NewsHawks 13 January 2023

Price US$1 Friday 13 January 2023 NEWS Zec's controversial delimitation sparks uproar Story on Page 3 NEWS Mukoko flags govt over deepening rural violence WHAT’S Story on Page 12 INSIDE SPORT Ex-England batter Ballance debuts in Zim’s win over Ireland Story on Page 50 ALSO INSIDE MPs protest virtual sittings after snub by Harare hotels Chaos under heaven, but bickering on elections redeemable: Parliament

Page 2 News NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023 OWEN GAGARE MEMBERS of Parliament (MPs) say the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec)’s hotly-contested and controversial delimitation report currently being debated in the legislature ahead of crucial general elections in a few months’ time has numerous game-changing errors, flaws and blunders which threaten the integrity, credibility and even timing of the polls. This emerged after Parliament’s 13-member ad hoc committee, chaired by Zanu PF chief whip Pupurai Togarepi, released a measured, yet hard-hitting analysis on the delimitation report that has sparked uproar and outrage within political circles. In its analysis, the committee came up with key findings and observations which include: l ward boundaries delimited above and below the maximum and minimum thresholds; l insufficient information in descriptions of wards; l a highly complicated geometrical coordinate system; l unspecified map or cartographic scale (ratio of a distance on earth compared to the same distance on a map); l unlabelled wards; l topographic features not presented on the maps; l maps that do not show old and existing boundaries; l lack of justification on changes in boundaries in specific wards and constituencies, l polling stations not indicated on the maps (Zimbabwe’s polling stations not on Google Maps — making them difficult to locate, unlike other Sadc countries); l use of preliminary population census data instead of final statistics; and l possible misinterpretation of the minimum and maximum threshold. The committee was tasked with conducting a detailed analysis of the delimitation report concerning the provisions of section 161 of the constitution and presented its findings and recommendations in the National Assembly and Senate on 13 January 2023. Its report would form the basis for debate by both houses on 17 and 18 January 2023. Parliament would then submit its report on the delimitation document to President Emmerson Mnangagwa by 20 January 2023 for onward submission to Zec. These processes are to be completed within 14 days in terms of section 161 (8) of the constitution. However, given the damning findings by Parliament on the disputed formula used by Zec to do its calculations, use of the preliminary census report instead of the final one, the absence of the voters’ roll which MPs did not get, fights over wards and constituency boundaries, problems of demographic mapping and distribution of voters and justification of the changes — among a catalogue of problems mentioned earlier — there is a major problem. Zec is in a quandary. The elections are under threat. Chaos under heaven. What is to be done? There is not enough time for Zec to rectify the plethora of flaws identified in Parliament. According to section 161(2) of the constitution, the delimitation must be completed — that is, the delimitation report must be published — at least six months before polling day in a general election if the new electoral boundaries are to be used for that election. Polling day in the 2023 general elections will have to be: l at the earliest, on 28 July; and l at the latest on 26 August. If polling day is fixed at 28 July, then the delimitation report will have to be published on 28 January — in two weeks’ time — to allow the necessary six months to elapse between the completion of delimitation and voting day. However, if the elections are set for 26 August the last possible day when the current Parliament ends, the delimitation report would need to be published by 26 February. Race against the clock In its report, Parliament says Zec needs to address the fundamental limitations of the delimitation document. “The committee’s findings in its analysis of the 2022 preliminary delimitation report provide a basis for its conclusion on the 2022 preliminary report on the delimitation exercise,” the parliamentary analysis says. “While the committee appreciates that it is not possible for Zec to meet the expectations of all the stakeholders in this exercise, it is the committee’s considered view that all the issues raised in this report, particularly, those that are inconsistent with provisions of section 161 of the constitution will be resolved before the finalisation of the report on the delimitation exercise. “As espoused in section 119 of the constitution, Parliament has an obligation to protect the constitution and ensure that the state and all institutions and agencies of government at every level act constitutionally and in the national interest.” While the necessary groundwork has largely been done, the shortcomings raised by Parliament are fundamental and numerous to be addressed in two weeks or six weeks. Either way, Zec cannot complete the process if it genuinely takes on board the key criticisms, findings and recommendations. If Zec goes only for compliance with the constitution and shifts constituency and ward boundaries around so as to bring them into conformity with the law, it may have time for the final report to be published by the 26 February deadline. But given that the corrected report will not have to be resubmitted to the President and Parliament since Zec has the final say in terms of the constitution, it leaves the process open to court challenge towards or after the elections. There is just not enough time to complete the process. To go back to 2007 or postpone? If the deadlines are not met, elections are supposed to be held in terms of the last delimitation, which was done in 2007/2008. That is the first scenario. However, things have dramatically changed in the last 15 years from a census, demographics, topographic, and cartographic or mapping perspective. The coordinate geometric system used is different. Therefore, going back to 2007/2008 would make the elections untenable and reduce the government to a laughing stock. This is what the Zec commissioners who have revolted against chairperson Priscilla Chigumba and want the nation to work backwards do not realise in their letter of protest to Mnangagwa. If that is done, the elections would lose integrity and credibility well before polling day. The second scenario is postponing the elections. Mnangagwa and Zanu PF may use their parliamentary majority to do so, but the credibility of the President and government would be left in tatters. That might also be viewed by the opposition as fear of defeat and could actually galvanise and spur renewed challenge against Mnangagwa and his party. Consultations are always key All this would probably have been avoided if Zec had been more open in its conduct of the delimitation exercise, as MPs indicated in Parliament. If political parties, civil society and communities had been consulted on what Zec proposed to do and had been kept informed at every stage of the process, a lot of contradictions, shortcomings and errors would have been avoided, as analysts say. Chaos under heaven but bickering over elections redeemable — MPs Parliament’s 13-member ad hoc committee released a measured, yet hard-hitting analysis on Zec's delimitation report.

NewsHawks News Page 3 Issue 114, 13 January 2023 NATHAN GUMA THE Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) reconfigured a number of constituencies countrywide with Harare, the most populous province, being allocated 30 constituencies — just two more than President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s Midlands political citadel — despite a difference of almost 200 000 registered voters between the two provinces. A total of 5 804 376 were on the voters' roll at the time the delimitation was done. In December, Zec chairperson Justice Priscilla Chigumba presented the preliminary delimitation report to Mnangagwa with newly demarcated constituency boundaries for adoption ahead of this year’s general elections. The report has been criticised on a number of fronts, including the fact that the election management body may have   made a fundamental and fatal blunder by using the old Lancaster House constitution in its calculations to determine constituency numbers, rendering it null and void ab initio while exposing Zec's disastrous incompetence. The electoral body has also been accused of gerrymandering, as the key changes made are likely to favour the ruling Zanu PF, as seen by the Harare-Midlands comparison. Gerrymandering is manipulation of electoral constituency boundaries to favour one party or class. According to the report, Harare metropolitan province, with 952 102 registered voters, was allocated 30 constituencies, up from 29 constituencies in 2008. Harare has been an opposition stronghold since the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change then led by the late former Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai in 1999. The Midlands had 762 928 voters, which amounts to 189 174 less voters than Harare despite the difference of only two constituencies between the provinces. Zec announced that no voters were moved from their polling stations. “Registered voters in each ward and constituency will vote at their usual polling stations although their ward number or name of constituency may have changed,” Zec said in the report. “It is also important to note that:  Wards and constituencies Zimbabwe Electoral Commission's dodgy delimitation sparks uproar in sparsely populated areas are larger in aerial extent since they have to draw their population from large areas due to low population densities for example, wildlife conservancies and large commercial farming areas. Conversely, wards and constituencies in densely populated areas are relatively small in aerial extent for example, peri-urban and urban areas. “The shape, aerial extent and distribution of some wards and constituencies changed due to variation in the distribution of registered voters in provinces.” Notable changes in Harare were the creation of three constituencies from Harare South constituency, namely Churu, Harare South and Hunyani. “An additional constituency was created in Epworth resulting in Epworth North and Epworth South Constituency. Harare North was reconfigured and renamed to Hatcliffe constituency,” according to the delimitation report. Epworth and Harare South have many illegal settlements, most of which are controlled by Zanu PF-linked land barons. The two constituencies have Zanu PF legislators Tongai Mnangagwa and Zalerah Makari, respectively. More reconfigurations were made in Manicaland and Masvingo provinces, which have the third highest number of constituencies, 26 apiece, and four short of Harare, despite them having 300 000 and 400 000 voters less than the metropolitan province. “Musikavanhu and Chipinge West were merged to create Chipinge west Constituency. The collapsed constituency formed Chikanga Constituency after Dangamvura-Chikanga was split due to high population,” Zec announced. “In Masvingo Province, Gutu South was collapsed and merged with other existing constituencies due to low registered voter population which failed to meet the minimum threshold for a constituency. “However, the collapsed constituency was replaced by the creation of a new Chiredzi Central Constituency. In the same vein Zaka East and Zaka West were collapsed and reconfigured to form a new Zaka South Constituency,” according to the report. Mashonaland East and Mashonaland West provinces now also have 23 and 22 constituencies, with 641 668 and 661 289 voters respectively. According to the report, three constituencies in Mashonaland East, namely Chikomba Central, Chikomba East, Chikomba West, were reconfigured due to low registered voter populations. “As a result Chikomba Central was collapsed and two constituencies remain namely Chikomba East and Chikomba West,” according to the report. Bulawayo metropolitan, an opposition stronghold, had seven constituencies renamed and reconfigured, but the number of its constituencies has remained pegged at 12. “Seven constituencies were reconfigured and renamed as follows: Bulawayo North, Cowdry Park, Emakhandeni-Luveve Entumbane-Njube, Lobengula-Magwegwe Mpopoma-Mzilikazi and Pelandaba-Tshabalala,” reads the report. Mashonaland Central, Matabeleland North and Matabeleland South have 18, 13 and 12 constituencies respectively. Matabeleland South, which has the least registered voters at 267 617, lost one constituency. MPs debating Zec's delimitation report in Parliament on Friday.

Page 4 News NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE THE parliamentary ad hoc committee tasked with analysing the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission’s draft delimitation report has highlighted grave errors in the document, including Zec's failure to stick to the 20% variance threshold but says remedies can be quickly found. Presenting its findings in Parliament on Friday, the ad hoc committee through its chairperson and Gutu South MP Pupurai Togarepi, pointed out that the errors can be remedied before a final report can be prepared by Zec. “The committee’s findings in its analysis of the 2022 preliminary delimitation report provide a basis for its conclusion on the 2022 preliminary report on the delimitation exercise.” “While the Committee appreciates that it is not possible for Zec to meet the expectations of all the stakeholders in this exercise, it is the committee’s considered view that all the issues raised in this report, particularly those that are inconsistent with provisions of section 161 of the constitution, will be resolved before the finalisation of the report on the delimitation exercise,” Togarepi told the august House. He reiterated that as espoused in section 119 of the constitution, Parliament has an obligation to protect the supreme law and ensure that the state and agencies of government at every level act constitutionally and in the national interest. As earlier highlighted by parliamentary watchdog Veritas, the ad hoc committee found out that in Zec’s draft delimitation report, some constituencies and wards had up to 40% variance instead of the maximum 20% specified in the constitution. “The committee noted that the formula or criteria used, as well as justifications of the decisions were not provided. The observation of the committee was that there was possible misinterpretation by Zec of the 20% variance provision in sub-section (6) as some wards and constituencies ended up having a variance of up to 40%. This therefore, defeats the spirit of the constitution in trying to achieve equality of voters,” reads the report. The committee highlighted a number of constituencies and wards where the 20% threshold was surpassed. In Manicaland province, the committee found out that in Makoni West constituency, ward 12 was delimited at 3 274 above the maximum threshold of 3 185. Ward 16 in the same constituency was delimited at 3 226 above the maximum threshold of 3 185. In Mashonaland East constituency, ward 9 of Marondera municipality was delimited at 3 057 above the threshold of 3 051. In Mashonaland West, Zvimba Rural District Council’s ward 1 was delimited at 4 675 above the permissible maximum threshold of 3 912. The committee also picked that in Matabeleland North, Hwange West constituency’s ward 2 was delimited at 2 267 above the maximum threshold of 2 211. Zec also used a wrong maximum threshold of 2 211 instead of 2 188, but the wards were still above the maximum threshold of both values. Several other discrepancies were noted in other wards from Manicaland, Mashonaland Central, Matabeleland North and South. The annexure to the report also demonstrated more on how the standard deviation in certain instances was well above the 20% variance. The committee also raised concerns in 14 constituencies. Zec pointed out in its report that Gutu South was collapsed because it did not meet the required threshold to make a constituency, but the committee found out that none of the constituencies in the whole of Gutu district met the minimum required threshold at the time electoral body conducted the delimitation exercise save for Gutu West. Gutu South had 18 453 registered voters, Gutu East 16, 822 and Gutu North 15,359. “Zec was supposed to abide by the principle of fairness and use similar formula which it was using in other provinces, constituencies and wards that those with low registered voters than the others in the same constituency or province would be collapsed to give in to those that had more registered voters as at the time Zec conducted its delimitation exercise.” “Community of interest of the between registered voters in Gutu South was not considered as some registered under a certain chief are now under two different constituencies,” reads the report. The ad hoc committee also noted that in Mberengwa East there was unjustified movement of Musiiwa polling station from Ward 4 Bikita West to Bikita South constituency and recommended that Musiiiwa polling station be returned to Ward 5. In Binga North, the committee expressed concern over why Zec did not create three constituencies when the numbers allowed. The total voter population in Binga North was 81 118, and if three constituencies were created, the average constituency would have averaged 27 039 voters. In Zvishavane Runde, the committee made a proposal for wards 1,2,3,4 and 9 to be retained and move Hwani Village from ward 13 to ward 8, Hwande and Mugabe villages from ward 2 to ward 1 Chikuni, Mafurire and Masuna Villages to ward 2, Ndebvu, Ndirishe and Dumbu from ward 9 to ward 4, and moving villages 11, 13, 14 from ward 14 to ward 9. The committee also made recommendation that in Zvishavane Ngezi, 10 000 voters be moved to beef up numbers in Mberengwa and create one constituency called Mberengwa-Zvishavane. “The committee recommends that Zec should take due regard to the census population in its totality in the delimitation exercise and not just the adult population. Zec was supposed to use the final census results. This is because wards and constituencies serve other purposes apart from elections, for instance, distribution of devolution funds and constituency development funds,” reads part of the report. The committee also recommended that where the factor of community of interest between registered voters was not considered, Zec should revisit the factor and ensure that the it is taken into consideration. “Zec should ensure that there is equal number of voters in constituencies or wards as provided for in terms of section 161 (3) and (4) of the constitution. Where there was a departure from the permissible variance of lower and upper limit of 20%, Zec should rectify and ensure that it remains within the allowable variance,” said the committee. The committee also said that where collapsing of constituencies that had more voters was done to give in to those that had fewer voters, Zec should use the same principle of maintaining those with more votes and collapse those with fewer voters. “Zec should ensure that there is equal number of voters in constituencies or wards as provided for in terms of section 161 (3) and (4) of the constitution. Where there was a departure from the permissible variance of lower and upper limit of 20%, Zec should rectify and ensure that it remains within the allowable variance,” said the committee. MPs committee unearths grave flaws in Zec’s report

News Page 5 Delimitation report process to go ahead despite controversy BRENNA MATENDERE PARLIAMENT’S ad-hoc committee on delimitation will go ahead with its work of laying the ground for debate on the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) report in the august House next week despite a turbulent start marred by fierce challenges to the document. This was revealed by the ad hoc committee’s chairperson and Gutu member of Parliament Pupurai Togarepi in an interview with The NewsHawks. After the contentious ZEC report was tabled in Parliament on Friday by Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi, Tonderai Chidawa, a former student leader of the Zanu PF-aligned Zimbabwe Congress of Students Unions (Zicosu) wrote to Speaker of Parliament Jacob Mudenda challenging the document. Chidawa challenged the process through his lawyer, Lovemore Madhuku. Former cabinet minister Elton Mangoma also followed suit, asking Mudenda to disregard the Zec delimitation report. However, Togarepi, who was appointed to lead the 13-member parliamentary delimitation ad hoc committee, said the letters could not block Parliament’s constitutional responsibility. “We will continue with our work for the following reasons… The letters were not addressed to the ad hoc committee. A mere letter cannot interdict us from doing our constitutional responsibility as Parliament,” he said. According to a memorandum dated 29 December written by Acting Clerk of Parliament Hellen Dingane, other members of the ad hoc committee are legislators Dexter Nduna, Kenneth Musanhi, Tsitsi Muzenda, Chido Madiwa, David Parirenyatwa, Musa Ncube, Cuthbert Mpame, Chief Siatabwa Siansali, Prince Sibanda, David Tekeshe, Douglas Mwonzora and Anele Ndebele. Togarepi, who is also the Zanu PF chief whip and former party secretary for youths, said Parliament cannot stop fulfilling its duties at the behest of disgruntled persons. “Our mandate is to scrutinise the report and we are doing just that. Those challenging the report will not influence Parliament's constitutional duty to analyse the Zec report,” he said. “We have already started. The yardstick (of scrutinising the report) is the constitution, in particular section 161,” he said. Ziyambi also said the delimitation process will go ahead. Asked to clarify on whether progressing with a process under challenge will not break any law, Ziyambi said: “I think Prof (Madhuku) would be better placed to answer that question.” Madhuku did not answer messages and phone calls. Writing to Mudenda, Madhuku said the Zec report was supposed to be set aside because seven of the electoral body’s commissioners had distanced themselves from the document. Gutu member of Parliament Pupurai Togarepi. New Parliament Building in Mount Hampden. He said the report was not signed by Zec commissioners and was therefore “not an act of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission as a body corporate. At most, it may be an act of the chairperson of the commission and her deputy.” On his part, Mangoma argued that the Zec report falls foul of the constitution because it does not create an even number of voters in all constituencies as stipulated in section 161 of the supreme law of the land. “The average number of votes obtained by dividing the total number of registered voters of 5 804 376 by 210 constituencies is 27 640. To work with a difference of not more than 20% between the highest and the lowest voters per constituency, the lowest number of voters should be 25 150 and highest is 30 130.” “The difference between these numbers is 4 980 voters. The difference of 4 980 voters gives a difference of 20% as required by section 161(6) of the constitution,” he said. Early this week, Madhuku’s client Chidawa said he was being hounded by state security agencies for challenging the Zec report. Delimitation is a process carried out in terms of sections 160 and 161 of the constitution and section 37A of the Electoral Act to set out the boundaries of constituencies. After Parliament has debated the Zec report, President Emmerson Mnangagwa must refer the preliminary report back to Zec for it to consider any issues raised by himself or Parliament. Zec must give consideration to any issue so raised but its decision on them is final according to section 161 (9) of the constitution. Once ZEC has prepared its final delimitation report, it must send the report to the President, who must publish it in the Government Gazette within 14 days. NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 6 News NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023 NATHAN GUMA CRITICISM is mounting against the preliminary delimitation of electoral boundaries ahead of this year’s general elections, with legal thinktank Veritas and other stakeholders saying the process is fatally flawed and should be started afresh. Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) chairperson Priscilla Chigumba presented the preliminary delimitation report to President Emmerson Mnangagwa with reconfigured and renamed electoral constituencies last month. The report has raised fears of gerrymandering. While Zec said the process was constitutional, Veritas says variations in registered voters are inconsistent with section 161 of the 2013 constitution, which the think-tank says renders the entire process null and void. Zec used the old Lancaster House constitution which ceased operating in 2013. “The variations (in voter numbers) are so great and so numerous that the delimitation itself is invalid. “According to section 161(3) of the constitution, Zec must ensure that so far as possible equal numbers of voters are registered in each constituency throughout Zimbabwe; Section 161(4) makes a similar provision for ward boundaries — the boundaries of wards must be such that so far as possible equal numbers of voters are registered in each ward of a local authority area. Obviously the Commission cannot ensure complete equality, so section 161(6) of the Constitution goes on to say that: “. . . the Commission may depart from the requirement that constituencies and wards must have equal numbers of voters, but no constituency or ward of a local authority may have more than 20% more or fewer registered voters than the other . . . constituencies or wards,” according Veritas. “What Zec has done is to take the average number of voters per constituency (27 640) and then calculate the number of voters that would be 20% above that average (33 169) and the number that is 20% below the average (22 112), allowing a difference of up to 40%. This formula however means that the difference between the maximum number of voters and the minimum is much more than 20%, which is not allowed by section 161(6) of the Constitution.” According to Veritas, Zec may have been led into error by the fact that the old Lancaster House constitution allowed constituencies to vary according to the formula that Zec has adopted. Section 61 A (6) of the old constitution allowed constituencies to vary by more than 20% so long as they were no more than 20% above or 20% below the average, which is not allowed by the 2013 constitution. Section 61A(6) of that constitution stated: “In dividing Zimbabwe into wards and House of Assembly constituencies the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission . . . may depart from the requirements of subsection (4) [which required voter numbers to be equal], but in no case to any greater extent than twenty per centum more or less than the average number of registered voters in House of Assembly constituencies.” Instead, according to veritas, Zec should have calculated the average number of voters per constituency (27 640), then work out the number of voters 10 percent above that average (30 404) and the number 10 percent below (24 876). The two numbers vary by about 19 percent, which is within the permissible limit. “Zec should then have ensured that no constituency had more than 30 404 voters and none had fewer than 24 876,” argued Veritas. “The same formula should have been adopted for wards in each local authority area.” The independent think-tank highlighted that many constituencies delimited by Zec fall outside the permissible limits. “For example, in Bulawayo Metropolitan Province the constituencies of Bulawayo Central (22 115 voters) and Bulawayo North (22 125) are well below the minimum 24 876 limit. Conversely, in Harare Metropolitan Province the constituencies of Churu (33 001 voters) and Harare East (33 103) are well above the maximum. These are only a few examples: all the Bulawayo constituencies are below the limit and most of the Harare constituencies are above it. And there are very many similar cases in the other provinces,” Veritas said. Former Energy minister Elton Mangoma, who was part of the team which drafted the constitution, also says the delimitation process is riddled with errors, flawed and unconstitutional. He said the delimitation exercise is based on a wrong legal foundation and is mathematically flawed, hence unconstitutional. “The aim of delimitation as in section 161(3) is to get all the voters fair representation across the 210 constituencies. Without section 161(6) this would be a simple mathematical exercise of dividing the registered voters by 210 constituencies. “Section 161(6) provides guidance in the operationalisation of the equality of voters into the constituencies, and more importantly gives a 20% difference between the highest and the lowest. “This means that the difference between the constituency with the highest number of votes and the constituency with the lowest number of votes must not be more than 20%,” said Mangoma. He added: “Note 4.1 in the draft delimitation report on page (xi), Zec worked with a guidance of 33 169 as the highest and 22 122 as the lowest number of voters per constituency. The difference between these is 11 047. “This difference is 50% of the lowest number and 33% of the highest number, which is clearly above the 20% dictated by the constitution. Zec has used these wrong parameters and consequently the resultant draft delimitation report falls foul of the constitution. “The average number of votes obtained by dividing the total number of registered voters of 5 804 376 by 210 constituencies is 27 640. To work with a difference of not more than 20% between the highest and the lowest voters per constituency… “. . . the lowest number of voters should be 25 150 and highest is 30 130. The difference between these numbers is 4 980 voters. The difference of 4 980 voters gives a difference of 20% as required by section 161(6) of the constitution.” He says the process design and constituency calculations based on registered voter numbers are wrong and the whole process is thus deeply flawed. A former deputy prime minister in the power-sharing government of 2009-2013, Professor Arthur Mutambara, says the delimitation process has to be redone, as it violates the national constitution. “The current constitution of Zimbabwe’s section 161 (6) looks similar but is different from section 61 A (6) of the old Lancaster House constitution of Zimbabwe. “Section 161 (6) stipulates that the difference between the allowable minimum and maximum voters in a constituency should be less than 20%, whereas section 61A (6) (Lancaster Constitution) stipulates that, that difference should be less than 40% (i.e., 20% + 20%). “It is important to note that the old Lancaster provision 61A (6) is better phrased than the current provision 161 (6). Section 161 (6) should have explicitly said 10% above or below the average number of voters allowable in a constituency. “Of course, this wording can be implicitly deduced from the current phrasing,” Mutambara adds. “Being explicit could have helped. The delimitation process has to be redone according to section 161 (6) of the constitution of Zimbabwe. The current delimitation report is invalid since it is in violation of the current constitution of Zimbabwe's section 161 (6). “Of course, in carrying out the delimitation exercise, there must be no mischievous intention to disadvantage or advantage any political players. There must be safeguards against such shenanigans.” An independent think-tank, Electoral Resource Centre (ERC), says the current discrepancies in constituency and ward sizes undermines the equality of the vote. “The failure to adequately address the issues raised may result in the final delimitation report being contested and thus affecting its use for the 2023 Harmonised Elections. “A return to the pre-existing 2007/2008 boundaries goes against the principles of the equality of the vote as the boundaries of the current constituencies and wards are grossly unequal. Inclusivity and transparency in addressing the concerns raised will ensure buy-in of all relevant stakeholders,” said the ERC in a statement. The ERC said significant stakeholders, in particular Zec, Parliament, and political parties, “should step up, address the issues brought up, and carry out their mandates” given the short time in which the report has for adoption into the 2023 general election. Groundswell of opposition to the Zec report escalates Former Energy minister Elton Mangoma

NewsHawks News Page 7 Issue 114, 13 January 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE THE parliamentary ad hoc committee tasked with analysing the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission’s draft delimitation report has challenged the collapse of Gutu South constituency currently represented by the team’s chairperson and Zanu PF’s chief whip Pupurai Togarepi. In a report tabled by Togarepi in parliament on Friday, the committee said Zec misdirected itself in collapsing the constituency on the basis that its population did not meet the minimum threshold of 21 000 voters yet it had in fact higher numbers than neighbouring constituencies. Gutu district is divided into five constituencies: Gutu North, Gutu South, Gutu West and Gutu East and Gutu Central. At the time Zec conducted its delimitation exercise, Gutu South had 18 6453 registered voters, Gutu East 16 822, Gutu North 15 359, and Gutu Central 21 700. In the Zec preliminary report, only Gutu South was collapsed and merged with other surrounding constituencies on the basis that it had a low registered voter population that failed to meet the minimum threshold for a constituency. The collapsed constituency was replaced by the creation of a new Chiredzi Central constituency. However, the parliamentary ad hoc committee said it was unfair to collapse Gutu South constituency when it had higher numbers of voters than surrounding constituencies. Part of the committee’s report reads: “Zec pointed out in its report that Gutu South was collapsed because it did not meet the required threshold to make a constituency yet none of the constituencies in Gutu district met the minimum required threshold at the time Zec conducted the delimitation exercise save for Gutu West.” “Gutu South actually had more registered voters than Gutu East and Gutu North at the time Zec conducted its delimitation. “Zec was supposed to abide by the principle of fairness and use similar formula which it was using in other provinces, constituencies and wards that those with low registered voters than the others in the same constituency or province would be collapsed to give in to those that had more registered voters as at the time Zec conducted its delimitation exercise.” As a recommendation, the ad hoc committee said Zec could pile up numbers of voters in Gutu South by bringing in people from two wards in Gutu East and and Central. “Proposal is that Zec should move wards 31 and 41 to Gutu South which were part of Gutu South prior to creation of Gutu East, Central. Alternatively, wards should be drawn from Gutu East which was part of Gutu South previously.” “Where collapsing of constituencies that had more voters was done to give in to those that had fewer voters, it is the committee’s considered view that Zec should use the same principle of maintaining those with more votes and collapse those with fewer voters,” reads the ad hoc committee’s report. Zanu PF chief whip fights for Gutu South Zanu PF’s chief whip Pupurai Togarepi

Page 8 News NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE LEGISLATORS say the introduction of virtual sittings after hotels discontinued a deal to accommodate those from out of Harare due to the Parliament of Zimbabwe’s failure to settle bills on time has compromised their work and quality of debates. Harare hotels began demanding cash upfront from Parliament last year after the institution developed a habit of settling bills in local currency long after legislators would have been given accommodation and meals. The hotels say by the time Parliament paid, the value of the money would have been eroded by inflation. As a contingent measure, Parliament introduced a system in which most legislators from out of Harare would follow proceedings online, with a few selected ones being invited to attend in person in order to cut on costs. In separate interviews, MPs who spoke to The NewsHawks said the virtual sittings have proved to be a major hindrance to their quest to fully discharge their duties as legislators, particularly during debates as they cannot interject, among other interventions. Mbizo MP Settlement Chikwinya said: “The Speaker ignores MPs who want to contribute via virtual. There is no set rule on how people vote on virtual yet voting is a critical component of Parliament. One cannot interject on virtual the same say they can do physically. The Speaker can mute an MP if they want.” Magwegwe MP Anele Ndebele said while virtual sittings save money for Treasury, they also present a plethora of challenges. “We face numerous challenges that affect our network as well as electricity blackouts being a major challenges. Let me draw your attention to a recent incident in Parliament when the PVO Bill got to a critical stage in Parliamentary stages and heated debate was anticipated, the network dropped, much to the utter dismay and frustration of honourable members from the opposition,” Ndebele said. “Notably, several honourable members from the opposition were away on different committee assignments and were waiting eagerly for their turn to have their say. For the record, I must state that one of the House rules governing virtual sittings is that when the network fails to the disadvantage of those honourable members outside the chamber, then the house has to adjourn immediately,” she said. Glen View North MP Fani Munengami also reiterated that a legislator following proceedings online has great disadvantges. “Network issue is one of the biggest challenges we face as MPs. The network is mostly not there because of the unavailability of electricity. Also, virtual sitting has the disadvantage that MPs are ignored by the Speaker in terms of wanting to debate. You can raise your hand, but most of the time the person who will be chosen will be among those physically in Parliament,” he said. Zanu PF chief whip Pupurai Togarepi weighed in: “Virtual meetings are now the new normal and we have to live with them. What we should be encouraging is better connectivity from service providers. Physical presence in the House promotes more interaction among members as they debate. The main problem is connectivity,” he said. “I hope by the time we resume our sittings Parliament administration will have reached agreements with service providers,” he said. Chikanga Dangamvura MP Prosper Mutseyami, who is also the CCC chief whip, also pointed out that load shedding was weighing heavily on connectivity, thereby limiting the participation of non-Harare-based legislators. “Virtual meetings have reduced vibrancy of Parliament. Treasury must address this issue of paying hotels in time so that MPs attend physically. It is my hope that the challenge of accommodation is solved before the sitting of 17 January where the delimitation report is to be debated,” he said. Mutare Central MP Innocent Gonese described virtual sittings as a serious challenge. “Some of the presiding Speakers have a bad habit. If they do not want you to participate, they get the IT people to disconnect you. If you want to raise a point of order you can get cut off and that is unfair because if you are in the house, you can stand your ground until you get audience but if you are on virtual you can be muted and then you are not able to say anything. “There are several instances in which MPs on virtual wanting to raise say a point of priviledge have been muted. Sometimes when there are crucial debates, MPs say in Binga have been unable to participate. In short, virtual sittings have presented insummountable challenges to MPs,” he said. Mbizo MP Settlement Chikwinya MPs protest virtual sittings after snub by Harare hotels Parliament of Zimbabwe

NewsHawks News Page 9 Issue 114, 13 January 2023 Opaque bank ownership poses risk for Zimbabwe BERNARD MPOFU THE International Monetary Fund has raised a red flag over the opaque ownership structure of some local financial institutions, warning that such shareholding may trigger systemic risks in the fragile financial services sector. Official figures show that the banking sector of Zimbabwe consists of 13 commercial banks, five building societies, and one savings bank that, in total, account for ZW$969.245 billion in assets (31 March 2022). Of the 19 banks, nine banks have foreign shareholding, with a market share of over 60%. Other banks are local, or state-owned, in part or whole. At the request of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), the IMF Monetary and Capital Markets (MCM) Department conducted a virtual mission from 3 May to 10 June 2022 to assist the RBZ on strengthening the consolidated supervision framework. The main focus was to support the RBZ in updating the RBZ supervision framework, enhancing prudential reporting on a consolidated basis, strengthening the assessment of banking groups’ risks, and intensifying cross-border and interagency cooperation. “The RBZ should reinforce its guidelines and legal authority to require banking groups to make material changes to their structure or operations to ensure that effective consolidated supervision is not hindered by opaque or complex structures," the IMF said in its latest technical assistance report on financial sector stability. “Large and complex banking organisations can present organisational structures or operations that are not transparent and do not allow for effective identification, monitoring and oversight. Complex layers of ownership and intragroup exposures or dependencies can create channels of risk transmission or operational dependencies that challenge effective supervision. “The Banking Act requires the RBZ to consider whether the structure or governance of a banking group ‘hinders effective supervision’ in deciding to license a banking institution. The RBZ’s powers to require operational or structure changes to address equal hindrances to supervision presented by group structures should be made prominent in the banking laws and the guidelines to address challenge presented by financial conglomerates and mixed activity groups.” Section 8(3)(d)(2) of the Banking Act provides: “...where the applicant is part of a group of companies, the structure and governance of the group does not hinder effective supervision of the applicant or endanger the stability of the financial system...” The report also noted that the top 10 financial institutions in Zimbabwe are banks operating within banking groups (foreign or domestic) and include both non-bank financial entities and non-financial commercial entities. “The banking sector in Zimbabwe is concentrated in the top five banks (almost 60 percent of total assets) and two of the top ten banks are identified as members of 'mixed conglomerates', which are banking groups that contain commercial enterprises as affiliated subsidiaries of a parent or bank holding company,” the report reads. “Foreign-owned banking groups are required to establish local subsidiaries for local banking, non-bank and other operations. Overall, the vast majority of banking assets are housed within group structures that contain entities which are also subject to non-bank regulation (e.g., insurance and securities firms).” The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe.

Page 10 News NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE WHILE Energy and Power Development minister Soda Zhemu told Parliament that Zimbabwean officials engaged their Zambian counterparts to enable ZESA to continue generating power from Kariba Dam despite exhausting its yearly quota, Zambia's president Hakainde Hichilema, has expressed frustration over Harare’s failure to ensure the sustainable use of the shared resource. Hichilema revealed he would engage President Emmerson Mnangagwa over the matter. The Zambian leader said this while addressing media during the tour to assess Kariba Dam and water levels on Sunday. "We will be engaging with our Zimbabwean counterparts to optimise and effectively utilise the reservoir and to improve compliance levels in water management,” he said. He later tweeted that the shared resource needed better manangement while expressing disappointment that Zimbabwe was overusing water from the dam. "Many factors have contributed to our current state of low electricity generation but most importantly systems and information sharing, including optimal use of this shared resource are being largely ignored. We will engage all stakeholders about this," tweeted Hichilema. After the tour, Hichilema told a Press briefing he would engage Mnangagwa and his cabinet on how best to manage the resource to avert a catastrophe. "For management, you have informed your boards, Zambezi River Authority (ZRA) board, Zesco Board, for the south side (Zimbabwe) the board there (Zesa board), then the council of ministers. I take it logically that the cabinets of the two countries need a proper and full briefing on this situation," he said. Zimbabwe was between a rock and a hard place after the ZRA ordered it to stop electricity generation given the rising public anger over extended power cuts at a time the country is heading for elections. The government chose to continue generating electricity while risking collapsing the system at Kariba. Addressing Parliament in December after being summoned to speak on the energy situation in Zimbabawe, Zhemu said Zimbabwe and Zambia had agreed that Harare should continue generating power from Kariba. Zhemu said stopping electricity generation would have crippled the country. "The shutdown of the power plant would have had the following impacts: about 70% of the country’s power supply would have been lost as a result of shutting down the power station. The network stabilisation would also have been disturbed which ordinarily would be done through Kariba Power Station,” he said. “The ministry engaged its counterparts in Zambia through meetings which were held at board level and also there was a recommendation from the board to allow the two utilities to engage. It was through those engagements that the council of ministers had an extraordinary meeting to allow ZPC to continue generating from Kariba Power Station, but this time at a reduced capacity of between 250 to 300 megawatts. This effectively resulted in loss of about 300 megawatts capacity on our grid, increasing our power deficit to over 500 megawatts." Zhemu added that Zimbabwe was using Zambia's water ration to generate power, painting a picture of mutual understanding on power generation on the depleting Kariba. "The other question was: why Zescom is allowed to generate electricity currently at 800 megawatts, whilst Zesa has been asked to reduce to 300MW. From the explanation that I gave, the total water allocation which was provided for in 2022 was 45 billion cubic metres of which 22.5 was the allocation for Zimbabwe. We exhausted our water allocation, until ZPC was then ordered by ZRA to suspend generation. We had to get the current generation after extensive negotiations with Zesco. As we speak, to be very honest, we are actually using their allocation of water to generate the 300MW that we are obtaining from Kariba Power Station," said Zhemu. Both countries have been plunged into load shedding as the water levels have receded overtime due to climate change and droughts. Lake Kariba is designed to operate between levels 475.50 metres and 488.50 metres (with 0.70m freeboard) for hydropower generation. It is currently generating between 413MW and 750MW on six units. The Lake level has however started increasing in the past few days due to an increase in local rainfall activity on and around the lake, closing the period under review at 475.78m (2% usable storage) on 11th January 2023, compared to 478.33m (19.73% usable storage) recorded on the same date last year. Zimbabwe was warned of depreciating water levels at the dam by the ZRA in May 2022 and ordered to stop electricity generation production in November after having depleted their water ration for 2022. The ZRA is a bi-national organisation mandated by the governments of Zambia and Zimbabwe to sustainably harness the hydropower potential offered by the trans-boundary waters of the Zambezi River. Hichilema tackles Zim on Kariba Zambia's President Hakainde Hichilema

NewsHawks News Page 11 Issue 114, 13 January 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE THE savage assault of elderly citizens in Murehwa over the weekend by suspected Zanu PF activists, which evokes memories of violent 2002 and 2008 polls, is yet another signal that this year’s general elections could be potentially bloody. Political analyst Professor Stephen Chan told The NewsHawks that the Zanu PF government is inclined to turn to violence ahead of this year’s elections by the need to cover up for its failures. “I do fear that the government, having no economic success record on which it can run, and with a continuing outlook of electricity failures, will use intimidation and violence as its default strategy,” he said. Several villagers in Murehwa were left nursing injuries after suspected Zanu PF members attacked Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) supporters in the district’s Ward 4, highlighting the vulnerability of rural opposition supporters. The villagers had gathered at the homestead of a party member identified as Seremani when the hit squad stormed the rural home before interrogating and later assaulting them with logs. The incident shocked many Zimbabweans given the age of the victims and the fact that culturally it is considered taboo to disrespect elderly people, never mind assaulting them. Political analyst Rashweat Mukundu said indications are that Zanu PF is geared for a violent 2023 election campaign based on the recent Murehwa violence which he described as a test-run to what the ruling party is brewing ahead of the polls. “The violence that we saw in Murehwa is indicative of the Zanu PF strategy in 2023. It's a strategy that is centred on fear-mongering, violence, intimidation and threats. This is based on the failures by the party and government to improve the livelihoods of the majority of the people,” Mukundu said. “Zimbabwe still has the highest inflation, far higher than countries even at war like Ukraine, Somalia and even countries that have gone through shocking economic turbulence like Venezuela. “This is a symptom of the poor leadership that Zimbabwe has had to endure since 2017 when Emmerson Mnangagwa took over and of course before that under Robert Mugabe. “In the absence of tangibles that demonstrate improvements to people’s lives, Zanu PF has no alternative but to use violence as a political weapon. So what we saw in Murehwa was a test run. The party is deploying its militias to intimidate people and showcase what they intend to do in 2023.” Ahead of the 26 March by-elections last year several cases of violence were recorded countrywide, with CCC supporters largely being victims. CCC activist Mboneni Ncube was stabbed to death at a rally in Kwekwe in February last year, after Zanu PF activists stormed a CCC rally while party president Nelson Chamisa was addressing supporters. The assailants, who were later arrested while hiding at a lodge run by former State Security minister Owen Ncube in Mbizo 11, attacked CCC supporters with stones and machetes. Members of the CCC security sprang into action to ensure Chamisa’s safety but they could not save Ncube who was stabbed in the abdomen by a spear-wielding Zanu PF activist. In August last year four journalists were attacked by Zanu PF supporters in Chitekete ahead of the Gokwe-Kabuyuni parliamentary by-election while filming Chamisa’s motorcade that was being blocked from going to the campaign venue. It was being blocked by a convoy of about 15 Zanu PF vehicles, which formed a barricade on the way to Chitekete Shopping Centre, where the rally was scheduled. In the same month, armed anti-riot police officers sealed off all entrances into Rudhaka Stadium in Marondera, where Chamisa was billed to address thousands of his supporters ahead of the Marondera Central by-election that was eventually won by the opposition party’s Caston Matewu. In Insiza and Matobo ahead of some local authorities by-elections late last year, suspected Zanu PF youths left a violent trail of destruction that saw CCC Bulawayo metropolitan legislator Jasmine Toffa hospitalised. In October 2021, when Chamisa was meeting opinion leaders and traditional chiefs in Manicaland, his party alleged that a bullet hit through one window of the car he was travelling in and went out through another. The party described the incident as an assassination attempt. The incidents were part of a pattern of gross human rights violations. Every citizen of Zimbabwe is protected under chapter 2 of the constitution on freedom of association and other basic human rights. Contacted for comment, Zanu PF spokesperson Christopher Mutsvangwa, speaking from Dubai where is on holiday, said the party abhors any forms of violence and urged those aggrieved to report any cases to the police. He blamed CCC for what he described as false flag accusations regarding the Murehwa violence as he insisted his party members were not involved. “Social media false flag accusations are the new stock in trade of a CCC that is running out of electoral steam as the national plebiscite beckons. CCC is bent on mining the demented fright of its frustrated post-imperialists of the West as they face a faltering agenda,” Mutsvangwa said. “As a party we are always wary of the abuse of social media to further agendas of detractors who are primarily driven by sulking post-imperialists in the West. For four decades, they persist in smarting from the defeat of white minority racist Rhodesia, their cat's paw of plunder of our God-given natural endowments. “These sponsor a treachery-prone CCC opposition and multi-faced phalanx of NGOs all to tarnish the image of their politico-military nemesis that is Zanu PF, the party of the permanent Zimbabwe revolution,” he said. Mutsvangwa also told The NewsHawks that Zanu PF is on course to winning the general elections and does not need to use violence to secure victory. He argued that Zanu PF and Mnangagwa had delivered “palpable prosperity in the second republic”. “The beleaguered enemies and detractors are desperately resorting to fake abductions and other simulations as they try to soil the good name of Zanu PF,” he said. “These antics that hark back to Selous Scout-Skuza murderous wartime agenda will not wash with our conscientious populace and a vigilant and supportive African continent. “That said, we put it on record once again for unmistakable clarity. Zanu PF abhors and condemns all forms of political violence. H.E. President EDM (Mnangagwa) is ever on record imploring to this effect as we ready for 2023 harmonised elections,” said the former war veterans’ leader. Pummelling of CCC elderly heralds bloody 2023 polls Several villagers in Murehwa were left nursing injuries after suspected Zanu PF members attacked Citizens' Coalition for Change supporters. Zanu PF spokesperson Christopher Mutsvangwa.

Page 12 News NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE PROMINENT human rights defender and Zimbabwe Peace Project director Jestina Mukoko has condemned the government over rising cases of intimidation of opposition supporters in rural areas by Zanu PF top officials who are reportedly warning that this year’s pre-election period will be worse the bloody 2008 violence. The 2008 elections were characterised by intense violence, torture, abductions and murder of opposition political party supporters perpetrated by state security agents and trigger-happy Zanu PF activists, notably from the Border Gezi Youth Training camps. The then main opposition MDC led by the late Morgan Tsvangirai estimated that 200 of its supporters had been killed during the bloody era. On 22 June 2008, Tsvangirai withdrew from the presidential run-off election which pitted him and the late president Robert Mugabe due to the intensity of the killings of his supporters. In the earky hours of 3 December 2008, Mukoko was abducted from her home by state security agents who went on to severely torture her on false charges of recruiting youths for military training aimed at toppling Mugabe’s regime. She was held incommunicado for three days. The charges were later dropped by a full bench of the Supreme Court which also ordered that she be paid $150 000 in damages. In an exclusive interview with The NewsHawks this week, Mukoko said Zanu PF officials and activists in rural areas are currently spreading intimidation messages in rural areas that the coming polls will be worse than the 2008 era. “What we are getting from a lot of areas throughout the country are rampant threats that people are receiving and people are being told that 2023 is going to be worse than 2008.” “On that basis I am actually not surprised in terms of the violence that we saw in Murehwa where those elderly people were being assaulted.” “In a lot of parts of the country, especially in rural areas, it's becoming impossible for the opposition to be able to meet in meetings,” she said. Mukoko added: “Since the onset of the by-elections in March 2022, the Zimbabwe Peace Project has seen cases of political violence actually rising and we are concerned at the moment about the threats that the people are receiving in a lot of the areas where 2023 is being said that it will be worse than 2008 and that immediately instills fear in lot of people. If those situations are not corrected, we are likely to see some political parties not being able to work in some parts of the country since people are afraid of reprisals that can come out.” The NewsHawks gathered that there have been many unreported cases of intimidation in rural areas. The ZPP recorded that on 16 October last year in Matobo district, eight Zanu PF youths attacked CCC members with knobkerries, logs, and whips during a CCC voter mobilisation campaign ahead of by-elections. “The perpetrators discharged live ammunition to disperse the campaigners. Hon Kucaca Phulu, Nonhlanhla Mlotshwa, Mr. Tennyson Ndebele and other CCC members sustained serious injuries. Unidentified Zanu PF activists forced four women, who were part of the by-election mobilisation team, to remove the CCC regalia that they were wearing and were only left with undergarments and bras. ZPP did a documentary whereby the women highlighted how these activists threatened more violence,” said the organisation in a statement to The NewsHawks. On 9 November, cabinet minister of housing and Zanu PF chairperson for Mashonaland East province Daniel Garwi was caught on camera stating that Zanu PF controls the courts, the army and the police as he warned the opposition supporters that Zanu PF would not hesitate to use violence against them. “It is this kind of hate speech that incites political party supporters to use violence and worsen political polarisation and intolerance in the country,” said the ZPP. On 17 October, the ZPP recorded that over 80 suspected Zanu PF youths disrupted a CCC rally and attacked party members with knobkerries and machetes in Ward 2 of Matobo. The victims were at CCC candidate Augustine Gumede’s homestead ahead of the 22 October by-elections. The perpetrators reportedly threatened to unleash more violence against CCC supporters. The ZPP also recorded that former State Security minister Owen "Mudha" Ncube, while addressing a Zanu PF campaign rally in Mberengwa in October, was quoted as saying: “You have been told that 2023 will be worse than 2008. We will not just leave you while you are selling out. Even during the liberation struggle, there were sellouts, but they were dealt with”. In another incident, a Zanu PF leader identified as Daniel Mackenzie was quoted as reiterating Ncube’s remarks that the ruling party would not tolerate Mberengwa residents who supported the CCC. “We will not allow you to be traitors to the country for which the majority fought. Sellouts will be punished for their actions”. The organisation also recorded that in October Tawanda Karikoga, member of Parliament for Gokwe Mapfungautsi, was accused by other Zanu PF members of supporting Owen Ncube in spreading hate speech in the Midlands province and also creating parallel Zanu PF structures. The ZPP also recorded that on 15 September at Mutoko Centre flea market Ward 11 in Mutoko North, Phinieas Sambanewako, a CCC activist, was confronted and accused of derailing Zanu PF election plans by Farai Hodzi, a former Zanu PF councillor, who was in the company of his colleagues. He then proceeded to shove and slap Sambanewako and threatened to unleash worse violence if Sambanewako continued to derail their plans. The ZPP also recorded that on 9 September last year, two CCC members from Chirota Magunje Ward 25 in Hurungwe were assaulted by Zanu PF activists including Zanu PF ward chairperson Frank Ndambakuwa and his secretary Benhilda Chikovu. This was in a bid to silence CCC supporters in Hurungwe as Ndambakuwa stated that they would continue to use violence against CCC supporters as the country heads for the 2023 harmonised elections. On 22 September, Andrew Nyoka, the Silobela Zanu PF district chairperson, was recorded during a gathering at Umelusi in Silobela's Ward 24, threatening villagers that there would be dire consequences, including use of violence, if Zanu PF lost the 2023 elections. On 2 September, the ZPP also recorded that Zanu PF transported people from rural areas of Chipinge district to Chipinge Town. “They were singing songs denouncing CCC and its leader Nelson Chamisa singing wartime songs threatening to unleash violence to those opposed to Zanu PF. This was targeting CCC supporters who wanted to attend a rally that was being addressed by Nelson Chamisa at Kondo Business Centre in Chipinge West on 18 September,” said the ZPP. The ZPP also recorded that on 21 November, Zanu PF Midlands provincial chairperson Larry Mavima urged ruling party members to block the opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) from infiltrating rural areas ahead of the 2023 polls. Prior to that, Mavima was alleged to have been part of the Zanu PF officials who coordinated violence against opposition party supporters and journalists in Gokwe-Kabuyuni in August. Between 20 and 25 August, the ZPP recorded cases of violence against opposition supporters in Uzumba, Wedza North, Seke Rural and Gokwe Kabuyuni as efforts by Zanu PF to declare rural areas no-go areas for the opposition. “What need to be done to avert the bloody 2023 elections and also to stop the vicious cycle of political violence is ensuring that perpetrators of violence are brought to account for their actions. Unless they account for their actions, they don’t see the reason why they should not continue using the same strategies of violence,” said Mukoko. She stressed that the Electoral Act is very clear on what needs to happen when someone is guilty of intimidation, harassment and even political violence but bemoaned lack of enforcement of the law. “So unless the issues of impunity are dealt with, we will find ourselves in bloody elections in 2023. It is also up to the political parties themselves to ensure that they rein in their members.” “We realise that when we get to nomination dates, intra-party violence also rise. So political parties need to adopt zero tolerance to political violence and ensure that those who are guilty of the vice are disqualified.” “Unless people begin to see people being disqualified from an election, beginning from their own political parties, we will not be able to resolve issues that are linked to political violence,” said Mukoko. “We have become used to state institutions being complicit in the perpetration of violence. I am saying this because even when violence happens, and the perpetrators are known, the police who have a mandate to arrest perpetrators, in most cases when it involves members of the opposition, they do not do what they are supposed to be doing but they act very fast if violence is perpetrated on Zanu PF activists by the opposition,” she added. In March 2010, Mukoko was one of 10 human rights defenders honoured in the United States State Department's International Women of Courage Awards. The awards were given to women who have shown exceptional courage and leadership in advancing women's rights. She was also selected and served as a 2010 fellow with the Oak Institute for the Study of International Human Rights at Colby College. Zimbabwe Peace Project director Jestina Mukoko Mukoko flags govt over deepening rural violence

NewsHawks News Page 13 Issue 114, 13 January 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE RESIDENTS of Penhalonga in Manicaland province, community-based organisations and civil society organisations say  more than 100 people have died at Redwing Mine since 2020. The mine is being operated by President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s ally Pedzai "Scott" Sakupwanya and other partners amid growing concerns of massive gold leakages. On Thursday, five organisations, namely the Centre for Research and Development (CRD), Penhalonga Youth Development Trust, Zivai Community Empowerment Trust, Penhalonga Residents and Ratepayers Trust and Penhalonga Service Delivery Committee, read a statement saying they plan to present a petition to the police, Parliament, Mines ministry as well as the Environmental Management Agency (Ema) detailing the wrongdoing. James Mupfumi, the CRD director who read out the statement, said concrete steps must be taken to restore normalcy at Redwing Mine whose activity is affecting the surrounding communities, given that crimes such as robberies, burglaries and violence by illegal miners from the plant are rising. “We demand that government adheres to the principles of good governance such as the rule of law by enforcing the suspension of surface hazardous mining activities at Redwing and recommend due diligence and best mining practices that are constitutional and sustainable. Again, we urge government to balance business and human rights by ensuring that the US$12 billion mining industry by 2023 is backed by a watertight governance framework that upholds development and human rights,” he said. In the statement, the organisations said there is an increased number of deaths that are going unreported at Redwing Mine where unsafe mining methods are being used. The mine, covering 1 254 hectares, has over 2 000 pits operated by illegal miners. Most of the miners have the blessings of Sakupwanya’s Better Brands Company which mops up all the gold they extract at the site through buying it at meagre prices. “Only halfway through the month of January 2023, four have died, two from ground collapse and two from flooding in a shaft. Six artisanal mine workers died in these open mining pits in November 2022. Over 200 people have lost their lives in the pits since 2020, but some are not officially recorded. Fatal incidences are occurring almost every week in the mining pits,” reads the statement. “We bemoan government’s lack of commitment to investigate death of people in mining incidences at Redwing Mine and effect accountability to ensure that there is no further loss of lives. “We have observed increased number of death of people extracting gold ore in over 2 000 pits strewn all over the 1 254 hectares of Redwing Mine leased to Better Brands mining company in December 2020. “We have observed that the artisanal mine workers are dying from shafts and roofs collapsing as a result of weak and unsupported ground. Others are also dying from falling into unprotected pits ranging from 30 to 50 metres deep.” The organisations said the fatalities were not being properly documented. “Official sources interviewed also confirmed the high number of fatal incidences taking place at Redwing Mine and underlined the lack of transparency and accountability in documentation of these fatal incidences by mining authorities there,” the organisations said. “We observed that mining operations at Redwing Mine are in complete violation of Statutory Instrument 109 of 1990 (Management and Safety) Regulations. There is no barricading to working sites and steep inclined shafts, no protection to blasting fumes, dust and gases, no protective clothing including lifeline and life jackets, no precautionary measures in working distances of less than 10 metres, among other issues, no adequate timbering to prevent fall of ground, among other issues. “We also bemoan lack of government commitment to hold Better Brands accountable to the massive leakages of gold ore and environmental degradation in Penhalonga. In 2021, we raised concern on the establishment of 129 illegal hammer mills and cyanidation sites along river streams, residential areas, steep slopes and farming community with the ministry of Mines prompting a joint operation by responsible authorities to bring sanity to Penhalonga.” The operation resulted in the military-led Joint Operations Command ordering the suspension of surface mining activities at Redwing Mine, the epicentre of the environmental disaster unfolding in Penhalonga. However, mining resumed a month later while hammer mills and cyanidation plants also increased. The majority are operating illegally while those that are registered are non-compliant with their environmental impact assessments. “We remind the portfolio committee on Mines and Mining Development and the portfolio committee on Defence, Home Affairs and Security Services to summon mining authorities at Redwing, the minister of Mines and Mining Development and minister of Environment  and account for adverse impacts of mining at Redwing Mine...” Mining operations at Redwing were approved through an exclusionary non-standard tributary agreement by the mining affairs board in consultation with the minister of Mines to operate for seven years starting from December 2020. The capacity of the current mining entity to kickstart underground mining at Redwing and end hazardous surface artisanal mining is almost impossible as proven by a fact-finding mission of the parliamentary portfolio committee of Mines and portifolio committee on Defence which visited the plant in 2022. An order to suspend mining operations by Ema was delivered on 10 January 2022 because operations had continued to violate provisions of section 37(4) of the Ema ACT. Mining shafts at Redwing Mine are not up to standard, but the authorities have cast a blind eye to the flouting of the law. Penhalonga demands probe into deaths of miners at Redwing Mine Illegal miners at Redwing Mine.

Page 14 News NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023 NHAU MANGIRAZI KAROI Town Council has come under fire from residents over its flawed 2023 budget that was rejected by the ministry of Local Government last week in Gweru. The ministry approved 92 budgets from local councils throughout the country but rejected a few that include Karoi Town Council, Murehwa Rural District Council, Binga Rural District Council and Lupane Local Board. Ministry officials were tasked with assisting Karoi officials to come up with a budget. The council had made an "unchanged" ZW$4 billion budget underpinned by funding from 16 by-laws that are yet to be approved. Shepherd Mahwande, a local resident who was vocal during consultative meetings, said council was paying the price for prioritising "rubber-stamping" meetings. ‘‘On several occasions, we raised fundamental council budgeting flaws, but we were labelled as enemies. Council picked compliant and submissive individuals into the so-called budget committee to rubber-stamp a flawed budget and this is the sad reality we are facing as a town. We are in such a mess because some officials think they have a monopoly of ideas over public funds,’’ said Mahwande. “A sound budget entails the income, expenditure, receipts, payments, projections, assets, liabilities and balance of account. We requested these, but nothing was ever provided. It is unfortunate that our council is operating without standard operating systems. The council has failed us big time as they increased charges despite a promise that the budget was to remain static in 2023.” In its hard-hitting report, the ministry rejected the budget, saying it was hurriedly done. The ministry said council should go back to the drawing board with technical assistance from the ministry, before engaging stakeholders. Another resident, Edison Karichi, said if it is true that a team was sent to help in crafting and implementing a proper budget, council must do better. ‘‘Council must embrace all stakeholders in all future budget meetings to avoid such embarrassing performance,’’ said Karichi. Zimbabwe National Organisation of Residents and Associations Trust (ZNOART) provincial chairperson Liberty Chitiya called for inclusive engagement as residents and stakeholders’ contributions are crucial and should always be given priority. ‘‘The Karoi town budget rejection by the ministry is a sigh of relief to residents who have been saved from the jaws of a centralised local budget. ZNOART and all its membership highlighted to the council the need for a participatory budget, but the council ignored the pleas. ‘‘Budget consultations were slated to kick off at 5pm and there was no time for valuable inputs from residents focused on winding up the day,’’ said Chitiya. He said despite receiving written submissions from stakeholders, the council did not take cooperate. ‘‘ZNOART wrote a letter of concern against the council's non-participatory approach and budget consultations and all they did was to be arrogant as if the budget process belongs to council management not to residents or ratepayers. It is embarrassing that the Karoi Town Council budget was so bad that it could not be stitched and save face amongst the 31 urban local councils. Local government has directed the town council to go back to the drawing board with residents’ inputs being factored in so that proposed budgets put the ownership of a budget rightfully back to the residents in line with the tenets of devolution,’’ Chitiya added. Karoi town chairperson Abel Matsika, who is also Urban Council Association of Zimbabwe president, conceded that they performed badly. ‘‘It is true that our budget was rejected and the crafting part has since been corrected. There are two processes of committee meeting and subsequent full council that the minister said were hurriedly done and therefore left out important issues and we will invite our valued stakeholders to the full council meeting,’’ said Matsika. He however said some residents were too harsh over council shortcomings. ‘‘As council we are very much amenable to criticism and ready to take on board proposals and suggestions that make Karoi a better place we all wish it to be. There are lots of concerns in need of redress and clarification, but let me express my displeasure over some of the derogatory and uncouth language being used in expressing our misgivings. We will cooperate with every stakeholder for progress' sake,’’ said Matsika. For the past two years the farming town has been under the spotlight following the arrest of key officials by the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc) over suspected graft and abuse of offices charges. The town is operating with skeletal staff. Most senior managers are facing corruption-related charges in court. Town secretary Wellington Mutikani, finance director Tongai Namusala, housing director Sibongile Mujuruki, administrator Hastings Makunda and acting engineer Admire Jimu are under suspension. Karoi residents roast council over flawed budget

NewsHawks News Page 15 Issue 114, 13 January 2023 MARY MUNDEYA NICK Moyo (name changed for ethical reasons) was jailed at Mutoko Prison last year when *they came face-to-face with their worst nightmare. On the very first day of incarceration, they found themselves being told to undress in the presence of a prison officer who was waiting to hand them their prison uniform. Sometime in April last, they were arrested for stocktheft after stealing nine cattle belonging to their grandmother which they sold to fellow villagers. They wanted money for surgery to “correct” a condition, which made them uncomfortable to change in front of other people, but the act landed them in hot soup. After appearing before magistrate Elijah Sibanda, they were remanded in custody and were supposed to appear a week later for sentencing. That is when all hell broke loose. “When we were taking turns to change into prison gear, I was praying that the prison officer who was physically supervising how each of us was changing would not pay attention to me. That was not to be,” Moyo said. “I was changing while facing the opposite direction. The prison officer then mocked me saying there was nothing special about my anatomy, which he had not seen before. He went on to call two other officers to come and witness my ‘weird’ behaviour.” One of the prison officers ordered them to remove the prison gear they had put on so they could see what they were "supposedly" hiding. That is when Moyo’s ambiguous genitalia was discovered, to much discomfort and displeasure. Ambiguous genitalia is a rare condition in which a person’s external genital organs do not appear to be clearly either male or female. “I had never felt so exposed. My sexuality is something that I had always kept a closely guarded secret because of the fear of being victimised. Only a few members of my family knew about my condition,” they said. The days that followed were characterised by loneliness and sorrow as Moyo was put in solitary confinement. This is after the news of an inmate with both male and female reproductive organs spread like an uncontrollable veld fire. Prison officers put Moyo in solitary confinement, fearing they could get raped by other inmates. “I became a spectacle and almost every prison warden wanted to see my genitals. To them, my condition was unheard of. I also wasn’t allowed to mix with other inmates and for the whole time I was awaiting sentencing, I was alone and did not socialise with anyone, which took a toll on my mental health,” they said. They only managed to get reprieve when they were sentenced to 300 hours of community service at a local school after the magistrate ruled that the fact that they committed the crime to fund surgery costs constituted a special circumstance. Moyo’s story is just one of the many cases of intersex people in Zimbabwe who are often humiliated and stereotyped as homosexuals not only in communities they live in but also in the hands of law enforcement agencies. The constitution of Zimbabwe recognises males and females but not intersex people, thus the provision of public services specifically targeting persons who belong out of the "normal" gender bracket is currently non-existent. According to Amnesty International: “There are millions of people around the world who have sexual characteristics that do not fit typical binary notions of male or female bodies. Many, though not all, of these people identify as intersex. “Intersex is an umbrella term used to describe a wide range of natural variations that affect genitals, gonads, hormones, chromosomes or reproductive organs. Sometimes these characteristics are visible at birth, sometimes they appear at puberty, and sometimes they are not physically apparent at all and between 1.7% and 2% of the world’s population is born with intersex traits. The United Nations Human Rights office in its 2015 United Nations Free and Equal campaign released a factsheet on the rights of intersex people. The campaign exposed how intersex children and adults are often stigmatised and subjected to multiple human rights violations, including infringement of their rights to be free from stereotype and ill-treatment, as well as rights to health and physical integrity, equality and non-discrimination. Often stigmatised as part of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer or questioning (LGBTI+) community, most intersex people live secretive lives from birth to avoid being misfits in society, which results in a lot of mental suffering throughout their lives, experts have said. Although the rights of any gender that is not male or female is still a sensitive issue in Zimbabwe, various gender lobby groups such as Intersex Community of Zimbabwe (ICoZ) have managed to get an audience from legislators who are beginning to warm up to their plight. “I’m proud that we have managed to get a buy-in from legislators who after several engagements have vouched to take our issues to Parliament,’’ said Ronie Zuze, founder and director of ICoZ. One of the legislators who has been vocal on issues affecting the inter-sex community is Bulawayo senator Khaliphani Phugeni. He says they have been denied their rights for too long. "The plight of the intersex community is one that brings pain to my heart because what is clear is that the human dignity and human rights that are guaranteed by the constitution of Zimbabwe do not extend to them. It's criminal, unforgivable and inhumane," Phugeni says. "If you look at the psychological, emotional and long term (effects), some of these people end up committing suicide because of the manner in which they are treated by various sectors of society and as a legislator I'm at the forefront of lobbying that intersex be a recognised gender in our country." For Nick Moyo, and others in similar circumstances, life goes on as they anxiously wait for a day when their rights will be constitutionally recognised, enabling them to have access to public services and amenities, including being catered for in the event of being imprisoned. *Some intersex people prefer the gender pronoun "they", rather than him or her. *This feature was written with support from the Voluntary Media Council under a project aimed at unravelling issues affecting the minority groups. Bulawayo senator Khaliphani Phugeni Intersex people’s plight needs urgent attention

Page 16 International Investigative Stories Mohammed Abdus Sobhan Miah worked as a cab driver, pizza cook, and drugstore clerk while living in New York City, but a few years after returning to Bangladesh to serve as an aide to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, he started secretly snapping up properties in the city worth millions. IN 2014, a former cab driver named Mohammed Abdus Sobhan Miah began buying apartments in an upscale building in New York City’s Jackson Heights district. Over the next five years, his portfolio came to include nine properties, worth over $4 million in total. Miah was an unlikely real estate baron. After moving to the U.S. from Bangladesh in the 1980s, associates say he worked a series of low-paying jobs — making pizzas, serving as a drugstore clerk, and driving an unlicensed taxi. But back in Bangladesh, where he is widely known by the nickname “Golap,” Miah was a far more prominent figure. As a long-serving member of the ruling Awami League party, he has served as a personal aide to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and today is a member of parliament. Hasina, Bangladesh’s longest-ruling leader, has been a fixture of the country’s political life since the early 1980s. After serving as prime minister from 1996 to 2001, she returned to the post with overwhelming support in 2009. Since then, she has remained in power through two highly controversial elections, while her government has been accused of enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, muzzling the independent press, and allowing corruption to run rampant. Miah’s New York purchases started about five years after he returned to Bangladesh to work as Hasina’s assistant in 2009. His declarations and tax records show no evidence of any U.S. income at that point, and it’s unclear how he could have accumulated millions of dollars to buy the properties from his local jobs. It’s also unclear how Miah could have bought them with his official salary as Hasina’s aide, which amounted to the equivalent of $1,000 a month. Even if he did have millions of dollars stashed away in Bangladesh, he never applied for approval to transfer the money abroad from the central bank, as is legally required, and would not have been able to do so to buy property anyway. “There is no legal means through which a Bangladeshi citizen can purchase property outside the country by income earned within Bangladesh,” said Iftekhar Zaman, executive director of Transparency International Bangladesh. Reporters made repeated attempts to reach Miah by phone, text message, and email, and tried to speak to him in person, but he did not respond to questions about his properties. Hasina’s office also did not respond to emailed requests for comment. Steadfast Loyalty Miah has been involved with Hasina’s Awami League ever since he was in the party’s student wing while at university in Dhaka in the 1970s. After a stint studying in Norway, he left for New York in the mid-1980s. For the next three decades, he moved between the U.S. and Bangladesh, with the timing mirroring the rise and fall of Hasina’s political fortunes. While in New York, Miah mobilized support for Hasina among the city’s Bangladeshi community by organizing Awami League seminars and meetings, according to two U.S.-based party leaders, who asked for anonymity out of fear of reprisals. They also said he chauffeured Hasina during her U.S. visits and assisted her son, Sajeeb Ahmed Wazed, with odd jobs when he was also living in the U.S. After Hasina was first elected prime minister in 1996, Miah moved back to Dhaka to work as her unofficial personal assistant, the party leaders said. Five years later, Hasina lost power and Miah returned to New York, where he and his current wife worked as clerks in a Walgreens drug store, according to the two party leaders and another person who knew him at the time. At some point during his time in the U.S. he also received citizenship there. In 2007, Hasina left Bangladesh under pressure from the military-backed regime in power at the time. When she tried to fly back to Dhaka later that year, Miah was in her entourage at London’s Heathrow Airport. Just before the Awami League swept back into power the following year, he moved back to Bangladesh and has lived there ever since. Miah’s loyalty was rewarded in 2009 with an appointment as Hasina’s “special assistant,” a top government position that gave him extensive political influence and power, but pays just $1,000 per month. He remained in that role until 2018, when he was elected as an MP for the Madaripur 3 constituency, a district within the Dhaka region, while still a U.S. citizen — a fact that Zaman from Transparency International said should have barred him from running for office. “No foreign citizen can contest in the national election of Bangladesh. It is constitutionally barred,” he said. “If anyone conceals her/ his foreign citizenship and if it is revealed afterwards his … membership in the parliament will be canceled.” Miah only renounced his U.S. citizenship on August 15, 2019, according to official records, seven months after he was elected as a member of parliament in Bangladesh. Property records show that by then he had also acquired substantial assets in New York. Between 2014 and 2018, Miah bought five condominiums, worth roughly $2.4 million at the time, in a Jackson Heights building featuring a concierge service, an outdoor pool, and covered parking. He also bought three more apartments, worth $680,000, in nearby co-op buildings. To page 18 International InvestigativeStories Miah (left, with glasses) stands next to Sheikh Hasina (center) after she is turned away from a flight at London's Heathrow Airport in 2007. Bangladeshi politician close to Prime Minister Hasina secretly owns over $4 million in New York real estate Bangladeshi politician close to Prime Minister Hasina secretly owns over $4 million in New York real estate NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

International Investigative Stories Page 17 The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists collaborates with hundreds of members across the world. Each of these journalists is among the best in his or her country and many have won national and global awards. Our monthly series, Meet the Investigators, highlights the work of these tireless journalists. On the heels of Brazil’s election last year, ICIJ member Guilherme Amado joined us to discuss how outgoing president Jair Bolsonaro’s government put democracy in the balance, the struggles that incoming President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva will face in January and how he’s coping with news overload. Amado is a news columnist for the website Metropoles and a director of Abraji, the Brazilian Association of Investigative Journalism. Earlier in 2022, he published a book on the ways Bolsonaro’s government dealt with the Covid-19 pandemic. This episode was recorded and shared with ICIJ’s Insiders community of recurring monthly donors in November 2022. Nicole Sadek: Welcome back to Meet the Investigators from the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. I’m your host, Nicole Sadek, ICIJ’s editorial fellow. On Oct. 30, my phone blew up with notifications about the result of Brazil’s presidential election. And, perhaps, like some of you, I wondered why this election had such major international coverage. Well, today my guest is going to break it all down. Guilherme Amado is an investigative reporter who was born and raised in Rio de Janeiro. He’s a news columnist for Metropoles and director of the Brazilian Association of Investigative Journalism. Plus, Guilherme’s spent years covering the two men who were battling it out for the presidency: Jair Bolsonaro and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, known as Lula. Bolsonaro, a far-right politician, was the incumbent. He’s been serving since 2019. Lula, on the other hand, a left-wing progressive, already served two terms and was vying for his third. Barack Obama once called him the most popular politician on Earth until he was caught up in the middle of a massive corruption scandal. Although the election is technically over, the fallout continues. Even while Guilherme and I were speaking, he heard some surprising news from his colleague. Guilherme Amado: Sorry, I think it’s one of my reporters. Bolsonaro’s party has just said that they don’t recognize the result of the election. Nicole: We’ll get into that part of our conversation in a bit. Guilherme, thanks for joining us. Bring us up to speed. What were the major issues in this election? Guilherme: Democracy and the social challenge would be the most crucial issues. I don’t know for how many years we would have to wait to return back to democracy if Bolsonaro had won. We have a country that is back to the Hunger Map of the United Nations, and I think that, probaby, it wouldn’t be a priority in another government of Bolsonaro. He denies that there are people hungry. He says that it’s fake news. Nicole: Guilherme got to know Bolsonaro’s government intimately, when he wrote a book on how it dealt with the coronavirus pandemic. The book is called, in English, “No Mask: The Bolsonaro Government and the Bet for Chaos.” Guilherme: I’m sure that he saw in the pandemic an opportunity, tryHow investigating political fanatics became one of the most dangerous jobs in Brazil NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023 ICIJ member Guilherme Amado, a seasoned investigative journalist, was uniquely placed to cover Brazil’s recent election. But reporting on the contest still came with significant challenges and risks.

Bangladeshi Prime Minister aide secretly owns over $4m in New York real estate Page 18 From page 16 New York property records show that all were purchased with cash. Miah’s wife, Gulshan Ara Miah, is also listed as an owner. In December 2019 — after Miah was elected as an MP, a role that pays a monthly salary of around $647 — he added another property in Jackson Heights: this time, a semi-detached house worth almost $1.2 million. Lack of Disclosure The most detailed public account of Miah’s finances was given in a statement of assets required for his parliamentary run in 2018. In Bangladesh, he declared a five-story building in Dhaka’s Mirpur neighborhood, which he valued at about $40,000, and which earned about $6,000 per year in rent. He also declared about $336,000 in stocks and other investments, roughly $142,000 in bank deposits, and around $32,000 worth of gold. His wife, Gulshan Ara Miah, disclosed a separate annual income of about $103,000 from her 50-percent ownership of Roots Communication, a telecommunication company. She also disclosed property valued at about $62,500 in Dhaka’s Uttara neighborhood, bank deposits of about $203,000, investments of about $737,000, and roughly $32,000 in gold. Neither Miah nor his wife disclosed their New York City holdings or any other offshore assets in the declaration. Rafiqul Islam, a former Bangladesh Election Commissioner, told OCCRP that Miah’s failure to disclose his New York properties could have consequences. “If it is proven that he lied about his wealth abroad in the [election disclosure] affidavit, he can lose his seat in the parliament — questions will be raised,” Islam said. Candidate disclosure forms are snapshots, showing assets at the time of filing, with little or no explanation of how or when the wealth was acquired. But even if the couple had already accumulated substantial assets by 2014, the money for the New York purchases could not have legally been transferred from Bangladesh. Such transfers are approved by the central bank on a case-by-case basis, and are typically allowed only for supporting students studying abroad or for people who need to get medical treatment — not for real estate purchases. Mohammed Serajul Islam, the spokesman for Bangladesh’s central bank until he retired in October, said during an interview in August that someone living and working in Bangladesh would not have been allowed to move funds out of the country. “There [is] no opportunity to purchase properties abroad, being in Bangladesh and using funds earned in Bangladesh,” he said, although he declined to comment specifically on Miah. “No one can take funds abroad to invest into assets abroad,” he emphasized. Bangladeshi resident citizens also have to report offshore properties or foreign income to tax authorities. But Miah’s tax returns, on file with the Bangladesh Election Commission, listed no assets in New York. Ross Delston, a Washington-based attorney who specializes in financial crime issues, said U.S. property purchases by politically connected figures such as Miah should face higher scrutiny due to the potential for bribery and other forms of corruption. But in practice, the system is rife with loopholes. For instance, U.S. banks make their own determinations about who constitutes socalled “politically exposed persons” and U.S. real estate agents are also not required to follow anti-money laundering procedures. “There is a reason that plundered funds the world over find a home in the U.S.,” Delston said. — Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project. NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023 ing to present himself as a solution of an autocrat. Many, many moments during these two years, he was very close to authoritarian decisions, but for sure, his dream is a system that he wouldn’t have the Supreme Court, he wouldn’t have the Congress and other obstacles that democracy brings. Nicole: Bolsonaro’s presidency has also been a point of concern for journalists. The Committee to Protect Journalists ranks Brazil ninth on its Global Impunity Index, which measures how dangerous it is to be a reporter in countries all across the globe. Earlier this year, British reporter Dom Phillips was killed in the Amazon while covering the harms to Indigenous communities and the environment under Bolsonaro’s government. Guilherme: We cannot ignore that when the president says that it’s OK to attack journalists and that journalists are enemy of the people — because Bolsonaro, he said the same that Trump did — so of course, Bolsonaro didn’t fire the gun, but the environment he created, this environment is the same in which Dom Phillips was killed. But, for the kind of journalism I make now, I think that the most dangerous situations are those in which we are investigating extremists, or supporters of the president that are fanatic people. Nicole: This isn’t just a hypothetical. Before the first round of the election in September, a minister’s lawyer contacted Guilherme. Guilherme: He sent a WhatsApp message, mentioning the name of all my family: my mother, my sister, my brother-in-law, my stepdaughter. It was with the goal of saying, “Hey, I know who they are,” and trying to make me stop. These kinds of people, I feel that they are as dangerous as those that are in the middle of the forest. I went to the police, I registered a complaint. In the first moment, the police officer didn’t want to register because he said it wasn’t a threat. He said it was normal. The curious [thing] is I have already investigated drug traffickers, militia groups, and I have never had this kind of problem. Nicole: Given the critical issues of Bolsonaro’s presidency, election night was tense. Guilherme: I was in the newsroom. We were reporting not only the results but also the behind the scenes of that day, so calling many sources that were close to Lula, close to Bolsonaro. So, we were afraid, we were anxious. When the results start being released, Bolsonaro started winning. It was expected because in Brazil the states of the South, the results start being released before from these states and then from the North states, in which we have many supporters of Lula. But everybody was very afraid in the newsroom, and when the official result was released, it was relieving. Nicole: Lula’s win was a great victory for the left. But, oddly enough, as much as Lula is loved, he was involved in one of the biggest corruption scandals in Brazil’s history. [Al Jazeera English]: Provoking one of the largest corruption investigations in South American history, the Car Wash scandal has left its mark on countries from Brazil to Peru. Business leaders, multinational corporations and politicians have been caught up in allegations ranging from bribery and money laundering to distorting the democratic process. Nicole: Operation Car Wash was a federal investigation which alleged that leaders of the state-owned oil company Petrobras accepted bribes to award contracts. The scandal completely tainted the image of Lula’s party. Guilherme: Many people voted not for Lula. They voted against Bolsonaro, you know? What was at stake in this election wasn’t only corruption. Both have problems in this area: Bolsonaro in his personal level, Lula in the level of his party. But the problem in this election, as I said, was about the possibility of having a system of combating corruption. It was about the possibility of having an environment of improvement of social life conditions, of women’s rights, of Black people rights, so it was much more than corruption. Nicole: What do you think Lula needs to do now that he’s back in the presidential palace? Guilherme: He has a lot of challenges as well. He cannot accept again any big scandal of corruption. But, more than that, I think that he, himself, he has to be the example. Probably, you know, it’s almost impossible to have a government without any possibility of corruption. When it happens, I think that he has to be very serious and maybe fire the person while the person is being investigated, and things like that to show that things changed, because we had a chance now, with the defeat of Bolsonaro, but Bolsonaro is still very strong. And that atmosphere that brought him to power, it still exists. So in four years, if Lula fails, I think that maybe the far right wing powers in Brazil, they can return to the palace. Nicole: How has Bolsonaro reacted to Lula’s victory? Guilherme: He didn’t say till now, we have eight days of being defeated, he didn’t say yet, “I was defeated.” He didn’t say, “Lula won.” He said that he had incredible support, and actually he’s right, because he had more than 50 million of votes and this is incredible especially considering what was his government. But this is very dangerous. For example, now while we are talking, the president of the party of Bolsonaro has just said that they don’t recognize the defeat of Bolsonaro. What will happen, I cannot say. Nicole: Bolsonaro’s supporters argued that his defeat was a result of voter fraud. At the time of recording this episode, Brazil’s senior election official stated that an election review did not “point to any fraud or inconsistency.” We’re lucky to have Guilherme here to explain the fallout of the election. But as a journalist, he’s covered far more than presidential politics. In 2014, for example, he developed a WhatsApp-based network connecting Latin American reporters writing about organized crime and drug dealing. So how did he get here? Guilherme: When I was a child, one of the things that I liked to play was to create a newspaper. I know that’s a kind of, something that you expect to hear from a journalist. And I think that, until I was 14 or 15 years old, I was pretty sure I would be a journalist. And then, when I was a teenager, I got the idea that journalists would have terrible salaries, you know, and terrible income, and I didn’t like the idea of being poor, and not having a job. At that time, it was the beginning of many layoffs in Brazil, because of the digital transformation, and I think that somehow, because I had other journalists in my family, I was affected at that, so I thought about working in advertisement. And after two years working in an ad agency, I was totally unhappy. And that environment didn’t fulfill me, didn’t fulfill my dreams and my expectations for society and for the improvement of life conditions of everybody, especially in a country like Brazil that has many, many poor people. And then I decided, oh, I will be a journalist. I will try to do my best, not have a terrible salary and work hard. And here I am. Nicole: You mentioned there was another journalist in your family. How did they influence you? Guilherme: I’m talking about my aunt. She was like a second mother. And I grew up in an environment of many great journalists, many scoops. She has also worked in the kind of column that I do today. But I feel that especially this relationship with journalism as a mission, I think that’s something that I learned with her a lot. And this is not 100% good, she didn’t have a division of personal life and professional life. I don’t think that this is good. I try to do it better than she did. Nicole: Guilherme even shared one way he’s trying to unplug. Guilherme: Because I need to relax, so I’m reading José Saramago. That’s a brilliant Portuguese novelist that won the Nobel Prize, and he’s fantastic because he creates stories that are very, that of course, they don’t exist, they are a little bit fantastic, but he uses these creations to talk about our current problems. And this one that I’m reading is, probably in English, is [“The Double.”] It’s a professor of history that finds that there is a man in movies, an actor, in very, very side roles, that is identical of him. And he starts trying to find who is this man. But he tells it in a way that’s very funny and relaxing. For being a Brazilian in 2022, I think it’s important to relax as well. Nicole: That note wraps up this month’s episode of Meet the Investigators. Big thanks to Guilherme Amado for giving me the rundown on the presidential election and giving us all some more insights into the country’s political landscape. International Investigative Stories

NewsHawks Page 19 Issue 114, 13 January 2023 International Investigative Stories Ÿ Choose The NewsHawks Executive Conference Room WORKSHOPS I PRODUCT LAUNCHES I MEDIA/FINANCIAL BRIEFINGS I EVENTS Training Session? Planning a Meeting or Harare 6th Floor #100 Nelson Mandela Ave The NewsHawks Beverly Court For Bookings please contact Charmaine on 0735 666 122 Email- [email protected] Land line- (0242) 721 144/5 The NewsHawks @NewsHawksLive www.newshawks.com [email protected] For more Information visit

The NewsHawks is published on different content platforms by the NewsHawks Digital Media which is owned by Centre for Public Interest Journalism No. 100 Nelson Mandela Avenue Beverly Court, 6th floor Harare, Zimbabwe Trustees/Directors: Beatrice Mtetwa, Raphael Khumalo, Professor Wallace Chuma, Teldah Mawarire, Doug Coltart EDITORIAL STAFF: Managing Editor: Dumisani Muleya Assistant Editor: Brezh Malaba News Editor: Owen Gagare Digital Editor: Bernard Mpofu Reporters: Nyasha Chingono, Enoch Muchinjo, Moses Matenga, Jonathan Mbiriyamveka Email: [email protected] Marketing Officer: Charmaine Phiri Cell: +263 735666122 [email protected] [email protected] Subscriptions & Distribution: +263 735666122 Reaffirming the fundamental importance of freedom of expression and media freedom as the cornerstone of democracy and as a means of upholding human rights and liberties in the constitution; our mission is to hold power in its various forms and manifestations to account by exposing abuse of power and office, betrayals of public trust and corruption to ensure good governance and accountability in the public interest. CARTOON Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe The NewsHawks newspaper subscribes to the Code of Conduct that promotes truthful, accurate, fair and balanced news reporting. If we do not meet these standards, register your complaint with the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe at No.: 34, Colenbrander Rd, Milton Park, Harare. Telephone: 024-2778096 or 024-2778006, 24Hr Complaints Line: 0772 125 659 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] WhatsApp: 0772 125 658, Twitter: @vmcz Website: www.vmcz.co.zw, Facebook: vmcz Zimbabwe Page 20 PHEW, what a chaotic start to the year! A dazed Zimbabwe dollar is wobbling precariously into an eventful 2023, as the authorities comically plead with government contractors to desist from trading on the parallel market. Despite valiant efforts by spin doctors and apologists to hype up a troubled economy, there is really no gainsaying the devastating impact of economic hardships on long-suffering citizens. On the political front, Zanu PF's naked thuggery is on full display in Murewa where elderly villagers have been viciously flogged by the usual suspects. Such barbarism could surprisingly have the unintended effect of galvanising a groundswell of resistance to authoritarian rule. There is unbelievable turmoil on the political landscape, with the captured Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) drowning in a cesspool of incompetence and intrigue. Parliament has torn to shreds Zec's controversial delimitation report, leaving the country on political tenterhooks. In Britain, President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s international diplomatic re-engagement effort faces spectacular collapse amid growing disapproval of his authoritarian regime’s excesses. Since the 1890s, the British establishment has directly contributed to Zimbabwe's never-ending turmoil. They have not atoned for the crimes of Empire. And yet — here is the grotesque irony — the hoary lords spoke lots of sense in condemning Mnangagwa this week. That is how clueless Mnangagwa is; he makes the mighty lords look like saints. Jonathan Oats, a member of the Liberal Democrats, asked the British government to block Zimbabwe's re-admission to the Commonwealth until the Mnangagwa regime is compliant with the principles of the 1991 Harare Declaration. Britain's upper House discussed the matter on Thursday this week. Oats is co-chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Zimbabwe. He argues that the re-admission of an unreformed Zimbabwe would severely damage the reputation of the Commonwealth and undermine the struggle for democratic change. Oats says the British government appears reluctant to oppose Zimbabwe's re-admission owing to a troubled colonial history. In that connection, it is his considered opinion that Zimbabwe's re-admission would in fact compound that troubled history. "Ignoring the oppression faced by the people of Zimbabwe today does not atone for past oppression inflicted under colonial rule. On the contrary, it compounds it," Oats told the House of Lords. Citing the prolonged pre-trial detention of opposition MP and political prisoner Job Sikhala; the political violence unleashed on the opposition by Zanu PF thugs; the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission's refusal to release an electronic copy of the voters' roll and many other examples of undemocratic conduct, Oats concluded that the Zimbabwean government does not currently deserve Commonwealth re-admission. "It is now clear beyond doubt that the Zimbabwe Government are intent on using violence, intimidation and the full power of the state to crush all opposition ahead of this year’s scheduled general elections. I therefore urge our [British] government and all Commonwealth member states to make it clear that Zimbabwe will be re-admitted to the Commonwealth only when all political prisoners are released; when prosecutorial harassment of the opposition ceases; and when the rule of law, the constitution of Zimbabwe and the principles of the Commonwealth charter and the Harare Declaration are upheld." In response, Frank Zacharias Goldsmith, the minister of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, said although the British government is in favour of Zimbabwe's re-admission, the final decision would be taken by Commonwealth member states. Significantly, Goldsmith made it clear that the Zimbabwean government's upholding of democratic tenets in the 2023 general election will provide an opportunity to assess Harare’s seriousness. "The general elections, expected this year, present, really, the ideal opportunity for the government of Zimbabwe to demonstrate progress against the respect for the principles of the charter, namely respect for human rights, freedom for the political opposition, civil society and media to operate . . . I would really like to reiterate on behalf of the UK government that we really see the general election as the moment for the Zimbabwean government to prove, to demonstrate, its readiness to join the Commonwealth." During his visit to Zimbabwe in November last year, Commonwealth assistant secretary-general Professor Luis Franceschi met with a range of stakeholders, including the government, civil society and the opposition. In the aftermath of that visit, the Commonwealth announced that Zimbabwe had made "tremendous progress" in complying with re-admission expectations. Zanu PF simply thrives on chaos From Gukurahundi to Murehwa Dumisani Muleya Hawk Eye Editorial & Opinion NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 26 NewsHawks Issue 76, 15 April 2022 Business MATTERS NewsHawks CURRENCIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE USD/JPY 109.29 +0.38 +0.35 GBP/USD 1.38 -0.014 -0.997 USD/CAD 1.229 +0.001 +0.07 USD/CHF 0.913 +0.005 +0.53 AUD/USD 0.771 -0.006 -0.76 COMMODITIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE *OIL 63.47 -1.54 -2.37 *GOLD 1,769.5 +1.2 +0.068 *SILVER 25.94 -0.145 -0.56 *PLATINUM 1,201.6 +4 +0.33 MARKETS *COPPER 4.458 -0.029 -0.65 BERNARD MPOFU THE Zimbabwe dollar is this year expected to plunge against major currencies as money supply surges ahead of the next general election, derailing government’s interventionist measures announced last year to stabilise the economy, an investment firm says. Already, the Zimbabwe dollar has depreciated against the US dollar at the foreign currency auction conducted by the  Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) on 10 January 2023. The official rate moved to US$1: ZW$705.4164  from the  US$1: ZW$671.4466 that was set at the previous auction conducted on 13 December 2022. Zimbabwe’s domestic currency stabilised for several weeks towards the end of last year after government announced a cocktail of measures such as cracking the whip on its contractors whom it accused of driving parallel market foreign exchange deals. The central bank also hiked interest rates to 200% to discourage borrowing for speculative purposes. But with stakes high ahead of the polls, experts and critics say fiscal spending will drive money supply growth resulting in the weakening of the local unit. The dollar which closed the year around US$1: ZW$800 on the parallel market is now trading at up to US$1:ZW$1200. Zimdollar faces plunge in 2023 Tinashe Murapata, founder of Leon Africa, said fresh liquidity into the market is piling pressure on the local dollar. “2023 will see three currencies becoming dominate. USD cash, Nostro and ZWL. Within days of the new year ZWL depreciated by more than 10%. Brought about by liquidity of ZWL that entered the market,” Murapata said.  “We make the distinction between liquidity and money supply. This money was always there, just not liquid. In 2023 we expect the spill-over of the unresolved issues. The ZWL will depreciate further but a new Nostro currency will develop alongside. There is the USD cash economy. Then the Nostro currency trading at 5% to Cash and ZWL. “It is well to remember in June 2016 Cash to FCA premium rate was 2%. In 12 months it was 60%. By Nov 2017 it was 100%. This is happening again in 2023. USD TBs (Treasury Bills) are being discounted at 20-30%.” RBZ governor John Mangudya last year said the government is staying the course with its current macro-economic stabilisation measures rooted in high interest rates. Experts say the taming of inflation as well as the maintenance of stability over the past two months have generally shown that the greatest threat to stability is excess liquidity.

Page 22 Companies & Markets Post-Covid blues rattles real estate BERNARD MPOFU MORE than half of local firms have painted a gloomy economic outlook of 2023, warning that the situation may deteriorate as the country heads towards general elections, a new study by the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce (ZNCC) has shown. Treasury sees Zimbabwe’s economy growing by 4.6% in 2022 driven by growth in mining, tourism and agriculture, but skeptics and international organisations such as the World Bank say most economies will register modest growth in the current year. Experts say the current macro-economic environment is characterised by high inflation which is attributable to endogenous and exogenous factors. “In terms of business confidence or the respondents’ perception of the current situation (2022) compared to the previous year (2021) and their expectation of the subsequent year (2023); 77% considered the general domestic economic situation in 2022 to have deteriorated compared to 2021 while 15% of stakeholders viewed the 2022 situation as improved. The access to credit situation is considered to have deteriorated by about 81% of the respondents while 9% indicated that the situation has remained unchanged,” says the ZNCC in the 2022 State of Industry and Commerce survey. “A similar analysis was viewed for the 2023 expectations with 59% expecting the general economic situation to be worse, while 18% expect it to improve. In the same vein, 61% and 53% expect profitability and ease of doing business in 2023 to deteriorate compared to 17% and 11% who are optimistic as they consider the situation to improve. “The business confidence index reflected by firms and business community is generally negative for the upcoming year 2023. The combined diffusion index of BCI (business confidence index) of the industry and commerce decreased to minus 42 from a figure of eight which was recorded in 2021. In fact, the general pessimism shown by the business confidence indicators reflect that stakeholders in industry and commerce’ have no confidence on the government’s macroeconomic stabilisation policies in the coming year 2023, and on the international and domestic economic recovery.” The decline in the manufacturing sector’s export share, the ZNCC says, is concerning, given the multiplier effects associated with the sector. “The results could be partially explained by the doing business environment which continues to negatively affect the country’s competitiveness as Zimbabwe is performing poorly when compared to its peers in the Southern African Development Community,” the study shows. “Some of the factors contributing to poor ranking on the Ease of Doing Business include cumbersome, bureaucratic, costly and time-consuming processes of paying taxes, energy challenges (especially grid electricity which is considered an affordable option), access to patient capital, and trade facilitation challenges such as delays at the ports of entry.” BERNARD MPOFU A NEW report by a local investment firm shows that while the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic has spurred the growth of e-commerce business after the government’s enforced measures to slow down the spread of the virus, the real estate sector emerged bruised as several companies folded while others scaled down operations. Zimbabwe announced a total lockdown in 2020 after the southern African nation reported its first fatality related to the respiratory ailment which claimed millions of lives across the globe. The measures affected international trade after most airlines halted flights while businesses shut, save for essential services which operated on restricted timelines. According to a report by Bard Santner Investors on local real estate, the greatest hurdles to Zimbabwe’s property market are hyperinflation, currency depreciation and a dearth of long-term financing. Bard Santner Investors is licensed and registered by the Securities and Exchange Commission of Zimbabwe (SECZim) as an investment manager. “Most landlords are grappling with high debtor balances as many businesses have failed to consistently pay their rentals over the last few years,” reads the research note. “The retail market has been hard hit by current economic challenges, worsened by Covid-19 lockdowns over the last 2 years. There also seems to have been a noticeable shift to online shopping by consumers, undermining the business model employed by a large majority of landlords across the market. Again, a growing number of informal traders and vendors in cities and towns are driving traditional formal tenants out of business. “In a bid to manage cost and fight competition, tenants are being forced to downsize or close, leading to excessive supply of space in the commercial lease market. With the yield ranging between 5 and 7%, Zimbabwe ranks as the lowest in SADC.” Unavailability of mortgages and high cost of borrowing in Zimbabwe, the report further shows, has left many landlords stuck with unattractive old warehouses on the other side of the segment, driving commercial tenants to switch to owner-occupied warehouses and spaces. “Arguably, this has also been an incentive to local property investors to promote REITs (real estate investment trusts) to generate some liquidity from underperforming assets,” Bard Santner says. Turning to office space, Bard Santner says this segment is also still nursing wounds from its fall-out with Covid-19 induced lockdowns as remote working patterns are becoming increasingly popular. “The ongoing shift to suburban areas like Newlands, Eastlea and Milton Park is dampening the office space market in the Harare business centre for instance, and the same can be observed in other cities,” the report reads. “Operators are converting their houses into offices to cut expenses and maintain profitability. At an average of 7%, the yield is marginally lower, translating to low cashflows relative to neighbouring countries that are yielding over 9% per annum. Meanwhile many suburban shopping malls across the country have struggled to retain the traffic they typically attract in their first few months of launch.” Companies gloomy as new year starts PRISCA TSHUMA THE Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has identified weaknesses in the risk management and corporate governance of the Zimbabwe Women’s Microfinance Bank. The weaknesses were observed after the central bank concluded its on-site examination of the financial institution in December last year as part of ongoing supervision in terms of section 36 of the Microfinance Act. Upon detecting the weaknesses, the Reserve Bank engaged the institution’s board and shareholders to initiate processes and measures to address the deficits. The Women’s Bank is a registered microfinance institution established in 2018 and is licensed by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ). It is the only Women’s microfinance institution in Southern Africa. The Women’s Bank is mandated to empower women through facilitating financial inclusion by providing access to affordable and innovative women-centred financial products and services. The RBZ said the government would assist the Women’s Bank to resolve its problems so that it fulfils its mandate. “The Government of Zimbabwe as shareholder is committed to the resolution of the identified weaknesses to enable the microfinance bank to continue to perform its mandate,” said the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe. In 2021, a year-and-a-half after its launch, the Women’s Bank supported about 7 000 women after the Covid-19 pandemic through the disbursement of ZW$60 million. In the same period, it sustained more than 9  000 existing jobs and created about 7 500 jobs through its funded projects. The central bank, through its supervisory processes, said it would continue to monitor the progress of the Women’s Bank in resolving its deficiencies. Zim Women’s Bank struggles to stay afloat NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Companies & Markets Page 23 TSHUMA PRISCA RETAIL enterprise Axia Corporation Limited has revealed its intention to migrate from the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) to the Victoria Falls Exchange (VFEX) due to the favourable financial terms offered on the VFEX. This follows the meeting held last year in November in which the board of directors passed a resolution terminating AXIA’s ZSE listing with the intent of listing its shares on the foreign currency-indexed bourse. Group chairperson Luke Ngwerume said the proposal was made to preserve and grow shareholder value. “To drive the impetus for growth in Zimbabwe and in the region as well as to protect and increase shareholder value, your board has proposed to move the group company’s share capital from the ZSE to the VFEX,” he said. The benefits included the low trading costs of 2.12% compared to 4.63% on the ZSE, which would enable the company to make savings and retain more value for the shareholders. The company is migrating to gain US dollar capital to assist Axia in its capital expenditure, working capital requirements and regional expansion initiatives, which is line with what the company wants to focus on this year. “In the 2023 financial year, the group will focus on the execution and completion of the bedding and lounge suite production facilities, the opening of new retail stores and the optimisation of major distribution agencies in Zimbabwe and the region,” said Ngwerume. Ngwarume said the move would improve the company regional profile and commercial standing while strengthening its prospects of both local and regional expansion. “The listing on the VFEX we believe would create an enhanced pathway to the participation of regional and international investors while enabling further penetration of more regional markets,” he added. The US dollar valuation of Axia would also allow shareholders to realise the value of their holdings and provide a more accurate benchmark of the stock’s performance while mitigating valuation volatility. Advantages which come with listing on the VFEX bourse include favourable tax incentives for investors of zero capital gains, a 5% withholding tax for foreign investors to enhance shareholder returns and free repatriation of dividends with proceeds Axia exits ZSE for VFEX to gain access to US$ capital from the disposal of shares through offshore settlement for foreign shareholders. If the company lists on the VFEX, financial reporting would be more efficient through US dollar-denominated group financial statements.   This would contribute to a lower risk perception for Axia, increasing the company’s advantage to access other forms of finance at favourable terms. Axia Corporation Limited operates within the specialty retail and distribution sector, with three operating business units, namely furniture and electronic appliance retailer TV Sales & Home, Transerv and Distribution Group Africa. Axia’s delisting on the ZSE would bring to three the number of VFEX counters. At the end of last year, Simbisa Brands migrated to VFEX from ZSE and National Foods Limited also announced its exit. Axia Group chairperson Luke Ngwerume. PRISCA TSHUMA THE Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) has opened the year in the positive, recording six bullish sessions this year due to some blue chip companies such as OK Zimbabwe and Econet Wireless that drove the volume and value aggregates. The market closed its first week of January with turnover growth of 35.22% to ZW$622.51 million, while volumes traded increased by 321.7% to record 14.01 million trades. In the week, the market maintained positive performance as it gained steadily from an allshare uptick from 19 715.51 points recorded at the start of the year to 21 303.44 points at the end of the week. The Top 10 index gained 3.59% to 13619.02 points, the Mid-Cap Index extended 2.15% to 39 041.60 points, while the ZSE Agriculture Index was 1.12% higher at 77.25 points. Brick manufacturer Willdale led the bulls by 14.38% to close at ZW$2.4025 followed by Tanganda Tea Company, which marked up 11.21% to ZW$100.0930. Telecommunication group Econet added 8.55% to ZW$121.9162 while, Meikles bolstered its gains totalling 6.18% to ZW$127.4120. Hotelier African Sun secured its position on the top five gainers’ list of the day with 6.15% growth. However, bears such as Mashonaland and Edgars lagged behind by 12.74% and 0.71% to see the former close at ZW$8.0000 and the latter end pegged at ZW$9.5000. OKZim, First Mutual Properties and Ariston headed the volume aggregate with a joint contribution of 87.74%. Heavyweight securities OKZim, Delta and Econet secured the value aggregate as they accounted for 40.55%, 24.33% and 22.36% respectively.  The ETF Index rose by 3.95% to 342.53 points as Datvest MCS soared 2.33% to ZW$1.5351. Zimbabwe Stock Exchange opens year bullish NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 24 Companies & Markets HIPPO Valley Estates Limited’s domestic sugar sales have been under sustained  pressure due to suspension of customs duty on basic commodity imports. It has, however, registered improvement in yields at its plantations Hippo Valley is a subsidiary of struggling South African sugar giant Tongaat Hulett Limited, primarily involved in growing and milling sugar cane in Zimbabwe. In an analysis of the company’s performance, Inter Horizon Securities says business has been difficult for the sugar firm due to Statutory Instrument 98 and its impact. “Domestic sugar sales for the industry were impacted by SI 98 allowing duty free importation of basic commodities from neighbouring countries, sugar being one on the list,” IH Securities says. “Despite subdued demand in the domestic market, sugar exports by the industry performed well aided by increased volume allocation on the United States Tariff Rate Quota from 13 087 tonnes to 17 751 tonnes. ‘Sugar volumes into the Kenyan market grew 38% despite protectionist policies being implemented whilst volumes into Botswana (-23%) were impacted by delayed shipments and prioritisation of supply into the domestic market. Total export volumes were up 19% to 32 265 tonnes, whilst aggregate sales slid 3% to 293K on account of the domestic market. Ebitda (earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortisation) margins remained elevated above historical averages at 61%, whilst OCF/Ebitda dropped from 25% in the same period last year to 1.6% due to aggressive working capital changes. Hippo declared an interim dividend of USc0.3 giving a dividend yield of 0.99% at current levels.” On 17 May 2022, government, through the minister of Finance, introduced SI 98 of 2022 which immediately and wholly suspended customs duties on importation of basic commodities. The principal regulations amended by SI 98 of 2022 were under the Customs and Excise (Suspension) Regulations, 2003, published in Statutory Instrument 257 of 2003. IH Securities says a deterioration in the macro-economic environment also impacted negatively on Hippo. “The operating environment in the first quarter of the financial year saw increased deterioration of macros on the back of imported inflationary pressures and a rapidly deteriorating currency,” it says. “Subsequent contractionary measures from the central bank to slow the rate of inflation also had the effect of inducing a liquidity crunch. Whilst the rainfall season was not as pronounced as the previous year, cane contribution from the company’s plantations grew 12% y/y [year-onyear] aided by improvements in yields from 101tn/hectare to 107tn/hectare. “However, cane deliveries from private farmers underperformed the comparable season by 5% as spells of wet weather delayed harvest operations. Overall tonnes milled grew 2% to 1 310 000 tonnes with Hippo Valley contributing 735 000 tonnes whilst private farmers brought in 575 000 tonnes. In terms of sugar production, the marginal increases in tonnes milled were unfortunately diluted by poor quality of cane leading to a decline of 3% in sugar output to 157 000 tonnes. The company’s share of total production remained relatively flat in 1H23 registering at 53.11% versus 52.9% in 1H22.” The company’s performance analysis says volumes are expected to remain flat. “Forecasts for rainfall in 2022/23 season are weighted towards normal to above average downpour increasing irrigation water cover which is currently set to cover two planting seasons easing constraints on production,” it says. “However, downside from prolonged wet spells include waterlogging potentially compromising the improvement in yields. On this backdrop, we expect annual cane production to remain flat at 1 655 000 tonnes. On the demand side, the government announced that it will not be extending the exemption of import duty on basic commodities aiding a marginal recovery for sales into the domestic market going into the company’s last quarter. “Sales volumes year-on-year are expected to trend sideways with the top line being supported by elevated prices of agricultural commodities.” The suspension of duty under SI 98 of 2022 was effective for six months — from 17 May 2022 to 16 November 2022. Its effect on cross-border trade is to totally or wholly suspend payment of duty on cooking oil, margarine, rice, flour, salt, bath soap, laundry soap, washing powder, toothpaste and petroleum jelly during the said period, regardless of their country of origin and quantities (bulk and small). By wholly suspending duties on the above listed basic commodities, it meant that anyone could import the products duty free during that applicable period. To complement efforts to avert serious shortages of basic commodities in the economy, government through the ministry of Industry and Commerce gazetted Statutory Instrument 103 of 2022 on 20 May 2022 — three days later. This instrument removed the mandatory demand for import licences on the same seven categories of the basic commodities covered by SI 98. This also implied that sugar, milk powder, infants milk formula, petroleum jelly, bath soap, laundry bar and washing powder could be imported by anyone without the need for import permits or licences. – STAFF WRITER. Domestic sugar sales under pressure due to suspension of import duty Hippo Valley Estates NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Companies & Markets Page 25 ZIMBABWE will hold its second general election since the ousting of former president Robert Mugabe in November 2017, and will be a crucial test for democracy. We have already entered the silly season in full throttle in the New Year and we have seen early warning shots fired. It has been a war for the hearts and minds of the electorate as the protagonists employ all tactics, using or abusing the communication platforms available. It is indeed a battle of wills and who shapes the narrative. While they recognise the growing power of social media as a platform of choice, the management of communications remains critical in getting the messages out to a restive electorate. The general election will take place this year via a proclamation by the President of the country. This will be the first time in nearly two decades that the ruling Zanu PF will face a serious challenge from a rejuvenated opposition. The question of the timing of the elections presents a daunting element for the opposition, who need time to make inroads into the ruling party’s strongholds. For all we know, there may not be enough time since the declaration of the elections remains the prerogative of the sitting president. What is the role of public relations (PR) in all of this? Granted that the industry is often misunderstood, and PR is not just about spin or getting free media coverage. It is a strategic communications discipline that helps organisations achieve their objectives by managing and influencing the perceptions of key audiences. Which is exactly what political parties and their candidates seek to achieve. PR is especially important during a general election when candidates are vying for votes from the public. A strong public relations strategy can help candidates connect with voters and build support for their platform. It can also help a candidate navigate the often-negative news cycle. In the age of social media, bad news can spread quickly and have a lasting impact. A good PR team can help a candidate quickly respond to negative stories and minimise the damage. In the same vein, PR can play a proactive role in helping a candidate build relationships with key influencers, such as reporters, bloggers, and community leaders. These relationships can be invaluable in getting a candidate’s message out to a wider audience. The bottom line is that public relations is an essential tool for any candidate seeking office. Those who invest in a strong PR strategy are more likely to win Importance of PR in Zim’s coming general election votes and, ultimately, elections. In the lead-up to the election, there has been a lot of talk about issues regarding the fairness and integrity of the coming polls. With so many campaigns and candidates vying for attention, it is more important than ever to make sure that the right public information is being put out there. PR can be a powerful tool to help shape the narrative and build support for a candidate or party. With the right strategy, it can make all the difference in a close election. In the lead-up to the election, public relations will be important in helping the various political parties get their message out to the people. It will also be important to ensure that the public has accurate information about the candidates and the issues at stake. The general election in Zimbabwe is an important time for the country’s future. The vote will be a test of the country’s commitment to democracy and a sign of things to come for the nation’s economy. With so much at stake, it is important to understand the issues at play and what they mean for the country’s future. These are articulated by the contesting parties’ manifestos. How they present them and the electorate interpret them is an important aspect of communication. PR can help ensure that they communicate the right messages to the electorate. In this digital age, it is more important than ever for political campaigns to be active on social media and to have a strong online presence. But with so many platforms and so much content shared every day, how can you ensure that your campaign messages are being seen and heard by the electorate? By working with media outlets and thought leaders, PR can help get your campaign messages in front of the right people. In addition, PR can help you build relationships with key influencers who can help amplify your messages to a big audience. If you want to ensure that campaign messages are being seen and heard by the electorate, consider using PR to get the message out there. PR can help to build trust and confidence in the electoral process in a world where there often is distrust of the media. We can say the same about the electoral institutions in the country. By communicating effectively with the public, PR professionals can help to inform and engage the electorate, which ensures openness and accountability of the process. In the run-up to an election, PR can help to build momentum and excitement for the campaign. It can also help to manage expectations so as not to disappoint the voters with the outcome. After the election, PR can help to build bridges between the winners and losers. By communicating effectively, PR can help to heal divisions and ensure that everyone feels included. Corporate Communications Lenox Lizwi Mhlanga PR can, therefore, play a vital role in ensuring that the electoral process is smooth, efficient, and trustworthy. There is a need to ensure that the conduct of the election is fair and transparent. Voter registration is one of the most important elements of consultation and participation. However, its implementation has been disappointing sometimes, leading to complaints by political parties and civic organisations alike. Of great concern is the unavailability of the voters’ register to those who have a vested interest in the political process. A cloud of doubt has shrouded that and the delimitation process. Access to voting remains an issue in several countries in the region. In Zimbabwe, election security and public order are, as the recent events in recent polls show, vitally important and media-sensitive issues. Managing and ensuring access to critical information remains a challenge, one in that communicators can play a role in helping to protect the integrity of the electoral process. Using technologies such as biometrics can assist poll workers quickly verify the identity of a voter while they are in line to vote. Biometrics can also help to weed out fraudulent voter registrations, as well as make enhancements to the mobile polling approach. Whether you are looking at securing schools, government offices and critical infrastructure or voter registration, PR can be key in protecting identity and ensuring safe access for voters worried about the secrecy and security of their vote. The general election in Zimbabwe is a monumental event, and PR can play an important role. PR can help to raise awareness of the election, engage citizens, and promote transparency and accountability. Government, political parties, election officials and candidates should all appreciate the role of PR in the countdown to, during and after the elections. *About the writer: Lenox Mhlanga is a consultant communications specialist with over 20 years of experience in the field. He has worked with The World Bank and blue chip companies, as well as civic institutions in Zimbabwe and the region. Contact him for counsel and training in electoral communication strategy on mobile: +263 772 400 656 and email: lenoxmh[email protected] NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 26 Company Sector Bloomberg Ticker Previous Price (cents) Last Traded Price VWAP (cents) Total Traded Volume Total Traded Value ($) Price Change (cents) Price Change (%) YTD (%) Market Cap ($m) AFDIS Consumer Goods AFDIS: ZH 26340.00 - 26340.00 - - - - - 31,474.86 African Sun Consumer Services ASUN: ZH 2700.00 3000.00 3000.00 200 6,000 300.00 11.11 21.96 44,337.04 ART Industrials ARTD: ZH 1400.00 1400.00 1400.00 39,500 553,000 - - - 6,117.68 Ariston Consumer Services ARISTON: ZH 495.16 - 495.16 - - - - 22.14 8,058.21 Axia Consumer Goods AXIA: ZH 9991.88 9990.00 9990.07 207,200 20,699,430 -1.81 -0.02 -10.17 55,436.93 BAT Consumer Goods BAT: ZH 278990.00 - 278990.00 - - - - -0.33 57,565.45 Bridgefort Capital Industrials BFCA: ZH 800.00 - 800.00 - - - - - 96.00 Bridgefort Class B Financial Services BFCB: ZH 2600.00 - 2600.00 - - - - - 34.89 CAFCA Industrials CAFCA: ZH 20010.00 - 20010.00 - - - - - 1,747.90 CBZ Banking CBZ: ZH 13753.75 13790.00 13790.92 7,100 979,155 37.17 0.27 2.15 72,079.82 CFI Industrials CFI:ZH 43300.00 - 43300.00 - - - - 5.17 45,915.70 Dairibord Consumer Goods DZL: ZH 5000.00 5000.00 5000.00 1,600 80,000 - - 42.86 17,900.04 Delta Consumer Goods DLTA: ZH 42001.66 42000.00 41998.45 86,900 36,496,660 -3.21 -0.01 16.74 548,436.59 Ecocash Technology EHZL: ZH 5797.68 5800.00 5802.96 40,500 2,350,200 5.28 0.09 44.78 150,330.16 Econet Telecommunications ECO: ZH 13002.28 13000.00 13003.06 634,100 82,452,420 0.78 0.01 35.06 336,854.26 Edgars Consumer Services EDGR: ZH 950.00 - 950.00 - - - - - 5,740.35 FBC Banking FBC: ZH 5865.00 - 5865.00 - - - - -5.40 39,409.86 Fidelity Financial Services FIDL: ZH 2400.00 - 2400.00 - - - - - 2,614.16 First Capital Banking FCA: ZH 1609.80 1600.00 1600.00 47,500 760,000 -9.80 -0.61 1.59 34,558.64 FML Financial Services FMHL: ZH 2400.00 2500.00 2500.00 77,400 1,935,000 100.00 4.17 -2.34 17,253.58 FMP Real Estate FMP: ZH 1200.00 1200.00 1200.00 1,000 12,000 - - - 14,857.89 GBH Industrials GBH: ZH 179.50 - 179.50 - - - - 0.09 963.18 Getbucks Financial Services GBFS: ZH 2180.00 - 2180.00 - - - - - 25,355.98 Hippo Consumer Goods HIPO: ZH 27000.00 - 27000.00 - - - - 47.86 52,115.55 Innscor Industrials INN: ZH 70008.75 69985.00 69990.37 149,300 104,495,600 -18.38 -0.03 -1.93 398,858.64 Mash Real Estate MASH: ZH 900.00 900.00 900.00 2,100 18,900 - - -2.68 15,188.26 Masimba Industrials MSHL: ZH 8405.00 - 8405.00 - - - - 5.12 20,310.99 Meikles Industrials MEIK: ZH 13005.00 14000.00 13504.31 6,500 877,780 499.31 3.84 20.57 34,591.39 Nampak Industrials NPKZ: ZH 931.00 1050.00 1050.00 200 2,100 119.00 12.78 16.54 7,934.31 NTS Industrials NTS: ZH 1020.00 - 1020.00 - - - - 0.00 2,589.50 NMBZ Banking NMB: ZH 4100.00 - 4100.00 - - - - 8.85 16,571.04 OK Zim Consumer Services OKZ: ZH 4484.45 4200.00 4494.85 5,508,700 247,607,800 10.40 0.23 39.08 58,267.27 Proplastics Industrials PROL: ZH 3300.00 - 3300.00 - - - - - 8,313.88 RTG Consumer Services RTG: ZH 1000.00 - 1000.00 - - - - 12.74 24,954.96 RioZim Basic Materials RIOZ: ZH 14010.00 - 14010.00 - - - - - 17,096.33 SeedCo Consumer Goods SEED: ZH 9715.61 9800.00 9778.13 107,700 10,531,050 62.52 0.64 31.21 24,384.08 Star Africa Consumer Goods SACL: ZH 214.46 210.00 211.09 15,800 33,353 -3.37 -1.57 -0.34 9,953.07 Tanganda Consumer Goods TANG: ZH 10705.00 11205.00 11480.68 45,800 5,258,150 775.68 7.25 28.47 29,971.99 Truworths Consumer Services TRUW: ZH 277.00 235.50 243.19 2,700 6,566 -33.81 -12.21 -11.57 934.01 TSL Consumer Goods TSL: ZH 4412.04 5000.00 5010.23 4,400 220,450 598.19 13.56 13.86 17,940.48 Turnall Industrials TURN: ZH 405.25 - 405.25 - - - - 2.66 1,998.05 Unifreight Industrials UNIF: ZH 5170.00 - 5170.00 - - - - 0.10 5,504.72 Willdale Industrials WILD: ZH 328.13 350.00 350.43 2,300 8,060 22.30 6.80 94.68 6,230.65 ZB Banking ZBFH: ZH 11289.41 - 11289.41 - - - - -0.05 19,777.99 Zeco Industrials ZECO: ZH 3.31 - 3.31 - - - - 0.00 15.34 Zimpapers Consumer Services ZIMP: ZH 277.75 - 277.75 - - - - 15.11 1,599.84 Zimplow Industrials ZIMPLOW: ZH 2000.00 2100.00 2220.00 500 11,100 220.00 11.00 30.59 7,649.69 ZHL Financial Services ZHL: ZH 600.00 600.00 600.00 22,700 136,200 - - 14.29 10,909.31 TOTAL 7,011,700 515,530,974 2,310,800.50 ETFs Cass Saddle Agriculture ETF CSAG.zw 185.02 - 185.02 - - - - 2.79 66.98 Datvest Modified Consumer Staples ETF DMCS.zw 151.45 150.00 150.00 1,122,126 1,683,189 -1.45 -0.96 -3.85 105.80 Morgan&Co Made in Zimbabwe ETF MIZ.zw 120.30 130.00 130.00 300 390 9.70 8.06 14.29 3,108.31 Morgan&Co Multi-Sector ETF MCMS.zw 2200.00 2395.00 2288.05 5,770 132,020 88.05 4.00 -0.52 2,944.10 Old Mutual ZSE Top 10 ETF OMTT.zw 741.90 700.00 700.00 65,321 457,247 -41.90 -5.65 8.69 1,005.38 FINSEC Old Mutual Zimbabwe Financial Services OMZIL 13000.00 13000.00 13000.00 246,787 32,082,310 - - - 10,791.52 VFEX (US cents) US$m BNC Mining BIND:VX 2.00 - 2.00 - - - - -13.04 25.45 Caledonia Mining CMCL:VX 1300.00 - 1300.00 - - - - - 8.06 NatFoods Consumer Goods NTFD:VX 178.99 - 178.99 - - - - 0.20 122.43 Nedbank Financial Services NED:VX 1150.00 - 1150.00 - - - - - 1.84 Padenga Consumer Goods PHL:VX 33.60 - 33.60 - - - - 46.60 181.98 SeedCo International Consumer Goods SCIL:VX 32.90 - 32.90 - - - - 9.85 125.50 Simbisa Brands Consumer Goods SIM: VX 49.15 - 49.15 - - - - 34.29 276.31 TOTAL - - 741.57 REITs Tigere REIT TIG.zw 5415.00 5415.00 5416.97 273,410 14,810,540 0.02 0.04 32.19 68,943.55 Index Close Change (%) Open YTD % Top 5 Risers Price Change % YTD % ZSE All Share 21,981.41 +0.57 21,857.18 +12.76 TSL 5010.23c +598.19c +13.56 +13.86 Top 10 13,860.17 +0.02 13,857.44 +12.58 Nampak 1050.00c +119.00c +12.78 +16.54 Top 15 15,293.15 +0.33 15,242.75 +13.82 African Sun 3000.00c +300.00c +11.11 +21.96 Small Cap 457,148.25 -1.02 461,856.19 +1.13 Zimplow 2220.00c +220.00c +11.00 +30.59 Medium Cap 41,929.97 +2.17 41,040.30 +14.43 Tanganda 11480.68c +775.68c +7.25 +28.47 Top 5 Fallers Price Change % YTD % Truworths 243.19c -33.81c -12.21 -11.57 Star Africa 211.09c -3.37c -1.57 -0.34 First Capital 1600.00c -9.80c -0.61 +1.59 Innscor 69990.37c -18.38c -0.03 -1.93 Axia 9990.07c -1.81c -0.02 -10.17 Friday, 13 January 2023 A MEMBER OF FINSEC & THE ZIMBABWE STOCK EXCHANGE Price Sheet MORGAN & COMPANY has issued this document for distribution to its clients. It may not be reproduced or further distributed in whole or in part for any purpose. This document is not and should not be construed as an offer to sell or the solicitation of an offer to purchase or subscribe to any investment. MORGAN & COMPANY has based this document on information obtained from sources it believes to be reliable but which it has not independently verified; MORGAN & COMPANY makes no guarantee, representation or warranty and accepts no responsibility or liability as to the accuracy or completeness of its content. Tel: (+263) 08677008101-2 | Email: [email protected] | Address: 14165 Sauer Road, Gunhill, Harare Batanai Matsika: [email protected] | Tafara Mtutu: [email protected] | Gabriel Manjonjo: [email protected] SALES & TRADING: Davide Muchengi: [email protected] | Lungani Nyamazana: [email protected] | Precious Chagwedera: [email protected] RESEARCH: Stock Taking NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 27 BRENNA MATENDERE PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa, who is serving the last few months of his five-year term, is facing the monumental failure of one of his major goals since he was brought to power by a military coup in 2017: international diplomatic re-engagement. This is due to continued flagrant human rights abuses as evident in the recent barbaric attack on elderly supporters of the opposition Citizens' Coalition for Change (CCC) in Murehwa by belligerent Zanu PF youths. The international community, particularly the United States, has repeatedly called for the respect of human rights and an end to violence and impunity as one of the conditions for normalising relations with Harare. The Zimbabwean government has however been found wanting time and again when it comes to respecting human rights, the rule of law, ending corruption and ensuring that citizens enjoy free expression and association, among other civil liberties. When Mnangagwa was catapulted to office in 2017 through a military coup before consolidating power through the disputed 2018 elections, he expressed lofty ambitions to re-engage the international community, amid optimism that Harare would turn a new leaf. With the international community willing to forgive the coup which ousted long-time ruler Robert Mugabe, who presided over dark years marked by repression, Mnangagwa set an agenda to end decades-long isolation by the community of nations, especially Britain and the United Sates. State spin-doctors coined the term “new dispensation” and “second republic” soon after the coup to show that his regime was keen on breaking with the past. That has not happened. During his inauguration in August 2018, Mnangagwa said re-engagement would be one of the thrusts of his administration. “Through the engagement and re-engagement policy, we are opening a new chapter in our relations with the world, underpinned by mutual respect, shared principles and common values. We look forward to playing a positive and constructive role as a free, democratic, transparent and responsible member of the family of nations,” Mnangagwa said. “My government, cognisant that the world is not one basket and encouraged by the goodwill and support we have received to date, will continue to accelerate the international engagement and re-engagement policy, underpinned by mutual respect, peaceful development, shared principles and common values. “Zimbabwe looks forward to playing a positive and constructive role as a free, democratic, transparent, prosperous and responsible member of the family of nations. We are committed to strengthen dialogue, cooperation and partners.” Mnangagwa’s re-engagement drive faces a complete failure President Emmerson Mnangagwa. In 2019, it emerged that Harare had entered into a US$500 000 deal with a United States-based lobby firm to canvass for the removal of targeted sanctions imposed on top Zanu PF officials to be removed by Washington. Brian Ballard, the man who was regarded as the most powerful lobbyist in Washington at that time due to his links to the then US President Donald Trump’s 2016 election campaign and the 2020 re-election bid, was paid by Harare and given the  mission to re-engage Washington on behalf of Mnangagwa. The mission failed because of continued human rights abuses by Harare, including the 1 August 2018 killing of six unarmed civilians and the January 2019 murder of civilians by members of the security forces. At international fora such as United Nations General Assembl (UNGA) as well as at the Davos Conference, Mnangagwa has always been at pains to explain that the Zimbabwean government needed to be re-admitted into the international community as a “new dispensation”. However, the talk failed to match the walk. In a 2021 journal titled Zimbabwe’s Foreign Policy under Mnangagwa, scholars Henning Melber from the University of Pretoria, and Roger Southall based at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa captured this aspect. “Under the presidency of Mnangagwa, Zimbabwe’s foreign policy is characterised by the desire to ‘re-engage’ with the West with a view to securing the removal of sanctions and encouraging investment.” “In this, it has received the backing of the African Union and Southern African Development Community states. Simultaneously, the violence of the Mnangagwa regime has reinforced the reluctance of the West to remove sanctions, and Zimbabwe has even begun to test the patience of its neighbours,” wrote the academics, adding: “The government has placed renewed faith in the ‘Look East Policy’, but China is seeking to match its investments with tighter control.” The regime’s quest to rejoin the Commonwealth is also at stake due to violence against its people and has violated principles of the Harare Commonwealth Declaration. The Declaration was issued in  Harare,  Zimbabwe, on 20 October 1991, during the 12th Commonwealth Heads of States and Government Meeting. The Harare Declaration reaffirmed in principle that member countries must: “believe in the liberty of the individual under the law, in equal rights for all citizens regardless of gender, race, colour, creed or political belief, and in the individual's inalienable right to participate by means of free and democratic political processes in framing the society in which he or she lives; “recognise racial prejudice and intolerance as a dangerous sickness and a threat to healthy development, and racial discrimination as an unmitigated evil; “oppose all forms of racial oppression, and we are committed to the principles of human dignity and equality; “recognise the importance and urgency of economic and social development to satisfy the basic needs and aspirations of the vast majority of the peoples of the world, and seek the progressive removal of the wide disparities in living standards amongst our members.” In the last visit by the Commonwealth delegation, led by assistant secretary-general Professor Luis Franceschi, it was made clear that assessment of Zimbabwe’s fitness to rejoin the bloc will be based on how far the country has upheld these principles. Crisis Coalition of Zimbabwe chairperson Peter Mutasa said it would be dangerous for the Commonwealth to re-admit Zimbabwe into the bloc in its current state of repression. He cited violence against citizens as Mnangagwa’s biggest downfall pedal. “It is unfortunate that Zimbabwe seeks to be readmitted (into international community) at a time the government is deepening authoritarian rule. The constitution is basically suspended and all rights and freedoms are taken away,” Mutasa said. “All institutions of the state meant to engender democracy are manipulated and pushed into a partisan agenda. Political violence and persecution is heightening. “We possibly face one of the most-bloody elections if no preventive diplomatic intervention is quickly crafted and implemented. So far, all the rules in the elections rule books are being disregarded. “It would be naive and counter progressive for the Commonwealth to ignore all these and unconditionally readmit Zimbabwe. This will seriously diminish the respect people have on the Commonwealth. It will also greatly undermine the local efforts that at great risk citizens are putting into making Zimbabwean government accountable,” he said. Political analyst Rashweat Mukundu urged the international community to be stiffer on Mnangagwa going into the next elections as he has already sensed that his re-engagement drive is on the brink of crashing. “There is no way in which Zanu PF can manage its politics and win power without instigating violence and pushing it as a political strategy. So this violence is being organised at the top level of government. It is obviously organised with the involvement of the security sector, that is the CIO, the military and the police,” Mukundu said. “The police will then of course cover up by saying we are investigating, but we know that nothing has ever happened to any Zanu PF person who has ever committed a serious political crime like murder, abductions, whatever. “Zanu PF has no capacity to organise violence on its own so it always relies on the intelligence and the military. So we are going to see the whole state machinery being abused to clamp down on the opposition. There is a precedence on this from 2002…So this is going to be a bloody election and the international community must take interest to stop the violence we are already seeing.” NewsHawks News Analysis Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 28 WILLIAM JETHRO MPOFU GEORGE Orwell wrote so much and so well that one day it became cause for a whole essay to explain to himself and the world why he wrote as such. In the essay of 1946, Why I Write, Orwell recounts his reasons for writing that, “putting aside the need to earn a living”, included the search for fame, pursuit of literary beauty and power, the need to document history for posterity and, finally, political purpose or cause. I can add we also write in the public interest, for the common good, for community service. Writing for political purposes or causes includes, amongst other things, the need to unmask concealed truths, name some evils, and propose some directions for a specific polity. In this opinion-editorial piece, I write for political purposes and causes concerning the life of Zimbabwe in 2023. Writing about Zimbabwe for political purposes concerning the year 2023 creates many dilemmas as the country is that part of the world where political disasters have been repeating themselves, true to Karl Marx, initially as tragedies, then as farces, and further as calamities that have come to define the polity and the economy of the troubled nation. Looking at the history of Zimbabwe, recent and past, exposes the mind to a stew of political and economic catastrophes that require an entire career to make sense of and explain with some clarity. Tragic failure has become the most obedient metaphor at attempting to describe the Zimbabwean political and economic condition, starting with Ian Smith’s Rhodesia, Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe and Emmerson Mnangagwa’s “chinhu chedu”, where an entire country has been collapsed into “our thing” that the leader, his family, fronts and friends can toy with, and literally eat. Smith, Mugabe and Mnangagwa dramatise Zimbabwe’s recent tragic lack of leadership. How to Eat a Country and Get Away With It is a fitting title for a documentary that can expose how the storied “Second Republic” has outdone Smith and Mugabe in leading a few privileged beneficiaries of political patronage and cozenage in eating Zimbabwe away. As the prefects of the political patronage monstrosity are getting paid, the dissenting voices such as Job Wiwa Sikhala are severely punished. The law, bail and pre-trial detention processes are manipulated for political agendas to crush dissent. Underlying this failure of leadership and governance, violence has been a constant feature of Zimbabwe’s political landscape, and the prospect of violence hangs over the upcoming general elections. The incidents of violence in Kwekwe, Gokwe, Insiza. Matobo and Murehwa – characterised by brutality and murder – show the spectre of Zimbabwe in 2023: There is great disorder, chaos under the heavens bloodshed is looming. Zimbabwe has been soaked in blood, from the colonial to the post-colonial times. The country has been mismanaged and looted on an industrial scale, especially in the past 43 years of Zanu PF rule. Instead of taking a step back and thinking deeply to embrace a paradigm shift and new trajectory, the glib official narrative is that there is nothing wrong in Zimbabwe except the sanctions on the country that the West must urgently remove for people to breathe again. It is precisely that myopic denial which partly prevents Zimbabwe from correcting past mistakes and taking a new direction to the future. In other words, trying to solve problems at the same level of thinking as they were created, or doing the same thing over and over again, yet expecting different results – the definition of insanity, to paraphrase Albert Einstein. In fact, the grand deception even goes on to claim the country is now recovering! Meanwhile, South Africa next door is leading the Sadc region and the entire African Union comity of nations to believe and market the falsehood that it is Western sanctions that are the trouble in Zimbabwe. That the South African political establishment in whose economy Zimbabwean problems have become a domestic issue believes the untruth that it is Western sanctions that are hurting the Zimbabwean economy and polity is in not the fault of Mnangagwa’s “Second Republic”, but that of the political opposition which has failed to mobilise the African continent to understand the genesis and context of the real problem of authoritarianism, corruption, and native colonialism in the country. Among the many problems afflicting the opposition in Zimbabwe, one of them is that it is badly struggling in generating political ideas, policies, programmes, communication and messaging. The opposition needs to look itself in the mirror and start doing things differently – it has to champion new ideas, new politics and political culture and new methods of engagement, away from the Zanu PF modus operandi. Given this, the crisis clearly consists precisely the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in the interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear, as Gramsci would say. It is for that major reason that pondering the Zimbabwean polity and economy as a subject of political explication requires generous amounts of emotional stamina and Maoist wisdom. Confronted with such catastrophes of an era in China, Chairman Mao Zedong remarked that “there is great disorder under heaven, the situation is excellent.” What is excellent about such disorder as the Zimbabwean political and economic condition of tragic, farcical and disastrous extents is that it is still an opportunity for political thought and political activism, vita activa and vita contemplativa, as Hannah Arendt noted. With positive political thought and courageous political activism, combined, Zimbabwe can be recovered from the present dystopia and restored to a better order, even if that order may not be an easy utopia. It may be some post-political simplicity of some in the Zimbabwean political opposition and civil society that a paradisal Zimbabwe may be fashioned out of a miraculous electoral victory in 2023, as main opposition CCC leader Nelson Chamisa seemed to suggest in his New Year message. It may even be political naivety to promise the unsuspecting Zimbabwean populace such a political miracle. There is need for Zimbabweans to invest in political thought and political activism for another Zimbabwe, a new Zimbabwe to be fashioned out of the present disorder and dystopia. Talking of political thought and activism, Zimbabwe needs new ideas, renewed activism and fresh political agency that contribute to the emergence, re-energisation and articulation of how its political society – with specific attention to its institutions and governance – should be arranged; how agents ought to act and what steps could be taken to transform existent structures in the new direction. At the moment, civil society and the opposition are mainly talking about how to replace Zanu PF, just like the ruling in many ways simply wanted to replace the colonial administration. If one examines the opposition’s proposals and manifestos around politics and the economy, there is not much of a difference with Zanu PF. Even in terms of how they structurally organise themselves and approach issues, they largely mimic the Zanu PF model – sometimes unwittingly. That needs to change, and change The late former Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe (left) and the late former Rhodesia Prime Minister Ian Smith. Critical Thinking NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 29 fast. The Zimbabwean political and economic condition, if it is food for thought as I observe, then it is not fast food, but hard and slow food that requires true Maoist political commitment. The tragedy has been that, both in the ruling cabal and the political opposition, where thought is found it is not accompanied by activism and where activism is found it is not always accompanied by thought. The result of that paradox is that the Zimbabwean political theatre has mainly been a site for thoughtless action and actionless thought. What Zimbabwe is dying for right now is positive political thinkers and courageous political actors, both from the political opposition and the ruling outfit. As political things stand, I observe, the ruling outfit cannot be reformed, but it needs to commit political suicide, and that needs courageous insiders that can action change out of the great disorder that offends the heavens. It is my political observation that courageous inside movers within the system working with thoughtful outside actors are the principal ingredient in the political brewery needed to stir the pot, catalyse events and secure change to save Zimbabwe. This is what happened in Zambia, Malawi and Kenya. Zimbabwe needs to go that route to uproot Zanu PF. This must not be taken as an idle political idea, but a serious proposition that must be relentlessly pursued with courage and determination. The dreams that one day an electorally victorious political opposition or a resilient and “revolutionary” ruling party will reform and deliver Zimbabwe from disorder are exactly that, post-political dreams that are bound to collapse into horrific nightmares. In Hararian political parlance, they say “zviroto zviroto” (dreams are just dreams). When the Saints Go Marching in is an old Christian hymn of the late 1800s that describes the victorious entrance of the holy Saints on the day of redemption. No one has yet written or performed the gallop of evil monsters invading the earth to eat their victims alive. Political philosophers, scientists, and journalists have only tried to describe the arrival of evil political regimes. In 1997, two Zimbabwean political scholars and courageous activists, Professors Masipula Sithole and John Makumbe observed in an essay that when Zanu PF came from the bush war in 1980 it came intoxicated with a “one-party state psychology.” The men and women of Zanu PF that emerged from what was supposed to be a war of liberation were drunk with the political desire of Zanu PF rule without opposition under the life presidency of one Robert Mugabe. One-party states and attendant politics were the zeitgeist at the time across Africa, and elsewhere. As Margaret Monyani wrote: “A one-party system was a characteristic of many African states particularly immediately they gained independence and more rampant in the period between 1960s to the 1980s. “Many scholars have attributed this to various factors, including the fact that democracy was considered as alien to Africa. For instance, apologists of the one-party regime such as Mwalimu Nyerere maintained that African traditional societies were akin to one-party system (Nyong’o, 1992). “Others, like Kwame Nkrumah, maintained that democracy or multi-party regimes were divisive hence unfit for the newly independent African states which needed a unified energy and enthusiasm so as to move forward (Widner, 1992). Additionally, most of the leaders that transcended into power at that time did so through the huge support from locals who were mainly subsistence farmers. “Therefore, in order to have control over this electorate, socialism was favoured while capitalism was shunned. The expectation was, the post-independence governance structure would mirror the archetype of the colonial master’s home country. “For instance, in the British colonies it was anticipated that those who lost will definitely form the opposition wing in parliament. This did not happen automatically as a number of African countries including Kenya, Ghana, Zambia, Mali, Senegal and Tanzania adopted the one-party system (Renske and Nijzink, 2013). “In most cases, the dominant party of the day and the charismatic leaders who played the lead role in the fight against colonialism assumed the leadership of such parties.” Mugabe was obsessed with the one-party state model. He was prepared to kill for it. It is that burning and bloody desire that led to the Gukurahundi genocide where thousands of Zapu members and supporters in the Midlands and Matabaleland provinces were killed, some displaced and others dispossessed of whatever belongings they had. Some of the victims of the genocide are living as stateless and nation-less bodies in South Africa, Botswana and other countries up to this day. What motivated Mugabe, overzealously assisted by the then State Security minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, Sydney Sekeramayi, Enos Nkala, Nathan Shamuyarira, Frederick Shava and others, to plan and commit massacres to clear the political landscape in Zimbabwe for a Zanu PF one-party state regime under the life presidency of Mugabe? This dark and bloody goal was achieved in de facto terms in 1987 when Zapu leader Joshua Nkomo and his party capitulated and surrendered amid unprecedented and bloodshed and was swallowed by Zanu PF under the dubious Unity Accord agreement that institutionalised the one-party state project and marginalisation of some local communities, particularly those in Matabeleland. The reason why the political opposition in Zimbabwe and civil society remain under attack from Zanu PF long after the neutralisation of Zapu is mainly that the ruling party, which in veracity is now a faction of Zanu PF, has never abandoned the “one-party state psychology” that it brought from the bushes of Mozambique to Harare. At what point did Zanu PF say it no longer subscribes to the one-party state agenda? It never did. Its leaders still believe in it and indeed in a life presidency. That is why you now hear Mnangagwa’s supporters starting some low-key familiar noise of him going for a third term after 2028. That is how Zanu PF is wired. That is its DNA. The men and women of Zanu PF that emerged from the bushes of Mozambique were not liberators that were ready to govern in a multi-party democratic system in post-independence Zimbabwe, no. They left their families and went to the bush as patriotic liberators and came back as some monsters that were prepared to eat their families in Zimbabwe in the name of politics. These were monsters that were trained and indoctrinated to rule by a combination of force and fraud. These were “comrades”, as they called themselves, that were ready to seek, find, and keep political power by any means necessary and unnecessary. A dark, bloody and unnecessary “will power” possessed Zanu PF comrades that committed killings and divided Zimbabwe ethnically to a thing almost beyond repair. Yet it is not everyone in Zanu PF who believed in that. Political gladiators within Zanu PF like Eddison Zvobgo and others in the more enlightened wing of the party did not. Zapu did not. In the regional neighbourhood, Seretse Khama did not. Soon after winning elections in 1966 as Botswana gained independence from Britain, Khama said he would never seek a one-party state even though the ruling BDP has remained in power since then for different reasons. The problem of Botswana politics is different from that of Zimbabwe. Even the way the countries are governed is vastly different. That is why Botswana has emerged from being a poor village in 1966 to a vibrant frontier economy now built by post-colonial leaders. Zimbabwe is the opposite. It will take positive political thinkers, courageous political activists, from the ruling party, the political opposition, and civil society to address the national question in Zimbabwe, achieve national unity, reconciliation, justice and a united pursuit of some national futures. It is another tragedy that the political opposition in Zimbabwe always promises to dethrone the ruling party and bring democracy and development to a Zimbabwe whose foundation, the national question and nation-building, has not been addressed. In an informative paper, Discipline and Punishment in ZANLA: 1964– 1979, Professor Gerald Mazarire (2011) describes the violent habits of political violence, torture, and murder that were practiced in the bushes of Mozambique. Young Zimbabweans who left their families to fight for the liberation of the country from Rhodesia were taught how to kill with impunity by a clique of particularly bloodthirsty and evil individuals. Assassinations of comrades and foes were adopted as a military and political tool of choice. Political hate and ethnicity were cultivated and promoted as a kind of political religion that was to be held, believed faithfully, and used against those that were marked as outsiders to the tribe. Burying Zipra commander Lookout Masuku in 1986, who died in detention at the hands of Mugabe and his political brutes over false political allegations linked to the aggressive push for a one-party state, Nkomo lamented that the “amount of hate in this country is frightening”, citing Zanu PF’s slogan of “pasi ne Zapu, pasi na Nkomo” (down with Zapu, down with Nkomo” as the daily spew of political bile and hatred from the new government. These slogans such as “pasi ne mhandu” which means “down with the enemy” became singsong. Songs like “Zanu ndeyeropa” which means “Zanu PF was founded with blood” were the hymns of the political cult that did not only hijack Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle, but actually colonised and captured it for other purposes that we have come to know only too well. The nation-building project under Zanu PF has failed. As Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni asks in one of his books, that is why there is still a stubborn question lingering which is if Zimbabweans as a nation that sings one anthem, salutes the same flag, and work for one national future exists. Zimbabwe as a country might exist geographically, but Zimbabweans as an organised society, national polity and political entity are not yet born, thanks to the 1980 revolutionary abortion. Zimbabwe was stillborn in 1980. That is why 43 years of trying to bring it to life have been a disastrous failure. *About the writer: Dr William Jethro Mpofu is a researcher at the University of the Witwatersrand's Wits Centre for Critical Diversity Studies in South Africa. Mpofu is also a senior research associate at Good Governance Africa (GGA). President Emmerson Mnangagwa. NewsHawks Critical Thinking Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 30 Critical Thinking HENRY CHAMUNORWA ELECTION season is upon us, and what a way of kickstarting it in 2023. We started the year on the political calendar, the way Zimbabwean politics always works. An incident of political violence occurs in Murewa North constituency in Mashonaland East province. A video is recorded and circulated on social media vaguely showing what the public quickly said was a perpetration of political violence on elderly opposition supporters by Zanu PF members. Before police could even begin investigations, the media and the public had already taken a position – good-versus-evil approach – that it was a Zanu PF against the opposition CCC affair. No evidence was provided by media, including The NewsHawks, which is not helping the situation beyond polarisation and stoking political tensions across society ahead of elections. I hold no brief for any political party, but I want to question this practice of labelling without evidence or instead of giving readers information to make up their minds about what is happening. The media reporting template in Zimbabwe on politics, especially during elections, is based on giving a dog a bad name in order to hang it. As I watched that video on the Murewa violence, I asked myself some questions. The obvious one being, if those are Zanu PF members or supporters, why are they recording evidence of violence incriminating themselves and their party?. Why did they record the incident in the first place? For sadistic pleasure, for their records, for showing others what they do with those from the opposition, or it was an act of stupidity?   Was it to show their bosses what they do to their opponents or feedback on an assignment? The thing is the video and the subsequent debate do not make sense to me. I hoped the media and platforms like The NewsHawks, which have branded themselves as investigative projects, would provided answers to these questions. Who were those perpetrators of the violence? Are they Zanu PF or not? Who were the victims? Are they CCC or not? What was the background to the incident? What caused that? What is the balance of political forces on the ground in Murewa North in the context of the incident and upcoming elections? The CCC, which positions itself as the victim all the time even though we know its predecessor the MDC sometimes perpetrated violence within its own structures and against comrades, quickly sought to make political capital out of the Murewa episode. Zanu PF, which has been historically accused and linked to violence against the opposition, denied those were its members. It actually denounced them. That added to the confusion and fuelled conspiracy. In fact, Zanu PF spokesperson Chris Mutsvangwa spoke about this, alleging a conspiracy against his party and saying the incident was premeditated by the opposition. “For people to jump into a conclusion that the violence was caused by Zanu PF shows that there was a premeditated agenda to try to collar our party with accusations which has been typical of the MDC since its formation… and the CCC. “They only specialise in trying to give a bad name to Zanu PF; call a dog a name to beat it. That is their approach to politics.” Police arrested a suspect, but his political affiliation is not clear. Yet we have already drawn conclusions that we know the villain and the saints in this situation. However, we have not been able to explain why that video was recorded. It is like a gang of armed robbers raiding a house to steal some money and one of them records a video of the scene. What would be the motive of that? How do we explain that? I am not saying Zanu PF did not commit the Murewa act of violence or did. Similarly, I am not saying the CCC is telling the truth or lying. I am saying let us  investigate first and then comment from a position of facts and truth, not speculation, innuendoes and falsehoods. This is not about defending anyone. It is about trying to encourage people to approach issues with an open mind. Before some people start wrongly citing terrorists as an example of perpetrators of violence who record themselves and distribute their videos and audios to explain the behaviour of those accused of committing the Murewa violence, let me address that. Unleashing political violence or armed robbery activities are different from acts of terrorism. Those who commit acts of political violence or robberies have a reason to cover their tracks and to hide their activities compared to terrorists. Terrorists record and distribute their videos and messages to the public, and use media to gain traction, attention and support among their sympathisers. It is a complex symbiotic relationship between terrorists and the media. It needs to be critically examined. Modern terrorism relies on media for its sustenance. The media always covers terrorist acts not only because it is their duty to report on any major events and that they are newsworthy anyway, but also because terrorism attracts readers and huge attention. Terrorism stories bring eyeballs, clicks, likes and shares; they drive traffic among media audiences. Around the world, terrorists know that and have picked up this dynamic, hence take action not only to make their victims suffer and leverage force to achieve their agendas, but also to draw maximum attention and make themselves known, in the process attracting followers and funders within the realm where they operate and among those who consider them as heroes. Terrorists have become media savvy and have strategies of drawing media attention in most of their activities. Not only do they now have equipment and take advantage of digital technologies to distribute their nefarious activities, they also usually know how to time them and create those images which can guarantee them maximum impact through the media. This modus operandi could easily lead to the conclusion that media is a partner in crime in terrorism, hence prevention of terrorism should include prohibiting journalists from giving huge coverage to terrorist activities, but then that would not be addressing the root cause of the problem. The opposition in Zimbabwe is necessary, legitimate and important, not just in terms of the constitution and multiparty politics, but also in terms of development and progress. We need the opposition, particularly quality and The Contrarian Think Again: Reflections on Current Affairs, Politics, Law, Economics, History, Religion, Arts & Culture. Election violence: Let’s avoid good versus evil characterisation in media NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023 CCC Co-Vice President Lynette Karenyi-Kore

Critical Thinking Page 31 sound opposition that becomes a government-in-waiting. Not just noise-makers and jokers. However, the opposition should not be deified. We should not worship them. We should take them to task as much as we scrutinise the ruling party. Of course, the ruling party must not be worshipped as well. Actually, it must be criticised more and held accountable. But the problem we have is that Zimbabwean media does not scrutinise the opposition. If it is the state-run media, they just condemn them without professional coverage. By contrast, the private media lets them get away with anything all the time, including with murder, metaphorically and literally. On the Job Sikhala issue, for instance, the media is not unpacking what he did and whether there was a connection between his remarks and the subsequent violence in Nyatsime. Does Sikhala deserve bail? Why is he being held for so long in pre-trial detention? What has been Sikhala’s bail conditions before his arrest in June last year and did he violate them or not? Naturally, the media must investigate who killed Moreblessing Ali, but then again it must not be politically driven coverage. In the Murehwa incident, if it turns out that opposition members had stage-managed the violence and evidence is provided, would the private media in this case report that story? In turn, if it turns out its Zanu PF to blame, would the state media report that?  We all know what most likely would happen in both instances and that is where the problem is. Media must do their job professionally and responsibly. Ask the ruling party hard questions, and do the same with the opposition. Scrutinise their activities and engage with an open mind. No doubt, the ruling party is in government and must be held to account more, but all the same media must be professional in doing their job. If you are not open-minded and open to other ideas and perspectives, it is hard to see all the factors contributing to problems at work or come up with practical solutions. In an increasingly polarised society like Zimbabwe, being able to overcome your blind spots and consider other perspectives and ideas is essential. Journalists must be open-minded and critical thinkers, not sycophants or cynics. Critical thinking is an endeavour to develop reliable, rational evaluations of what is happening and reasonable for people to believe and disbelieve. It makes use of the tools of  logic  and science because it values scepticism over gullibility or dogmatism, reason over faith, the science of pseudoscience, and rationality over wishful thinking. Of course, critical thinking does not guarantee that we will arrive at truth, but it does make it much more likely than any of the alternatives do. On the Murewa incident, we have not seen any open-minded and critical thinking approach from the media and the public. We have seen the familiar polarisation: Accusations and counter-accusations. A person, especially a journalist, who wishes to think critically about something like politics or religion must be open-minded.  Investigative media platforms like The NewsHawks must be open-minded and thrive on critical thinking. We must learn to separate emotion and reason. Supporters of political parties, especially in this country where politics is like war, have serious difficulties in doing that. As for the private media, if you allow the opposition to be treated with kid gloves, if they get into power do not be surprised when they become monsters, particularly when they already have a personality cult politics mentality and do not want to be asked anything, hence unwilling to be accountable. Even basic things like asking them do you have party structures elicit emotion and condemnation from the opposition. If you ask that, you are quickly labelled Zanu PF even if you are well-meaning or just a critical thinker. How then do you become an alternative to the ruling party with that attitude and mentality? How do you bring change with that mindset? How different are you from those you criticise and seek to replace? I’m deliberately focusing on the opposition because Zanu PF is always criticised compared to its competitors. The media should not encourage and perpetuate partisan and one-sided coverage, particularly going to elections as we are. If Zanu PF does wrong things, criticise them. If the opposition does the same, treat them the same way. The reverse should also apply. That way, we can have a proper conversational and debating society on politics and accountability issues compared to a toxic one where labelling and insults dominate public discourse. At the moment, Zimbabweans' debate are not brainy. We have a partisan approach, which only entrenches polarisation and divides society into good people and bad people – righteous and evil citizens. Societies are far more complex than that and cannot mirrored in binaries. We need to change our politics and begin to engage with ideas and issues more deeply than we do. The Murewa incident got me thinking about this. Media should not fall into the trap of rushing to conclusions before investigating, checking and verifying these things. As for the opposition, it should avoid the Nietzschean gaze and must stop acting holier-than-thou. Look at what is happening in the opposition, does that inspire confidence? “Beware that, when fighting monsters, you yourself do not become a monster... for when you gaze long into the abyss. The abyss gazes also into you.” ― Friedrich W. Nietzsche. In his book Beyond Good and Evil, Nietzsche argues that concepts of good and evil (morality) are culturally constructed rather than inherently "true"; different cultures develop different moral laws in order maintain social order. However, that is not what we are necessarily talking about here. Violence against each other over politics and different opinions is the issue. As a result, my interest here is the Nietzschean gaze. When one looks long into nothingness, one becomes nothing, empty. And the monsters here are (from Beyond Good and Evil) the result of a false morality. Nietzche would have called out modern priests and pastors, of which there are so many examples, who fall from grace in fighting monsters (for instance the pastor who preaches against homosexuality only to find that he has been hiring and paying male prostitutes for years). The story of Catholic Bishop Pius Ncube is well-known in Zimbabwe, and needs no repeat here. Without evidence, the opposition would have said he was framed. Nietzsche shared a lot of insightful wisdom with the world, much of which has taken a long time to be appreciated. The “stare into the abyss and the abyss stares back” is just one of them, but it encourages us to acknowledge and overcome some of the darkness within ourselves. The opposition must acknowledge and overcome its own darkness for it to be better than Zanu PF. The media must do their job professionally and not lionise or glorify the opposition, lest we reproduce and perpetuate the problems we are already facing. In that context, let us ask questions and investigate with an open mind who perpetrated the Murewa political violence, and let the law take its course. Let us not foreclose different outcomes in investigations and public debate. *About the writer: Henry Chamunorwa is a Maputo-based humanitarian affairs analyst who manages projects in zones of conflicts, natural disasters and other complex environments. NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023 The Murehwa seven who were subjected to political violence.

Page 32 Critical Thinking Introduction The great African-American novelist, poet and essayist James Baldwin once philosophically asserted: “Music is our witness and our ally. The 'beat' is a confession which recognises, changes and conquers time. Music itself must act upon time, not lose itself to it; must stem itself against the empty flood”. This philosophical and pedagogical reasoning by Baldwin is quite provocative and illustrative in light of the furore, controversy and deeply polarising reception that greeted the release of Winky D latest album titled Eureka Eureka on 1 January 2023. As far as the dynamic link between music and politics is concerned, a distinction ought to be made between the anti-establishment and pro-establishment forms of engagement. This is precisely because expressions of politics in music have almost always taken a pro-establishment or anti-establishment stance. Scholars remain disunited on the extent to which the generality of the citizens are influenced by political messaging in music, particularly the type which contains direct political messages related to distinct socio-economic contexts. This begs for a critique of antecedent and prevailing contexts before interpreting music with political messages. Political music includes songs with explicit partisan stances, music calling for the instigation of political mobilisations against prevailing appalling contexts or praise singing of some political actors. Politicisation of music can also occur via the route of cultural association, with the most famous case being evidenced by how the Beatles were censured in the Eastern bloc due to their representativeness of the symbol of change. However, it is worth noting that sometimes variations could exist between a musician's intentions and the perceptions and subsequent interpretations by the audience. Be that as it may, several scholars converge on the conviction that music possesses an unmatchable efficacy in political mobilisation. However, in both historical and contemporary times, the Zimbabwean musical landscape has always been punctuated by rebel and protest music and musician activists. In colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe, there has always been a generation of artistes that answered to Frantz Fanon`s clarion call of discovering the generational mission and deciding to fulfil it rather than betray it. Socially and politically conscious musicians and artistes have historically risen up to the occasion and acted as the Promethean fiery searchlights of their society, through spotlighting and highlighting the socio-economic and socio-political struggles of the ordinary people and the suffering masses. Accordingly, musicians like the great Thomas Mapfumo have a tangible and unblemished record of producing hard-hitting protest music both in colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe. In his earlier days Mukanya had earned himself iconic status after penning liberation war motivational singing supporting the nationalist cause. However, his early 2000s productions were hard-hitting songs that were poignantly aimed at the obtaining social, political and economic decadence prevailing in Zimbabwe at the time and the subsequent unabated descent into the economic malaise that prevails up to this day. Moreover, artistes like the late Zexie Manatsa also produced a protest song titled “Musango Mune Hangaiwa” during the colonial era which was subsequently banned by the colonial government. In addition, artistes like Leornard Zhakata and Oliver Mtukudzi have also produced their fair share of protest songs. Zhakata’s latest offering titled “Mupendero Wenguva”, could be politically translated to mean “the end of an era”. The album proceeds to bemoan the moral decadence and corrupt tendencies endemic in the country in his usual melodious fashion. It is within this historical tradition of rebel music and musician activists that have over time challenged the status quo and the establishment, that I wish to locate and re-contextualise Winky D`s latest music offering Eureka Eureka. Accordingly, I will unpack why Winky D is on the right side of history and also analyse the societal role of musicians within an authoritarian ecosystem. Furthermore, I will also talk about why there has been forceful push-back and vitriolic backlash by the regime sympathisers and enablers to silence, proscribe and ultimately criminalise Winky D’s artistry and musicianship. The barrel of the microphone The famous African-American sociologist and dissident black scholar and hip-hop critic Professor Eric Michael Dyson in one of his seminal literary works titled “Know What I mean? Reflections on Hip Hop”, argued that: “In our own day, there are many artists who recognise the power of art to inform and inspire, to instigate and cajole, to make constituencies aware of social, moral, spiritual and intellectual problems and resources”. On New Year's eve the Harare International Conference Centre (HICC) was transformed into a carnival and celebratory atmosphere as Winky D  launched his latest album Eureka Eureka with his customary tour de force of artistic performance. Accordingly, revellers at the HICC were treated to an energetic, thought-provoking and ghetto-centric performance. There was a cocktail of artistic and musical performance from Winky D and other artistes he collaborated with on his Eureka Eureka album. They included eye-catching and entertaining collaborative performances with Tocky Vibes, Holy Ten, Shingai and others. The audience was treated to a high octane musical fiesta and as such there was infectious resonance between Winky D and his audience as evidenced by the two-way musical communication between Winky D and his legion of fans that convincingly resulted in contagious and Politics of the rhythm: Unpacking Winky D`s Eureka Eureka album Taona B. Denhere Winky D and Shingai “Too bold” Shoniwa on the set of the music video for “Dzimba Dzemabwe”. NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Critical Thinking Page 33 voluntary sing-alongs by the audience and the turning of the Rainbow Towers auditorium into a sea of white lights from the cellphone torch lights of the fans. However, by the first day of the New Year, the Eureka Eureka album had ignited a very fiery and polarising debate among the various sections of the Zimbabwean public. That is, there emerged two diametrically opposed camps who had competing and contradicting opinions and views on the lyrics of some of the songs. On one end of the musical spectrum were sections of Zimbabweans who fully embraced the politically charged and thought-provoking songs and performances of Winky D. However, on the sensitively opposite end you had sections of the Zimbabwean public who felt disturbed and uncomfortable with socially and politically conscious songs and performances of Winky D. Professor Tricia Rose, the author of the seminal The Hip-Hop Wars and Black Noise, opined that: “Popular music must be dynamic, playful, exciting, cutting edge, sometimes this involves politically conscious content”. Therefore, rebel art and protest music by its very nature is disruptive, thought-provoking and is designed to challenge, unsettle and provoke the status quo and the establishment. Thus rebel music is designed to afflict the comfortable elites and comfort the afflicted subalterns.  Accordingly, the Eureka Eureka album is the apt metaphor of protest music crafted in the rebellious tradition of  provoking and spotlighting the socio-economic and the socio-political ills within our society. It follows in the tradition of protest albums such as Hokoyo, Chimurenga Explosion and Chimurenga Rebel by Thomas Mapfumo and also Hodho by Leonard Zhakata, and many others. The two songs which have ignited the most debate due to their politically charged and socially conscientising lyrics are Ibotso and Dzimba Dzemabwe. “Ibotso” metaphorically bears witness to socio-economic injustices that have been naturalised into a culture amongst the poor by the powerful ruling elites and also the moral degeneracy that afflicts the downtrodden masses. It draws into sharp focus the manner in which the establishment and the powerful who are, in most cases, politically connected to the ruling elites, viciously and corruptly pilfer and pillage the resources of the poor, using their political might, their elite connections and their powerful societal positions. “Ibotso” is a double edged sword song in that it also highlights the tragic dis-empowerment and pauperisation of the ordinary folks, who in their pauperised state end up fighting and killing each other, whilst the authors of their misery and poverty remain unscathed. Thus continuing with this wanton path of robbing the future and livelihood of the youths and the poor. It also details the mechanics of the suppression of expression of discontent through use of state-sanctioned security brutality which has become common practice against vendors eking out a living on the streets of Zimbabwean cities. Holy Ten in his verse on the song raises the issue of “blessers” and rich guys who flaunt ill-acquired wealth and continue to put the poor girl child at risk. On the other hand, the song speaks out on the cosmetic culture facilitated by social media “likes” and its attendant effect of straying society further from reality. Dzimba Dzemabwe's video together with its lyrics are very provocative and bring to the fore some home truths. The inclusion of the iconography of Mbuya Nehanda and Sekuru Kaguvi which is reincarnated through juxtaposition by Winky D and Shingai donning similar traditional clothing 125 years later, attempts to draw a historical and political connection between the past and the present. Consequently, it puts into sharp focus the long and arduous road towards democracy, justice and human rights. Dzimba Dzemabwe reads like a lamentation of the dictatorial betrayal of the decolonisation project in which democracy has been bastardised through hypocrisy and treachery by the powers that be. Moreover, the song also highlights the hunger and the desperation that stalk the land, a former breadbasket. The song poignantly asks a question that resonates with the majority of Zimbabweans as it spotlights whether those who endured the sacrifices that characterised the liberation struggle were resting in peace, given the vanity with which these sacrifices were being treated as evidenced by the current state of affairs in the country superintended by the avarice of the ruling elites. It reflects on the vision, desire and objectives of the liberation struggle and the path of betrayal the country is trodding. Therefore, Eureka Eureka, following up on another Winky D`s album, Njema, is a clear demonstration of the artiste's metamorphosis into a fully-fledged musician-activist pedagogue in the similar tradition as Thomas Mapfumo, Lucky Dube, Miriam Makeba, Fela Kuti, Hugh Masekela and many others. According to Professor Tejumola Olaniyan, author of Arrest the Music! Fela and his Rebel Art and Politics, “Musician activist pedagogues are those who are never shy about publicly defining their art in terms of the cause for whom, in words and in deeds, art and heavy cause are never strange bedfellows”. Thus musician-activists have historically deployed the microphone as a flaming and potent barrel, through singing truth to the power and truth to the powerless. They have used their huge public profiles and musical talents to vocalise the socio-economic strivings and the socio-political aspirations of the poor and the disadvantaged. However, as expected there was considerable push-back and resentment against Winky D`s latest album and performances from certain sections of the Zimbabwean public. Their arguments and reservations against Winky D are not in any way based on the objective critique of his musical performance and offerings, but were based on the content of his lyrics. They believed that his songs are too politically charged and his socially and politically conscious songs are a deviation from the "traditional" and expected artistes' role of purely singing to merely entertain drunken revellers. This intellectually and historically dishonest argument was largely voiced by the people and organisations which are usually and deeply connected with the Zanu PF government. Consequently, a shadowy outfit which goes by the name Economic Empowerment Group (EEG) arranged a Press conference at which it called for de-platforming of Winky D through extra-legally banning him from performing at any public event or public venue in Zimbabwe. One of EEG's major reasons for advocating for banning Winky D music was that they believe the lyrics of his songs are not politically correct and were likely to foment dissent and protest amongst  ghetto youths. However, what EEG fails to appreciate is that Zimdancehall in general and Winky D's music particularly are part and parcel of ghettocraft, that is a ghetto-centric music of "keeping it real" or in the tradition of Malcolm X "make it plain". Thus, Winky D recognises that the ghetto is a systematic matrix of socio-economic deprivation and class discrimination that has emasculated and castrated the potentialities and aspirations of the ghettoised youths. Nonetheless, this should not be dismissed as mere empty threats, just coming from a group of disgruntled citizens. This is because the Zanu PF government has a notorious record of de-platforming musician-activist pedagogues and protest music. Artistes such as Thomas Mapfumo, Leonard Zhakata, Oliver Mtukudzi and even Winky D himself have had their musical products and performances censored and banned in Zimbabwe. Evidence gathered so far points to the fact that already musical content off this latest album is not receiving kind airplay. Ironically and surprisingly, Holy Ten, who featured and collaborated with Winky D on Ibotso, tweeted he regretted taking part on the song, because the song has been politicised. This was a notable departure in opinion by Holy Ten who gave us hard-hitting lyrics in his earlier track Ndaremerwa, which laments the burdens of survival in Zimbabwe. His subsequent interview by radio presenter Ollah 7 was a mere public relations effort which discredited both Ollah 7, who appeared at pains to be kind and depart from his usual inquisitive and hot seat journalistic style, to appease the young man who now enjoys the acquaintance of the sons of the First Family. Moreover, his very frivolous reasoning and intellectual dishonesty is a lack of appreciation of basic understanding of politics. The very existence and organisation of humanity is inalienably linked with the politics of the day. Politics has direct ramifications on the everyday conduct, behaviour and sustenance and decision making of every single Zimbabwean regardless of station in life, hence the personal is political and the political is personal.  Therefore, we should celebrate the fact that Ibotso is an invaluable addition to the market of political ideas and political debates. Freedom of expression in “censorship democracy” What was quite telling about the address by EEG was their accusations directed at the Censorship Board and the National Arts Council. The group's spokesperson ranted at how these two state institutions had slept on duty and should have been pro-active in ensuring that Eureka Eureka should not have been allowed to reach the ears of citizens. This was not surprising, given that 42 years after Independence, the Zanu PF government still enjoys a monopoly in broadcasting. This is despite tenuous and notable efforts made to register independent radio and television stations. Such efforts have always been met with regulatory red tape facilitated by state apparatus aimed at muzzling alternative opinions as if we remain in the Iron Age of information Conclusion Needless to say that music and especially rebel art has always been a potent instrument for socio-cultural and socio-political change. Therefore, musician-activist pedagogues are social and cultural change agents, who have over the course of human civilisation acted as a force for good. Accordingly, Winky D`s anti-establishment rebellious ghettocraft and musicianship should be fully embraced and appreciated rather than considered anathema by the Zanu PF government and its supporters. Nonetheless, history has always vindicated a lot of musician-activist pedagogues, who were hitherto criminalised and censored by their respective insecure and authoritarian governments. The critical first step in addressing Zimbabwe’s information crisis should be the admission that it exists in the first place and deployment of humble leadership attitudes towards prioritising the national interest in deriving solutions to the same. Denialism of the existence of the vice of intolerance is undoubtedly polarising and counter-productive in rebuilding the nation. NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 34 Critical Thinking ANWĀR OMEISH IN his biography of Frantz Fanon, intellectual historian David Macey  narrates  that in August 1955, Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) leader Moustafa Lacheraf suggested to Fanon that they collaborate on a book on Algeria. Fanon, however, declined, telling Lacheraf that “he [Fanon] was still thinking in ‘European terms.’” Decades later, Lacheraf reaffirmed this, saying that “despite his political sympathies, Fanon was an ‘assimilé,’” still “‘hostage to the European milieu.’” Notably, Lacheraf was not alone in this characterisation; similar statements had been made by  Tunisian Jewish intellectual Albert Memmi, Algerian psychoanalyst and Fanon student Alice Cherki, and others among Fanon’s contemporaries. Fanon’s readers today may find such statements surprising, at odds with a more familiar characterisation of Fanon as a strident revolutionary and the consummate critic of European colonial modernity. But this very surprise represents the failure of Fanon studies to engage the 20th-century Algerian context within and about which Fanon wrote. Not only does this failure erase the Algerians alongside whom Fanon theorised; it also prevents a full engagement with his thought that grasps both its limits and potentialities, the possibilities it both enabled and foreclosed. So why did Lacheraf describe Fanon this way? Fanon, born into an upper-middle-class Martinican family in 1925 and educated in France after World War II, was shaped by and intervened in several intellectual traditions, most of them European. His signal theoretical influences were structuralist psychoanalysis and innovative psychiatry, a leftist modernism shaped by Hegelian Marxism and phenomenological existentialism, and Négritude and pan-Africanism. The 1953 Algeria he arrived in, meanwhile, had been shaped by its own discursive traditions and transnational networks, most prominent among them Islam, Islamism, and pan-Islamism; Arab nationalism, pan-Maghrebism, and pan-Arabism; and native elite adoptions of French politics. Although both Fanon and the Algerian people sought to confront colonialism, they did so from different starting points. While Algerians were concerned with loss and revival of cultural and religious ways of being, Fanon deemed such questions immaterial, overlooking what may be lost in favor of what might be created. While Fanon intellectually matured within the Western traditions he criticized, Algerians still debated their alignment with those traditions. Where Fanon was concerned with colonised man’s alienation from himself as (hu)man, Algerians were concerned with his alienation from himself  as  Arab (or Kabyle) and Muslim human. Lacheraf thus described Fanon as “hostage to the European milieu” because these Algerian concerns were illegible to him. To better understand this illegibility, we must turn to Fanon’s theoretical commitments, and particularly his conceptualisation of difference. For Fanon, the only justifiable ground for difference is an assessment of one’s political situation as it really is; anything else would be an inauthentic approach to one’s situation. Social demarcations based on categories like race or religion — especially after they have been mutilated by colonial modernity — would constitute such inauthentic approaches. Against these forms of difference, Fanon offers an authentic Algerian national identity assumed by those who “have identified themselves with the Algerian cause and collaborate actively in the struggle.” Here, Fanon describes an Algerianness, though tied to territory, that is a product of political choice rather than culture or blood. Fanon himself makes this choice; neither Arab nor Muslim and a newcomer to Algeria, he nonetheless includes himself in the “we Algerians” of this reformulated political nationality. Importantly, this construction of difference rests on intertwined ontological and epistemological claims. First, Fanon assumes that there is some always-existing political truth of the situation that is simply obscured by inauthentic approaches such as religion and culture. The political, then, is cast as negative, as absence of cultural content, while other approaches are cast as positive presence. Second, Fanon holds that the political real not only exists, but is accessible to us once inauthentic approaches are relinquished. In other words, the political real is a transcendent category accessible to an equally transcendent and universal rationality.  Moreover, for Fanon, this political real should be accessed as a precondition of progress. In fact, much of his discussion of Algerian society is an attempt to illustrate this process by which the political supersedes the religious and cultural. His language for this transformation is striking: as political supersedes religious and cultural, he says, Algerians become “adult, responsible, and conscious,” they “overcome” their bad faith and undergo an “awakening,” marking the “advent of history.” If this language sounds familiar, it is because it represents a rearticulation of a teleological distinction specific and foundational to Western colonial modernity: the division between traditional and modern, religious and secular, and (in Fanon’s terms) cultural and political, in which progress entails movement from irrational, static former to rational, dynamic latter. Fanon justifies this in different terms, but at its core, the distinction is the same, naturalising one approach to the world at the expense of another. Fanon himself recognises the violence inherent in such a naturalisation, describing how “the white gaze,” which counters his own “rationality with the ‘true rationality,’” is naturalised as “the only valid [gaze]” and equated with “scientific objectivity.” The tragic irony in Fanon’s project is thus that even as it militated against oppressive colonial modernity, it may have replicated underlying ontological and epistemic claims. For example, both Algerian reformist scholars and Sufis emphasised the importance of self-forming activities that subordinated the individual to the historically extended community and to an external ethical locus, transforming subjectivities in the process. On a larger level, Sufi orders practiced a form of refusal to recognise the colonial state, while reformist scholars called for the restitution of the endowments and the separation of religion and government, with the law belonging to the former. Because of the uninterrogated theoretical commitments of his project, Fanon was unable to see how mid-20th-century Algerians challenged those same theoretical commitments and their imbrication in colonial modernity. In Fanon’s case, this is perhaps understandable. But what is far more troubling is that Fanon studies has enabled this occlusion into the present, failing to consider how Algeria may illuminate Fanon’s theoretical commitments. If, according to Lacheraf, Fanon himself related these commitments to his “thinking in European terms,” then what does our own unwillingness to challenge these commitments represent? What political possibilities are we missing by reifying the same assumptions — and the horizons of political possibility they inaugurate — that Fanon did? Reading Fanon in Algeria — and reading Algeria beyond Fanon — shows us that it is far past time to open ourselves and our scholarship to different forms of theoretical production and world building, including those that have for too long been cast as excessively “traditional,” “religious,” or “cultural.” It is only by doing so that we may at last heed Fanon’s call: “Oh my body, always make me a man who questions!” *About the writer: Anwār Omeish is a PhD candidate in political theory at the University of Chicago in the United States. Reading Fanon in Algeria, reading Algeria beyond Fanon Frantz Fanon. NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

The Big Debate Page 35 VERITAS ON 23 December, the Zimbabwe government presented opposition parties and activists with an unwelcome Christmas present.  The long-threatened “Patriot Bill”, more properly the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Amendment Bill, was published in the Government Gazette.  The Bill will amend the Criminal Law Code in four respects: It will create the crime of “wilfully damaging the sovereignty and national interest of Zimbabwe” [this is the “patriot” part of the Bill]. It will provide mandatory minimum prison sentences for rape. It will alter the definition of dangerous drugs whose possession, sale and use are prohibited by chapter VII of the Code, and It will narrow the scope of the crime of abuse of public office. We shall deal with each of these in turn. Unpatriotic acts Clause 2 of the Bill will insert a new section into the Code, creating the crime of “wilfully damaging the sovereignty and national interest of Zimbabwe”.  The crime will be committed by a citizen or permanent resident of Zimbabwe who takes an active part in a meeting involving or convened by an agent of a foreign government, if the citizen or resident knows or has reason to believe that the object of the meeting is: to consider or plan armed intervention in Zimbabwe by the foreign government, or to subvert or overthrow the constitutional Zimbabwean government, or to consider, implement or extend sanctions or a trade boycott against Zimbabwe, or against an individual or official if the sanctions or boycott affect a substantial section of the people of Zimbabwe. Penalties for the crime differ according to the object of the meeting: if the object of the meeting is to consider or plan armed intervention, the penalty for participating in it is the same as for treason, namely the death sentence or imprisonment for life, if the object of the meeting is to subvert or overthrow the government, the penalty for participating in it is the same as for subverting constitutional government, namely imprisonment for up to 20 years, and if the meeting is about sanctions or a trade boycott, the penalty for participating in it is a fine of up to ZW$200  000 or imprisonment for up to 10 years or both.  And in addition, if the crime is committed in aggravating circumstances (i.e. if sanctions were implemented as a result of the meeting or if a non-binding advisory was issued with the same effect as sanctions, or if the convicted person made a false statement during the meeting) and if the prosecutor so requests, the court may impose any of the following penalties: o    deprivation of citizenship, if the convicted person is a citizen by registration or a dual citizen, o   cancellation of residence rights, if the convicted person is a permanent resident of Zimbabwe, o   prohibition from being registered as a voter or from voting, for a period between five and 15 years, or o    prohibition from holding public office for a period between five and 15 years. Comments 1.  Planning armed intervention or subversion There is an overlap between the new crime, insofar as it involves planning armed intervention or subverting the government, and the existing crimes of treason (section 20 of the Criminal Law Code) and subverting constitutional government (section 22 of the Code).  So great is the overlap that the new crime is really superfluous, at least in this respect.  2.  Sanctions and boycotts Insofar as the new crime penalises the consideration, planning or implementing of sanctions or boycotts, it will be a serious deterrent to free speech in Zimbabwe: Not only will it be a crime to attend a meeting in order to plan or implement sanctions, it will be a crime if the meeting merely “considers” them. Sanctions may be imposed on Zimbabwe for a variety of reasons.  They may, for example, be intended to persuade the government to comply with the country’s international obligations.  Should a Zimbabwean citizen be penalised for attending a meeting to discuss whether the country should be placed under sanctions for violating its obligations under the World Trade Organisation, Southern African Development Community or African Union?  Or to discuss whether the country’s banking system should be black-listed for failing to take measures against money laundering or terrorist financing, as recommended by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF)? The new provisions are vaguely worded, convoluted and difficult to understand – the drafter does not hesitate to use two, three or even four words where one would do.  They are open to misinterpretation, therefore, and law enforcement officers are likely to interpret them as broadly as possible.  Opposition activists who even mention sanctions in the presence of a foreigner may find themselves arrested and put on trial, and because of the vagueness of the crime and the difficulty of proving it, their trials will drag on for months and even years. Penalties Some of the penalties prescribed for the crime are unconstitutional. As we noted earlier, for attending a meeting to consider or plan armed intervention the penalty will be the same as for treason – and under section 20 of the Code the penalty for treason is death.  However, section 48 of the constitution states that the death penalty can be imposed only on persons convicted of murder committed in aggravating circumstances;  hence it cannot be imposed on persons convicted of treason or the new crime.  Section 20 of the Code should have been aligned with the Constitution a long time ago. [That Bill does not propose to amend section 20 of the Code by repealing the death penalty for treason, says something about the sincerity of the government’s avowed intention to abolish the death penalty.] The additional penalty of deprivation of citizenship, which can be imposed on someone convicted of attending a meeting to consider sanctions, infringes section 39 of the constitution, which provides that citizenship by registration can be revoked only if it was obtained by fraud or if the citizen communicated with an enemy “during a war in which Zimbabwe was engaged”.  Citizenship by birth can be revoked only if it was obtained by fraud or mistake, and this is so whether or not the person is a dual citizen. The additional penalty of prohibition against being registered as a voter contravenes paragraph 2 of the Fourth Schedule to the Constitution, which allows a person to be disqualified from registration only if he or she has committed an offence under the Electoral Act. Minimum sentence for rape Clause 3 of the Bill will provide mandatory minimum prison sentences for rape: If rape is committed in aggravating circumstances, a minimum sentence of 15 years will be imposed, If there are no aggravating circumstances, there will be a minimum sentence of five years. Rape is an abhorrent crime which usually has devastating and lasting effects on the victim, but even so there are serious problems with this clause: Mandatory minimum sentences are inherently undesirable because they deprive a court of its proper role in assessing a fair sentence that fits the crime, the offender and the interests of society.  Judges and magistrates can make mistakes but there is something strange in the idea that politicians are better than experienced judicial officers at determining appropriate sentences. Mandatory minimum sentences are unconstitutional unless there is some provision in the law for them not to be imposed in special circumstances.  Clause 3 of the Bill contains no such provision. It is not clear what are aggravating circumstances that would justify a court in imposing the 15-year minimum sentence.  The clause says it will be aggravating if there is a finding adverse to the accused on any factor described in subsection (2) of section 65 of the Code, but that subsection lists general factors affecting sentence, such as the ages of the accused and the victim, the number of people who took part in the rape, and the relationship between the accused and the victim.  What precisely is an “adverse finding” in regard to any of those factors?  In view of the severity of the sentence, the clause should spell out precisely what it means. Definition of dangerous drugs Clause 4, according to the Bill’s memorandum, will amend the definition of “dangerous drug” in section 155 of the Criminal Law Code “to include prepared opium, prepared cannabis, cannabis resin and a scheduled drug.” Actually, all those drugs are already included in the existing definition of “dangerous drug” in section 155 of the Code.  What the clause will do is to exclude industrial hemp from the definition and to define what industrial hemp is.  It will also insert a provision stating that “in any investigation of an alleged crime” the onus of proving that a substance is cannabis (which is a dangerous drug) rather than industrial hemp (which is not) will lie on the person asserting it – presumably the police or prosecution.  The provision, it will be noted, applies to “investigations”, and it is not clear if that term means police investigations or if it extends to prosecutions.  The provision is probably unnecessary anyway, because in a prosecution the State has the onus of proving all its allegations beyond a reasonable doubt. Abuse of public office Clause 5 of the Bill will amend section 174 of the Code which creates the crime of criminal abuse of duty as a public officer The crime is committed when public officers intentionally do something that is contrary to their duty or omit to do something that they have a duty to do, in order to show favour or disfavour to someone.  The amendment is apparently intended to make it necessary for the prosecution to prove that an accused public officer knew he or she was acting contrary to his or her duty.  We say “apparently” because the opening words of the new section are missing from the Bill, so it is impossible to say precisely what the amended crime will be. The clause should be corrected. Conclusion This Bill was mooted in cabinet as long ago as August 2020 and the National Assembly debated the need for it in March 2021, so when it was finally published at the end of last year one would have expected it to be precise and clear.  It is not:  rather it shows signs of having been cobbled together in haste.  Its lack of clarity will make it hard for prosecutors to secure convictions against people charged with wilfully damaging the sovereignty and national interest of Zimbabwe, and will complicate the task of courts when sentencing rapists.  And unless clause 5 of the Bill is corrected, it will make the crime of criminal abuse of duty impossible to understand. The rule of law requires criminal laws to be clear and precise and easy to understand so that everyone knows when they are breaking the law.  Vague laws are a hallmark of repressive States which use them to keep their people cowed and submissive;  they should not be tolerated in a constitutional democracy which Zimbabwe aspires to be. Perhaps however these considerations do not matter to the government.  As we suggested earlier, the Bill’s lack of clarity will itself deter opposition activists from urging or recommending sanctions, and if they are subjected to prolonged and difficult trials they will be distracted from their oppositional activities.  In either of those events the Bill will have achieved, rather unpleasantly, what may well be its real purpose. *About the writer: Veritas is an independent organisation that provides information on the work of the courts, Parliament and the laws of Zimbabwe and makes public domain information widely available. Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied. New "patriotic law" clauses are unclear, imprecise NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 36 Reframing Issues SOUTHERN Rhodesia — now Zimbabwe — rejected joining the South African Union in a historic referendum in October 1922. Voters had to choose between establishing self-government, joining the Union of South Africa or continuing under the British South Africa Company (BSAC). The BSAC had governed Southern Rhodesia since October 1889 when it was granted a mining exploration charter by the British government. Its founder Cecil John Rhodes was given permission to explore the area north of the Transvaal with unlimited powers. In 1890 the BSAC founded the town of Salisbury (now Harare) and named the territory Rhodesia in honour of Rhodes. From 1890 the company operated as the government of Southern Rhodesia until 1923. In 1898 a governing body called the Legislative Council was established with members of the BSAC dominating the body. In 1910, the Union of South Africa was formed, bringing together former Afrikaner Republics and the Cape Colony. South Africa was granted self-governing status as a colony within the larger British empire. This resulted in the division of opinions for settlers in Southern Rhodesia. As early as 1914 the Legislative Council considered the question on whether it  was prudent for the BSAC to continue as governing body of the colony, or should the colony join the Union of South Africa. This was postponed as a result of the outbreak of the First World War. After the elections in April 1920, there was strong push for the need to decide on whether Southern Rhodesia should become a British colony with self-governing status or merge with the union. In May 1920, the Legislative Council pushed for resolution of the issue. A commission was established by the British government under the leadership of Earl Buxton. Some representatives from Southern Rhodesia visited Cape Town to consult the Jan Smuts-led government on terms which they could be admitted to the Union of South Africa. Other representatives went to London to push for self-government and negotiate the terms. This culminated in a referendum on 27 October 1922 where the white settler minority overwhelmingly voted against merging with the union. In 1923 Southern Rhodesia became a crown colony with self-governing status limited to white settlers. TERERAI MAFUKIDZE LAWRENCE Vambe, like other historians, says English-speaking Rhodesians’ hatred for Boers in South Africa in the aftermath of the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) decided the 1922 Rhodesian referendum, which was critical to the country’s future. “Strange as it may seem, it was the race issue which was the deciding factor. I refer to the anti-Boer feeling that most English-speaking Rhodesians have always had, especially at this time,” Vambe writes. He further argues Rhodesians 1922 referendum: English-speaking Rhodesians’ hate for Afrikaners and Afrikaans decisive factor would have gone with a union with the Cape and Natal Colonies which were British-dominated, adding: “In the impassioned arguments that the referendum caused, there was not much doubt that the Responsible Government Party understood the psychology of the white settlers. It understood that the memories of the Boer War were highly relevant to the choice before the country and that the majority of the white English-speaking Rhodesians, particularly the artisans and the lower and middle ranks of the civil servants, hated the Afrikaans language, the Afrikaans culture and the very idea of being dominated by the Boers. “Skilfully, the Responsible Government Party played on these emotions and, in the event, the majority of the white voters opted for self-government under the aegis of the British Crown. If today the wheel has turned full circle and white Rhodesia is being mothered and fathered by South Africa, it is only because the fear of black domination has proved too great for it to do otherwise.” He adds that the self-government attained by the whites in 1923 was to become the platform on which the Rhodesian Front party declared Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in 1965. He says the race to self-rule was the product of the fear of the African and the bitter memories of the 1896-97 uprisings. Had it not been for this, the settlers would not have been as critical as they were of the BSAC administration. The settlers wanted to control the future of the Africans: “From now on, the fate of the Africans was not going to be decided by the cool judgment of the appointed representatives of the business-orientated Board of Directors of the British South Africa Company. It was to be placed in the hands of the white members of the country’s Legislative Assembly whose mandate came from the voters of the white artisans, shopkeepers, farmers and miners, whose horizons were entirely limited by their racial prejudices. Not many of them would have been able to hold their own even in South Africa, let alone in England. But in the view of the British government, these little men, with all their human inadequacies and twisted sense of their racial superiority, could be trusted with the future of the African people.” Vambe adds the 1923 constitution on paper sounded plausible and  respectable. It pledged equality and the vote could be exercised by anyone irrespective of race subject to meeting property and earnings qualifications. He adds: “Some educated Africans were so pleased with it that they voted for self-government. Having the vote as stipulated by this constitution, they believed they would have first-class citizenship, which would in effect make them black Europeans. In this way, they hoped that they would be emancipated from their unfavourable tribal environment and obtain good jobs with good salaries, and a host of their privileges. In other words they were led to believe that Rhodes’ famous dictum of ‘equal rights for every civilised man’ was going to be implemented by white Rhodesia. Whatever suspicions and misgivings some of these Africans might have had, were minimised by the knowledge that the British Government retained in the constitution the final authority to approve or disapprove of any measure affecting black people.” The trust in the British was misplaced. Vambe states: “Strange as it may seem, although up to now Britain had done nothing obvious to protect their interests, the Africans seemed to trust her implicitly. Having been brainwashed into belief in the might and justice of the British empire, they were prepared to believe that its parliament and government at Westminster would keep their pledges in the Rhodesian constitution. The only constitutional provisions about which they were disappointed were those relating to European liquor and firearms which were not to be supplied to Africans…Until the Morris Carter Land Commission reported its findings in 1925, many Africans thought that the 1923 constitution held out the chance of emancipation by peaceful, constitutional means. “But these optimistic Africans were to be disillusioned. They were to learn that neither the British government nor the white settlers had any intention of keeping their promises and sticking to the spirit of the constitution. They were to experience the bitter reality of white-controlled form of government which could change the franchise system and make laws of discrimination without interference from the British Government. “Too late the Africans discovered that in spite of what it said, the 1923 constitution had made Britain’s power in Southern Rhodesia non-existent and abandoned them entirely to the tender mercies of the local Europeans who both feared and despised them.” Lowry records that some educated Africans who qualified for franchise had voted for responsible government in 1922 with the hope that equality would be attained and that they would become first-class citizens. They had miscalculated on the dangers of unfettered settler power. Missionaries Arthur Shearly Cripps and John White of the Wesleyan Methodists had issued warnings about this, but they were ignored. *About the writer: Advocate Tererai Mafukidze is now a member of the Johannesburg Bar. He practises with Group One Sandown Chambers in Sandton, Johannesburg. His practice areas at the Bar are: general commercial law, competition law, human rights, administrative and constitutional law. The grave of British South Africa Company founder Cecil John Rhodes. NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Critical Thinking Page 37 MATTHEW MARE ZIMBABWE ratified many international conventions related to child protection including the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Children (UNCRC). Under the convention and its principles, the country is obligated to place children’s rights and their development at the forefront of its legislative agendas. This is so because Zimbabwe is bound by the pacta sunt servanda (agreements must be kept) principle which decrees that states are servants to all the protocols, conventions and treaties it has ratified. This is to say states should follow, to the letter, all the treaties and conventions on children’s rights to which Zimbabwe has ratified. Child-sensitive social protection is inherently a rights-based notion that places an obligation on governments to take the necessary policy, institutional and budgetary measures to provide adequate social protection to children as they are regarded as the most vulnerable group that requires support for their survival and development. Sen (1999) buttresses this notion by remarking that children have specific needs and failure to meet them jeopardises their development and deprives them in their capabilities. Therefore, social instruments enacted by the state addresses key issues that are affecting children. Additionally, the policy provides early intervention and support to children in order to promote their welfare, particularly where they are vulnerable or at risk of not receiving adequate care and protection in the community and the society at large. To this end, in Zimbabwe several social instruments that were enacted are not benefiting children in independent African churches (AICs). Girls in Johanne Marange Apostolic Church (JMAC) are theologically not allowed to actively participate in politics or occupy key positions in the church. Mandlenkosi Maphosa (2015:127-159) in the Journal of Conflict and Social Transformation Volume 4 argues that women are legally empowered to freely participate in politics and hold public offices. The United Nations, 2015 report, Article 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that everyone has a right to partake in the government of own country without discrimination on the basis of sex. In addition to that, section 56 of the national constitution of 2013 says all persons are equal before the law and have the right to equal protection and benefits of the law. The section further explicitly states that women and man have the right to equal opportunities in political, economic, cultural and social spheres. In addition to these constitutional provisions, sub-section 3 says everyone has the right not to be treated in an unfairly discriminatory manner on the bases of nationality, race, colour, tribe, place of birth, ethnic or social origin, language, class, religious beliefs, political affiliation, opinion, custom, culture, sex, gender, marital status, age, pregnancy, disability, economic or social status and or whether one is born in or out of wedlock. Furthermore, the African Women’s Rights Observatory (Uneca, 2012) and regionally, Sadc Gender Protocol Article 12, paragraph 1, calls for a 50% threshold of the women in decision-making positions (Sadc, 2008). In more related literature on JMAC practices, norms and rituals, the "Holy Spirit" was cited as the key tool being used to abuse women and children. In a report by Maureen Sibanda titled Married Too Soon (2011:5), the “Holy Spirit” is seemingly to blame for the abuse of women and the girl child in JMAC. She went on to reveal that the Holy Spirit is being abused in JMAC to legalise child marriages. In addition, she implores on how lack of education disempowers the girl child with regard to safe sex, child spacing decision making, in addition to harmful practices of shunning health institutions. She recommended JMAC to embrace international human rights approach and abandon those theological practices that violate the rights of women and the girl child. Sibanda and Marevesa (2013:173) have argued that the movement essentially forces children to “march or die”. Taking up the same theme, Chakawa (2010: 41) maintains that the young girls "have become enslaved in religion and undergo such abuse and still suffer in silence". Polygamy is one of other highly contestable subject in post-modern christendom, with mainline and pentecostal churches regarding it as a sin and AICs as Godly. The study acknowledges that there are many verses that perhaps support polygamy. Of note to this study is the practice of forcing minors into polygamous marriages, depriving them the right to self-determination, decent shelter, health and education, which are their basic rights. The position of this study is that, polygamy must be voluntary and entered into by an adult on full consent basis. There are no less than 40 biblical verses that support polygamy, all of which are found in the Old Testament. In the scriptures, Lamech was the first man to marry more than one wife (Genesis 4:19) and God never condemned it. There are a number of religious persons who engaged in polygamy in the scriptures, including Addon (Judges 12:13-14), Abijah (2 Chronicles 13:21), Abraham (Genesis 16:1-3, Genesis 25:1), Ahab (I Kings 20:1-3), Ahaseurus  Esther 1:9 ), Ashur (1 Chronicles 4:5), Ben-Hadad (who married Ahab’s wives), Caleb (1 Chronicles 2: 18-19), David (1 Samuel 18:27, 25:39, 25: 42, 2 Samuel 3:5,  3:15), 12:7-8, 12:24 (had 8 wives), Elkanah (1 Samuel 1:1-2). In all these cases, God did not condemn polygamy except on David who had snatched Uriah’s wife and these marriages involved adults and not minors. God said to David in 2 Samuel 12:8, I gave your master’s house to you, and your master’s wives into your arms…and if all this had been too little, I would have given you even more (2 Samuel 12:8 ESV). To show that polygamy is not a sin, in Luke, Abraham, Jacob, David, Solomon, Elkanah and Ezra who were polygamous were said to be in heaven (Luke 16:19-31 ESV). Genesis 21:10 God said if a man marries another woman, he must not deprive the first one of her food, clothing and conjugal rights. In the New Testament, Paul made reference to men with more wives in the church (I Corinthians 7:39 ESV). This study took cognisant of the fact that marriage is a basic social right and gender issues are now fluid. This study challenged polygamy on the basis of its links with societal ills like HIV and Aids infection risk and forcing minors into polygamous marriages. Psychologists concluded that girls who married as minors face a plethora of social and psychological problems due to their failure to cope with marital challenges like gender-based violence, bereavement and household responsibilities. Unicef described JMAC as belonging to the "ultra-conservative" wing of the AICs in Zimbabwe (Unicef 2011: 42). Obvious Vengeyi (2013: 66-67) and Molly Manyonganise (2013: 483), criticised JMAC for depriving women and children of their basic rights, resulting in death whilst trying to uphold church doctrines that prohibit, for example, the use of modern medicine. These theological prohibition orders are a human rights violation because it is the right of every child to access medical care. In this regard, Vengeyi (2013:71) and Machingura (2011:200), posit that the beliefs and practices of JMAC ought to be transformed, especially on contentious issues that affect women and children. The two provided insights into why JMAC does not conform to the constitution. According to Chitando, Chiwara & Shoko (2013:10), while the constitution of Zimbabwe is there to protect and promote the rights of women and children, it has an underlying Western Christian ethos and an anti-African traditional stance. The theology of JMAC and literature on the church’s origins, point out that the church is against Western civilisation. In addition, its theology seeks to reconstitute African traditional values that were diluted by the West through colonisation. Thus, JMAC, by taking an anti-constitutional stance, is fighting Western Christian ethos in it. The study also reviewed a newspaper article because of its worthy to this study. The article is on the visit to Bocha, the headquarters of JMAC, by the president of Zimbabwe, Emmerson Mnangagwa, in 2018 where he was the guest speaker at its Passover ceremony. In his speech, the President stated that JMAC has a key role to play in governance issues. He also stated that the church had the power to determine on who will win the elections. According to Muza Mpofu, a journalist with MyZimbabwe newspaper, on 15 July 2018 President Mnangagwa had this to say: “We are approaching elections and you have assured me victory, what God has written with his hand is final. My victory has been prophesied here and nothing is going to stand in the way of that prophecy. I thank you all for that.” The President’s focuses on the visit were the elections and political power.  Of note is that the President ended his speech without addressing the JMAC leadership on women and children’s rights violations. The evidence on human rights is so glaring, but the problem of Africa is political interests. In Africa, everything is politicised, be it religion, social, and economics, inter alia. *About the writer: Matthew Mare is a Zimbabwean academic who holds two bachelor’s degrees, five master’s qualifications and a PhD. He is also doing another PhD and has 12 executive certificates in different fields. Professionally, he is a civil servant and also board member at the National Aids Council of Zimbabwe. Zim has instruments to protect children NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 38 Reframing Issues TWIVWE SIWALE/ERIC WERKER AT last year’s US-Africa leaders' summit in Washington, the United States signed an historic  memorandum of understanding  with Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo to develop an electric vehicle battery supply chain. At the summit, Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema also announced that KoBold Metals, an exploration firm backed by billionaires Bill Gates, Jeff Bezos and Richard Branson, will invest US$150 million to develop a new mine in Zambia. Zambia is particularly well-positioned to supply what the world needs. It has substantial reserves of copper and cobalt, critical metals for the transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy. Due to their broad uses in wind and solar-powered technology and electric vehicle production, these metals will play a crucial role in a low carbon future. Copper demand is expected to  increase  up to threefold by 2040 while cobalt demand is expected to rise over 20-fold. Zambia has 6% of the world’s copper reserves, and the metal accounts for up to 80% of its export earnings. The coming copper boom presents Zambia with an extraordinary opportunity – to enable mining profits as well as to power inclusive growth. But, as Zambia’s history shows, this is easier said than done. Successive rises in copper prices have not translated into reducing poverty or inequality. Zambia is still the fourth most unequal country in the world. Based on our  published  research and  expertise  – including work with the  International Growth Centre  in the London School of Economics and engagement with the Zambian government on a research agenda for the country’s mining sector – we argue that Zambia can benefit from the energy transition underway. But it can only do so by harnessing the non-tax benefits of mining. Non-tax benefits are the opportunities that stem from the mining activity itself. Most mining firms spend the bulk of their revenue on operational and capital expenditures, a larger share than goes towards either profits or government tax. A non-tax benefit approach would mean that Zambian companies and workers would participate in mining’s value chain, and Zambian communities would benefit from the infrastructure needed to extract and move the bulk materials. In the past, Zambia has been more focused on capturing tax benefits through changes to the fiscal regime. But a balanced approach of a stable mining taxation policy and the pursuit of non-tax benefits could deliver broader gains. Zambia’s unequal growth story Zambia’s track record for converting commodity booms into tangible benefits is mixed at best. Take the last commodity cycle. Sparked by growing demand from China, copper prices began to  increase in 2004. From 2003 to 2006 the price of copper, Zambia’s main export, more than tripled. Zambia’s economic growth rate took off in response. Yet there was no corresponding impact on poverty and income inequality. Zambia’s Gini coefficient, a measure of inequality, actually rose slightly during the cycle. Even Zambia’s poverty rate, as measured by the percentage of the population living on less than US$2.15 per day (in 2017 purchasing power parity dollars), rose through 2010 before starting to reverse. That year, a stunning 68.5% of Climate change action could set off copper mining boom for Zambia Zambia’s people were living in poverty in a country where annual GDP per person was a much more impressive US$3 125.52 (also in 2017 dollars) – four times the poverty rate. During commodity booms, governments may be tempted to focus on capturing short-term gains, which are frequently understood in monetary terms and primarily as tax benefits. For Zambia, this dynamic was overlaid on top of the disastrous advice the government had received on how to reopen its previously nationalised copper sector a decade earlier. The Zambian government entered into unfavourable terms with new mine owners, offering generous tax incentives that led to a loss in tax revenue just a handful of years before the copper price rose. This fuelled a fixation on getting tax revenue from the sector. In 2008, amid the boom, Zambia introduced a  windfall tax  on mining profits in an attempt to capture more benefits from the sector. Less emphasis was placed on the largely untapped non-tax benefits. Why non-tax benefits? Non-tax benefits are where the real potential to drive inclusive growth lies, as we detail below. Figure two is a hypothetical one that illustrates the point. For every US$100 generated in revenue, imagine that US$70 is spent on operational and capital expenditures, that is, running the mine and expanding operations. (This is not unrealistic: margins in the sector are not very high most of the time.) If more of this were spent within the country rather than being sent abroad to import the majority of goods and services, it could contribute to business opportunities for Zambian companies and high-paying jobs for Zambian workers. In 2012, the costs of goods and services consumed “upstream” by the Zambian mining sector was valued at  US$2.5 billion  annually. Spending more of that domestically would have a much wider impact. It would create income and jobs directly. And that income would finance further consumption and investment through the local economy. Non-tax benefits can also emerge from “sidestream” projects related to mining expenditure, adding value to the wider economy. The power, rail and road projects that enable mining activity can provide the backbone to make other economic activities competitive. “Downstream” linkages are also possible – delivering the mining firm’s output to other firms that process it into intermediate goods and final products. What would non-tax benefits look like for Zambia? Figure three shows the breakdown of Zambian mining firms’ goods and services expenditure. In 2012, 96% of all service were provided by foreign firms. Only 4% were provided by Zambian-owned firms. These were mostly supplying non-core goods and services such as catering, security and office maintenance. Capturing more of mining’s upstream value chain in Zambia represents a major growth opportunity. One way to make this happen is through a  local content strategy  that would give a greater role to Zambian suppliers and workers in the mining sector. Another growth opportunity is the side-stream linkages with the electricity generation sector. For example, a mining company could sell surplus renewable power to the grid. Zambia shouldn’t ignore mining taxation By advocating for non-tax benefits, we are not suggesting that taxation be ignored. Copper reserves over time will run out, or copper will be rendered obsolete by some new technology. This is the risk with all natural resources. A government must generate tax revenue from its mineral resources while it can. Multinational companies can find ways to pay as little tax as legally possible. In the past, Zambia tried to stop this by tinkering repeatedly with the mining tax system – without getting results. Better would be to leave the tax regime in place and instead focus on monitoring and collection. A governance dividend Zambia’s government must keep in mind that poor governance will be a constraint to achieving any future – tax or non-tax – benefits. This was the case during Zambia’s last boom. But the country is currently reaping a governance dividend with a new investor-friendly president, restored donor confidence and a recently secured IMF deal. The conditions are in place for Zambia to use this boom to generate inclusive development. — The Conversation. *About the writers: Twivwe Siwale is head of tax for growth at the International Growth Centre, London School of Economics and Political Science in Britain. Eric Werker is William Saywell Professor of international business at Simon Fraser University in Canada. Workers load batches of copper sheets ready for shipping inside a warehouse facility in Mufulira, Zambia. Credit: Per-Anders Pettersson/Getty Images NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Reframing Issues Page 39 RACHAEL GROSS/ ROB HEINSOHN AFRICAN elephant numbers have dropped from about 26 million in the 1800s to 415 000 today. While this is largely  due to European colonisation, poaching and habitat loss, these majestic animals now face another grave challenge. Climate change is causing droughts in much of Africa to become longer and more severe. This damages elephant habitats and denies them the water they need. Due to their unique physiology, African elephants need hundreds of litres of water each day to survive. The African savanna elephant is listed as endangered. If the situation doesn’t change, Africa — indeed, the world — may lose one of its most iconic animal species. A tragic plight Elephants are not just important for their ecological, cultural and economic value. They are also a keystone species — that is, they help hold ecosystems together. This means their decline has far-reaching consequences. Many African ecosystems pivot around the lives of elephants. Elephant feeding habits, such as pushing over trees and peeling off bark, can turn woody vegetation into grasslands. This  makes room  for smaller species to move in. Their digging for water in dry riverbeds creates water holes other animals can use. And as they migrate, elephants help spread seeds in their dung. Under climate change, long, intense droughts across southern and eastern Africa are  escalating. Some have lasted  more than 20 years. The conditions have left many elephants desperate for water. Research as far back as 2003 shows elephants in Zimbabwe were dying during drought. And in 2016, when a drying El-Niño weather pattern hit southern Africa, there were reports of more elephant deaths, prompting a local conservation group to drill bore holes to provide relief. Drought can also reduce the availability of food, causing elephants to  starve. It can also mean  young elephants  die or don’t develop properly, because their parched mothers produce less milk. A unique physiology So, why do elephants struggle in drought and heat? When elephants experience high internal temperatures, it can disrupt the function of cells, tissues and organs such as the liver and cause them to become sick and die. Humans and other animals also suffer heat stress. But elephants are particularly vulnerable because they can’t sweat it off. The graphic below shows how heat accumulates and dissipates in elephants. Heat accumulates through an elephants’ natural metabolism and physical activity, as well as being absorbed from the environment. But it does not always effectively dissipate. Elephants’ thick skin slows heat loss — and their lack of sweat glands exacerbates this. What’s more, elephants are the largest of all land mammals, weighing up to eight tonnes. They also have a large body volume — which generates heat — but a relatively small  surface area (their skin) from which to lose this heat. Water is essential for elephants to cope with heat. They swim and spray  their skin with mud and water; the subsequent  evaporation  mimicks sweating  and cools them down. And elephants cool themselves internally by drinking  several hundred litres of water a day. Let elephants roam free Creating artificial water sources is a common management intervention when elephants need water. This includes the use of pipes, bores and pumps. But this measure can be problematic. Sometimes, the water is sourced from supplies needed by local people. And large numbers of elephants congregating around water can  permanently damage  the local environment and reduce food availability for other animals. Historically, elephants migrated to water during drought. But the introduction of  fenced areas  in the landscape has disrupted this movement. Fences were constructed to mark out  colonial land ownership,  separate  people from large animals and deter poachers. But as climate change worsens in Africa, elephants and other wildlife must be able to move freely between connected habitats. Wildlife corridors may provide an answer. These are protected channels of vegetation that enable animals to move between fragmented patches of habitat. Wildlife corridors work well for megafauna in India and the United States and would likely increase mobility  for much of Africa’s wildlife. Introducing more wildlife corridors, especially in southern and eastern Africa, would require removing fences. This change would have repercussions. Nearby communities — which have not coexisted with elephants since colonisation — would have to adjust to the change. The removal of fences may also lead to an increase in poaching. And letting elephants roam the landscape may make them less accessible to tourists, which could reduce tourism revenue. But communities have coexisted with elephants in the past. And community-based projects have been shown to  reduce conflict  between humans and wildlife. In some cases, they’ve also led to  lower  poaching rates and  increased quality of life for communities. Community management projects, such as in Northern Kgalagadi  in Botswana, show how local expertise — drawn from millennia of experience and knowledge — can guide wildlife management. Research has  shown  successful outcomes — both socially and ecologically — in places where elephants share landscapes with people. Protecting a keystone species Ensuring African elephants survive drought will increasingly require new conservation strategies, including community-based management. Without this, already dwindling elephant populations will continue to decline. This would be bad news for the health and stability of natural ecosystems in Africa — and a blow to Africa’s people. — The Conversation. *About the writers: Rachael Gross is a PhD scholar in applied conservation ecology at the Australian National University. Rob Heinsohn is professor of evolutionary and conservation biology at the Australian National University. Climate crisis leaving African elephants desperate for water NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 40 OMAR BEN YEDDER A conversation with Chido Munyati THIS year's World Economic Forum (WEF) takes place against a bleak economic backdrop, but the mood is relatively upbeat, says WEF's head of regional agenda for Africa. When the great and good of global finance, industry and politics gather in the Swiss mountains for the World Economic Forum in January, the ghosts of 2022, one of the most turbulent years in history will barely have been extinguished. When they last met in May for the first in-person Davos since the pandemic, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was top of mind, not least because of a stirring presentation from President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine. It was clear, even then, that the invasion, which led to stiff sanctions on Russia and concomitant shocks to Europe’s energy supplies, presaged an extremely difficult year, even as the world was grappling with the aftershocks of the pandemic and the supply chain disruptions it had occasioned. The result, among other things, was record-high inflation around the world, aggressive monetary tightening by central banks in response and for many emerging markets, including many in Africa, increasing debt vulnerabilities The theme for this year’s gathering,  “Cooperation in a Fragmented World”, reflects the challenges highlighted in 2022, as global tensions rose and fears of economic and political bifurcation heightened. While Davos is essentially a private gathering, its influence on policy cannot be denied, owing at least in part to the increasing power of corporate entities and their ability to shape the economic narrative of countries they choose to invest or withdraw from. This is why leaders of countries go to Davos, and have done since they were first invited in 1974, three years after German engineer and economist Klaus Schwab  first convened the meetings – because the discussions there matter. On their plate this year will be issues of inflation, growth, debt, climate, food and energy security, investment and, of course, the changing political conditions under which businesses big and small must operate in across the world. Analysts expect the global economic picture to be only slightly better in 2023, with pronounced risks from a recession in Europe and China’s rocky departure from its zero Covid policy. Overall, however, the global economy is expected to grow by about 1.8%, according to Goldman Sachs. Estimates published by the Economist Intelligence Unit peg growth in Africa at 3.2% in 2023, although there will be lingering risks of debt distress, high cost of capital and challenging conditions for especially commodity dependent economies. These and other critical matters will be on the minds of the African contingent at Davos this year. Chido Munyati, head of regional agenda for Africa and a Global Leadership Fellow at the World Economic Forum, expects strong representation from the continent at the annual event. About 10 heads of state are expected, he says, from all the regions of the continent. Making business part of the solution This is reflective of a more muscular presence on the multilateral stage for Africa. The past year has seen an acceleration of calls for restructuring of the international political and financial architecture to give the continent a stronger voice. At the  US-Africa Leaders Summit  in December, President Joe Biden gave fresh impetus to this push when he openly backed the call for Africa to be granted a permanent, additional seat at the G20. Munyati is, however, quick to clarify that Davos is an opportunity for the public sector to engage with the private sector and African countries attending must be focused on partnerships with the private sector. Political solutions can be canvassed in other fora but at Davos “it’s really about how business can be a part of that solution,” he says. And with over 1,500 private sector leaders present, there really can be no better place to build these partnerships. At last year’s meeting, for example, Namibia took the opportunity to launch its  green hydrogen  offerings to an expectant community of investors. Energy is one of such areas of cooperation that Munyati expects leaders from the continent to address. “For example, with the energy transition, the reality is that 600m people in Africa do not have access to electricity and this is in the context of Africa having the fastest growing population, and so the question is how will the region attain the cheap affordable and modern energy solutions needed to meet this challenge?” he muses. The spectre of debt Generally, Africa’s concerns will mirror those of the rest of the world. Chief among them will be how to return to growth. The combined effects of the pandemic and the war have compromised Africa’s efforts at economic growth. Prior to 2020, the fastest growing economies were in Africa. The twin shocks have exposed the vulnerabilities of African economies, including dependence on commodities for revenue, lack of local production and risky debt profiles. “More than one in five countries are spending 20% or more of their foreign-exchange income on external debt servicing and this burden is much larger for a handful of highly leveraged states. Debt distress is not consistent across the region but is definitely an issue that policymakers are worried about,” Munyati points out. Ghana, for example, faces a debt crisis so severe that it has already defaulted on its debts and has announced a debt exchange programme in an attempt at restructure its debts ahead of an International Monetary Fund programme that it expects to enter. Along with its regional counterpart Nigeria, Ghana has faced repeated credit downgrades from ratings agencies and is effectively no longer able to raise money on the international capital markets. AfCFTA to boost trade and investment Despite these grim tidings, Munyati believes Africa still has a lot of potential and has the capacity to reverse the trends. He is most optimistic about the potential of the Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to transform commerce on the continent and create the fifth largest economy in the world if properly implemented. Launched in 2020, the agreement will see the removal of trade and tariff barriers between countries on the continent, facilitating seamless trade, harmonising regulations and standards and creating one of the largest single markets in the world. While it is yet to be fully implemented, six countries — Cameroon, Rwanda, Tanzania, Ghana, Egypt and Mauritius — have already issued certificates of trade to local companies, allowing trade to begin under its terms. Since then, ceramic tiles, cashew and palm oil have been shipped from Ghana to Kenya and Cameroon, while car batteries, tea and coffee have been sent to Ghana from Kenya. Analysts expect that free trade in Africa will offer a tremendous boost to the continent, turbocharge investment and create jobs and wealth for citizens, particularly the youth. Munyati shares this optimism. “The free trade area provides a framework for attracting investments into critical sectors, such as health, education and infrastructure by  connecting and deepening regional value chains as countries start to trade optimally amongst each other. The Forum, in collaboration with the AfCFTA Secretariat, are presenting this opportunity to global business as a new era for global business and investment in Africa. If effectively implemented, the AfCFTA has the potential to become the fifth largest economy in the world with a GDP of $3.4 trillion,” he explains. So convinced is the Forum that in May, 2022, it launched the “Friends of the Africa Continental Free Trade Area” initiative to support the project. “One of the first pieces of collaboration that we are delivering is the first ever report by global business on the opportunities presented by the AfCFTA,” says Munyati. The free trade area, he is convinced, will lift several other economic initiatives on the continent along with it. Among these are digital trade, infrastructure, health and the green energy transition, which he believes will all come under the agenda of a thriving AfCTFA. Digital transformation The Forum also sees digital transformation as key to the future of Africa and is thus supporting efforts to boost technology and innovation on the continent. Currently, it has two centres in Africa — one in South Africa and the other in Rwanda — to pursue the agenda of the fourth industrial revolution (4IR). They are part of a network of 16 centres across the world and benefit from the expertise and experience of the sister centres. The two centres focus on the different aspects of innovation but are united by a common focus on inclusive technology governance and adoption. In Rwanda, for example, the centre has had remarkable success with chatbots for the medical sector, helping speed up pulmonary diagnosis. Munyanti says this is an example of the model they are pursuing at the Forum. The AI-enabled triage service in Rwanda is an example of how public private-partnership are supporting and accelerating responsible technological innovation in the region, he explains. Access to energy Of course, none of this will be possible without a remarkable expansion in access to energy on the continent. Currently only about 40% of Africa has access to electricity and the International Energy Agency says the continent needs to increase energy production by at least 30% by 2030. Luckily, the continent also has vast reserves of renewable energy resources and is shaping up to be a potentially important player in the global energy transition, as evidenced by the strong pitch Namibia made at the 2022 annual meeting. Questions, however, continue to linger about the role that hydrocarbons, which have been critical to nearly every growth story in modern history, can and must play. While African leaders address these questions on the policy level, the World Economic Forum offers an opportunity for them to engage with business leaders and build partnerships to transition to new energy forms without compromising growth objectives. Building partnerships Africa’s embrace of Davos and its drive to have its voice heard in other multilateral deliberations is a signifier of its growing confidence and recognition by the rest of the world that despite its problems, Africa can no longer be ignored. While the challenges of the past years will continue to weigh on it in the coming months and years, the continent can perhaps use this year’s gathering to signal its embrace of challenges, highlight its potential and seek out meaningful partnerships that can facilitate its ambitions. Munyati clearly agrees. “Evidently, there are areas where it is difficult to advance multilateral cooperation but there are challenges where most people or most countries do agree on priorities, systemic challenges around climate energy for example. These are areas where a multistakeholder approach can advance positive change,” he says. As the continent with the fastest growing population, with estimates showing that one in four people in the world will be living in sub-Saharan Africa by 2050, it will need to build the partnerships needed to provide jobs, and improve quality of life and fast. And some of those partnerships may well be born on a snow-capped Swiss mountain. — African Business. *About the interviewee: Chido Munyati is the  head of Africa, and a Global Leadership Fellow, at the World Economic Forum. Munyati previously worked as a lawyer at the leading Swiss law firm, Froriep, and the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. Africa heads to Davos with optimism in turbulent times A view of Davos in the autumn. (Photo: Laurens / Adobe Stock) NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 41 TINAISHE MARAMBA/ OSCAR ESCHENBRENNER/ ARTHUR GUILLAUME-GENTIL FOR the past five years, the violent insurgency in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province has hit women and girls the hardest and any future peace initiatives should include women, rebels and civilians, to improve the chances that the resolution will be sustainable.  The Islamist militant group, locally known as Al-Shabaab, has been fighting in the northernmost province of Mozambique since October 2017. The fighting has caused a severe humanitarian crisis, displacing close to a million people. Al-Shabaab has exploited local grievances and popular discontent over marginalisation, corruption and poverty to recruit combatants. The group, affiliated with the Islamic State (IS), uses scorched-earth tactics against communities, destroying infrastructure and personal property, and often abducting women and children. Both the government security forces and al-Shabab have carried out extrajudicial killings, torture and other violations of international humanitarian law. There is no doubt that the conflict has harmed women and children the  most. The violence in northern Mozambique has  uprooted  almost one million people, the majority of whom are women and children. Women and girls have suffered different forms of violence, including kidnapping and trafficking, gender-based and sexual abuse, torture and murder. Yet much of the current reporting and analysis  portrays women solely as victims or ignores them entirely, obscuring their role as perpetrators of violence in Cabo Delgado. Researchers are now learning more about the various roles Mozambican women hold in the insurgency, as recruiters, indoctrinators, informants and fighters. Although exact numbers are lacking, women and girls represent a significant part of insurgent combatants. Women from the region have a long history of participation in national conflicts. Women from Cabo Delgado were active members of insurgency groups during the 1964 to 1974 struggle for independence from Portugal and during Mozambique’s post-independence civil war. The negotiation, demobilisation and reintegration processes after these conflicts excluded most of these women, however, stripping them of the agency and power they had gained during these wars and relegating them to their traditional positions. It should therefore not be a surprise that women play an active role in the insurgency in Cabo Delgado, whether they voluntarily chose to do so or not. They occupy both domestic and operational roles. Women provide logistical and household support to fighters, and lead recruitment and spying operations. Several women are directly involved in attacks and sometimes assume leadership positions. IS fighters have complex relationships with women. IS in Iraq and Syria has been extremely violent towards women, yet it also relies heavily on their involvement. The IS-affiliated group in Cabo Delgado has adopted the same stance. According to Human Rights Watch in December 2021, insurgents had captured more than 600 women and girls since 2018. These women are often abused, forced to marry combatants and trafficked across borders. Yet despite this, al-Shabab seeks women’s adherence to their cause. Abducted women are generally taken to an insurgent base for two weeks, where they are indoctrinated. Lessons on the Qur’an, political-religious debates and propaganda on social exclusion aim to make women aware of real and perceived injustices and aggression carried out by the Mozambican government. Interviews with abducted women show that the longer they stay with the rebels, the more they are likely to come to terms with their situation and seek to take advantage of it. AlShabab mostly traffics women who refuse to adhere to its ideology, while those who comply are incorporated into the insurgency as wives or militants. Some women join the insurgency voluntarily, although they may be subject to intimidation prior to joining. Some follow their male relatives. Yet others are motivated by religious conviction or seek retaliation against perceived wrongs. There are also reports of women who join the group to seek protection from fighting  or find economic opportunities. Whatever the case, those who join voluntarily are more likely to take up operational roles. Policymakers need to understand the roles of women in the insurgency in order to craft adequate demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration strategies. Local organisations and the national and local governments should develop gender-sensitive and adaptive policies to broaden definitions of perpetrators and victims, and to ensure the reintegration of women fighters into society. This needs to be backed by further research on women as survivors and perpetrators of violence in Cabo Delgado and beyond. To move forward, the government of Mozambique should mitigate the impacts of gender-based violence and ensure the participation of women in peace talks and rehabilitation programmes. Experiences in Liberia, Kenya, Northern Ireland and Colombia show that the inclusion of women — whether they are insurgents, victims or members of peace organisations — increases the  likelihood  that a peace agreement is reached. — Mail & Guardian. *About the writer: Tinaishe Maramba, Oscar Eschenbrenner and Arthur Guillaume-Gentil are independent researchers studying violent conflict on the African continent. Why understanding women’s roles in the Mozambican conflict matters Not only are women most affected by the strife, they have roles in Islamist militant group al-Shabab and their inclusion in talks is key to lasting peace. (Photo by Gokhan Balci/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images) NewsHawks Africa News Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 42 Africa News Russian hypocrisy and the death of a Zambian student in Ukraine Lemekhani Nyirenda’s life and death expose the fallacy of Russian anti-imperialist rhetoric on Africa. KIMBERLEY ST.JULIAN-VARNON ON 11 December, the remains of 23-year-old Zambian citizen Lemekhani Nyirenda finally made it back home to his family. A month earlier, the Zambian government had  released a statement  on his death in Ukraine, which raised more questions than answers. Subsequently, it became clear that Nyirenda, who studied in Russia before being imprisoned on drug charges, had signed up for the Wagner Group, a Russian mercenary company, to fight in Ukraine in a bid to get a reduced sentence. In a  November 29 post  on the Russian social media platform VKontakte, Wagner founder Evgeny Prigozhin claimed he spoke to Nyirenda, who allegedly told him he had volunteered because: “You, Russians, helped us Africans gain independence. When it was difficult for us, you stretched out a hand to us and continue to do this now. Wagner is saving thousands of Africans; going to war with you is paying back for at least some of our debt to you.” But Nyirenda’s death and how the Russian government handled it speak to the glaring gap between Russian official rhetoric and how it treats Africans in reality. While it insists it has an anti-imperialist approach to Africa, Russia has no qualms about victimising Africans on the continent and within its own borders. An ‘anti-imperialist’ force As Russia became an international diplomatic pariah in the aftermath of its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Africa’s importance to its foreign policy and public relations has grown. The Kremlin has worked hard to maintain an image as an anti-imperialist force that supports the African struggle against (neo)colonialism – something Prigozhin referenced in his alleged conversation with Nyirenda. President Vladimir Putin and various Russian government officials have also consistently made references to supposed Russian support for African states’ struggle against colonial powers. “Our country has always been on Africa’s side and has always supported Africa in its fight against colonialism,” he declared in June. This rhetoric has been prominently featured in Russian media and official social media accounts. On 2 December, for example, the English-language Twitter account of the Russian foreign ministry tweeted: “#Russia was among the few world powers that neither had colonies in #Africa or elsewhere nor participated in slave trade throughout its history. Russia helped, in every possible way, the peoples of the African continent to attain their freedom and sovereignty #EndSlavery.” Attached was a picture of a popular Soviet-era political poster featuring an African man breaking the chains binding his hands along with the words: “Africa fights, Africa will win.” The tweet reflects the Russian government’s claim that it maintains Soviet anti-imperialist policies towards the Global South. While engaging in an ideological conflict against the United States during the Cold War, the Soviet Union focused its resources on building a sphere of influence in Africa. The Soviets supported various left-leaning governments and groups throughout the continent and supplied arms, military training, and funds to anti-colonial movements in Southern Africa, including Angola, Mozambique, and South Africa in the 1970s and 1980s. Soviet specialists went to various countries on the continent to train citizens of newly independent countries in governance, technology, and sciences. At the same time, the USSR invited thousands of African students to pursue higher education in various Soviet republics. The Kremlin’s use of Soviet-African relations to craft an image of positive engagement with the continent has worked. African leaders and people have largely embraced the Russian narrative on the war in Ukraine. During the  UN  General Assembly  vote on a resolution  calling for Russia to remove its troops from Ukraine in early March, of 35 countries that abstained, 17 were African; and one of the five that voted against was Eritrea. Over the coming months, a number of African leaders welcomed Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov to their countries and reiterated their support for Moscow. The Russian government has also sought to blame the global food crisis exacerbated by the war in Ukraine on Kyiv – a narrative that has also been embraced by many Africans. In June, after receiving an official invitation from Putin, African Union President Macky Sall travelled to Russia to meet with the Russian president to discuss the grain shortages. A few weeks later, Russia struck a deal with Ukraine and the UN to release grain blocked in Ukrainian ports. In official government rhetoric, the agreement was presented as a sign that Moscow protects African interests. Extractive policies and racist views But the Kremlin’s narrative on Africa belies a very different reality. Although it claims to support Africa’s struggles against former colonial and current neocolonial powers, Russia itself has engaged in predatory practices on the continent that smack of neocolonialism. It   is quite ironic that Prigozhin alleges Nyirenda saw the Wagner Group as a source for good given that it has been  at the forefront of Moscow’s extractive policies in Africa. Wagner has become infamous in Sudan and the Central African Republic for both its hired guns and its involvement in illicit mining operations. The group has also had a hand in military conflicts plaguing Libya, the Central African Republic, Mali and Mozambique. The United Nations has accused the Russian mercenaries of committing a host of human rights abuses, including harassment of civilians, wrongful detainment, torture and summary executions. Russia does not treat Africans that much better within its own borders either. As Nyirenda’s case illustrates, Africans who come to Russia to study or work do not find the post-colonial, anti-imperialist paradise Moscow claims to be. Africans have faced racism and anti-Black violence, which was particularly deadly in the 2000s and 2010s. In a 2006 report,  Amnesty International said African students and asylum seekers they met in Russia “avoided going out after dark and one covered his face with a scarf so his skin colour was less conspicuous to passers-by”. They also detailed Florence Nyirenda, mother of Lemekhani Nyirenda, is comforted by family members at the Kenneth Kaunda International Airport in Lusaka after the body of her son was flown in from Russia, on December 11, 2022 [AP/Salim Dawood] NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 43 About  38 million  people around the world are living with HIV. About 70% of them live in Africa. This shows that there is no solution to the Aids pandemic without a solution in Africa. In 2021, there were 1.5 million new cases of HIV — just over 4 000 cases per day around the world. At the same time, close to 700 000 people died. The big challenge is to address the dual realities of people still dying from HIV in large numbers, and the large numbers of new infections. The upside is that there is a clear plan with clear goals on how to address this. In 2016, countries came together at the United Nations to  agree  on what the world’s strategy should be. The goal is to end AIDS as a public health threat by 2030. We spoke with leading scientist Professor Salim Abdool Karim about how to close the gaps. What are we getting wrong? It’s not like we’re doing something wrong, but you can always do better than what we do now. Most new infections are coming from two different groups. The first is key populations. The largest number of new infections is occurring in  men who have sex with men. Especially young men – often young black men. These infections occur largely in Eastern Europe and in Russia. The second high priority is the large numbers of new infections in young women in Africa. If we don’t address those two groups, we won’t solve the problem. But to address those two groups is not easy. The challenges in much of Eastern Europe and Russia relate to their marginalisation and discrimination as much as they are about services for key populations. In Africa, we have simply not been able to stem the number of new infections in young women to the extent we had hoped. The problem is the way in which society has supported or entrenched age disparate sex, where teenage girls are having sex with men about eight to 10 years older than them. And the means we have to slow the rate of new infections in young women is not well suited to the need. It’s not feasible for a young woman who is not thinking about HIV and aware of her risk regularly to take a tablet every day or even to get an injection. So we have to develop new technologies. We need a combination of new approaches in our society to reduce age disparate sex. And we need new technologies to protect young women. And thirdly, we need to get more young men and more men in their 20s and 30s into health services so that they test and they go on to treatment before they infect young girls. How do we change this? There are three things we have to think about. The first is we must appreciate that each of us is mutually interdependent: each person’s risk affects the risk faced by others. Hence, we need solutions that involve everyone working towards a common purpose. We saw that very clearly in Covid-19. Omicron was first described in South Africa in November 2021 – within a week this variant was detected in 16 countries. Within two weeks omicron was in several countries on all continents. This shows that we are all interconnected and dependent on each other. We have a shared responsibility to deal with the problem. We can’t take the attitude that it’s somebody else’s problem. In many ways, in HIV, the response has taken our interdependence into consideration. For example, wealthy countries put resources into the  Global Fund to Fight Aids, TB and Malaria for poor countries to benefit. It’s a shared responsibility. The countries are not saying, “It’s Africa’s problem, we don’t care.” No, they’re saying, “We understand that if we don’t get HIV under control in Africa, it affects the whole world.” Second is that we have to mobilise the resources to at least get treatment up to the levels that we have set in our targets. That means we have to get 95% of people knowing their HIV status, 95% of people with HIV on treatment, and 95% of them virally suppressed. This is the global target for 2025. We need to help each other to get to that target. We’re going to need to do better with prevention. That’s the third point. Treatment is not going to be enough on its own to enable us to reach the 2030 target. We need to improve prevention. That means we’re going to need to continue our efforts in circumcision and condom promotion, and to do better with pre-exposure prophylaxis. What are the next steps? We need to build on the momentum from the Covid-19 pandemic. The introduction of new technologies such as mRNA is a good example. This is technology we can tap to improve the research on vaccines against tuberculosis and malaria, particularly in HIV. We don’t have a vaccine for HIV yet, but there are now new candidates being made with mRNA. At least we can do better with existing TB vaccines and existing malaria vaccines with a new platform such as using mRNA technology. It is also an important platform for HIV vaccines in the pipeline. — The Conversation. *About the interviewee: Salim Abdool Karim is director of the Centre for the Aids Programme of Research in South Africa (CAPRISA). several murders of African students, including the 2004 stabbing of Bissau-Guinean student Amaru Antoniu Lima and the 2006 shooting of Senegalese student Lamsar Samba Sell. In media reports, African students have shared stories of being denied service by taxi drivers, being barred from stores and clubs, seeing “Slavs only” requirements in rental ads, and being ignored when reporting violence against them to the police. African students trying to flee the Russian invasion  faced racism in Ukraine, the Russian government took advantage, encouraging anti-Ukrainian sentiment among Africans by amplifying their stories. But the Russian authorities have remained largely silent on racism and discrimination within Russian borders. racism in Russia, of course, is nothing new. Africans did not feel that much more welcome during Soviet times either, with African students often encountering racism and violence because of their skin colour. In 1963, African students staged a rare protest after the killing of a Ghanaian student allegedly due to his relationship with a white Soviet woman. This sentiment persisted after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Ahead of the 2018 World Cup that Russia hosted, Tamara Pletneva, head of the State Duma Committee on Children, Women, and Family, reminded Russian women not to enter into relationships with visitors who were not of the same race. Afro-Russians still routinely face racism in Russia. Russian-born footballer Bryan Idowu, who has played for multiple Russian football clubs, has been vocal about the racist abuse he faced on and off the field. Despite being a well-known player, he says he has been racially profiled by the police, routinely getting stopped and searched. In June 2020, amid the Black Lives Matter protests pressing for an end to institutional racism in the United States and Western Europe, a viral video of a Russian taxi driver refusing service to an African student highlighted just how little the Russian public was ready for such conversations. After the driver was fired by the company he worked for, an online campaign in his support was launched under the hashtag #RussianLivesMatter. Meanwhile,  Maria Magdalena Tunkara, an  Afro-Russian blogger who tried to explain BLM to her Russian audience, faced a new wave of  online harassment and death threats. this context, Lemekhani Nyirenda’s life in Russia and his death in Ukraine are representative of Russia’s two-faced approach to Africa and Africans. While the Russian presence in Africa is very much extractive and Russian views of it quite racist, the continent continues to buoy Russia’s international reputation, just as it did during the Cold War. Moscow launders its reputation through African need. Many African states depend on Russian agricultural exports or on Russian military training and supplies and have few reasons to turn against it. Until there is a concerted and focused Western effort to improve relations with the continent that includes reckoning with the long-lasting impacts of European and US imperialism, Russia will continue to have an outsized influence in Africa and will continue to downplay and ignore the anti-African racism and xenophobia in its midst. — Al Jazeera. *About the writer: Kimberly St. Julian-Varnon is a writer and PhD candidate in history at the University of Pennsylvania jn the United States. Her research is on race, Blackness, and African and African American experiences in the Soviet Union and German Democratic Republic. HIV remains a leading killer despite medical breakthroughs NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 44 World News SLAVOJ ŽIŽEK RECALL the story about the explorer who encounters an aboriginal tribe for the first time. “Are there cannibals among you?” he asks. “No,” they reply, “We ate the last one yesterday.” To constitute a civilised community by eating the last cannibal, the final act must be called something else. It is a kind of original sin that must be erased from memory. Similarly, the transition to a modern legal order in the American “Wild West” was accomplished through brutal crimes and the creation of myths to cover them up. As a character in the John Ford western,  The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance,  put it: “When the legend becomes fact, print the legend." But the “facts” that are born of legends are not verifiable truths. Rather, they are social artefacts: shared ideas that form the basis of the actually existing sociopolitical order. If enough people were to reject them, the entire order would disintegrate. These social artefacts allow a society’s original sins to remain in the background, where they continue operating silently because modern civilisation still relies on barbarism. Recall how the legal apparatus of power was used to sanction the extralegal practice of torture by calling it “enhanced interrogation”. Yet now, a new type of political dispensation is emerging. As the philosopher Alenka Zupančič observes in her new book, Let Them Rot (on which I rely here extensively), we increasingly have leaders who take pride in their crimes “as if it amounted to some kind of fundamental moral difference or difference of character, namely, ‘having the courage,’ ‘the guts,’ to do it openly”. But, Zupančič hastens to add: “What may appear to be their courageous transgression of state laws by avoiding the ‘hypocrisy’ that those laws sometimes demand is nothing more than a direct identification with the obscene other side of state power itself. It does not amount to anything else or different. “They are ‘transgressing’ their own laws. This is why, even when they are in power, these leaders continue to act as if they are in opposition to the existing power, rebelling against it — call it the ‘deep state’ or something else.” Obviously, this description summons up images of Donald Trump, who just recently called for the “termination” of the US Constitution. But, of course, appearances have also been disintegrating in Russia. For 10 months, President Vladimir Putin insisted that there was no war in Ukraine, and Russians risked criminal prosecution for suggesting othThe right-wing leaders in US and Russia openly embrace criminality erwise. But now, Putin has broken his own rule and acknowledged that Russia is at war.  Likewise, Yevgeny Prigozhin, a Putin crony, long denied that he had anything to do with the Wagner Group of Russian mercenaries. He has now  admitted  that he founded the group, and that he has  interfered in US elections and will continue to do so. For political figures such as Trump and Putin, courage is redefined as a willingness to break the state’s laws if the state’s own interests — or their own — demand it. The implication is that civilisation endures only if there are brave patriots who will do the dirty work. This is a decidedly right-wing form of “heroism”. It is easy to act nobly on behalf of one’s country — short of sacrificing one’s life for it — but only the strong of heart can bring themselves to commit crimes for it. Hence, in 1943, Heinrich Himmler, the architect of the Holocaust, spoke of “a chapter of glory in our history which has never been written, and which never shall be written”. The question was what do with Jewish women and children. “I decided here to find a completely clear solution,” Himmler  told  a gathering of SS officers. “I did not regard myself as justified in exterminating the men … and to allow the avengers in the shape of the children to grow up for our sons and grandchildren. The difficult decision had to be taken to have this people disappear from the earth." But in today’s Russia, the idea that atrocities “never shall be written” is increasingly out of fashion. Far from ignoring the eating of cannibals, such acts are being enshrined into law. On 14 December, the Russian Duma (legislature)  adopted  a bill stating that any atrocities committed in Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson before those Ukrainian regions’ annexation “will not be considered a crime punishable by law” if they are deemed to have been “in the interest of the Russian Federation”.  How this determination will be made is unclear; but it is safe to assume that all the torture, rape, murder, looting, and vandalism committed by Russian forces will be excused, even celebrated. One is reminded of the paradox in Sophocles’ Antigone, where it is riskier to obey morality than to become complicit in criminality. “Russian culture,” the historian  Timothy Garton Ash  observes, has become “a collateral victim of Putin’s self-devouring cannibalism.” Accordingly, “The time has come to ask whether, objectively speaking,  Putin  is an agent of American imperialism. For no American has ever done half as much damage to what Putin calls the ‘Russian world’ as the Russian leader himself has." Offering a similar analysis, Kazakh journalist Arman Shuraev  recently  excoriated  Russia’s bullying ambassador to his country: “Russophobia is all that you have achieved with your stupid actions … You are idiots. You are cannibals who eat themselves.” Paradoxically, Russia’s exercise in false transparency makes the mystifications of state power even more dangerous, by eroding our moral sensitivities. It shows why we need figures like WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange more than ever.  Assange is our Antigone. For years, he has been kept in an undead, isolated state, awaiting extradition to the US for serving as a spy for the people, making public just one small part of the obscene dark side of US policy. Although Assange may have done some very problematic things, my wish for the new year is that President Joe Biden will show true courage and drop the charges against him. — Project Syndicate. *About the writer: Slavoj Žižek, professor of philosophy at the European Graduate School, is the international director of the Birkbeck Institute for the Humanities at the University of London and the author, most recently, of  Heaven in Disorder. Julian Assange is our Antigone. He is awaiting extradition to the US for spying for the people, making public a small part of the obscene dark side of US policy Reuters/Henry Nicholls) NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

JONATHAN MBIRIYAMVEKA MUSIC since time immemorial has often been used to push social causes. It is a proven and effective tool in sending messages across. Alphonse de Lamartine put it simply: “Music is the literature of the heart; it commences where the speech ends.” And this is what many renowned musicians have done with courage and boldness, like what Zimbabwean superstar Winky D is doing on his latest body of work called Eureka Eureka! The 39-yer-old dancehall wizard mainly sings about social issues and his surroundings, although he has not gone into hard politics. And it is all the more surprising that some people, in their knowledge or lack thereof, have desperately tried in vain to pigeonhole his music. For all we know, Winky D has not come out in the open aligning himself with any political party in his country. He thrives on using poetic licence in putting across his messages. Whether abstract or realism, it is open to different interpretations, like the Bible verses whose interpretations vary from one preacher to the other. Politicians, being who they are, have a tendency of taking the messages that suit them to their advantage. So, in taking a deeper analysis, the debate about Winky D’s album Eureka Eureka should not be taken in the context of Zanu PF or CCC politics. Rather it should be taken in the context of what the man sings about. On Dzimba Dzemabwe, featuring soulful Shingai, the artistes cry out for what Zimbabwe, the motherland, has become: poverty, corruption and poor social service delivery system. Shingai on the chorus sings: “is this the land we cried for, we died for, musadaro (please don’t do that).” In the hit, the artistes bemoan the deteriorating social services delivery, hunger and youth unemployment. Are these not the social ills confronting our beloved Zimbabwe, a country once named the breadbasket of the continent? Of course they are! And they not only affect supporters of a particular political group, but indeed the generality of Zimbabweans. Winky D continues with the same theme on Ibotso, which features rapper Holy Ten. Ibotso which loosely translates to a struggle, talks to the political elites — the haves and the have nots. Zimbabwe ranks highly as one of STYLE TRAVEL BOOKS ARTS MOTORING Porsche just got angrier Being a Fashion Model Life&Style Page 45 Issue 112, 16 December 2022 Winky D reaches magnum opus! Winky D and Shingai “Too bold” Shoniwa on the set of the music video for “Dzimba Dzemabwe”.

Page 46 Life & Style the most corrupt countries. The song opens with a disclaimer, with Winky D stating that he is only a musician and nothing else. In that track, he talks about the political elites who abuse taxpayers’ money and spend it on miserable “ghetto youths” to their advantage. And it is the same message on Chauruka, featuring Tocky Vibes, where he takes a dig at praise singers. “Pride goes before a fall,” he sings. Many a time people forget that they should not look down on those they encounter on their way up because they will surely meet the same faces during their downfall. What is all the more remarkable is that Eureka Eureka is a collaborative effort. Winky D expertly reached out to some of the talented musicians in the country at the moment. They range from ExQ, Saintfloew, Tocky Vibes, Herman to Bazooka, Enzo Ishall and Poptain. But the manner in which the songs aptly portray the Zimbabwe of today is what has made his latest offering an instant hit with his legion of loyal fans, and even those who do not necessarily follow him with keen interest. Since he burst onto the scene, Winky D has stayed relevant because his music resonates with his fans and critics alike. Songs like Green Like Mi Garden inspire youths to do good and hope for a better life while on Mafira Kureva he condemns alcohol and substance abuse. And the song 25 off his Extraterrestrial series, Winky D speaks against oppression, often suffered by the people of Zimbabwe at the hands of their rulers. In all his interviews, Winky D maintains that he is “poor people’s devotee”. That said, it is futile for any government or political party to silence a musician who is singing about social issues affecting people whilst not addressing the same problems. Throughout social media, there has been a polarised context and interpretation of Winky’s latest offering. But reality is that musicians have always used music as channel through which people express themselves and it is their right to do so. However, Winky D should be careful not to entangle himself in the polarised national politics of Zimbabwe. And sadly, that debate has already landed him there, if social media is anything to go by and Winky D will be classified. What Winky D now needs is an intelligent public relations person who will spark informed debate and deal effectively with the polarisation. Yet music is about big causes. Miriam Makeba, who was nicknamed Mama Africa for her role in anti-apartheid activism in South Africa – was a singer, songwriter, actress, and civil rights champion. She was an advocate against the evils of apartheid. Throughout her career, Makeba insisted that her music was not consciously political. In an interview with The Times of Britain, she said: "I'm not a political singer, I don't know what the word means. People think I consciously decided to tell the world what was happening in South Africa. No! I was singing about my life, and in South Africa we always sang about what was happening to us — especially the things that hurt us." Also in South Africa, Hugh Masekela once performed a song called Change, which was against authoritanism in Africa. He sang: Hey Robert Mugabe don't you think it’s time to say goodbye Hey Robert Mugabe don't you think it’s time to say goodbye Hey . . . The Zimbabwean government was rattled by the verse which referenced former president Mugabe. And at some point Masekela could not perform in Zimbabwe following the release of the song. Masekela was deeply affected by his life experiences, and therefore made music that reflected his encounter with the harsh political climate of South Africa during the 1950s and 1960s. Masekela’s music therefore portrays the struggles and joys of living in South Africa, and voiced protest against slavery and discrimination. His 1987 hit Bring Him Back Home became the anthem for Nelson Mandela’s world tour, following his release from prison in 1992. Slain reggae musician Lucky Dube also sang about equality, crime rate, social injustices and homelessness in South Africa. His songs relate to many Zimbabweans too. The Zimbabwean legend Oliver Mtukudzi did the same, albeit in a subtle way. His 2005 Bvuma/Tolerance album stands out as it speaks about tolerance, humility, peace and human rights. The track Wasakara (you’re too old) came at a time when there was dissent over President Mugabe’s long rule. While critics were quick to say Wasakara was targeted at president Mugabe, Mtukudzi said it was not the case. He remarked that he was in fact referring to himself after he started seeing his children growing up. He followed Wasakara with yet another hit Murimi Munhu in which he criticised the manner in which the land reform programme was executed and also on Hatidi Hondo where he condemned violence. The song was inspired by the often chaotic land and agrarian reforms in which some commercial farmers were killed. Tuku’s messages were subtle, but he made it easy to read between the lines. And his ability to stay above party politics made him the superstar that he was. Another Zimbabwean heavy hitter Thomas Mapfumo has been consistently singing for the downtrodden masses. In pre-Independent Zimbabwe, Mapfumo spoke against the white minority rule led by Ian Smith. And at Independence in 1980, Mapfumo — who now lives in self-imposed exile in the United States — continued singing against the oppressive and corrupt black rule. Mapfumo stubbornly and openly criticised the powers that be through his Chimurenga music, a genre he birthed and mastered. One of the songs in which Mapfumo opened criticised president Mugabe’s rule was Pasi Inhaka. On Chimurenga Exile there are two songs Chirwere and Taitadza Zimbabwe which speak about the deteriorating Zimbabwean situation. He came out strongly against corruption following the uncovering of the Willowgate Scandal. Other artistes, the likes of Solomon Skuza, also sang against corruption in Love and Scandal. The likes of Leonard Karikoga Zhakata used lyrical prowess to put across his messages, criticising the status quo. His song Mubikira addresses selective application of law by those in power. One of the most prominent rappers of all time, Tupac Shakur, was known for his social activism against police brutality, inequality and oppression. 2Pac is widely considered one of the most influential rappers of all time and among the best-selling music artistes, having sold more than 75 million records worldwide. Much of Shakur's music has been noted for addressing contemporary social issues that plagued inner cities, and he is considered a symbol of activism against inequality. If you listen to Whie Man’s World, Brenda’s Got a Baby which addresses women's empowerment and changes, you appreciate how 2Pac was well versed with his surroundings. Last but not least, the iconic Jamaican Bob Marley was simply revolutionary. Marley inspired struggles across the world and the song Get Up Stand Up, One Love and even Zimbabwe, a track he performed at Zimbabwe’s Independence in 1980, was well thought out. Marley's contributions to music increased the visibility of Jamaican music worldwide, and made him a global figure in popular culture to this day. Over the course of his career, Marley became known as a Rastafari icon, and he infused his music with a sense of spirituality. He is also considered a global symbol of Jamaican music, culture and identity, and was controversial in his outspoken support for democratic social reforms. He also supported the legalisation of marijuana and advocated Pan-Africanism. Winky D Zimbabwean music legend Oliver Mtukudzi. NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Title: I yearn Poet: Stephen Mupoto I yearn to see that tip of Zimbabwe’s breasts, That erect gourd of life, Undefiled by the pervasive aliens That bonked her out of youthfulness And left her breasts like draped dough in a dysfunctional confectionary. I yearn to kiss the soft lips of her rivers, And wad deep into the chambers, Where moans of passion are ignited. I yearn to run my fingers down her spine, And send shivers down her soul, And navigate her precious and plump self, Take a stroll in the valleys and gorges of her pride. I yearn to have a glance at her peaceful countenance As she drifts to slumber But... I am devastated by her wanton bedding of numerous men, Who bonk her from every orifice. She groans quietly and haemorrhage, As the assailant straddles her in triumph, And still I call her my first love. ***************************************************** Title: That moment Poet: Clemency Takawira To watch a tot writhe in pain, To be a witness to her malaise. To perceive her gasp for air, Drown in bitter tears, And perspiration. To hear death knocking at the door. Hopeless case, To process the doctor's words, Word by word. Pulse getting weaker. Skin getting cold. To linger at the coattails of hope, To put faith in faith. To summon god. To assign gods to her case. To whisper to your antecessors. To mumble to her ancestors. Heart beats getting fewer. Surgeons shaking heads. Then she blinks. Stares. Smiles. .***************************************************** Title: The old man Poet: Sheikh Al Dirani The old man lives on top of a hill, He is always on top of a hill Even if there is no hill to live on He lives on the hill of his experiences He sits in his chair a-rocking to some reggae, He is always sitting in a chair on top of a hill He rocks still even when no reggae plays there He rocks to the reggae of his life, That sings: “I am that I am” in his heart. He smiles at the old sun Which his ancestors smiled upon in their day; And in their day on this sun His great-great-grandchildren will smile too; The sun is old but it never ages The old man ages without growing old Because nothing that smiles grows old. He smiles at the sun even when no sun shinesIn his own smiles a much brighter sun shines. ************************************************ Title: City Of Darkness Poet: Obey Chiyangwa On bitterly cold winter nights Ourselves no safe place to sleep Blizzards into scantly protected faces Snowfall into drooping bleeding eyes Thunderstorms raised hell with compromised peace Darkness had vile things in-store for bed-ridden happiness Like gnawing hunger and chronic sickness Abject poverty and crippling illness Stoic Mother's spirits were wandering at the end of their tether Committed Father's eyes looked as blank and clueless as the skies clear Restless Sister Agatha gnawed at her fingers and repeatedly grinded her teeth I huddled in my own cold arms and wondered why I had ever been born The City was a dark and brooding behemoth of palpable sadness Where we shared the chaos of overcrowded pavements with insanity and rampant lawlessness Some ardent beggars sang sad songs throughout the blistery nights Entreating the gods of good fortune to come rescue the unfortunate One always wondered when misery would opt to take leave of our wretched lot If ever! *********************************************** Title: I am chattel to a ruthless society Poet: Plaxedes Mahanise aka Meredith Burtley I was born in a manger of servitude, And raised to be docile and subservient. They taught me to always genuflect, Even in the wake of marital abuse. This society has taught me, That a man is the master, And I am the sheepish clown, That dances to his pleasure. Battered in silence I am, And still I am taught to endure. Stripped of dignity I am, And still I am taught to be sangfroid and pursue the path of peace. On the verge of death, And peeping close to the grave, I suffer in silence, Because that is the tradition, That a cultured woman reports not her master. I see the yawning schism, As I lie as an antique, Ready to be pawned to a pawn broker, As I edge closer to my grave, Yet this society, Is unforgiving and ruthless. I am a woman, Vulnerable to the core, And I need to be protected from the marauding and sanguine, Beasts of the streets, Who have no fear to rape and maim. Lord, where art thou? Why art thou slumber in the wake of this oppression? *********************************************** Title: Voice of silence Poet: Samuel Chuma Silence Which mouth agape Spittle lips Industrious tongue Yet without voice Silence Pregnant with untold tales Raped by world weary souls Howling, screaming Yet with confused pleasure Silence Loaded with whisperings From ancient gods of garb Constipated and farting Deafeningly in the face of reason NewsHawks Poetry Corner Page 47 Issue 114, 13 January 2023

Page 48 People & Places JOHN KELLEY IN DUBAI THERE is a saying that man faces two certainties — death and taxes. The second of those is patently incorrect as less than half of the world’s population do not pay any, nor ever will. And now there is a third “certainty” being bandied about. Which states that the ever-increasing global population will keep on expanding until everybody is starving and fighting wars over land, water, food and space. Back in 1928, less than 100 years ago, the total population was two billion, just a quarter of today’s recently calculated figure. There was massive expansion in the 1950s and again in the following decade. 2020 was also a landmark year for speedy growth. We are therefore proceeding headlong into unmanageable disaster, it is believed. Surely we cannot feed and power the ever-growing hoard of humanity which needs air conditioning, fertilisers, steel, glass and concrete for thousands and thousands of new homes, plus vast amounts of food, medical supplies and movement facilities? On 15 November, just a few weeks ago, the United Nations statisticians estimated that the global population had reached eight billion. It seems we will undoubtedly reach the 10 billion mark and keep going from there until disaster overwhelms us all? Probably around the year 2080 (when this article will be stored in the archives). In addition, the animal population has to be taken into account — this year there are thought to be 19 billion chickens, two billion cattle, a billion sheep a billion pigs and over a billion cats and dogs, all growing and growing in number, with wildlife as a massive addition. However here in Dubai, the local newspaper “The National” has carried a major feature by Robin Mills, CEO of “Qumran Energy”, a large company and himself a noted academic, who seems from his research to be actually calling for not only a halt, but even a reversal. He suggests 10.4 billion as the turning point, though that is probably some 60 years hence. Mills states that we are now using land resources much more efficiently. Land use for food per person has halved since 2000. The populations of Japan and China, for instance, are set to fall from 2023 onward. Bangladesh, which recently had a birth rate of seven per woman, is believed to be set for lower than two. Two-thirds of people now live in a country that has fewer than 2.1 births per woman, below the long-term replacement level, many already experiencing reduced populations. There are other reduction factors too many to detail, he states. The exceptions to all this are Africa and Asia, but the rest of the world has a greater balancing factor. When and if the global population is brought back to today’s eight billion “…this will be a cause of celebration rather than despair, creating peace and prosperity.” An immense chunk of optimism! However, all that depends on hydrogen and nuclear bombs being kept in store for those 60 years. So many nations with erratic leaders have them now. But that is another story altogether. *About the writer: Veteran NewsHawks correspondent John Kelley, who now lives in England, was recently on vacation with family members in Dubai. Certainties for mankind — But perhaps not Jumeirah Beach Hotel in Dubai. Burj Khalifa tower in Dubai. Dubai NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

go on to ring up a number of times for comment.” The response meant “on ZC administrative issues, please talk to Givy.” Shepherd was a humble man and had a well of cricketing knowledge. At one point after I joined Zimbabwe Cricket’s media department, we discussed how I could join one of his coaching courses. He was very encouraging but to my regret, I just never could find the time and commitment to follow through. We lost touch when I moved to Cape Town, but I always kept tabs of his progress from a distance. He was indeed a “pride of our boyhood days”, as the legendary Prince Edward song goes! Before I had fully recovered from the shock of finding out of his death in December, I was devastated to hear that his wife, Sinikiwe “Sneeze” Mpofu, collapsed and joined him last week – less than a month after Sheppie’s passing. Lightening does indeed strike twice on the same spot! Just by the cruel stroke of a brush, the first couple of Zimbabwean cricket, our very own Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie, was no more. I have no doubt they have left a hollow in many hearts and it will take some time to fill their boots. Their commitment, effort and dedication to both the women’s and men’s game was beyond reproach. Sinikiwe’s larger than life presence at the crease, as an opening batsman and strike bowler for Matabeleland, preceded our first meeting. Her name was always mentioned with fear and admiration by the ladies of the Mashonaland team whenever I spoke to them. “We first have to get Sneeze out and then face her bowling,” they would say. I did finally meet her when as a ZC media staffer I travelled with the pioneering Zimbabwe Women team to Kenya for the World Cup regional qualifiers in Kenya in 2006. A bubbly, jovial and beautiful human being –inside and outside. Always ready to offer a helping hand to the younger ladies in that very young team, Sneeze became a mother figure if I may say. She loved cricket and like her husband, it flowed through her veins. Their marriage was a match made in Heaven! It was a union of Harare and Bulawayo, brought together by cricket. Sneeze visited me at our Highlands offices after that Kenya tour and said she would like to be a cricket reporter one day. I was happy to help and “assigned” her to write a match report for our monthly inhouse magazine. She did, it was a pretty readable piece and we used it. However, the pull of the cricket field was always greater than the life on the side-lines of reporting. But I suppose it was this fondness for journalism that made her at ease in a room full of reporters. Apart from coaching, Sneeze was also a scorer, mainly in the press box. During international matches, when she wasn’t promptly and happily answering score queries from the reporters, she keenly joined in the engaging debates with the scribes on nearly every subjects – sport, social issues and politics. Add in banter, laughs and good times too! The substance of her contributions on every topic exhibited Sneeze’s intellectual prowess – more than just a sports star and a pretty face! A very good friend of cricket journalists indeed, who will be deeply missed by the press corps in the media centres of Harare Sports Club and Queens Sports Club. After her trailblazing playing career, she followed her husband into the coaching trenches and achieved immediate success, winning the Fifty50 Challenge with the Mountaineers in 2021. She was appointed assistant coach of the national women team under Gary Brent not long after. Sneeze was a model Zimbabwean girl, proud of her Ndebele and township roots in Bulawayo’s Njube. Through her mother she also had Xhosa blood, and spoke the language fairly well, she once revealed in the press box during one of the usual “off-cricket” discussions. When she returned home to Njube after a long time, she still fitted in easily as she did before she left – the township’s local hero and favourite daughter who had made it in a once elitist sport. And when she was in Highfield, at Takashinga, her husband’s home and playground, there was a strong sense of belonging too. Her infectious personality made different people, anywhere, relate to her as one of their own. “Mai Tino”, as she also became known as after the birth of the first of their two sons, would also acquire a very good command of Shona after moving to Harare permanently for family and work, and then to her last work-station Masvingo where she collapsed and suddenly died on Saturday at the age of 37. It would be befitting honour if ZC can come up with a mixed-team schools tournament in recognition of this beautiful couple’s legacy and contribution to the game. They both had fruitful pioneering innings and I will miss them both dearly. May their protégés keep the torch ablaze for the next generation! *About the writer: Prince Edward alumni Blessing Maulgue, who now lives in Cape Town, is a former Sunday Mail sports reporter and ex-ZC media staffer. Enock Muchinjo contributed to this obituary. Page 49 “SO much to do. So little is done”, is the Prince Edward School credo. But Shepherd “Shapiro” Makunura, a former student of this great school we are enormously proud to have attended, surely achieved so much more in cricket circles in the little time he had on this earth! A cricket man through and through, Makunura lived his passion to the fullest. Shepherd started his cricketing journey in the character strengthening and sometimes treacherous streets of the high-density suburb of Highfield courtesy of some far-sighted good guys who had a dream to bring the then elitist sport of cricket to the masses in the ghetto. Football was the norm back then but these visionaries went against the grain. Begging bowl in one hand and iron will to succeed in the other, they managed to collect some funds and set up township outfit Takashinga Cricket Club, a name loaded with meaning. In so doing, these men set in motion a cricketing revolution than engulfed the nation and unearthed several exciting gems who went on to represent Zimbabwe at the highest level. Earlier on before Takashinga was established, Makunura had been one of youngsters who heed the call and fell in love with the gentlemen’s game while still at Chengu Primary School in Highfield. When I was at Queensdale Primary School, I played in a Jambo Mini Cricket tournament which involved primary schools from the capital at Harare Sports Club in the late 80s, with a Mr Zungunde as our coach. My memory evades me, but either Chengu or fellow Highfield school Chipembere went on to win it, with their limited resources compared to schools like ours. I remember Shepherd from that tournament, he performed well. And he never looked back. His exploits as a budding all-rounder earned him a scholarship through the Zimbabwe Cricket Union development programme to attend Prince Edward, a school with an admirable sporting heritage. He toured England in 1995 with Prince Edward’s first team, and also represented Zimbabwe at Under-15 level. In no time, first-class team Mashonaland came calling in a swashbuckling but short career. He managed just three caps in the Logan Cup, Zimbabwe’s oldest sporting competition, with a top score of 62 against Midlands. Then tragedy struck! An Achilles tendon injury in 2007 hampered his progress on the playing field and forced him to hang up bat and ball. As it turned out, only temporarily, as every dark cloud has a silver lining! Making lemonade out of lemons, it turned out to be a blessing in disguise as he now focused his attention, patience and love of “chi game” to his true calling, that of being a “Good Shepherd” to the multitudes of his young flock that came seeking a path to cricketing glory. He quickly established himself as a reputable coach and in 2008 he was made the Zimbabwe Under-19 gaffer. From there it was Zimbabwe A, and soon after he led the Zimbabwe XI at the Africa T20 Cup in 2018, the same year he was made the fielding coach of the national team. He was fielding coach of the men’s national team at the time of his death in December at the age of 46. Our paths first crossed at Prince Edward, he was starting form one and I was doing my ‘O’ levels. We didn’t interact much then. However, years later, as a greenhorn sports reporter on the Sunday Mail, he already established himself at Zimbabwe Cricket (ZC). We spent a lot of time talking shop whenever the opportunity arose. I tried many a time to get some juicy ZC pieces out of him for the Mail. But being the consummate professional he was, he never budged, not once. Always loyal to the core. I can still hear him saying, “Mdhara every organisations has its politics. My job and focus is on the field with the boys. Nyaya dze ZC taurai na Givy (Givemore Makoni, now managing director of ZC)”, who I would Sport Obituary: Goodbye to the ‘first couple’ of Zimbabwean cricket REUNITED IN LOVE: Sinikiwe Mpofu (left) and husband Shepherd Makunura passed on three weeks apart. Blessing Maulgue HawkZone NewsHawks Issue 114, 13 January 2023

ENOCK MUCHINJO AT HARARE SPORTS CLUB ZIMBABWE held nerves to pull off an exciting five-wicket win over Ireland in the first T20I  on Thursday to take a one-nil lead in the threematch series. Man-of-the-match Ryan Burl helped the hosts bowl out Ireland for 114 runs at Harare Sports Club. The spin bowling all-rounder took 3-29. “Coming into this series, with all the rains, we were not quite sure how good the wickets were. So winning the toss and fielding first was key. There was pitch assist for us spinners,” the 28-year-old Burl told reporters after the match. “The last nine months we have played some really good cricket. But we are still trying to find the right pairing, the right combinations. We are trusting the process under the coach Dave and assistant coach Stuey (Stuart Matsikenyeri).” The match marked ex-England batter Gary Ballance’s debut for his native Zimbabwe. The 33-year-old left-hander was the second-highest scorer in Zimbabwe’s successful chase, with 30, before he nicked behind to Irish wicketkeeper Stephen Doheny off pacer Mark Adair’s lengthy delivery. “Gary is obviously a very experienced player. He has a calming presence.  He has fitted in well,” commented Burl. “We are picking his brains, and he is also learning from us. We are really happy to have him in the side.” Sean Williams top-scored with 34 as Zimbabwe won with two overs to spare to shake off all fears of an Irish upset. “Obviously not the kind of start we wanted,” said Ireland batsman Gareth Delany. “We have to improve over the 50c PRICE SPORT Zim Cricket launches Premier League NEWS $60 Covid tariff for visitors & tourists CULTURE Community radio regulations under review @NewsHawksLive TheNewsHawks www.thenewshawks.com [email protected] Thursday 1 October 2020 WHAT’S INSIDE ALSO INSIDE Finance Ministy wipes out $3.2 Billion depositors funds Zim's latest land controversy has left Ruwa farmer stranded Story on Page 3 Story on Page 8 Story on Page 16 Chamisa reaches out to Khupe Unofficial president calls for emergency meeting +263 772 293 486 Friday 13 january 2023 Goodbye to the ‘first couple’ of Zim cricket ALSO INSIDE Sports SRC pushes for action after Zifa damning exposé The collective shame of Africa and the football World Cup Ex-England batter Ballance debuts in Zimbabwe’s win Gary Ballance bats on his Zimbabwe debut on Thursday. PIC: AFP next matches. We didn’t have enough runs on the board, and one or two chances went away. We always felt we were in with a chance (when defending the modest total), in the first power-play we were on top. Definitely in the first 12 overs we bowled well, took wickets, and held on to our catches. We just needed one big over, but Sean Williams was key for Zimbabwe and saw them to the end.”