SONALI CAMPION ELECTION management bodies are essential democratic institutions. To deliver national polls effectively, they need to be properly resourced, impartial and free from government or malicious interference. Independent election bodies established in the 1990s played an important role in the early deepening of democratic values across Africa. As most countries started expanding rights and freedoms and strengthening the rule of law, the bodies coordinated successive multi-party elections. Their performance could be weak or inconsistent. But elections became routine and accepted as a necessary means to legitimise political power. However, advancing and consolidating wider democratic gains on the continent has proved more difficult. Since the mid-2000s the headwinds have got stronger. “Democratic backsliding” refers to the hollowing out of democratic institutions, rights and practices by elected governments. Research organisations which measure democracy have tracked declines across multiple democratic indicators in Africa and around the globe. Attahiru M. Jega, former chairman of Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission, and I set out to determine whether democratic backsliding had weakened Africa’s election management bodies. As scholars with professional backgrounds in election administration and international electoral support respectively, we see this question as critical to understanding the context in which election bodies operate. It’s also vital in developing strategies to strengthen them. We found that African election management bodies today face complex challenges which are not simply a product of democratic backsliding. Increasing their effectiveness therefore requires a much broader approach to safeguarding their independence, building their capacity, and encouraging all stakeholders to support their work. The study Our study reviewed the performance of election management bodies in 48 African countries between 2012 and 2022. This is captured in the Perceptions of Electoral Integrity (PEI) dataset, produced by the Electoral Integrity Project. The global academic think tank, based at universities in Canada and the UK, evaluates the quality of elections held around the world. We also analysed election body autonomy data from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project. This is produced by an independent research institute at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden. Election body autonomy is a narrower measure compared to those in the Perceptions of Electoral Integrity dataset. However, it offers more granular insight into what has happened in 51 African countries since 2006. We concluded with case studies of Ghana and Zambia to investigate the factors affecting the autonomy of their election bodies. If democratic backsliding was directly affecting election management bodies, we would expect to see downward trends in the data. Instead, they show wide variation in the bodies’ performance and autonomy across Africa. Our case studies show that the bodies face many challenges that cannot be explained by democratic backsliding alone. Diversity over decline The Perceptions of Electoral Integrity data (Figure 1) shows a striking diversity of performance. This echoes global patterns of divergence in election quality rather than institutional decline linked to democratic backsliding. The V-Dem data on autonomy confirms the wide variation in election body experiences across Africa. Between 2006 and 2022, an almost equal number of countries experienced net declines as net improvements. Nor was the path always straight. In many cases, election body autonomy fluctuated over the 16-year period. This suggests independence must be continuously cultivated. Eight countries showed sharp declines between 2021 and 2022. These might be linked to the COVID-19 pandemic, which created opportunities for governments to restrict democratic rights. Constraints on autonomy The numerous cases of improvement support arguments that democratic backsliding is not an inexorable trend in Africa. Nonetheless, half of its electoral bodies had experienced declines in autonomy, so there is clearly no room for complacency. To investigate possible drivers of decline, we looked at Zambia and Ghana. These countries have a track record of peaceful elections. They have also had changes of power between different parties since the 1990s. However, the autonomy of their election bodies has declined over the last decade. Zambia has been described as experiencing “distinct, observable democratic backsliding” under the ruling Patriotic Front between 2011 and 2021. It is clear from international and domestic election observer reports that this undermined the Electoral Commission of Zambia ahead of the 2016 and 2021 elections. Opposition parties and civil society were frustrated by the commission due to its: • lack of transparency • failure to consult them • inconsistent enforcement of electoral rules. Still, the commission did deliver elections in 2021 which were credible enough to enable a peaceful handover of power. We also found that the Patriotic Front’s grip on power tended to worsen long-standing problems rather than create new ones. For example, Zambia’s weak electoral framework gave the president significant powers over the commission’s leadership and finances. Nor did it clearly define key electoral rules and procedures. A lack of administrative capacity has also hampered the commission since it was established in 1996. Our analysis of Ghana suggests that declining electoral body autonomy has not been a product of direct interference by elected governments. Instead, growing polarisation between the main political parties was the dominant factor. In the 1990s and 2000s, the Electoral Commission of Ghana built cross-party consensus on delivering elections through a dedicated committee. However, this forum became less effective over time. Partisan disagreements over the commission’s decisions increasingly played out in court and in the media. Disputes over election procedures and the appointment of commissioners became politicised. Opposition parties routinely tried to undermine the commission’s credibility. The legal challenges also tarnished the commission’s reputation for competence. Over time, this had a negative effect on public perceptions and the operational independence of the electoral body. Complex challenges require coordinated responses Democratic backsliding remains a concern in Africa and globally. But our study shows that the challenges African election bodies face are multifaceted. It is not just anti-democratic leaders that limit their autonomy and effectiveness. Weak legal frameworks, insufficient capacity and political polarisation also play a role. New media technologies and health emergencies such as the COVID-19 pandemic have also made the operating environment even more complex. This makes it ever more urgent for election bodies to build consensus over election delivery. They must also improve institutional capacity and transparency. Stakeholders, including policymakers, political parties, civil society and the media, must do all in their power to foster electoral integrity. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Dr Sonali Campion is a doctoral researcher in politics at the University of East Anglia in Britain. Reframing Issues Page 51 The challenges African election bodies face go beyond ‘democratic backsliding’ A woman casts her vote in Zimbabwe recently NewsHawks 1ssue 175, 3 - 9 May 2024
WANDILE SIHLOBO MANY including myself, may have been a bit pessimistic about the 2023-24 summer crop growing conditions when we signalled a potential further downward revision of the harvest estimate this month. The data released last week by the Crop Estimates Committee showed mild upward adjustments in the crop size from last month’s figures. South Africa’s 2023-24 summer grains and oilseed harvest is estimated at 16 million tonnes, up 1% from last month. This is not a cause for celebration. The figure does not change the reality that we have been through a difficult season of El Niño-induced drought and heatwave in February and March that weighed on the summer grains and oilseed harvest in various regions of the country. The estimated harvest of 16 million tonnes is down 20% from the 2022- 23 production season. Maize A closer look at the data shows that white and yellow maize harvest could be 6.4 million tonnes (up 2% month-on-month) and 6.9 million tonnes (roughly unchanged from last month). These revisions place the total maize production estimate at 13.3 million tonnes (up 1% month-on-month). When viewed annually, white maize harvest is down 25%, with yellow maize down 13% from the 2022-23 season. The expected harvest of 13.3 million tonnes is down 19% from the 2022-23 season. If it materialises, the expected harvest will be sufficient to meet South Africa’s annual maize consumption of roughly 12 million tonnes, leaving the country with a small export volume. Still, we will likely see prices remaining elevated for some time because of the potentially tight supplies. The southern African regional demand, particularly for white maize, also remains a significant upside driver of prices. On 25 April, white maize spot price closed at R5 477 a tonne, up 56% year-on-year. At the same time, the yellow maize spot price closed at R4 420 a tonne, up 22% year-on-year. Yellow maize prices have not increased much as the supply risk could be manageable through imports. There are ample maize supplies in the world market. The International Grains Council (IGC) forecasts the 2023-24 global maize harvest to be 1.2 billion tonnes, up 6% year-on-year. The stocks are also robust, thus keeping the international yellow maize prices moderate. This also partly explains the relatively mild increase in yellow maize prices compared with the surge in white maize prices. In the world market, outside the southern Africa region, the other significant producer of white maize is Mexico. Given that the Northern Hemisphere is at the start of its 2024-25 production season, it may be helpful in the southern African countries with poor harvests, such as Zimbabwe and Zambia, to discuss with Mexico or even the United States to plant white maize on contract for export to the region. In my calculation, I think South Africa will not be able to fulfil the regional demand even if the forecast harvest of 6.4 million tonnes of white maize materialises. Oilseeds The 2023-24 soybean harvest remained unchanged from last month, estimated at 1.8 million tonnes (down 35% year-on-year). This annual decline results from lower yields. South Africa may not play a robust position in soybean exports as it did the previous season. If anything, soybean oilcake imports this new season are now a possibility. The sunflower seed harvest estimate was lifted from last month by 4% to 615 000 tonnes (down 15% year-on-year). The area plantings are moderately down from the previous year, which means the primary driver of the annual decline in the harvest is the expected poor yields, especially as most of South Africa’s sunflower seed is planted in the western regions that experienced dryness and heatwave in February and March. The recent rains in much of South Africa’s summer crop-growing regions are too late. The damage to the crop occurred in February and March during the heatwave and the El Niño-induced dryness. The crop forecasts reflect this, as the major crops are down notably compared to the 2022-23 production season. Still, from a consumer perspective, South Africa is not in a crisis. The recent drought presents upside risks to food price inflation but not the overall basket. The problem is primarily the white maize, considering the potentially more robust regional demand later in the year. The favourable supplies of other grains in the world market, mainly yellow maize (also rice and wheat), and the moderating prices mean South Africa could be slightly cushioned in these commodities. The IGC forecasts the 2023-24 global wheat harvest at 789 million tonnes, well above the long-term average. There is a lot of rice globally, with the 2023-24 global harvest forecast at 511 million tonnes, well above the long-term average. The 2023-24 global sunflower seed harvest is forecast at 57.9 million tonnes, well above average. Still, the exchange rate will be important when assessing the possible imports of wheat and rice (and possibly yellow maize) into South Africa. — Mail & Guardian. *About the writer: Wandile Sihlobo is the chief economist at the Agricultural Business Chamber of South Africa and a senior fellow in Stellenbosch University’s Department of Agricultural Economics. His latest book is A Country of Two Agricultures. Page 52 Africa News South Africa won’t be able to meet regional demand for white maize NewsHawks Issue 175, 3 - 9 May 2024
Africa News Page 53 SEAN AVERY Floods in Kenya killed at least 169 people between March and April 2024. The most catastrophic of these deaths occurred after a flash flood swept through a rural village, killing 42 people. Death and destruction have also occurred in the capital, Nairobi, a stark reminder of the persistent failure to keep abreast of the city’s rapid urbanisation needs. Sean Avery, who has undertaken numerous flood and drainage studies throughout Africa, unpacks the problems and potential solutions. Are floods in Kenya causing more damage? If so, why? Floods are the natural consequence of storm rainfall and have an important ecological role. They inundate flood plains where silts settle, riverbed aquifers are recharged and nutrients are gathered. Annual rainfall in Kenya varies from 2 000mm in the western region to less than 250mm in the drylands covering over 80% of Kenya. But storm rainfalls are widespread. This means that floods can occur in any part of the country. The impact of floods has become more severe due to a number of factors. The first is how much water runs off. In rural areas, changes to the landscape have meant that there’s been an increase in the amount of storm runoff generated from rainfall. This is because the natural state of the land has been altered through settlement, roads, deforestation, livestock grazing and cultivation. As a result, a greater proportion of rainfall runs off. This runoff is more rapid and erosive, and less water infiltrates to replenish groundwater stores. The East African Flood Model, a standard drainage design tool, demonstrates that by reducing a forested catchment into a field for livestock pasture, for instance, the peak flood magnitude can increase 20-fold. This form of catchment degradation leads to landslides, dams can breach, and road culverts and irrigation intakes are regularly washed away. Land degradation in sub-Saharan rangelands is omnipresent, with over 90% rangeland degradation reported in Kenya’s northern drylands. Kenyan research has recorded dramatic increases in stormwater runoff due to overgrazing. Second, human pressure in urban areas – including encroachment into riparian zones and loss of natural flood storage buffers through the destruction of wetlands – has increased flood risks. Riparian zones are areas bordering rivers and other bodies of water. By 2050, half of Kenya’s population will live in urban areas. Green space is progressively being filled with buildings and pavements. A large proportion of urban population lives in tin-roofed slums and informal settlements lacking adequate drainage infrastructure. As a result, almost all of the storm rainfall is translated into rapid and sometimes catastrophic flooding. Third, flood risks are worse for people who have settled in vacant land which is often in low-lying areas and within flood plains. In these areas, inundation by flood waters is inevitable. Fourth, Nairobi’s persistent water supply shortages have led to a proliferation of boreholes whose over-abstraction has resulted in a dramatic decline in the underground water table’s levels. This leads to aquifer compression, which is compounded by the weight of buildings. The result is ground level subsidence, which creates low spots where stormwater floods collect. What should be done to minimise the risks? Rural areas require a different set of solutions. Natural watercourses throughout Kenya are being scoured out by larger floods due to land use pressures. These watercourses are expanding and riparian vegetation cover is disappearing. The flood plains need space to regenerate the natural vegetation cover as this attenuates floods, reducing the force of runoff and erosion. There are existing laws to protect riverbanks, and livestock movements in these areas must also be controlled. Any building or informal settlement within riparian areas is illegal and would otherwise be exposed to the dangers of floods. Enforcement is a challenge, however, as these areas are favoured by human activities and often these people are among the poorest. Urban areas have a host of particular challenges that need to be addressed. Take Nairobi, Kenya’s capital city. The physical planning process is hindered by corruption. Inappropriate and unsafe developments proliferate alongside inadequate water supply, wastewater and solid waste disposal infrastructure. Sewage effluent is often discharged into stormwater drains, even in highclass areas of the city. And there is little control of development in the growing urban centres bordering Nairobi, with transport corridors being congested. Throughout the country, laws that protect riparian zones are flouted. None of this is sustainable. Each municipality is obliged to provide infrastructure that includes an effective engineered stormwater drainage network. And in parallel, wastewater and solid wastes must be separately managed. The typical stormwater drainage network comprises adequately sized earth and lined channels, and pipes and culverts that convey the stormwater to the nearest watercourse. Constant maintenance is essential, especially before the onset of rains, to avoid blockage by garbage and other human activities. Modern-day urban flood mitigation measures include the provision of flood storage basins. Unfortunately this is impossible in Nairobi where developments are built right up to the edge of watercourses. Constrained channels thereby cause upstream flooding as there is nowhere else for the water to go. Attempts have been made to reverse urban riparian zone encroachments, but these efforts faltered due to legal repercussions. To this day, unscrupulous developers encroach with impunity. It’s essential that the authorities demarcate riparian boundaries and set aside buffer zones that cannot be “developed”. — The Conversation *About the writer: Sean Avery is a chartered consultant in hydrology and water resources, visiting research fellow, King's College London. Kenya’s devastating floods expose decades of poor urban planning NewsHawks 1ssue 175, 3 - 9 May 2024
Page 54 NewsHawks World News Issue 175, 3 - 9 May 2024 STEPHEN M. WALT Israel is in growing danger — but the responsibility lies more in Washington than in Tehran. IRAN’S decision to retaliate against an Israeli attack on its consulate in Damascus, Syria, by launching drone and missile strikes reveals just how badly the Biden administration has mishandled the Middle East. Having convinced itself on the eve of Hamas’s 7 October 2023 attack against Israel that the region was “quieter than it has been for decades,” US officials have since responded in ways that made a bad situation worse. The most one can say in their defense is that they have plenty of company; the Trump, Obama, Bush, and Clinton administration. The administration’s response to Hamas’s brutal attack on 7 October has had three main objectives. First, it has sought to convey steadfast support for Israel: backing it rhetorically, conferring regularly with top Israeli officials, defending it against accusations of genocide, vetoing cease-fire resolutions in the United Nations Security Council, and providing it with a steady supply of lethal armaments. Second, Washington has tried to prevent the conflict in Gaza from escalating. Lastly, it has tried to convince Israel to act with restraint, both to limit harm to Palestinian civilians and to minimise the damage to the United States’ image and reputation. This policy has failed because its aims were inherently contradictory. Giving Israel unconditional support gave its leaders little incentive to heed US calls for restraint, so it is hardly surprising that they have ignored them. Gaza has been destroyed, at least 33 000 Palestinians (including more than 12 000 children) are now dead, and US officials now admit that civilians there are facing conditions of famine. Houthi militias in Yemen, claiming to demand a cease-fire, continue to target shipping in the Red Sea; a low-level conflict between Israel and Hezbollah is still simmering; and violence has risen sharply in the occupied West Bank. And now Iran has retaliated against the 1 April bombing of its consulate by launching drone and missile strikes on Israel, raising the prospect of an even wider war. Because Americans are accustomed to hearing that Iran is the embodiment of evil, some readers may be inclined to blame Tehran for all this trouble. Just last week, for example, the lead story in the New York Times announced that Iran was “flooding” the West Bank with weapons in the hopes of stirring up unrest there. In this view, Iran is pouring gasoline on a region that is already in flames. But there’s a lot more to this story, and most of it reflects poorly on the United States. Let me clear: Iran is governed by a brutal theocratic regime for which I have no sympathy, although I do feel for the millions of Iranians who live under its rule and who must endure the punishing effects of US sanctions. Some of that regime’s actions — e.g., its support for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — are highly objectionable. But are its efforts to smuggle small arms and other weapons to the West Bank (or Gaza, for that matter) especially heinous? And is its decision to respond to Israel’s recent attack on its consulate — killing two Iranian generals in the process — even remotely surprising? According to the Geneva Conventions, a population living under “belligerent occupation” has the right to resist the occupying force. Given that Israel has controlled the West Bank and East Jerusalem since 1967, colonised these lands with more than 700 000 illegal settlers, and killed thousands of Palestinians in the process, there is little doubt that this is a “belligerent occupation.” Acts of resistance are still subject to the laws of war, of course, and Hamas and other Palestinian groups violate them when they attack Israeli civilians. But resisting the occupation is legitimate, and helping a beleaguered population do so is not necessarily wrong, even if Iran has done this for its own reasons and not from a deep commitment to the Palestinian cause. Similarly, Iran’s decision to retaliate after Israel bombed its consulate and killed two Iranian generals is hardly evidence of innate aggressiveness, especially given that Tehran has repeatedly signaled that it had no desire to widen the war. Indeed, its retaliation was conducted in a way that gave Israel considerable warning and seems to have been designed to signal that Tehran did not want to escalate further. As US and Israeli officials typically say when they use force, Iran is simply trying to “restore deterrence.” Let’s not forget that the United States has been “flooding” the Middle East with weaponry for decades. It provides Israel with billions of dollars of sophisticated military equipment every year, along with repeated assurances that US support is unconditional. That support hasn’t wavered as Israel has bombed and starved the civilian population in Gaza, and it wasn’t affected when Israel greeted US Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s recent visit by announcing the largest confiscation of Palestinian land in the West Bank since 1993. Washington didn’t blink when Israel bombed Iran’s consulate, even as it was condemning Ecuador’s recent assault on the Mexican Embassy in Quito. Instead, top Pentagon officials headed for Jerusalem in a show of support, and President Joe Biden made a point of emphasising that his commitment to Israel remains “ironclad.” Is it any wonder that Israeli officials believe they can ignore advice from the United States? States with unchecked power tend to abuse it, and Israel is no exception. Because Israel is vastly stronger than its Palestinian subjects — and more capable than Iran, too, for that matter— it can act with impunity against them, and it typically does. Decades of generous and unconditional US support have enabled Israel to do whatever it wants, which has contributed to its politics as well as its behaviour toward the Palestinians becoming increasingly extreme over time. Only on those rare occasions when Palestinians were able to mobilise effective resistance — as they did during the First Intifada (1987-1993) — were Israeli leaders such as former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin forced to acknowledge the need to compromise and attempt to make peace. Unfortunately, because Israel was so strong, the Palestinians so weak, and US mediators so one-sided in Israel’s favor, none of Rabin’s successors were willing to offer the Palestinians a deal they could accept. If you’re still upset that Iran has been smuggling weapons into the West Bank, ask yourself how you’d feel if the situation was reversed. Imagine that Egypt, Jordan, and Syria had won the Six-Day War in 1967, leading millions of Israelis to flee. Imagine that the victorious Arab states subsequently decided to permit Palestinians to exercise a “right of return” and establish a state of their own in some or all of Israel/Palestine. Suppose further that a million or so Israeli Jews had ended up as stateless refugees confined to a narrow enclave such as the Gaza Strip. Then imagine that a group of former Irgun fighters and other Jewish hard-liners organised a resistance movement, gained control of the enclave, and refused to recognise the new Palestinian state. Moreover, they proceeded to obtain backing from sympathetic supporters around the world and began smuggling weapons into the enclave, which they used to attack nearby settlements and towns in the recently founded Palestinian state. And then suppose that Palestinian state responded by blockading and bombing the enclave, causing thousands of civilian deaths. Given these circumstances, which side do you think the US government would support? Indeed, would the United States have ever allowed a situation like this to emerge? The answers are obvious, and they speak volumes to the one-sided way in which the United States approaches this conflict. The tragic irony here is that the individuals and organisations in the United States that have been the most ardent in shielding Israel from criticism and pushing one administration after another to back Israel, no matter what it does, have in fact done enormous damage to the country that they were trying to help. Consider where the “special relationship” has led over the past 50 years. The two-state solution has failed, and the question of the Palestinians’ future remains unresolved, in large part because the lobby made it impossible for US presidents to put meaningful pressure on Israel. Israel’s ill-advised invasion of Lebanon in 1982 (part of a foolish scheme to consolidate Israeli control of the West Bank) led to the emergence of Hezbollah, which now threatens Israel from the north. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and other Israeli officials tried to weaken the Palestinian Authority and block progress toward a two-state solution by covertly backing Hamas, thereby contributing to the tragedy of 7 October. Israel’s internal politics are more polarised than the United States’ (which is saying something), and its actions in Gaza, which most groups in the lobby defend at every turn, are helping turn it into a pariah state. Support among younger Americans — including many Jews — is cratering. And this unhappy situation has allowed Iran to champion the Palestinian cause, get closer to having a nuclear weapon, and thwart US efforts to isolate it. If the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and its allies were capable of self-reflection, they’d be mortified by what they have helped Israel do to itself. By contrast, those of us who have criticised some of Israel’s actions — only to be falsely smeared as antisemites, Jew-haters, or worse — were in fact recommending policies that would have been better for the United States and Israel alike. Had our advice been followed, Israel would be safer today, tens of thousands of Palestinians would still be alive, Iran would be farther from having the bomb, the Middle East would almost certainly be more tranquil, and the United States’ reputation as a principled defender of human rights and a rules-based order would still be intact. Finally, there would be little reason for Iran to smuggle weapons to the West Bank if these lands were part of a viable Palestinian state, and less reason for Iran’s leaders to contemplate whether they might be more secure if they possessed their own nuclear deterrent. But until there’s a more fundamental shift in US policy toward the Middle East, those hopeful possibilities will remain out of reach, and the errors that got us here are likely to be repeated. *About the writer: By Stephen M. Walt, a columnist at Foreign Policy and the Robert and Renée Belfer professor of international relations at Harvard University. Iranian protesters burn U.S. flags during a protest to condemn the Israeli airstrike against the Iranian consulate in Syria, seen in Tehran on April 1. Morteza Nikoubazl/Nurphoto via Getty Images America fuels fire in Middle East An expert's point of view on a current event.
People & Places AllAfrica Media summit 2024 NewsHawks Page 55 1ssue 175, 3 - 9 May 2024
JONATHAN MBIRIYAMVEKA A PRINCIPLE is not a principle until it costs you something, so they say. But how much is Zimbabwean music icon Thomas Mapfumo willing to lose for him to gain and secure his life? Well, call it a change of heart or, rather, attitude by Mapfumo. We can exclusively report that the self-exiled Chimurenga music guru is considering taking mogul Wicknell Chivayo’s offer to return home to Zimbabwe to an expensive home and a tempting sum of cash. A whopping US$700 000, comprising a fully furnished suburban house, a Toyota Landcruiser SUV worth US$200 000 and US$100 000 as pocket money is what the controversial wealthy Chivayo is offering the man they call Mukanya. According to Chivayo the offer was meant to entice Mukanya to show remorse for his anti-Zanu-PF government stance. Mapfumo accuses the ruling party of running down the country over the past four decades. Mukanya, an icon of Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle through his protest music, is now in the twilight of his career. He has hinted on a number of occasions that he wants to return home to retire and spend the rest of his life there. Chivayo, an outspoken pro-ZanuPF activist, took to Facebook a few months ago with the tempting offer for Mapfumo. He wrote: “It's an OPEN SECRET that I offered Mukanya a small token of US$700,000 in recognition of his REMARKABLE contribution during the liberation struggle. His music was an inspiration to the SECOND CHIMURENGA which ushered political and economic independence that we all celebrate today. “In good faith, I offered to buy him a fully furnished house of his choice in the low-density suburbs of Harare, a brand new 2024 TOYOTA LANDCRUISER VXR or equivalent worth 200 thousand dollars and US$100,000 pocket money to make his twilight retirement in Zimbabwe more comfortable as an 81-year-old celebrated music icon,” he wrote. “My gesture was not on account of any political consideration but an olive branch being extended to an aged man who has been living in abjection and self-imposed exile from a country whose independence he contributed towards. It is highly REGRETTABLE that opportunistic and rent-seeking POLITICAL STOOGES... thrive on peddling FALSEHOODS that my generosity is an attempt to ‘bribe’ Mukanya. What a SHAME! “Whether MUKANYA accepts my offer or not does not change my handsome bank balance or will it deter my PHILANTHROPIC work. IT'S HIS LOSS... You must never be deceived by these hopeless online sycophants that rejecting this LIFE CHANGING offer will make you an overnight hero.” According to Chivayo, the last time Mukanya was in Zimbabwe he led a near-destitute life, forcing him to put up in businessman Phillip Chiyangwa’s backyard. “I also find Mukanya's description and comments of fellow musicians Jah Prayzah and (Alick) Macheso as 'poor' to be DISGRACEFUL, especially considering his destitution in foreign land. “The last time he was in Zimbabwe he had nowhere to stay and eventually (he) slept in Phillip Chiyangwa's garage. This should make everyone understand the GOLDEN opportunity for Mukanya to be a home owner and retire HONOURABLY.” Chivayo ended his post by saying that: “I come in PEACE, with the genuine intention to assist and uplift the heroes still living amongst us. There is NO political mileage to be gained from this gesture just as I have done since joining my wonderful church in 2008, I have spent huge amounts of money whole heartedly buying my fellow JOHANNE MASOWE followers houses, cars and paying for their children's university fees local and overseas amongst other things.” Speaking to reporters, Mukanya declined the offer, standing his ground that he was against corruption and thievery. In an interview this week, Sam Mataure who is Mukanya’s manager, said he was expecting to meet Chivhayo over the offer. “I’m waiting to meet with Wicknell and find the way forward because I think it’s a good offer which Mukanya deserves, considering his contribution during the struggle and his contribution in the music industry in this country,” Mataure said. “There’s no harm in meeting and finding common ground and move forward because I strongly believe Wicknell’s offer is coming from him with love for Mukanya and not for publicity.” That said, Mukanya’s homecoming has also been affected by fear of the known, an assertion which has since been dismissed by Information Publicity & Broadcasting Services permanent secretary Nick Mangwana. He said Mukanya has no case to answer and is free to return home and enjoy his retirement! ‘Mukanya reconsidering Chivayo offer’: Manager says Chimurenga maestro wants to come home STYLE TRAVEL BOOKS ARTS MOTORING Porsche just got angrier Being a Fashion Model Life&Style Page 56 Issue 173, 26 April - 2 May 2024 Thomas 'Mukanya' Mapfumo
NewsHawks Page 57 1ssue 175, 3 - 9 May 2024 Kabza De Small dominates SA Metro FM Music Awards Life & Style SOUTH Africa's Amapiano music superstar Kabza De Small, real name Kabelo Motha, dominated the recent Metro FM Music Awards, walking away with four awards, after making a clean sweep with four wins at the South African Music Awards last year. The winners for the 2024 edition of the Metro FM Music Awards were announced at Mbombela Stadium in Mpumalanga on 27 April. The Metro FM Awards were supported by the Mpumalanga provincial government, in association with the Motsepe Foundation. Kabza and fellow artist Mthunzi (real name Njabulo Mthunzi Ndimande) — a super vocalist who has changed the quality of Amapiano music — were the biggest winners with four awards: Best Amapiano, Song of the Year, Best Produced Album and Best Collaboration categories. Mthunzi is a fast-rising star who was a game changer in Kabza's explosive Isimo album which continues to rock and trend in South Africa and the region. Amapiano music, which has elements of Afrobeats, is popular not just in South Africa, but across sub-Saharan Africa; from the south to the north, and east to west. Kabza and Mthunzi's creative partnership on the nine-track Isimo album yielded impressive results, securing them the prestigious Best Produced Album Award at this year’s ceremony. As icing on the cake, their smash hit single "Imithandazo" off the same album dominated the remaining three categories, sweeping the top honours. It is fast becoming a national anthem in South Africa, especially due to its uplifting supplications and prayerful lyrics, making Kabza the leading DJ on the land. For the Song of the Year, Kabza walked away with R150 000, courtesy of the Motsepe Foundation. Other winners in various categories were: Tyla, Aymos, Makhadzi, Ntokozo Mbambo, Amanda Freedom Ensemble, Lwah Ndlunkulu, TitoM & Yuppe, TheLegacy, Zakes Bantwini, Big Nuz, Ving Thames, Bongezizwe Mabandla, Aymos, Oscar Mbo, Mthandazo Gatya, and Oskido and Boom Shaka. The Best New Artist and Best Kwaito/Gqom award went to DJ Kotin ft. Big Nuz, Mshayi & Mr Thela. Oskido and Boom Shaka were separately honoured with a Lifetime Achievement Award for their contribution to the music industry. Kabza De Small made a clean sweep with four wins at last year's SAMAs sponsored by the Motsepe Foundation, held last night at SunBet Arena at Time Square, Menlyn Maine. The Amapiano superstar walked away with the Best Duo/Group of The Year award alongside DJ Maphorisa for Scorpion Kings Live Sun Arena and Best Produced Album for KOA II Part 1 produced by Kabza De Small, Da Muziqal Chef, Mdu aka TRP, Stakev, DJ Maphorisa and Felo le Tee. Best Collaboration • Kabza De Small & Mthunzi – "Imithandazo" ft. DJ Maphorisa, Young Stunna, Sizwe Alakine and Umthakathi Kush • DJ KENT – "Horns in the Sun (Thakzin remix)" ft. Thakzin, Brenden Praise, Mo T and Morda • Inkabi Zezwe – "Umbayimbayi" • Tyler ICU – "Mnike" ft. Tumelo ZA, DJ Maphorisa: Nandipha808, CeekaRSA and Tyrondee • Mellow & Sleazy – "Imnandi Lento" ft. Tman Xpress, SjavasDaDeejay and TitoM Song of the Year • "Imithandazo" – Kabza De Small & Mthunzi ft. DJ Maphorisa, Young Stunna, Sizwe Alkaline and Umthakathi Kush • "Yes God" – Oscar Mbo & KG • Smallz ft. Dearson, Morda, Mhaw Keys (Mhaw Keys remix) • "Horns in the Sun" – DJ Kent ft. MoT, Brenden • Praise, Morda, Thakzin (Thakzin remix) • "Dalie" – Kamo Mphela ft. Baby S.O.N, Tyler ICU & Khalil Harrison • "Water" – Tyla • "iPlan" – Dlala Thukzin ft. Zaba & Sykes • "Mnike" – Tyler ICU ft. DJ Maphorisa, Nandipha808, • CeekaRSA and Tyrondee • "Izenzo" – Bassie & Aymos ft. T-Man SA • "Sgudi Snyc" – De Mthuda & Da Muziqal Chef ft. • Eemoh & Sipho Magudulela • "Masithokoze" – DJ Stokie ft. Eemoh. Best Amapiano • "Imithandazo" – Kabza De Small & Mthunzi ft. DJ Maphorisa, Young Stunna, Sizwe Alakine and Umthakathi Kush • "Sgudi Snyc" – De Mthuda & Da Muziqal Chef ft. Eemoh & Sipho Magudulela • "Imnandi Lento" – Mellow & Sleazy ft. Tman Xpress; • SjavasDaDeejay; TitoM • "Mnike" – Tyler ICU ft. Tumelo ZA, DJ Maphorisa, Nandipha808, CeekaRSA and Tyrondee • "Awukhuzeki" – DJ Stokie ft. Omit ST, Sobzeen and Zee_nhle Artiste of the Year • Lwah Ndlunkulu • Tyla • Oscar Mbo • Tyler ICU • Morda BIG WINNERS... King of Amapiano Kabza De Small (left seated) and partner in crime Mthunzi (right seated) during the recent Metro FM Music Awards.
Page 58 Real Madrid celebrate title NewsHawks Issue 175, 3 - 9 May 2024 International Sport SPANISH footbal giants Real Madrid celebrated their 36th La Liga title on Sunday as they paraded through the streets of the Spanish capital. Madrid had clinched the league title a week earlier, with four games to spare, but could not celebrate the triumph before last midweek's Champions League semi-final second leg against Bayern Munich. Madrid stormed into the Champions League Final at Wembley Stadium on 1 June against Borussia Dortmund with a dramatic 2-1 victory. Despite beating Granada 4-0 last Saturday, the Los Blancos refused to receive the trophy at Los Cármenes against a side that was relegated. Madrid then celebrated their 36th La Liga title this Sunday in festivities that began with the trophy presentation by Pedro Rocha, president of the Royal Spanish Football Federation, and ended, four hours later at Cibeles, with promises to return on 2 June with the 15th Champions League. Eight days after securing the La Liga title and following Madrid's refusal, out of "respect," to receive it at Los Cármenes against a Granada side that was relegated on Saturday, the white team was able to lay hands on their 36th La Liga title. A first official stop where the talk of the Champions League final against Borussia Dortmund on 1 June was already on the agenda. Also in the words of Florentino Pérez, president of Real Madrid, and Nacho Fernández, captain. "It's a league of perseverance and sacrifice, a new impetus for the next challenge because history obliges us to keep winning. The team has just staged another magical night at the Santiago Bernabéu that enlarges the pride of Madridistas and leads us to the final in London, on June 1st. Let there be no doubt that the players will leave their souls to return to this home with the fifteenth European Cup," Florentino stated in his speech. — beinsport's.com/The NewsHawks.
IN some way I predicted Kenya would come into the final last week the far better side, and favourites to wrest the Youth Africa Cup title from Zimbabwe, the dominant nation over the past two years. The East Africans had played their rugby with a good structure throughout the tournament in their attack, defence and set-piece. Zimbabwe would be less hungry this time around, I feared, with all the unfortunate sideshows in the build-up to the final. There had been unwanted publicity over lack of payment for the players, and the coach Shaun De Souza had to shoulder rare criticism because of his tactics, some of the faulting unwarranted in my view. And so the Kenyans played their best rugby in three years to win 28- 13 and the trophy in Harare, very well deserved indeed. But for me, watching as a Zimbabwe fan, I wasn’t left with any deep sense of disappointment in the end because this dominance by the Junior Sables was getting increasingly meaningless the longer it does not address, or at least show potential to have any further positive effect on the future of the game in this country. What happened last week at Harare Sports Club was important for the purpose of stopping for a moment, thinking with clear minds, and taking stock of where we really are. We could have won a third title in a row and then what? Do it again next year with a different group, and come back again in 2026 with yet another? You do not pick players for the national Under-20s – which is your next official representative team – just to continuously bash the other countries at that level and finish it there. Global power South Africa are in a different league with sides like Zimbabwe but, like everyone else, including us, they will bask in the glory of winning the youth tournaments they play in. And quite so, it must be celebrated, don’t get me wrong. It is an achievement for everybody involved, because all your opponents also want it. But let’s take again the example of South Africa next door. The bulk of their Junior Springboks are already contracted by their provincial unions, and you can bet your bottom dollar that the South African system will not allow this investment to slip away without trying to squeeze every iota of Springbok hint in all those boys. I haven’t heard anything noteworthy from our local authorities here regarding the transition, development and future in Zimbabwean rugby of the very gifted lads who set Kenya alight in 2022 and 2023 to win back-to-back Barthes Trophies. Time, effort and sweat would go to waste if that was the last time we’ve seen of Shingi Manyarara, Bryan Chiang, Panashe Zuze, Alex Nyamunda, Dion Khumalo, Simbarashe Kanyangarara, Brandon Marume, Huntley Masterson and the rest of that band of young merry men. All the great potential and effort will be reduced to futility and a farce of huge proportion. Sport Page 59 It was fun while it lasted, but it just had to end for stocktaking to occur Zimbabwe Under-20s celebrate retaining their Africa Cup title after beating hosts Kenya in the final of 2023. ‘How I swapped football and cricket’ Enock Muchinjo HawkZone NewsHawks 1ssue 175, 3 - 9 May 2024 From Page 60 “As a player playing for my country, it was the biggest honour I had,” he said. “You’ll never get another chance like playing for your country. For myself it was a fantastic honour. I wanted to play for my country every single time we had an international game. With the country’s distance, our club in the UK and the Zimbabwe Football Association didn’t see eye-to-eye. But I made sure I played my games when the international games were on. Once I got called up, I went to play for my country. It was the greatest honour I’ve ever had.” In March, Grobbelaar made a surprise visit to a Fifa training programme in Harare and took time to mingle with awestruck participants. “Coming back to Zimbabwe is always very, very special,” Grobbelaar said. “But coming back at a time Fifa has brought the football for schools programme, and being there at the same time, is just brilliant. I had an opportunity of meeting with the normalisation committee [Zimbabwe’s temporary football body], and also with the honourable Sports minister Kirsty Coventry. We had a fine meeting and hopefully everything will go well for the future and also for this World Cup [qualification] campaign.” Zimbabwe, on two points from two matches, will resume their World Cup qualification quest in June with matches against Lesotho and South Africa. Grobbelaar, who has previously been in charge of Zimbabwe on caretaker basis, is vying to fill the vacant Warriors coaching post and is certain he is cut for the job. “With regards to the future of Zimbabwe, the next coach should get all these players unified,” remarked Grobbelaar. “He should make sure that they do want to play for Zimbabwe. If there is any opportunity for myself to talk to all these players, I will do that. But that is not my choice. We just wait to find out who the next person is. If they want my help, I will help them out. There is need to unify this Zimbabwean team as soon as possible and I believe that I’m the right person to do that.” Former Zimbabwe captain Norman Mapeza, a former international teammate of Grobbelaar, was the Warriors’ interim coach during an ill-fated four-nation tournament in Malawi in March. Mapeza was subject to heavy criticism for his tactics at the tournament, with star player Jordan Zemura of Serie A club Udinese sensationally remarking that he would in future never play again under the ex-Warriors skipper. Other English-born players also reportedly spoke of their disgruntlement at being excluded from the line-up by Mapeza during the team’s two games in Lilongwe. “It really isn’t my position to comment on what has happened in the tournament there in Malawi,” reacted Grobbelaar. “However, I will say that at a tournament like this, more players should have been showcased. So they could then know who to play in the next round of the World Cup qualifiers.” Grobbelaar had some high praise for the country’s footballers, describing Zimbabwean-qualifying players across the world as “intelligent”. He said: “I think the Zimbabwean players are the most intelligent players in southern Africa. I’ve said it in the past, because of the education that Zimbabwe has given the youngsters. On the football field, they have got football knowledge, they are beyond the realm. And I think these youngsters, wherever they are, from Zimbabwean parents or locally-based, are good to go to the World Cup if they are coached and put in a nice place when they represent Zimbabwe.” With Grobbelaar visiting in March, Peter Ndlovu – the legendary former Zimbabwe captain – was also in the country last week to lead the local chapter of the English Premier League trophy tour. Together with Grobbelaar they were Zimbabwe’s two biggest superstars in their prime, and mutual respect is forever shared. “Peter Ndlovu has had a fantastic career in the UK and South Africa, with Coventry he was a mesmerising figure, brilliant footballer,” Grobbelaar said. “And he honoured our country with his brothers Adam and Madinda. Yes we do speak occasionally, he’s doing a fantastic job with Mamelodi Sundowns. And long may he continue to do that job.” Grobbelaar lives abroad and often appears at Liverpool games, and still speaks of his everlasting love for a club that is so deep in his DNA. So inseparable that during his Harare appearance in March, he wore his Liverpool golf-shirt, as he will do during his ambassadorial duties for the Reds. “All players or ex-players of Liverpool are allowed to be game-day ambassadors,” said Grobbelaar. “We go to the ground, we go and make sure the lunches are okay, take pictures, we are allowed to go and watch games with all the top former players. We mix and match, we’ve got a great camaraderie.”
ENOCK MUCHINJO BRUCE Grobbelaar had already won the English Premier League title twice with Liverpool by the time Zimbabwe’s cricket team arrived for its World Cup debut in the United Kingdom in June 1983. In that touring squad was someone well known to Grobbelaar. They had been childhood friends and one-time teammates back home, so the Liverpool goalkeeper couldn’t wait to touch base with his pal, Zimbabwe’s wicketkeeper Dave Houghton. Now four decades later, 66-year-old Grobbelaar has given The NewsHawks a wide-ranging interview this week, reliving the best moments of his upbringing in Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, and his great desire to become the country’s football coach. We started with how he moved from keeping behind the stumps to keeping between the goalposts, then switching roles and glove-type with one of Zimbabwe’s greatest cricketers of all time. “My father was a wicketkeeper in cricket, he played for Raylton (Sports Club),” said Grobbelaar. “At school I played for the Rhodesian Fawns and then the Under-15 level at Nuffield (Week, in South Africa). I was a decent cricketer, I could have made the grade at cricket. But there is a twist because David Houghton, a prominent Zimbabwean cricketer, was a goalkeeper at Salisbury Callies. I was a wicketkeeper as a youngster at Under-13, 14 and 15. At 15 years of age I was asked to step aside and let David Houghton be wicketkeeper. And then when I went to Salisbury Callies in the juniors, who was the goalkeeper that I took over from? It was David Houghton! So we swapped allegiances, we swapped codes of sports. And he became a Zimbabwean cricketer, and I became a Zimbabwean goalkeeper.” The historic football club Salisbury Callies, named after the capital city now known as Harare, broke down barriers to become one of the first of their kind to play non-racial sport in the country. Many of their young players — such as Grobbelaar and Houghton — were raised in all-round sporting settings until they found their niche. Bulawayo-based Highlanders FC, Zimbabwe’s oldest existing football club and predominantly black, was then a fitting launching pad for an illustrious career for Grobbelaar abroad, given his experience with different cultures. “Growing up in Rhodesia at the time, I had a great experience with the Salisbury Callies, as the first white team to play in an African league,” commented Grobbelaar. “It made the whole of that white team understand the dynamics of going to townships in different regions say in Matabeleland and also in Harare, in the Midlands and in Manicaland. So we found the diversity of all the tribes. So for myself, I found that opportunity to be fantastic, which made it better for myself when I joined Highlanders in Bulawayo. The African people gave me the nickname Jungleman. “At the age of 13, 14, 15 I played three sports for my country. That was baseball, cricket and football. I could have played rugby, but I had signed a contract at 14 years and 10 months for Salisbury Callies. For myself it was quite easier in that way because I had that experience of playing football for Salisbury Callies in an African league and then for Highlanders, the only white man in that black team. So anybody in the white community today should try to do so because it’s a great experience. It stood me in good stead.” Durban-born Grobbelaar grew up in neighbouring Zimbabwe from a very young age, beginning in Harare, forever owing his allegiance to the country of his upbringing. “My schooling started off at David Livingstone Primary School in Harare. At the age of seven, I went to South Africa, I was there for 18 months because my father had an operation in South Africa. But coming back, I went back to David Livingstone. My high school started off at Mt Pleasant in Salisbury and then at 14 years my mother went to Bulawayo and then I went to Hamilton High School there. The difference of the two cities, Salisbury and Bulawayo, was quite stark. Bulawayo was a rumbling city — beautiful old colonial style. The school was fantastic, I played cricket, I played volleyball, I played water polo, I played rugby and I played football. Then Matabeleland Highlanders on the weekend. So it was fantastic. Growing up in Rhodesia was the best thing that ever happened to me because we had diversity of cultures. There were schools that were white, there were schools that were coloured, there were schools that were African and we played against each other until we got into the big finals. I think that my growing up in Rhodesia helped me understand the tribal dynamics of the country.” The affable Grobbelaar, remembered fondly for his agility and eccentric goal-line antics, remains an iconic figure at British giants Liverpool — where he left after 13 years with six league titles, three FA Cups, three League Cups and a European Cup between 1981 and 1994. The former Zimbabwe shot-stopper, who went to the United Kingdom after playing in South Africa and Canada, revealed how challenging it was for him to honour national team call-ups between 1980 and 1998 even though he always was on the next flight home each time he was needed. To Page 59 NEWS $60 Covid tariff for visitors & tourists CULTURE Community radio regulations under review @NewsHawksLive TheNewsHawks www.thenewshawks.com Thursday 1 October 2020 WHAT’S INSIDE ALSO INSIDE Finance Ministy wipes out $3.2 Billion depositors funds Zim's latest land cStory on Page 3 Story on Page 8 Chamisa reacout to Khupe Unofficial president calls for emergeFriday 3 - 9 May 2024 ‘How I swapped football and cricket with Houghton’ ALSO INSIDE Sports Bruce Grobbelaar: How I swapped football and cricket with Houghton Bruce Grobbelaar as Zimbabwe's goalkeeper in the 90s.