmosphere over the two days. What Uganda has done is the first step of creating a sporting culture, bringing the particular code into discussion, and involving as much people as possible across the nation. The Ugandan male and female teams are off to the inter-continental play-offs for Paris 2024 — a much tougher competition. But you would want to see good things happen to those who believe in themselves, those who take themselves seriously. So come on you, Cranes, and may the faithful of Legends and Kyadondo continue to accompany you on the journey! NewsHawks Issue 153, 20 October 2023

NEWS $60 Covid tariff for visitors & tourists CULTURE Community radio regulations under review @NewsHawksLive TheNewsHawks www.thenewshawks.com Thursday 1 October 2020 WHAT’S INSIDE ALSO INSIDE Finance Ministy wipes out $3.2 Billion depositors funds Zim's latest land cStory on Page 3 Story on Page 8 Chamisa reacout to Khupe Unofficial president calls for emergeFriday 20 October 2023 Welch completes Zim move, selected for Namibia tour ALSO INSIDE Sports Brought together by the power of sport, and a family affair PART of the fun as a sportswriter is having to cover, or just watch events, at some of world sport’s most hallowed grounds. I have enjoyed the privilege of a little taste of some of these bustling cauldrons of activity in different parts of the world, to form lasting memories. The Rades Stadium in Tunisia is an absolute giant of an arena and even if it does not easily fill up, like when it was when Esperance hammered Zimbabwe’s Dynamos 6-0 in the African Champions League in 2012, you can produce a separate story about the Tunisian giants’ group of young fiercely passionate fans on one end of the ground. Shirtless, drum-beating and chanting non-stop, burning firecrackers and all, there is actually no time for these seemingly possessed chaps to watch the match itself — just immersed in the passion for a team that is to them much more than a football club, but a way of life. It took me back to an experience of the Allianz Arena, with sections occupied by diehards who have no time to sit. I was over there at the beginning of the German summer of 2005, part of a specially assembled group of global journalists invited, amongst other things, to witness the official grand opening of this breathtaking stadium as Bayern Munich defeated a Germany XI 4-2 in a housewarming match. Eight days later we were up five hours by road at night to Mönchengladbach and back for a friendly international between Germany and Russia at Bökelbergstadion, the home ground of the local favourite Borrusia Monchengladbach. If you ever thought that folks hold back just because it is only a friendly, you will come back with a completely different view of this global phenomenon called football. The strong spirit of nationalism — between both sets of fans and players — are moments people live for. In Ghana, the Ohene Djan Stadium offered the perfect introduction to West Africa. With their Black Stars just needing a point to qualify for the 2010 World Cup with a game to spare and playing the penultimate qualifier at home against Sudan — whose players were Ramadan-weary in the Accra heat — the Ghanaians do not miss the opportunity to be part of such a festivity in an exhibition of colour and culture. South African stadiums are also famed for their spectacular atmosphere because of the chemistry they create with the fans, who are not too far from the action. Cricket’s Wanderers Stadium and SuperSport Park were pretty special places to be during the 2009 Indian Premier League (IPL). The braais and the drinking are characteristically South African and it is something you take away with you. Of course not forgetting Soccer City, Ellis Park and Loftus Versfeld for the 2010 Fifa World Cup. Stuff like that does not fade. In the West Indies’ Guyana for the 2010 T20 World Cup, covering a neutral match without the Windies involved felt like a vacation, a unique Caribbean experience in a tournament where the thousands of travelling supporters have come for the sun, the sea and the sand as much as the cricket. Despite the glamour and affluence of all these establishments, they do not however stand out as the only venues that can provide lifelong memories to a sports fan from any corner of the planet. Some of the other theatres of dreams are in the unlikeliest of territories, in the unlikeliest sporting codes. Like the Legends Rugby Club and the Kyadondo Rugby Club in Kampala, Uganda. They are clearly Uganda rugby fans in full voice at the Legends Club in Kampala. When you purposefully build a fortress and a culture, you can’t go wrong Enock Muchinjo HawkZone