NewsHawks 24 February 2023

Price US$1 Friday 24 February 2023 NEWS Nssa director skips border to SA to evade Zacc arrest Story on Page 4 NEWS Mnangagwa violates the constitution on delimitation WHAT’S Story on Page 7 INSIDE SPORT Battle heats up for African rugby presidency Story on Page 50 ALSO INSIDE Chigumba resists political pressure over delimitation Minister in corrupt US$400 000 Borrowdale house deal

Page 2 News NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023 OWEN GAGARE PUBLIC Service, Labour and Social Welfare minister Paul Mavima is caught up in a US$400 000 corrupt upmarket house deal in Quinnington, Borrowdale, Harare, involving the National Social Security Authority (Nssa) — under his control — and the ministry of Finance, an investigation by The NewsHawks has revealed. Nssa, constituted and established in terms of the Nssa Act of 1989, is a statutory corporate body tasked by the government to provide social security. It has an investment portfolio of US$1.2 billion in various sectors of the economy. As a result, it is seen as a cash cow by political and corporate vultures, although pensioners get peanuts. Zanu PF factions and their leaders always fight to control the fund as it gives them access to cheap finance and business deals for self-aggrandisement, as well as opportunities to build war chests for political battles. Investigations by The NewsHawks show the property deal was done secretly on behalf of Mavima. Due process and board approvals to buy the Quinnington house, Stand No. 218 Lot Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare minister Paul Mavima (below)’s house in Quinnington, Borrowdale, Harare. Mavima in a corrupt US$400 000 Borrowdale house deal

NewsHawks News Page 3 Issue 120, 24 February 2023 A1, amid fraudulent financial engineering for private benefit by a Nssa executive, were not followed. The house was valued at US$350 000, but US$400 000 was paid by Nssa, creating room for US$50 000 to go into private pockets. The transaction was executed through Platinum Investment Managers on 3 October 2022. The issue came to light when Nssa deputy director audit Andrew Nyakonda was tasked by Nssa's acting general manager Charles Shava on 16 February to conduct an investigation into the disposal of the Borrowdale house and the purchase of Kariba Lodge Stand No. 989 Kariba Township for US$244 000. Although Nssa bought the house, it was not transferred to its books before it was sold to Mavima. The minister initiated the deal as he identified the property and asked Nssa to buy and keep it for him while he awaited disbursement of his US$500 000 housing allowance given to each cabinet minister. Deputy ministers got US$350 000 and MPs US$40 000. Even the acting general manager, Shava, who is also the director for occupational safety and health, was sidelined on the deal. Shava is now dealing with the transaction and the knives are out for him, with some pushing for his arrest this coming Monday in a desperate bid to preempt a disciplinary hearing scheduled for Tuesday next week. Shava replaced suspended general manager Arthur Manase who was accused of corruption involving a US$750 000 housing loan. It was said Manase got the loan, while he also received a US$2 500 monthly housing allowance. Mavima tried to remove Shava in January to put his own ally Agnes Masiiwa as acting general manager under the guise of rotation, but Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga, who was acting President at the time, stopped the manoeuvre, saying it violated good corporate governance. The underhand Borrowdale house deal comes as The NewsHawks also unearthed another fraudulent transaction by Nssa involving a commercial property in Kariba valued at US$220 000. The property was bought for US$215 000 after negotiations, but US$244 000 was paid. This means US$29 000 was siphoned. The Quinnington house and the Kariba Lodge transactions were driven by Nssa investments and properties director Brian Murewa, first reported by The NewsHawks as having been suspended recently over the two deals. Fearing arrest, Murewa has jumped the border into South Africa. He is however expected to appear before an internal disciplinary committee this coming Tuesday. The two deals were described by a government source as “having elements of abuse of office, fraud and corruption”. The Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc), which has been investigating Nssa, is dealing with this issue. However, Zacc is accused of letting Nssa officials off the hook, including Manase and Murewa, whom some investigators reportedly helped to skip the border. Zacc chairperson Loice Matanda Moyo told The NewsHawks her investigators are keen to interview Murewa over the corruption allegations. She said they have been informed he has fled to South Africa. Zacc and Nssa officials say their own investigations have revealed blatant disregard of good corporate governance practices in the Quinnington house deal. Nssa policies and procedures require that investment proposals be tabled by management for discussion at the Board Investment Committee (BIC). Then the BIC deliberates on the matter before making a recommendation to the board for approval. It is only in exceptional cases that section 18 of the Nssa Act is invoked. Murewa violated these requirements by acting without following due process and without obtaining the necessary governance approvals. In the process, Murewa initially directed Prosper Mapika of Platinum Investments Managers to dispose of the property through an email on 10 June 2022. The email was copied to Victor Manyowa, executive assistant to the general manager, and Manase before his suspension. The transaction did not go through then, only for Murewa to resuscitate it and send another email instruction on 3 October 2022 to push it through. In a bid to cover his tracks, Murewa sent his email straight to Mapika without copying any Nssa staff. Shava was consulted on two occasions, but he did not sanction the transaction as it needed board approval. Murewa then defied Shava and instructed the asset management firm to buy the house. However, the property was not registered in Nssa’s name. The deed of transfer is in the name of Angvo Investments (Private) Limited. Investigations show the deeds for the property are not in the custody of CBZ Custodial Services, custodians of assets purchased for Nssa by asset managers. This was designed to facilitate easy disposal and transfer of the property to the minister without Nssa’s knowledge. In so doing, Murewa acted outside duties and responsibilities stipulated in his job description and usurped the powers of the general manager and the board. He failed in his fiduciary responsibility of managing day-today activities of the investment function in accordance with approved policies, regulations and laws. On the Kariba real estate deal, investigations show Murewa misrepresented to the Nssa board the true cost of the 2 783-square metre Fishermans Rest Lodge which has six bedrooms, four bathrooms, main with en suite, swimming pool and entertainment area, among other features. While seeking board approval, Murewa pegged the purchase price at US$240 000, fully aware that the public advert for the property was US$220 000. He made an offer of US$240 000 despite it being valued US$220 000 by the seller, Pam Golding Properties. The agreement of sale and Pam Golding Properties records show the property was eventually purchased for US$215 000. This means the price was inflated by US$25 000. But Murewa instructed the asset management firm to pay US$244 000 for the property. This took the prejudice to Nssa to US$29 000. At some point, Murewa wanted to pay US$252 631.59. Apart from misrepresenting the price to the board, Murewa also inflated it to asset managers, offering US$240 000. He then initiated the transfer of US$300 000 to asset managers. The asset manager acknowledged receipt of the US$300 000 on 13 January 2022. To eliminate financial trails of the transaction, in violation of Nssa policies and procedures, Murewa withdrew cash on three occasions amounting to US$153 000 (US$30 000; US$23 000 and US$100 000) and made hard cash payments. By so doing, he exposed public funds to theft and robbery. The US$100 000 was withdrawn and kept overnight before being paid the following day. Of the cash withdrawals, US$29 000 never reached Palm Golding Properties, agents handling the sale, as he only delivered US$124 000 in two batches of US$24 000 and US$100 000. The agreement of sale was between Thokozani Family Trust, represented by Tendai Muzorewa, and Postproh Investments (Pvt) Limited represented by Mapika. It was signed in retrospect on 11 March 2022, yet all the payments had been made by 31 January 2022. Mavima could not be reached for comment. The NewsHawks sent him questions via WhatsApp, but he had not responded at the time of going to press.

Page 4 News NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE NATIONAL Social Security Authority (Nssa) investments and properties director Brian Murewa, who helped Public Service minister Paul Mavima to corruptly buy a US$400 000 house in Borrowdale, has reportedly skipped the border into South Africa to evade arrest by the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc). Murewa is also involved in another fraudulant Kariba commercial property deal sold for US$215 000, although US$244 000 was taken out of Nssa for the same transaction. Zacc chairperson Loice Matanda-Moyo confirmed the development in an interview with The NewsHawks. Nssa was established in 1989 as a statutory corporate body tasked by the government to provide social security. Matanda-Moyo confirmed that the anti-graft body had received information that Murewa had since skipped the border to South Africa. “We are looking for the Nssa director Mr Murewa over financial issues at his workplace but we heard that he has gone to South Africa. We are keen to interview him before we initiate court processes,” she said. Moyo however refused to divulge more details regarding Murewa’s case. “My concern is that revealing additional information on the issue before we interview him might jeopardise our investigations. At this stage our major wish is to locate Mr Murewa so that our investigators can engage him over financial issues at his workplace,” she said. “It will be good for us to interview him before a docket can be prepared and sent to police for prosecution processes at the courts.” The Zacc chair promised the nation detailed explanation on Murewa’s financial issues at Nssa once he is located and interviewed by the anti-graft body’s investigators. Last month, The Newshawks reported that Nssa suspended Murewa over dodgy transactions involving properties in Harare's leafy Borrowdale suburb and parts of Kariba. Sources said Murewa, who is the former chief investment officer at the Infrastructure Development Bank of Zimbabwe, facilitated the buying and selling of those properties in shady circumstances which raised eyebrows. This led to some of his colleagues raising a stink about the issue, which involves high-profile political figures. “The reason Murewa was suspended involves properties in Borrowdale in Harare and Kariba which were bought and sold under unclear circumstances, which suggests some underhand and corrupt activities,” a source said. “This has caused internal ructions and demands for an investigation. Remember there are audits and different forms of investigations going on at Nssa due to many issues that have been raised. The issue involves some chefs (political bigwigs).” Nssa’s general manager Arthur Manase was suspended over a dodgy US$750 000 housing loan which he got while he also simultaneously drew a housing allowance. It added to Zanu PF factional battles which continue to filter through and find expression in government and state institutions, with the US$1.2 billion Nssa pension fund being one of the key battlegrounds. The ruling party factions and their leaders always fight to control Nssa, as it gives them access to cheap funding and business deals for self-aggrandisement, as well as an opportunities to build war chests for their political battles. In a bid to bring the situation under control at Nssa, Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga when he was acting president last month, clipped the wings of Public Service minister Paul Mavima by stopping him from removing senior executives at Nssa and replacing them with his allies, saying it violated good corporate governance. Murewa’s suspension over properties and subsequent pursuit by Zacc becomes the latest in a series of events which show that Nssa has deep-seated governance and corruption issues. Nssa’s investment universe covers both commercial — retail and office — and industrial properties. It says property investments are considered suitable only if there is reasonable assurance of valid title and are expected to generate adequate cash-flows at a rate of return acceptable to the schemes. Nssa invests in real estate and other investments in good primary and secondary market locations. The authority has engaged in property development and financing across the commercial and industrial spectrum. Further, Nssa also acquires fully developed or partially developed immovable property. In pursuit of its policy of investing in real estate, it may acquire land for future development. The corporate body also invests in infrastructure development. However, Nssa, has a long history of corruption and looting. In 2019, former Public Service minister Prisca Mupfumira was charged for corruption involving US$95 million from the state pension fund. The prosecution laid out charges ranging from alleged abuse of state pension fund money to finance Mupfumira’s political campaigning to directing investments of up to US$62 million into a bank against the advice of the pension fund’s risk committee. In April last year, Mupfumira sought to halt the trial, seeking postponement of the case while blaming the magistrate for formulating a case against her. In May 2022, Zacc invaded and camped at Nssa offices in Harare to investigate complaints of alleged malpractices, corruption, corporate governance failures and suspicious movements of senior officials at the statutory corporate body tasked by the government to provide social security. Zacc investigators camped on the 10th floor of Nssa building where they were investigating, among other issues, corporate governance in critical departments that include audit, finance, investments, procurement and property in a bid to establish if corporate processes and procedures are being followed by the departments in executing their mandate. After recent upheavals at Nssa, several executives and managers were shifted and some removed as those in charge sought to assert control amid corruption allegations. Others became collateral damage, like David Makwara, corporate affairs director, who was suspended over a loan issue. Nssa director who sorted minister house deal flees Nssa investments director Brian Mrewa

News Page 5 Send and collect USD cash anywhere in Zimbabwe. Visit your nearest NetOne shop or partner today. REMIT NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 6 News NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023 OWEN GAGARE IN the days leading to 17 February when the final delimitation report was supposed to be gazetted by President Emmerson Mnangagwa, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) chairperson Justice Priscilla Chigumba came under overwhelming political pressure, and had to make a tough choice: Take flight or fight, insiders say. Chigumba chose the latter. She had to fight, not run away as she wanted to do five years ago. This was different from 2018 during the bloody elections aftermath when under immense political pressure she contemplated the former, sources told The NewsHawks. “Towards the deadline to gazette the report — 17 February — there were several meetings between Mnangagwa and Chigumba, including two last Sunday and on Monday, to resolve the crisis that had developed as a result of whether it was a final report or not, and when to gazette it,” a source said. “Throughout the tense period, Chigumba argued like a judge, pointing to the constitution and showing Mnangagwa that she was not intimidated about upholding the constitutional position. “Chigumba stood firm, saying the constitution was clear on the process, the same position later articulated by the Speaker of Parliament (Jacob Mudenda). She said the report she had submitted on 3 February was final and she wouldn’t budge on that. She even threatened to resign if stampeded into unconstitutional positions. No doubt she had strong political support from within the system. “However, she did everything she could to avoid a political confrontation with the President. She was prepared to quit if forced to do brazen unconstitutional stuff and illegalities. Mnangagwa was not impressed with her either in the end, but conceded to her position to avoid a messy affair.” After marshalling the delimitation process across a difficult six-month rough patch, and then through stormy clouds where it risked being shipwrecked by an internal Zec revolt and in Parliament amid fierce criticism, Chigumba eventually submitted the final report on 3 February in terms of section 161 (10) of the constitution. She made it clear after presenting it to Mnangagwa at State House that it was the final report which he must gazette within 14 days — meaning by 17 February — in terms of the constitution. However, soon after that Mnangagwa’s government mandarins initiated a new campaign to subvert the process, including the constitution. The President seemed to subtly agree with them. While presidential spokesperson George Charamba initially supported Chigumba saying the report was final, he was later whipped in line and forced to withdraw from that position. Charamba and his colleagues had first confirmed the report was final on Mnangagwa’s presidential communications department Twitter account. This had reinforced Chigumba’s stand which was supported by Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga and Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) Director-General Isaac Moyo. Moyo and Chigumba have a “special relationship”, according to an official source who spoke to The NewsHawks, a situation which helped the Zec boss to weather the storm, navigate and survive. Although the fight over the delimitation process and the resultant report mirrored Zanu PF political factions, there were cross-cutting issues and it was more shaped by personal interests as much as it was by shifting political agendas. Mnangagwa was subtly supporting those opposing the preliminary draft delimitation report which had created chaos within traditional Zanu PF rural strongholds, especially in different chiefs’ jurisdictions, and robbed some party cadres like parliamentary chief whip Pupurai Togarepi of their constituencies. There had been loud complaints against the delimitation process by Zanu PF MPs, chiefs and supporters, which spooked Mnangagwa, sources said. Mnangagwa, fearing losing support during the upcoming August general elections amid conspiracy theories that the report was calculated to weaken or remove him, behind the scenes encouraged a process to overhaul the report. “Mnangagwa’s fear was the chaos created by the delimitation process, not the conspiracy theories being circulated and the far-fetched alliance between Chiwenga and opposition CCC leader Nelson Chamisa to oust him,” another source said. “ In his bid to change the report, the President was supported by Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi and permanent secretary Virginia Mabhiza who is close to him, sources said. It is said Mabhiza has personal ambitions to become an MP and Justice minister. Although Mnangagwa agreed with them, he was warned that throwing away the baby with the bathwater would create bigger and intractable political problems for him ahead. If the report had been discarded, that would have meant using the 2008 electoral boundaries which are now 15 years old. The constitution requires that delimitation should be done every 10 years after the population census. Since there was a transitional period between the old constitution and the current one, it had been more than 10 years since the last delimitation was done. Under the current constitution which came into force in 2013, delimitation was due this year. Thus it would not have been politically expedient for Mnangagwa to go back to 2008 when there have been dramatic demographic and even topographical changes. Delimitation is not just an arithmetic exercise as section 161(6) of the constitution states that due consideration must be given to physical features, means of communication within an area, geographical distribution of registered voters, any community of interest between registered voters, existing electoral boundaries and population in delineating wards and constitutions to ensure equity. Sources say Mnangagwa appreciated that going back to 2008 would be far more complicated than changing the existing report. Yet his allies like Ziyambi and Mabhiza, as well as the seven Zec commissioners who revolted against Chigumba and their proxy Tonderai Chidawu fighting the delimitation report in court did not see it that way. They wanted the report set aside by Mnangagwa or through the courts. The commissioners, who are also disgruntled over their contracts and benefits, particularly the need for new cars, rejected the preliminary report and wrote to Mnangagwa, saying it must be discarded and be redone, while the nation proceeded to elections under the 2008 boundaries. “Matters came to a head, reached a crisis point, when Mnangagwa did not gazette the final report which he was given on 3 February on 17 February as expected. So he missed the deadline. On Monday, crisis meetings were held and Mnangagwa indicated that he felt Chigumba was no longer working with him due to her resistance and insistence on the constitutional path. “One of the meetings between Mnangagwa, Chigumba, Ziyambi, Mabhiza and Moyo was reportedly tense and uncomfortable. Mnangagwa was unhappy with Chigumba, and so was she. Chigumba however maintained a dignified posture of a judge, explaining things in terms of the law, and eventually Mnangagwa conceded to have the report published that very same day. “After meeting Mnangagwa, Chigumba, Ziyambi, Mabhiza and Moyo met with Chiwenga to deal with Zec infighting as the President had asked his deputy to resolve the problem within two weeks. Clashes over delimitation almost exploded, but the situation was contained. Yet hostilities and tensions still linger on.” Chiwenga asked the Chigumba and Mabhiza factions to bury the hatchet during their meeting, but they resorted to accusations and counter-accusations. This showed him he has his work cut out for him. Still rattled by the internal ructions, Chigumba reportedly demanded that Ziyambi and Mabhiza should pressure Chidawa — implying he was their proxy — to drop his Constitutional Court application seeking invalidation of the delimitation process. The case, which the ConCourt recently ruled was not urgent, has been set for 29 March. Chidawu, in his application supported by two Zec commissioners Catherine Mpofu and Shepherd Manhivi, says Parliament acted unconstitutionally by allowing a debate on a report only written by Chigumba and her deputy Rodney Simukai Kiwa, while it was rejected by seven of the nine Zec commissioners. Zec’s commissioners include Chigumba, Kiwa, Mpofu, Manhivi, Jasper Mangwana, Abigail Millicent Mohadi-Ambrose, Jane Mbetu Nzvenga, Kudzai Shava and Rosewita Murutare. By standing firm and threatening to resign unless the plot to change her final report or allow it be overtaken by events beyond 26 February, Chigumba held her nerve and showed fortitude, but still the damage had been done as Mnangagwa had already missed the 17 February deadline, violating procedural due process and subverting the constitution. Besides, Chigumba is still facing internal upheaval and unrest by the majority of commissioners who said she wrote the report with Kiwa – and some say with the CIO involvement as well – and wanted it abandoned. This has left Zec deeply divided, fragmented and almost dysfunctional ahead of crucial general elections, raising the spectre of the chaos which engulfed Kenya’s Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission during its polls in August last year. The Kenyan electoral body was divided over declaring President William Ruto as the winner ahead of his rival opposition veteran Raila Odinga. Some commissioners resigned over that dispute as others had previously done so in 2017. Chigumba resists political pressure over delimitation, but damage already done Zec chairperson Priscilla Chigumba

News Page 7 OWEN GAGARE PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa almost certainly violated the delimitation process by not following constitutional requirements, while brazenly subverting the constitution at critical junctures, rendering the whole exercise practically unlawful. By failing to follow procedural due process of the constitution, Mnangagwa subverted the supreme law of the land and left the delimitation process open to legal challenge and enveloped in illegitimacy. In countries where there is constitutionalism and rule of law, the delimitation process could be challenged in court, most likely successfully. In Zimbabwe, the courts — which are widely viewed as captured by the executive — are cautious or fearful to rule against powerful political actors, let alone the President, especially on critical political issues and electoral matters. Mnangagwa’s constitutional violations emerge from audits of the trail of the delimitation process, starting with the end of the population census in April 2022 and the actual exercise as notified in the government gazette of 24 May 2022. The pre-delimitation process included stakeholder engagements, field work, consultations, and compilation. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) held 10 stakeholder engagements on voter registration updates and legal provisions governing delimitation, which is a process of dividing the country into wards and constituencies for elections. It is done every 10 years. Zec had been conducting this delimitation exercise since last June to fix the boundaries of constituencies and wards for the general elections due likely between 20-25 August. Delimitation is done in terms of section 160 and section 161 of the constitution. After six months on the ground, on 26 December 2022 Zec’s chairperson Justice Priscilla Chigumba presented the preliminary draft delimitation report to the President. The procedure of what was supposed to follow thereafter is laid down in section 161 of the constitution. Section 161 (7) (c) of the constitution specifically states that “the President must cause the preliminary delimitation report to be laid before Parliament within seven days”. However, Mnangagwa missed the deadline and only tabled the report in Parliament on 6 January 2023 through Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi — which is a serious violation of the constitution. In terms of the law, the report was supposed to have been tabled before the legislature by 2 January 2023. In counting the days in relation to this, it is important to distinguish calendar and court days. First one must determine if the law calls for calendar days, that is every day on the calendar or court days, which for the most part are weekdays (Monday-Friday) minus weekends and court holidays. The next step is to count either forward, or backward, the correct number of days. The third step is to add days, as required, taking into account the deadline. The following rules apply: l Time is computed by excluding the first day, and including the last, unless the last day is a Saturday, Sunday or holiday, and then it is also excluded; l If the last day is a Saturday, Sunday or holiday, the period is extended to include the next day that is not a Saturday, Sunday or holiday; and l Where an act is required (tabling delimitation report or gazetting), it must be performed no later than the specified number of days, either calendar or court days. In order to determine whether to count calendar or court days, one must refer to the applicable statute. Warning: Failure to follow these counting rules precisely may result in an untimely notice or an illegality. In this case, Mnangagwa tabled the preliminary report in Parliament after 11 days — on 6 January 2023. This was a clear violation of due process and the constitution. After the report is submitted to the President from Parliament, within 14 days the President must refer it back to Zec for it to consider any issue raised by himself or MPs. Zec has to give consideration to any issue so raised, but its decision is final in terms of section 161 (8 &9). Once Zec prepares its final delimitation report, it must send it to the President who must publish it in the Gazette within 14 days in terms of section 161(10 &11). The President cannot materially change the report once the final copy has been submitted to him for gazetting. If he does, he would be breaching the constitution, which may be an impeachable offence. It is also important to note section 161(2) of the constitution, which states: “If a delimitation of electoral boundaries is completed less than six months before polling day in a general election, the boundaries so delimited do not apply to that election, and instead the boundaries that existed Mnangagwa violates the constitution on controversial delimitation process President Emmerson Mnangagwa NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 8 News NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023 immediately before the delimitation are applicable.” If the report was not gazetted by 26 February 2023, it would have been inapplicable to the next elections. After receiving the report on 26 December 2022, the President issued proclamation 5 of 2022 in which he summoned Parliament to an extraordinary session on 6 January 2023 to debate the preliminary delimitation report in terms of section 338 of the constitution. Parliament issued a notice to its members saying the 6 January 2023 sitting would be held virtually, with only a few members attending physically. The Acting Clerk sought permission from the Committee on Standing Rules and Orders to appoint an ad hoc committee to analyse the delimitation and proposed the following timetable: 6 January: Tabling of the preliminary report in both Houses of Parliament; 7 January: Ad hoc committee to begin its work on the report; 13 January: Ad hoc committee to report its findings and recommendations to both houses. 17 & 18 January: Both houses debate the committee’s findings and recommendations. 19 January: Parliament’s recommendations to be presented to the President. This timetable gave Zec just nine days before the 28 January deadline within which to consider recommendations made by the President and Parliament, and issue its final report. Given that the President was sworn in on 26 August 2018 and Parliament started its five-year tenure on that date, the final cut-off date for gazetting the final delimitation report was 26 February 202. Racing against time, Chigumba then officially submitted the final delimitation report to the President on 3 February 2023 in terms of section 161 (10) of the constitution, meaning it should have been gazetted on 17 February, not 20 February as happened. Under section 161 (11), Zec has the final say. Chigumba publicly confirmed the report was final and the nation was now on the pathway to elections. The President’s official communications department and his spokesperson George Charamba also initially confirmed the report was final. However, Mnangagwa’s government spokesperson Nick Mangagwa denied that, saying it was still a draft — unlawfully speaking for Zec. This exposed the plot to revise the report and subvert the constitution. The NewsHawks doggedly covered the issue, exposing the sinister plot to manipulate the report for political agendas ahead of elections. Mangwana was supported in his plot by Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi. Charamba was later forced to apologise for telling the truth; that the report was final. It then emerged that those subverting the law also had the support of Justice permanent secretary Virginia Mabhiza who was the handler of the seven Zec commissioners who had revolted against Chigumba, claiming they had not contributed to the writing the report as it was only done by their chair and her deputy Rodney Simukai Kiwa. The politically charged revolt, which has crippled Zec, became nasty as the commissioners wrote to Mnangagwa, asking him to set aside the report, which is a violation of the constitutional process on delimitation. In the scheme of things, Chigumba emerged leading the pro-report faction against Mabhiza’s anti-report wing. The two groups mirrored Zanu PF factionalism, with some realignments driven by personal political ambitions and interests among those involved. In a coordinated and calculated assault on Chigumba and the delimitation report which ensued, a Zanu PF activist, Tonderai Chidawu, a former student leader who claims to be loyal to Mnangagwa and to be working with Mabhiza, approached the Constitutional Court on an urgent basis seeking an order that the report was a product of two commissioners out of nine, not of Zec as a corporate body. Chidawu, whose application is supported by the affidavits of two rebellious Zec commissioners, said the draft report was overwhelmingly rejected by seven of the nine Zec commissioners, and as a result should not have been sent to the President to table it in Parliament. He asked Parliament to investigate the authenticity of the report. It refused. Chidawu also wanted the case to be heard on an urgent basis. However, Chief Justice Luke Malaba said it was not urgent. It was however set down for hearing. In the case, only Parliament was cited although there were several stakeholders, including Zec itself, who would be affected by whatever judgement would emerge from it. Chidawu argued Parliament failed to uphold the constitution by refusing to investigate who wrote the report and debating a document which was not from Zec as a corporate body, but a product of Chigumba and her deputy; rejected by seven commissioners. The commissioners who revolted against Chigumba were Catherine Mpofu, Jasper Mangwana, Abigail Millicent Mohadi-Ambrose, Shepherd Manhivi, Jane Mbetu-Nzvenga, Kudzai Shava and Rosewita Marutare. Mpofu supported Chidawu, revealing in her affidavit Zec had met on 6 December 2022, but did not adopt the draft report. She said it was rejected by seven commissioners and should not have been sent to the President to table it in Parliament for debate. She also said there was no duly convened Zec meeting to adopt the report and to agree to send it to the President. Chigumba went ahead arbitrarily, she says. Manhivi’s affidavit says he would have helped Parliament to investigate the authenticity and legitimacy of the report if approached. Against this backdrop, Mnangagwa was by law supposed to gazette the final report on 17 February 2023, but he failed to do so. This became yet another constitutional infraction. After political pressure amid threats by Chigumba to leave if Mnangagwa violated the constitution by gazetting his own final report, the Zec final report was only gazetted on 20 February 2023 — three days after the constitutional deadline. This left Mnangagwa in clear breach of the constitution — yet again — and the delimitation final report’s legality and validity in question. Zimbabwean courts are cautious or fear ruling against powerful political actors.

News Page 9 BRENNA MATENDERE IN the aftermath of the delimitation process controversy which rolled into this week after months of contestation as the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) struggles to demonstrate functional independence and impartiality, it has increasingly become clear the election management body has imploded and rendered incapable to run free, fair, transparent and credible polls. While Zec chairperson Justice Priscilla Chigumba tried to take on President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his allies over delimitation, the fight over the final report further exposed vulnerabilities of the body’s commissioners and staff who are susceptible to external partisan political pressure, influence and manipulation. Chigumba found herself having to battle political bigwigs, including Mnangagwa, trying to usurp Zec’s mandate and powers, over running constitutional and institutional barriers to bulldoze the delimitation process. Although Chigumba tried to follow constitutional and procedural due process, Mnangagwa twice violated the constitution, first by not observing the seven-day deadline to submit the preliminary draft delimitation report. The President got the report on 26 December 2022, and was supposed to table it before Parliament on 2 January 2023, but he only did so on 6 January 2023, a clear violation of the constitution. As if that was not enough, Chigumba gave Mnangagwa the final report on 3 February in terms of section 161 (10) of the constitution for him to gazette it within 14 days. Again, Mnangagwa breached the constitution as he only did so on 20 February, three days after the deadline. This was after his political functionaries had actually confronted Chigumba, fighting her over whether the report she had submitted to him was final or not. The Zec boss had made it clear the report was final, but government functionaries openly interfered with and challenged her presentation of the final report in terms of the law, while unlawfully speaking on behalf of Zec. Chigumba largely kept quiet. She only insisted the constitution was clear when asked about it, but showed no robust engagement until she was pushed into a corner on 20 February during crisis meetings at State House in Harare as matters rose to a head. Sources said at that moment she fought hard for her report to stand, but already she had allowed herself to be undermined without fighting back to show character and independence on her job. Zec leaders lack behavourial and functional independence. To make matters worse, Zec had all but imploded over delimitation — becoming practically dysfunctional — when seven out of nine commissioners revolted against Chigumba and her deputy Rodney Simukai Kiwa over the authorship of the report. Mnangagwa, Justice minister Ziyambi and permanent secretary Virginia Mabhiza were implicated in the plot to disrupt the delimitation process, influence its outcome or discard the report completely. When confronted with a fight over who wrote the delimitation report, Zec’s conflict resolution mechanism failed. Seven commissioners on 6 December 2022 refused to adopt the report, saying it was written by Chigumba and Kiwa, not Zec as a corporate body. Sources said the Central Intelligence Organisation was involved in the report’s writing and production, hence its Director-General Isaac Moyo fiercely defended Chigumba, even at the risk of incurring the wrath his boss, Mnangagwa. Despite being in the majority, the seven commissioners were steamrolled by Chigumba in an arbitrary decision-making move. This opened a rare window of opportunity for voters to see how Zec works internally. The Zec boss could not rally consensus to push for her position and rescue her report. Her colleagues even went to the extent of inviting Mnangagwa to interfere with a constitutional process to kill the report. In Kenya, when such an internal battle erupted over declaring the presidential election winner, President William Ruto, four out of seven commissioners rejected the result announced by Independent and Boundaries Commission chair Wafula Chebukati. But they eventually resigned. The Zec 7 are still there. In fact, two of them are fighting the delimitation process in the Constitutional Court. Zec has failed the transparency, accountability and integrity tests over many issues. In terms of the Zimbabwean constitution, elections must be regularly held and be “peaceful, free and fair”, while “free from violence and other electoral malpractices”. Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights says “the will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government” derived from free and fair elections. An imploded Zec is not able to guarantee that the will of the people prevails. Zec, lacking integrity and credibility, will not be able to run the elections properly and guarantee results that reflect the will of the people from which the authority to govern is derived, and which are not disputed. Apart from the delimitation problem, Zec is entangled in messy disputes over the quality and access to the voters’ roll. It has been taken to court by main opposition CCC Harare North MP Allan Norman Markham to give him an electronic copy of the voters’ roll upon payment of the prescribed US$200 for a copy. Opposition parties and civil society organisations have been fighting Zec over the voters’ roll. This is even before the usually controversial printing of ballots and the number and location of polling stations are discussed. The Election Resource Centre, a think-tank and advocacy organisation focused on elections and democracy, is one of civil society groups fighting Zec over the voters’ roll. This came after Zec failed to provide the electronic voters’ roll which cost US$200. Instead, Zec has been more than willing to provide the cumbersome and unmanageable hard copy for US$187 000, which is unaffordable like its nomination fees currently being challenged in Parliament by civic entities. However, Zec claims the voters’ roll is accessible. Now Chigumba says she cannot discuss the issue as it is sub judice. In 2013, Zec refused to release the final voters’ roll until polling day. This was criticised by Sadc election observers who said "a voters' roll should not be a top-secret document". During the same elections, an Israeli security firm Nikuv was implicated in elections rigging. It was reportedly paid US$10 million to rig the elections. The late former president Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF won overwhelmingly. Elections are the cornerstone of democracy. For elections to be credible, competition must be fair and that requires impartial management of the process. As stated in International IDEA’s Handbook on Electoral Management Design, electoral management must be free from undue influence and manipulation by political parties or groups with a vested interest in the elections outcome. One approach adopted to mitigate political encroachment and uphold electoral integrity is establishing constitutionally independent institutions like Zec, structurally separate — legally and normatively — from government, designed to set its own strategic priorities and manage all or specific electoral management activities. However, simply establishing an independent Zec is not a sufficient measure to prevent or limit political or other attempts to undermine its impartial and autonomous function, and fulfilment of its mandate. Electoral institutions can be normatively, structurally and functionally independent from the government. Structural independence reflects how the leadership and internal units of the electoral body are composed, and how a commission such as Zec relates to the executive and other arms of government. Functional independence instead captures the behavioural independence and how independently mandated functions are fulfilled. Structural — de jure — independence in isolation does not necessarily manifest or automatically translate into functional — de facto — independence. Zec is only normatively and structurally independent, that is de jure independence. De facto it is not. Crucially, a structurally independent electoral agency is functionally independent if its commission — the policy formulating and decision-making executive organ — lacks autonomy or is susceptible to political “capture” or monopolisation by the executive or any political party. Independence is often regarded as interchangeable with impartiality, which is not always the case. Zec, for instance, is constitutionally independent on paper, but it is not impartial. What further makes Zec incapable of properly run elections is lack of political will, a crucial determinant of its ability to function independently. Establishing an independent electoral body constitutionally or legally alone and providing it with legal personality and structural independence does not inherently guarantee or translate into effective functional independence. “The legal and institutional environment must be conducive for an independent state institution to administer and regulate a political process autonomously,” the International Obligations for Elections document says. “In the same context, where functional independence is more prone to being compromised, structural independence provides guidelines for political behaviour and serves as a deterrent and a corrective mechanism for dealignment and wrongdoing. “Securing political will in any context is often the primary obstacle for designing and achieving independence in electoral management and maintaining it for the long haul. In contexts where high levels of impartiality and professionalism are routinely expected of public services, and the judiciary is independent, the rules overseeing decision-making processes can afford to be more general than specific, without having negative consequences for elections.” The presence of strong civil society, dynamic opposition and resilient institutions also helps to ensure professional and impartial electoral management. The choice of the electoral system is also another important consideration. “Electoral system design can increase the momentum of democratic governance and political change,” the International Obligations for Elections document adds. “It may also encourage popular participation and enable the emergence of legitimate representatives who can handle a wide range of needs and expectations. Yet an ineffective electoral system can derail progress toward democracy or even ignite political instability.” Zec’s credibility crisis is exacerbated by lack of transparency on the appointment of commissioners who must be impartial and not play an active role in politics. As media reports have shown, Zec is staffed and stuffed with children, relatives and friends of politicians, some coming from the security system. Some of them were not even appointed on merit, but patronage. Its secretariat has people with security, military and intelligence, background, some deployed undercover to manipulate, influence and rig the electoral process for the incumbent leader and the ruling party’s benefit in violation of the constitution and relevant laws. Zec not fit to hold free, fair and credible 2023 elections NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 10 News NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023 Enjoy MORE DOLLAR VALUE FOR YOUR 60 Mins $5 $7 $10 or to check your OneFusion balance, dial *379# To convert your USD airtime to OneFusion

News Page 11 NATHAN GUMA THE Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec)'s decision to retain flaws flagged in the preliminary delimitation report presented to President Emmerson Mnangagwa in December last year renders the final report unconstitutional, adding to other fatal flaws, analysts have warned. Mnangagwa was already under fire for failing to gazette the delimitation report within the 14'day period prescribed by the constitution. The electoral body was racing against time to produce the final report as is required by section 161 of the constitution, which mandates it to reconfigure electoral boundaries after every 10 years. Mnangagwa gazetted the proclamation report on Tuesday (21 December), having received the final report from Zec chairperson Justice Priscilla Chigumba on 3 February, although constitutionally he was meant to have gazetted it by 17 February. Some senior government officials, including Information secretary Nick Mangwana, however insisted the President received a draft report on 3 February. Chigumba however presented a draft report to Mnangagwa in December last year. The draft was tabled before parliament and referred back to Zec with recommendations. Curiously, however, the government announced in the gazette that Mnangagwa received the final report on 17 February. In terms of the constitution, Mnangagwa, who has torpedoed the gazetting process, was supposed to publish the report on 17 February after receiving it on 3 February, as announced by Chigumba. The flaw Legal think-tank Veritas says the final delimitation report has in some cases retained a ward and constituency population threshold of over 20%, contrary to the constitution, which has in the past been condemned by the experts. “In our Election Watch 2/2023 of the 9th January, we pointed out that in the preliminary delimitation report Zec had used an incorrect formula to calculate the permissible variations in voter numbers between constituencies and wards. “Instead of allowing a maximum 20% variation as laid down in section 161(6) of the Constitution, Zec’s formula allowed variations of up to 40%. It seems from pages ix to xii of the proclamation that Zec has continued to use this formula for its final delimitation. “If that is so, then the delimitation is unconstitutional,” Veritas says in its analysis. Foul play? Suspicion of foul play shrouds the submission of the final report to Mnangagwa, as it has been given scant publicity, compared to other state events. “If the report was indeed the final report then the President had 14 days in which to publish the ward and constituency boundaries shown in the report (section 161(11) of the Constitution). That 14-day period expired last Friday, the 17th February, which means the President’s proclamation was late. “On the other hand the proclamation itself says the President received the final delimitation report on the 17th February, and if that is so the proclamation was published well within the constitutional time-limit. “It is curious however that no publicity was given to the handing over of the final report, after the fanfare surrounding the handing over of the 'draft final report'; curious too that the President should have received the report, while according to the Herald, he was in Addis Ababa,” Veritas notes. Description of boundaries The proclamation also fails to declare ward and constituency boundaries, which is contrary to section 161 (11) of the constitution. “Within fourteen days after receiving the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission’s final report, the President must publish a proclamation in the Gazette declaring the names and boundaries of the wards and constituencies as finally determined by the commission,” reads the constitution. However, in the proclamation, and also in the report, wards are described in a way that makes it difficult to work out boundaries. “We use Ward 1 of Chitungwiza Municipality as an example. This ward has a total of 6 327 registered voters. It is made up of the following polling areas: 6301CHIT0101, 6301CHIT0102, 6301CHIT0103, 6301CHIT0104, 6301CHIT0105, 6301CHIT0106, 6301CHIT0107 and 6301CHIT0108. “Unless one knows what these 'polling areas' are, one cannot work out the ward’s boundaries. Similarly, constituencies are described as follows (we use Budiriro North as a representative example). “Budiriro constituency has 32 991 registered voters. It is made up of wards 34 and 43 of Harare Municipality. Since there is no proper description of the ward boundaries it is impossible to work out the boundaries of the constituency. “Section 161(11) requires the President to 'declare' the boundaries of wards and constituencies, not describe them, but without some descriptions what use is the proclamation?” questions Veritas. Effect on election dates? Veritas believes the new delimitation report will have an effect on election dates, with likelihood of the election being held in August, six months after publication of the proclamation. “If the new delimitation is to be used for the mid-year general election, then — according to section 161(2) of the Constitution — polling day in the election will have to be no earlier than the 20th August, i.e. six months after publication of the proclamation. Since the latest date on which an election must be held is the 26th August, which does not give Zec or the President much leeway.” Zec report flawed, unconstitutional President Emmerson Mnangagwa (right) receives final delimitation report from Zec chairperson Priscilla Chigumba NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 12 News NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE THE Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) has retained Gutu South constituency represented in the National Assembly by President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s ally Pupurai Togarepi which it had previously collapsed in its preliminary delimitation report. The collapse of the constituency was strongly condemned by the parliamentary ad hoc committee chaired by Togarepi which was appointed to analyse the report. Togarepi is the Zanu PF chief whip in the National Assembly. In Zec’s final delimitation report gazetted by Mnangagwa on Monday, Gutu South was brought back on the map of electoral boundaries that will exist for the next 10 years in line with the constitution. Gutu North constituency, currently represented by Zanu PF’s Yeukai Simbanegavi, was collapsed and merged with other existing constituencies due to a low registered voter population. The collapsed constituency was then replaced with a new one called Chiredzi Central. In explaining the collapse of Gutu North constituency and general dynamics in Masvingo province as a whole, Zec chairperson Justice Priscila Chigumba in her foreword captured in the gazetted final delimitation report said: “Gutu North was collapsed and merged with other existing constituencies due to low registered voter population which failed to meet the minimum threshold for a constituency. However the collapsed constituency was replaced by the creation of a new Chiredzi Central Constituency. “In the same vein Zaka East and Zaka West were collapsed and reconfigured to form a new Zaka South Constituency. One of the collapsed constituencies was replaced by the creation of a new Mwenezi North constituency. In effect the Province retained its previously allocated 26 constituencies.” In its earlier report tabled by Togarepi in Parliament, the ad hoc committee said Zec misdirected itself in collapsing the Gutu South constituency on the basis that its population did not meet the minimum threshold of 21 000 voters, yet it had in fact higher numbers than neighbouring constituencies. Gutu district is divided into five constituencies: Gutu North, Gutu South, Gutu West and Gutu East and Gutu Central. At the time Zec conducted its delimitation exercise, Gutu South had 18 6453 registered voters, Gutu East 16 822, Gutu North 15 359, and Gutu Central 21 700. In the Zec preliminary report, Gutu South constituency had been collapsed and merged with other surrounding constituencies on the basis that it had a low registered voter population that failed to meet the minimum threshold to constitute a constituency. However, the parliamentary ad hoc committee said it was unfair to collapse Gutu South constituency when it had higher numbers of voters than surrounding constituencies. Part of the committee’s report that was tabled in Parliament before being forwarded to Zec said: “Zec pointed out in its report that Gutu South was collapsed because it did not meet the required threshold to make a constituency yet none of the constituencies in Gutu district met the minimum required threshold at the time Zec conducted the delimitation exercise save for Gutu West. “Gutu South actually had more registered voters than Gutu East and Gutu North at the time Zec conducted its delimitation.” “Zec was supposed to abide by the principle of fairness and use similar formula which it was using in other provinces, constituencies and wards that those with low registered voters than the others in the same constituency or province would be collapsed to give in to those that had more registered voters as at the time Zec conducted its delimitation exercise.” As a recommendation, the ad hoc committee said Zec could pile up numbers of voters in Gutu South by bringing in people from two wards in Gutu East and Central. “Proposal is that Zec should move wards 31 and 41 to Gutu South which were part of Gutu South prior to creation of Gutu East, Central. Alternatively, wards should be drawn from Gutu East which was part of Gutu South previously.” “Where collapsing of constituencies that had more voters was done to give in to those that had fewer voters, it is the committee’s considered view that Zec should use the same principle of maintaining those with more votes and collapse those with fewer voters,” read the ad hoc committee’s report. Mnangagwa close ally’s Gutu South constituency retained Zanu PF chief whip in Parliament Pupurai Togarepi Gutu North constituency represented by Zanu PF’s Yeukai Simbanegavi was collapsed and merged with other existing constituencies.

News Page 13 NATHAN GUMA PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa told delegates attending the Zimbabwe Second Structured Dialogue Platform Meeting that the country is upholding tenets of good governance and democracy as part of efforts to resolve the debt crisis, but his claims differ from the reforms being demanded by opposition players and human rights watchdogs, The NewsHawks has learnt. Zimbabwe this week hosted the second structured meeting, which sought to look into economic and governance issues constraining arrears clearance and debt resolution, headlined by African Development Bank (AfDB) president, Akinumwi Adesina and former Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano. Harare has been struggling to settle arrears with international financial institutions such as the World Bank, which has seen it fail to get loans. In his opening address, Mnangagwa said he has been expediting economic and political reforms. His remarks are in stark contrast to opposition parliamentarians and civil society who accuse him of presiding over a ruthless and corrupt dictatorship. “Under the Governance Pillar, my administration is unwavering in its adherence to Constitutionalism, the rule of law and the tenets of good governance and democracy. We will ensure that our laws are applied consistently, without fear or favour. “Zimbabwe will conduct free and fair elections this year, consistent with our Constitution and electoral laws. In addition, human rights concerns are being addressed in line with our country’s laws and international conventions,” he said. In May last year, the European Union Observer Mission to Zimbabwe said progress on the implementation of reforms has been limited, with the majority of the priority ones yet to be addressed. Parliament on electoral reforms While electoral reforms have mainly been anchored on the Electoral Amendment Bill, parliamentarians have shot it down, saying it has been flawed, while failing to address recommendations by international observer missions. Last week in the National Assembly, a debate arose on the Bill, in which Mutare Central legislator Innocent Gonese shot down the Electoral Bill over its failure to address challenges dogging Zimbabwe’s electoral system, that have been bought before Parliament. “To say that the Bill is not a good Bill is an understatement. I actually say that this is a horrible Bill, this is a terrible piece of legislation both from a procedural and a substantive point of view. “Everyone knows the history of Zimbabwe. We have had a history of disputed elections culminating in the elections of 2018 which also had its own controversies. We had recommendations made by various observer missions. “We have had several other processes, so I venture to say that as a starting point, the Bill which has been presented by the honourable minister is very narrow in its scope, in its memorandum, it simply refers to the alignment of the Electoral Law with Amendment No. 2,” Gonese told Parliament. The amendment has been criticised for giving Mnangagwa unfettered control. While Amendment No. 2 is currently before the constitutional court over the process leading to its passage through Parliament, Gonese said the Electoral Bill could be rendered invalid should the court declare the law invalid. Legislators have also been suspecting foul play in the Bill’s processing. “I submit with due respect, that this is a flawed process. As a portfolio committee, we actually tried to engage Zec and a copy of the Bill was sent to the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. “The second point is that there was also a parallel process involving the three parties in Parliament facilitated by the Zimbabwe Institute where Zanu PF participated, MDC participated and CCC participated. “It was a tripartite process where each of those political parties gets engagement through the facilitation of Zec. Several recommendations, several inputs were put and the parties came up with certain agreed positions. That again has been thrown out of the window. I therefore submit that because of these procedural flaws, this Bill must be torn into pieces and thrown out and we start afresh,” Gonese said. Constitutionalism Last week, in a move that sparked political uproar ahead of general elections in August, Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa brazenly breached the constitution — an impeachable offence — after failing to gazette the final delimitation report he received from the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) on 3 February within 14 days in terms of the law. Mnangagwa’s actions and what has been happening behind the scenes show that there is a spirited campaign to subvert the constitution, a serious democratic aberration and constitutional offence, and fiddle with the final delimitation report to advance the President and Zanu PF’s political agenda in the run up to the polls. In terms of the constitution, Mnangagwa, who has torpedoed the gazetting process, was supposed to publish the report on 17 February after receiving it on 3 February. Section 161 of the constitution says it should be published with within 14 days of its receipt from Zec. “Within fourteen days after receiving the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission’s final report, the President must publish a proclamation in the gazette declaring the names and boundaries of the wards and constituencies as finally determined by the commission,” the constitution stipulates. The proclamation to the final report was produced last week, after weeks of speculation. Other institutions have been caught in constitutionalism storms. For instance, Zec was criticised over findings that it might have used the Old Lancaster House Conference constitution in working out population thresholds within the delimitation report. Zim upholds good governance, Mnangagwa claims at meeting PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa (right) with former Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 14 News NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE FORMER Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano has boldly told Zimbabwean leader Emmerson Mnangagwa that Harare requires enormous political will to shake off its unfavourable reputation on the international arena ahead of the next general elections before it can fully normalise relations with the international community and creditors. After several failed attempts to settle arrears with international financial institutions (IFIs) such as the World Bank and the African Development Bank (AfDB, which all enjoy preferred creditor status, Zimbabwe, which has been struggling to access long-term concessional capital has adopted a new debt strategy which will be anchored on restoring relations with both multilateral and bilateral creditors. The re-engagement will be a precondition for restoring relations with creditors. The dialogue, Chissano said, will be anchored on three pillars namely economic reforms, political governance reforms and the compensation of white former commercial farmers. As reported by The NewsHawks last December, the former Mozambican leader, one of the few surviving early pan-Africanists, was appointed to facilitate over Zimbabwe’s dialogue on key political governance reforms required by creditors to resolve the debt crisis. After breaking the ice by telling delegates how he first met Mnangagwa at a guerrilla training camp in Tanzania, Chissano said Harare stands to benefit by normalising relations with the international community. The former Mozambican leader said since his arrival, he has held extensive consultations with officials from government, African Development Bank World Bank, International Monetary Fund, representatives of the United Nations system, private sector, Western and African diplomats and civil society organisations. “The ongoing reform embodied in this structured dialogue platform requires the building of trust between the Government of Zimbabwe and its development partners. This is so critical in the current situation where such trust has been broken due to the decades of political mistrust,” Chissano said. “History is there but it should not hold the process hostage. It should be set aside and allow for a re-engagement process that is anchored in pursuit of the building of trust. Such process requires managing perceptions and misconceptions which quite often have stood on the way of reality and undermining the possibility of a meaningful and substantive engagement. Misconceptions are a reality on both sides and should be addressed for the process to take its smooth course. “Another problem that was raised was the need to address Zimbabwe’s prevailing reputation problem. There is a perception that in some cases the government does not honour agreements and commitments made. In this regard, it was underscored that for all development partners, issues such as guarantee of property rights and investment protection agreements are critical as well as the ability to repatriate profits and economic stability. Investments will not come to Zimbabwe if these conditions are not made.” Chissano, who arrived in Harare on Sunday ahead of Thursday’s high-level debt forum which was attended by representatives of multilateral financial institutions, diplomats from Western capitals and other key creditors, said Zimbabwe needs to restore goodwill with the international community to break its debt overhang, now widely blamed for retarding economic growth. Chissano said key stakeholders also said Zimbabwe must benchmark its political governance reforms against internationally accepted standards to restore goodwill and trust with development partners before normalising relations with the international community. This flies in the face of Harare which has over the years been hyping the repealing of draconian laws and replacing them with equally restrictive pieces of legislation as key reforms. “The outcome of these consultations has exceeded my expectations,” Chissano said. “While pricing their agreement with the format and substance of the three-pin strategy, the consulted stakeholders have highlighted the need for the country to fully assume the ownership and leadership of the process . . . The commitment to enact and implement the critical reforms should be assured and publicly stated at the highest political level of the country. Political coercion and institutional coordination are also of essence so that this crucial moment.” Chissano said diplomats want Zimbabwe to hold free, fair and credible elections as an acid test for commitment towards political reforms. Former Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano Political will critical to redeem battered reputation: Chissano

News Page 15 NATHAN GUMA ZIMBABWE’S debt overhang is weighing heavily on the economy, as the country cannot borrow from multi-lateral institutions because of its failure to honour its obligations. President Emmerson Mnangagwa made the admission as he opened the Second Structured Dialogue Platform Meeting on the Arrears Clearance and Debt Resolution Process on Thursday. “Zimbabwe’s debt overhang continues to weigh down heavily on our development efforts. We have no access to new lines of credit, including from the multilateral banks, such as the World Bank Group,” he said. “The Zimbabwean Government and the African Development Bank Group agreed therefore, to put this Structured Dialogue Platform in place, to provide space for constructive and structured dialogue on arrears clearance and debt resolution. “ With a total consolidated debt of Zimbabwe of US$17.5 billion, Zimbabwe owes international creditors US$14.04 billion, with domestic debt pegged at US$3.4 billion. Debt owed to bilateral creditors is estimated at US$5.75 billion, while multilateral creditors are owed an estimated US$2.5 billion. The country is also in arrears for servicing its debt, with arrears to multilateral development banks, including the African Development Bank (AfDB), the World Bank, and the European Investment Bank. AfDB president Akinwumi Adesina said debt has been continually sinking the economy, hence the need for its resolution. “While token payments are being made to service the debt, it is now time for a comprehensive arrears’ clearance, debt resolution and debt restructuring for Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe cannot run up a steep hill of economic recovery carrying a heavy backpack of debt on its back,” he said. “The once thriving private sector of Zimbabwe has imploded. International banking has almost dried up with 102 correspondence banking relations lost in the past one decade. Today, 90% of the economy is now informal. “Zimbabwe’s once thriving contribution as the nerve centre of the Sadc region has been broken, lowering regional trade and investments. The once thriving National Railways of Zimbabwe, with a rolling stock of 12.5 million tonnes in the 1990s now accounts for under 2.5 million tonnes. The number of people living in extreme poverty now stands at 44%. “The people of Zimbabwe have suffered enough. The young people of Zimbabwe deserve to have their once prosperous country back. They cannot continue to suffer for a past they did not create. They deserve a new and prosperous future. It is time now to rebuild what has been broken; it is now time to refrain from casting stones; it is now time to heal; it is now time for peace,” Adesina said. Adesina said AfDB has been helping Zimbabwe during difficult times. “Zimbabwe has not been alone. At the African Development Bank, the Zimbabwe Multi-donor Trust Fund helped to provide succor to the population over the years. With a total financing of close to US$150 million, it rehabilitated essential infrastructure such as water, sanitation, and energy distribution, benefitting 5 million people. “I would like to thank the donors to the Fund, namely Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, UK, Norway, Denmark, and Australia for their generous support that made this possible. I would like to assure the government that you will not be alone.” Huge debt crippling Zim economy AfDB president Akinwumi Adesina European Investment Bank NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 16 News NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023 PRISCA TSHUMA THE ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Trade will in April host the Invest in Africa Conference (IAC) and the Eighth Pan-African Conference (PAC) to lure the diaspora community to invest more in Zimbabwe, despite denying the foreign-based citizens the right to vote in the August general elections. The conference will be jointly hosted by the ministry, the Zimbabwe Investment Development Agency (Zida) and the Africa Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI) at the Harare International Conference Centre from 12 to 17 April. The conference is envisaged to enable the government to use the diaspora community to boost the image of the country to the outside world in the name of “Pan-Africanism”, yet the Zimbabwean authorities are denying foreign-based citizens the right to vote. The ministry said the conference will, “provide a platform to improve the image of the country to the outside world and encourage diaspora investment back home”. “Establish a platform where diaspora investors interact with local entrepreneurs, partners, collaborators, and government officials and initiate direct business deals for mutual benefits,” added the ministry. At the conference, PAC is going to promote Pan-Africanism although the ministry of foreign affairs and international trade has repeatedly ignored the plea for a diaspora vote in the elections. “PAC will promote Pan-Africanism through business, trade and cultural exchange forums expected to take place during the conference,” said the ministry. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s administration has over the years come under heavy criticism for seeking to abuse diasporans by encouraging them to remit money back home and luring them to invest in the country while denying them the right to vote. The country continues to rake in billions of dollars in remittances from the diaspora, which are contributing to foreign currency inflows and keeping the country afloat. Last year, remittances reached US$1.66 billion, a 16% increase from US$1.43 billion in 2021. Meanwhile, total international remittances rose to US$2.8 billion from US$2.4 billion. When the diaspora community protested to have their votes counted, Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi said the country’s constitution only allowed voting in the 210 constituencies that are inside Zimbabwe and nowhere else. The cabinet said it created a diaspora-friendly environment policy framework that would assist the country to harness social, economic, political and cultural dividends, which could help propel development. However, the policy sought to exploit the diasporans for economic development which blocking them from participating in the political affairs of the country. Millions of Zimbabweans are outside the country mainly in countries like South Africa, Botswana, United Kingdom, Australia, and the United States as economic and political refugees. Luring diaspora investors, while denying them vote Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi Millions of Zimbabweans live outside the country.

News Page 17 NATHAN GUMA CITIZENS' Coalition for Change (CCC) legislator for Hatcliffe constituency, Allan Markham, has recommended that the national identity registration blitz cater for Gukurahundi victims and ex-farmworkers, among other vulnerable groups that have continually been excluded from obtaining IDs, as the country heads towards the 2023 general elections. A fortnight ago in the National Assembly, Home Affairs minister Kazembe Kazembe said close to 3 million people between February and September were registered last year in a national ID registration exercise, and that there would be a mop-up campaign targeting those who were left out by the initial exercise. Kazembe said the Civil Registry department had managed to issue over a million identity documents to youths nationwide during the blitz and 1 423 of those were for Hatcliffe and Borrowdale residents. “The Market Square mobile teams which were under Harare metropolitan province itinerary covered Hatcliffe and Borrowdale as follows: Hatcliffe 1 654 birth certificate and 1 226 identity cards; Borrowdale 101 birth certificates and 197 identity cards, bringing it to a total of 1 755 birth certificates and 1 423 national identity cards,” said the minister. This week, Markham told The NewsHawks that he has recommended the servicing of groups that have been repeatedly left out of prior registration blitzes. “My last question last week (in Parliament) was that, we do not want to do voter registration without doing the Registrar-General’s so that undocumented people can be get national identity documents. They left many people behind when they did that. “So I want them to target particularly victims of the Gukurahundi, farmworkers who were run out of the farms and they did not get their documents. So, those people are still out there, and we were promised that we would do it before the election,” Markham said. Opposition parties and civil society organisations have been launching campaigns to encourage people from Matabeleland region to register and vote, many of them victims of Gukurahundi. Markham has amplified calls for the registration process to reach the victims ahead, so they can register to vote ahead of this year's elections. Two weeks ago, he urged Zec to come clean on its upcoming voter registration blitz, fearing that it could leave out several eligible voters, should it be clandestinely done. “My point of national interest is very important. We are coming up to an election. We hear on social media, Zec included, that they are going to do another round of what are called the blitz registration. I think it is important that Zec comes clean and tell us when and where they are going to do this." In Hatcliffe, Markham said there are more than 2 000 eligible voters who have not yet been registered. In other parts of Borrowdale, he said there are at least 500 people who have not yet been registered. In his ministerial statement, Kazembe said preparations are still underway to conduct another mobile registration exercise as the country inches closer to the elections, and Markham says the programme should target vulnerable groups that have continually been left out. Hatcliffe MP Allan Markham Give Gukurahundi victims IDs — MP NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 18 News NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE ZIMBABWEANS expected to return from South Africa in four months' time after the expiry of the Zimbabwean Exemption Permits (ZEPs) face a bleak future as the government has failed to put in place social safety nets for them to prosper back home, chairperson of the Zimbabwean community in South Africa, Ngqabutho Mabhena, has said. The ZEPs expire in June. South Africa has indicated it will not renew the documents, meaning more than 180 000 Zimbabwean holders of the permits are likely to return home. The South African government says holders wishing to stay beyond June can apply for waivers and get special permits, but at present only a paltry 6 000 citizens have applied. In an interview with The NewsHawks on Wednesday, Mabhena said it will be foolhardy for the returning citizens to expect better lives when they troop back. “The responsibility of any government is to create conditions for its citizens to be able to get employment; to run profitable businesses, whether those citizens are inside the country or outside the country,” Mabhena said. “In this case, our economy collapsed, it is not able to sustain Zimbabweans that are in Zimbabwe, hence the exodus of the young people to neighbouring countries and overseas. So, with the high unemployment in Zimbabwe, it means that even those that are returning from South Africa, who are holders of the Zimbabwean exemption permit, the government of Zimbabwe will not be able to take care of them.” Mabhena said the fact that more Zimbabweans are crossing the border to South Africa seeking greener pastures, despite permit holders being asked to return home, is an indication of the dire situation in Zimbabwe. “While we are trying to assist those that are holders of the Zimbabwe exemption permit to go back, that is if they do not qualify to move to other visas, we are seeing many young people crossing Limpopo to South Africa,” he said. “So, the first step would be to create conditions so that those that are inside Zimbabwe do not move out of Zimbabwe. If you have more people leaving Zimbabwe, government cannot then claim that it would be able to cater for those that are coming from South Africa. The government has to create the conditions to keep those that in Zimbabwe so that those that are returning will find it easy to be part of the Zimbabwean economy. “So we cannot judge the Zimbabwean government on how it is going to assist those that are returning because its responsibility is to take care or to create conditions for people to work in Zimbabwe; for people to run businesses; for people to have a good life, which over two decades now has been missing.” “Our call is that such conditions must be created to build a national democratic economy; we create jobs, people are able to run businesses.” Last week, the government announced it was assisting returning citizens with travel arrangments but Mabhena said the gesture was not enough. “You do not need Zimbabweans in the diaspora to be forced by foreign governments to return back because those governments cannot renew their permits. The responsibility of the Zimbabwean government is to create conditions which will attract those that are inside not to leave because they would be busy inside Zimbabwe,” he said. In August last year, simmering tension between the governments of Zimbabwe and South Africa escalated through an outburst by a top health official in the neighbouring country who took aim directly at President Emmerson Mnangagwa over his governance failures which have pushed Zimbabweans into the neighbouring country. Limpopo provincial head of health Phophi Ramathuba, who was on a tour of the province’s hospital meeting patients, came across a Zimbabwean woman admitted to Bela-Bela health centre in Limpopo. The Zimbabwean had been involved in an accident in Harare and crossed the border for a medical operation. Upon learning that she was a Shona-speaking Zimbabwean, Ramathuba immediately seethed with anger and accused her of being one of the Zimbabweans that are burdening the healthcare system of South Africa because of Mnangagwa’s governance failures. While expectations were high that Ramathuba would be condemned by South Africa’s government for what seemed like Afrophobia, many government officials instead took her side, further exposing the escalation of tension between Pretoria and Harare. The country’s Department of International Relations and Cooperation (Dirco) spokesperson Clayson Monyela said Ramathuba’s outburst was not "a diplomatic incident". In the past, senior South African leaders like Gauteng Premier David Makhura, Lindiwe Zulu and Home Affairs minister Dr Pakishe Aaron Motsoaledi also spoke complaining about Zimbabweans in South Africa even though they took aim at those staying in the country undocumented. Diplomatic sources in the past told The NewsHawks that the build-up of frosty relations between Harare and Pretoria which has resulted in the current dilemma of Zimbabweans being forced out started in 2020 when Mnangagwa’s administration frustrated two delegations sent into the country by South African President Cyril Ramaposa with a mission to salvage Zimbabwe’s economic and political problems. The first delegation comprised of former National Assembly speaker Baleka Mbete and former Safety and Security minister Sydney Mufamadi. Their mission was to engage the government of Zimbabwe and relevant stakeholders to identify possible ways in which South Africa could assist Zimbabwe. Dr Sydney Mufamadi is the former minister of Provincial and Local Government (1999 to 2008). In 1994, after South Africa’s first democratic elections, he was appointed minister of Safety and Security in the Government of National Unity — a position he held until 1999. The delegation left Zimbabwe frustrated after it was barred from meeting other stakeholders like the then opposition MDC-Aliance led by Nelson Chamisa. Ramaphosa’s second delegation was led by the ANC's then secretary-general Ace Magashule and it comprised of other senior party officials in the form of ANC chairperson and Energy and Mineral Resources minister Gwede Mantashe, Defence minister and ANC national executive committee (NEC) member Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, NEC and National Working Committee member Tony Yengeni, Social Development minister and chairperson of the NEC on international relations Lindiwe Zulu and chairperson of the NEC on economic transformation Enoch Godongwana. The delegation which had an eight-hour meeting with Zanu PF leaders, left the country frustrated after it was told that there was no crisis in Zimbabwe at a time South Africa really wanted to assist its northern neighbour find solutions to political and economic problems. The diplomatic sources said frustrations of the two delegations appointed by Ramaphosa marked a point where relations with Harare began going downhill, leading to escalation of the current tension. Bleak future for returning citizens Zimbabwean community in South Africa leader Ngqabutho Mabhena

News Page 19 A GROUP of illegal miners operating under the Zanu PF-linked Miners 4ED, which includes police officers and ruling party officials, have invaded Ascot Gold Mine in Norton despite the fact that it was condemned over a year ago following a fatal accident. A disaster is looming as the group has embarked on precarious mining activities, among other illegalities. Violence and deaths have become common at the mine, as the group is acting with impunity, claiming links to President Emmerson Mnangagwa. When the mine was shut down, in February last year, almost all safety and compliance measures were not being implemented, resulting in the authorities ordering immediate suspension of operations until the anomalies were rectified. Norton independent legislator Temba Mliswa has written to police chief Godwin Matanga, asking him to investigate the mine’s illegal operations and the deaths that have occurred. Reads part of his letter dated 15 February 2023: “Commissioner-General, Sir, I hereby lodge, in my capacity as the duly elected Member of Parliament for Norton Constituency, this letter of concern and request for intervention and investigation to be instituted into Ascot Gold Mine in Norton, Mashonaland West. “In my mandated role of legislation, and particularly that of representation and oversight in this instance, and further at the behest of the Norton Miners Association, acting on behalf of one Mr. Gomwe, both herein copied, I fervently appeal for your urgent intervention at the aforementioned gold mine to prevent any further loss of life, injustice and corrupt practices from prevailing. According to the letter, Ascot Gold Mine is registered with the ministry of Mines and Mining Development under Kingross Investments (Private) Limited and run by one Gomwe. However, a lawless group of individuals under the guise of Miners4ED claims to be in possession of a tribute agreement pertaining to the mine, and have illegally taken over. Mliswa said such agreement is put to the strictest proof thereof. “This same group are alleged to engage in abusing the name of Zanu PF and His Excellency, President E D Mnangagwa for self-aggrandisement, an abhorrent practice which should be nipped in the bud,” said Mliswa. Alleged culprits According to Mliswa, one Timothy Masviba (Zanu PF provincial youth member from Chegutu) and Edmore Mamoyo (Zanu PF youth league member and gold sponsor) are at the forefront of the shenanigans, leading to the illegal takeover of the mine. Others also implicated in the illegal mine takeover are two police officers from the Norton Criminal Investigations Department identified only as Nhimbe and Msipa. Mliswa also named several other Zanu PF officials, particularly from the youth league, who are wreaking havoc at the mine. Mliswa said of extreme concern was the involvement of police officers who have also been captured on camera engaged in political party sloganeering. “This illegal mining activity is in flagrant violation of not only the illegal possession of the mine, but further violates the suspension handed down by the ministry of Mines and Mining Development,” he said. Mliswa said the invaders were contravening mining regulations by illegally removing gold ore from the mine without the requisite ore removal permit. He said the gold illegally processed at a processing plant owned by Mamoyo is not being sold to Fidelity Printers and Refiners as per statutory requirement. Mliswa said on 6 February, one Patrick Gondo was allegedly murdered at the mine and the group is being implicated. The legislator said despite electricity supplies being disconnected at the mine for non-payment to Zesa, the electricity supply was illegally reconnected by those operating the mine. “What to note is further most concerning is that despite reports being made to the police regarding the criminalities occurring at the mine, no moves have been made to cease the illegal mining activities or institute an investigation into the accusations,” Mliswa said. “This surprising lack of action subsequently gives rise to the obvious suspicion that corruption is being committed between the illegal miners and certain members of the police force. “The police should not hide behind the Ministry of Mines and Mining Development in carrying out their mandate. It is ZRP's role to implement the directive from the Ministry of Mines and Mining Development and to protect people's rights. The alleged tribute agreement should be null and void as they claim it was entered into during the period when the mine had ceased operations as directed by the Mines Ministry.” A community member identified as Timothy Masviba has suddenly become rich and Mliswa is adamant he has gained wealth from the illegal mining activities. According to documents gleaned by this publication, Ascot was shut down following a fatality which happened on 4 December 2021. Mines ministry offcials, only identified as B. Mangwanda, the chief government mining engineer, and E, Mubayiwa, the inspector of mines and explosives, advised the mine management in a letter dated 8 December 2021, that the mine would be notified of the way forward after the finalisation of investigations into the matter. “Please be advised that you will be required to pay a fee of $31 875 for resumption of operations as stated by the Mining (General) (Amendment) Regulation, S.I 185 of 2021,” Ascot management was told. Shocking discoveries Meanwhile, the mining engineer's office conducted a legal compliance inspection at Ascot Mine on 8 February 2021. It was discovered that at the time of the visit, mining operations were taking place without the blessing of a legally appointed manager as required in terms section 3(1) and (2) of Statutory Instrument 109 of 1990, Mining (Management and Safety) Regulations. It was also noted that there is no approved a siting of works plan as required in terms of section 234 of the Mines and Minerals Act [Chapter 21:05]. During inspection it was also noted that there was neither a surface nor underground plan being prepared and kept at the mine as required in terms of section 78 of Statutory Instrument 109 of 1990, Mining (Management and Safety) Regulations. “There are a total 32 poorly and unsafely constructed vertical shafts being worked in with varying depths with the deepest shaft being 55 metres. These shafts have been dangerously sunk on top of previously excavated and backfilled material on a very old incline shaft situated over a stretch of approximately +100metres. The 'crude' and haphazard manner of spacing between the shafts is approximately 18metres, more so, these shafts are not provided with adequate restrictive barriers such as shaft gates/door which are clearly marked with 'No Entry' signs. This is in contravention with Sections 30(2) of Statutory Instrument 109 of 1990, Mining (Management and Safety) Regulations,” noted the government inspection team. The investigation revealed the aforementioned shafts exceed 30 metres in depth and were being used as a means of ingress and egress into the underground workings. “They are equipped with windlasses and nylon ropes most of which are notably worn out thereby compromising on the safety of persons being conveyed. This contravenes Section 131 of Statutory Instrument 109 of 1990, Mining (Management and Safety) Regulations,” reads a report seen by this publication. At that time, a total of 591 full-time and contracted workers were employed at the mine. It was also noted that workers are not provided with adequate personal protective clothing and equipment in contravention of sections 47, 48 and 191 of Statutory Instrument 109 of 1990, Mining (Management and Safety) Regulations. Some of the workers were found working at dangerous heights without appropriate body harnesses. It was also established that the company had no legal books in place; no register of employees, safety complaints book; no copies of regulations and no accident register. “None could be opened for inspections,” said the inspectors. Dumps without any designs have also been erected prior to approval, in violation of section 234 as read together with section 239(2) (a) of the Mines and Minerals Act (Chapter 21:05] Cyanide was being used in the process of recovering the yellow metal at the mine plant. Some workers were handling slimes containing cyanide without appropriate protective clothing and equipment.. A request for electrical diagrammes of all the electrical installations at the mine was made and the mine officials failed to produce the diagrammes. The explosives register produced during inspection showed that explosives were last used in December 2020. However, it was established that the mine does not possess the requisite explosives permit to purchase, acquire and possess, a licence for storage of explosives and even storage facilities at the mine hence implying that explosives are being purchased, acquired and possessed illegally, contravening section (3) and (7) of the Explosives Act as read together with provisions of Statutory Instrument 72 of 1989, Explosives Regulations. — STAFF WRITER Miners 4ED invade Ascot Gold Mine Norton MP Temba Mliswa NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 20 News NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023 BRENNA MATENDERE THE National Mine Workers' Union of Zimbabwe (NMWUZ) is increasingly pushing for chrome, gold, diamond, lithium and platinum mining companies to pay employees in United States dollar-denominated salaries on the basis that the sector is the biggest forex earner. Currently, mining companies like Zimplats, ZIMASCO, Unki Mines, MIMOSA, Vumbachikwe, Rio Zimbabwe, Duration Gold, Calidonia and How Mine, among others, are paying their workers in line with a formula of 60% RTGS and 40% US dollars. The existing salary scales for the mine workers were agreed last year. The National Employment Council for Mining Workers (NECMW) wrote a letter dated 24 February 2022 ordering mining companies to increase the wages by 46%, bringing the earnings of the lowest paid worker to ZW$45 000 and the highest to ZW$103 000. Every worker gets 60% of their salaries in the local currency while 40 percent is paid in United States dollars. However, NMWUZ president Kurebwa Javangwe Nomboka told The NewsHawks on Thursday that there is a push for mining companies to pay workers wholly in the US dollars. “As far as we are concerned, all mining companies have the capacity to pay salaries in USD chiefly because all minerals — be it gold, platinum, chrome, lithium — are sold in USD. Why then would the employer want to convert to ZWL when they are aware of the difficulties of the local currency in terms of storing value? The answer is simple; they are taking advantage of the economic situation and-anti worker's government policy which only promote capital interests,” he said, adding: “In 2022, we made a push for mine workers to receive their salaries in USD. However, the employers did not agree with our proposal and instead awarded a 40% USD salary component, with the remaining 60% in RTGS. “As National Mine Workers' Union of Zimbabwe we still hold our position that mine workers need to be paid in a currency that not only protects them against economic forces but can be stored as a value of wealth.” Unlike in the Tripartite Negotiating Forum where different unions are involved in deliberations and negotiations for the welfare of their members, in the mining sector the discussions are strictly between the Associated Mine Workers’ Union of Zimbabwe and Chamber of Mines of Zimbabwe. Their agreements are binding but Nomboka said that state of affairs was unfair and compromised. In October 2020 when Zimbabwe’s annualised inflation was 659.4% — being the second-highest in the world after Venezuela which sat at 1 813.1% for September (2020) the Associated Mine Workers’ Union of Zimbabwe and Chamber of Mines of Zimbabwe, made an agreement for the lowest paid employee to get ZW$18 000 a month, while the highest paid would ZW$41 748 which was roundly rejected by other unions as it was below job market levels. Before the adjustment, the lowest paid worker was getting ZW$14 750, while the highest paid was getting ZW$34 210. “At this juncture we are not able to directly negotiate on behalf of our members as the NEC is currently monopolised; with AMWUZ representing the workers and Chamber of Mines representing the employers. We believe all unions should be given a seat at the negotiating table to enable for diversity of opinions which is in the best interest of the employees. To this effect we have made an application to the NEC and we are looking forward to being accepted to the negotiations,” Nomboka told The NewsHawks. He blamed the crisis faced by mine workers on government policies which give a lot of support to employers in the quest of currying their favour. “Currently employers are not listening to the grievances of employees nor are they giving them bonuses and benefits they deserve. This is partly owing to government policies (e.g. the Zimbabwe is open for business mantra) which give power to the employer without looking at the perspective of the employee. “Consequentially, employers are hiring and firing at will as they feel they have the backing of the government. “This makes collective bargaining difficult for employees as the risk of job loss is high,” he said. The trade unionist warned the government against ignoring grievances of mine workers in an election year. “This year is election year and a labour forum will be convened as labour organisations seek to identify the party with a manifesto that best addresses the needs of the employees. As president of NMWUZ, I encourage all mine workers to register to vote and to ensure all members of their families eligible to vote also register. “We will inform them of the results of the labour forum so they can be well informed as they go into the election. “Our major expectation and demand is that the minimum wage for the mining sector be increased to US$850 to adequately cover for the rising poverty datum line (PDL) and enable mine workers to save for the future,” he said. Mining is the biggest forex earner in Zimbabwe followed by tobacco. Mine workers in renewed push for US dollar salaries

News Page 21 BERNARD MPOFU ZIMBABWE has terminated the services of consultancy firms which were engaged more than three years ago to help thaw diplomatic relations with the United States as Harare changes tack to break over two decades of international isolation. In 2019, the then Foreign Affairs minister Sibusiso Moyo hired four lobbyists — BTP Advisers, Mercury International Limited, Ballard Partners and Avenue Strategies — paying them millions of dollars, in a desperate bid to spruce up its battered global image and bolster the diplomatic re-engagement drive that had fallen off the rails. But the move yielded little as Washington demanded more political governance reforms such as upholding the rule of law, respecting property rights and an overhaul on electoral laws. The Zanu PF government has for years been intransigent on the reform agenda, saying Washington is pushing for a change in administration. Frederick Shava, Moyo’s successor, told The NewsHawks that bilateral engagements between Zimbabwe and the United States will now be held at government level. This follows public outcry over the dolling out of millions of United States dollars to the consultancy firms. “Let me say from the onset that there have been a few consultancy companies who have come forward to offer their services to pose the two governments to talk to each other,” Shava said. “They have come and gone and let me say also that the best interaction between the United States and Zimbabwe is still government official channels and this is what we are encouraging. As Zimbabwe we are talking to Congress, we are talking members of the House of Representatives and recently as you probably followed Zimbabwe was invited to the second US-Africa Summit in Washington DC albeit at the level of minister of Foreign Affairs and we are still hoping that this warming up will improve and Zimbabwe will be invited at the level of the Head of State. I just want to say that the emphasis is now on the interactions between governments without third parties as much as possible.” Zimbabwe has since the turn of the millennium experienced an economic tailspin exacerbated by a toxic political situation and a chaotic land reform programme which saw white former commercial farmers losing large swathes of land to locals. Harare was then slapped with sanctions imposed by the European Union (EU) and the United States following a violent land reform programme, amid allegations of electoral fraud and over the deteriorating human rights. The EU and Britain have since eased the restrictive measures although they still maintain an arms embargo on Zimbabwe and a few state security chiefs and Zanu PF acolytes. Debate on the efficacy of sanctions continues to divide opinion both at home and abroad. Some scholars and Zanu PF sympathisers say the sanctions, particularly the US-enacted Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (Zidera), has restricted Zimbabwe from being an active member of the international community. A new school of thought blames rising levels of corruption, mismanagement of state resources, and policy inconsistency for Zimbabwe’s economic woes. Zim cuts ties with Western PR firms Late former Foreign Affairs minister Sibusiso Moyo hired four lobbyists in a bid to spruce up the country’s battered global image. Foreign Affairs minister Frederick Shava says bilateral engagements between Zimbabwe and the United States will now be held at government level. NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 22 News NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023 NATHAN GUMA A COMMISSIONER in the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc), Jessie Majome, has conceded the institution’s failure to nail down culprits that are abusing public funds and resources, but has shifted blame to the legislature, saying it is failing to cement the existing legal framework for effective prosecution. Zacc has been under fire for failing to effectively deal with culprits accused of abusing public resources. In 2020, Zimbabwe Miners’ Federation (ZMF) president Henrietta Rushwaya was arrested at Robert Mugabe International Airport in Harare for allegedly attempting to smuggle six kilogrammes of gold worth more than US$400 000 to Dubai. Rushwaya has since been cleared of any wrongdoing in the case in which she was accused of offering a US$5 000 bribe to an airport official to pass through the checkpoint with the gold. More cases are yet to be finalised, further putting Zacc’s integrity under scrutiny. Speaking at an Integrity Icon 2022 summit by the Accountability Lab Zimbabwe this week, Majome said the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act has been made it easy for culprits to defend themselves, rendering it difficult to nail them. “The tool that is there is not very sharp in terms of the Criminal Code. We do not have sufficient legal instruments in the laws. They are insufficient, and we need to develop them. “The one that we have right now is not very sharp. So, that tool that is there that is not very sharp has actually been blunted further. The offensive criminal abuse of duty is the one. If you look at our criminal offences at Zacc, for the crimes that have been prosecuted, we use section 174, criminal abuse of duty, not of office. “So what it currently provides now is that if a person who is public officer, which is also defined very narrowly — if a person does anything contrary to their duty, or omits doing something contrary to their duties, they will face a criminal offence,” she said. Majome said this has seen the institution fail to nail down culprits who are not clearly defined in the current Act. “We have seen people getting off the hook, people from parastatals and also private companies. For example, if a person in the Zimbabwe Electricity Transmission and Distribution Company (Zetdc) today abuses public funds, then the courts are ruling that they are not public officers. What we would like to see Parliament doing is strengthening that Criminal Law Codification Act. “We want them to widen the definition of public officers to include those people that are in companies. We want to see new offences, offences of corruption . . . around ethics. “We do not have many offences around corruption. We would like to see those. We have our draft bill that we would like to replace the Anti-Corruption Commission Act. We need to all participate in working towards getting sharper tools and to stop the blunting of the inadequate tools,” she said. Majome also said that Parliament has been sitting on amendments to the Criminal Law Codification and Reform Act which she said are likely to hinder prosecution. “What the proposal (Amendment) is seeking to do is blunt it further. It is actually seeking to make a defence to something that is already defendable. It is seeking to provide, and add a qualifier that for one to be found guilty of abusing duty by omitting or doing something, he or she must know that it is their duty to do something, or that it is their duty not to do something. “A defence has been introduced by the legislature right now as we speak. So, I was shocked when I discovered that the tool, already blunt, has been blunted further. So, I do not know if there has been activism voices around this to say: We need sharp and more tools. We cannot blunt the weak ones, and the legislature that we already have. “I am hoping to see organisations writing submissions to Parliament regarding this Bill because what I think should instead happen is that there should be a definition of what a public officer is. It is very narrow,” she said. While the commission has been lacking prosecutorial powers, the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) admitted that state prosecutors are susceptible to bribery because of poor working conditions and low pay during the launch of the Transparency International 2022 Corruption Perception Index report, further casting doubt over effective prosecution. Zacc commissioner blames law Zacc commissioner Jessie Majome

News Page 23 RUVIMBO MUCHENJE THE Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference has called for an end to political detentions and high-level corruption while decrying the deteriorating socio-economic situation in the country ahead of the 2023 elections. In a hard-hitting pastoral letter titled Breaking the Unjust Fetters released this week, the bishops tore into the ongoing political violence perpetrated by suspected ruling party members since the beginning of the year. The recent public flogging of elderly CCC supporters in Murewa by Zanu PF thugs has sparked an uproar. “. . . a General Election, should never be preceded by violence. Because it is a time of communal discernment about the kind of leadership we want, and where we wish to go as a nation, a General Election should never be in a context of intimidation and incarceration. We are going towards the General Elections with some people incarcerated for expressing their views,” read the letter. In addition to being subjected to political violence, opposition members have been arrested and detained. The cases involving embattled Zengeza West MP, Job Sikhala, who has been in custody for eight months now, and the recent arrest of Mkoba legislator and senior CCC official Amos Chibaya and Budiriro MP Costa Machingauta alongside 24 party members have cast a dark shadow over the elections. “We can tolerate political differences and we can learn from each other what to add to our own political vision and how to market it without the shedding of blood. Violence should never be a tool employed in politics. As Pope Francis reminded us, “The instrument of politics is closeness, it is about confronting problems, understanding them . . . it is about something we have forgotten how to do: persuasion,” they added. The Catholic bishops also raised concern over socio-economic inequalities which have seen the poor keep getting poorer, because of excessive corruption by government officials and a few elites. “The altruistic approach that gave us the aforementioned successes seemingly has been aborted and replaced by a raw form of individualism seeking nothing but self-aggrandizement through corruption. What is most worrisome is that such rampant corruption by known players is not being nipped in the bud by the responsible offices but is seemingly supported by those in power by their silence and inaction. The Auditor-General’s report of 2021 makes for painful reading as it confirms total disregard for structures of accountability. She writes that some ministries have not made their documents available for audit despite the fact that this is a requirement. Where there is no transparency and no accountability, we can conclude that there is corruption at a large scale. The chairperson of the Anti-Corruption Commission admitted in 2019 that the commission could do very little because the courts were corrupt,” read the letter. “When it comes to corruption, Pope Francis’ observation is apt. In 2015, the Holy Father speaking about corruption had this to say, Corruption is something which creeps in. It’s like sugar: it’s sweet. We like it, it goes down easily. And then? We get sick, with all that easy sugar we end up as diabetics, and our country becomes diabetic! Whenever we take a bribe, or pocket a kickback, we destroy our heart, we destroy our personality, we destroy our country . . . if you do not want corruption in your life, in your country, then start (opposing it) now! Corruption is not the way to life. It is a path which leads to death,” they added. Hardest hit by the economic hardships are low-income earners who have had to bear the brunt of economic failures. “Looking at where we are, we see that our people are witnesses and worse, victims of abject poverty and destitution. We live with these and there doesn’t seem to be an exodus, a way out of this desperation, where people are without work, and those with work are paid never enough to feed themselves and look after their families. We see a growing population on the streets living on begging. We see a very high percentage of young people of school-going age not going to school and a good number of them now being employed, by untouchable drug lords, to sell drugs and killing themselves and many others in the process. We also see that our people are being used as pawns in the power game,” they said. Catholic bishops berated the ongoing political violence (below) perpetrated by suspected ruling party members. Bishops decry oppression amid economic desolation NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 24 ORGANIZED Crime and Corruption Reporting Project joined the Londongrad Kleptocracy Tour, organized by campaigners trying to get dirty money out of the U.K.’s capital, to ask what measures are still needed to fight kleptocracy and corruption. As the tour bus ascends North London’s Highgate West Hill, dozens of tour-goers struggle to peer over a tall red brick wall and catch a glimpse of Witanhurst, a Grade II-listed mansion believed to be worth 300 million pounds (about $361 million) and owned by the Russian billionaire Andrey Guryev. Roman Borisovich, an anti-corruption campaigner and one of the tour’s organizers, describes what’s hidden behind the walls of London’s second-largest private residence after Buckingham Palace: A private cinema hall, a 25- car garage, and an Olympic-sized swimming pool. In recent years, properties like Guriyev’s have been snapped up — and vastly expanded — by the Russian oligarchs whose fortunes have exploded under the rule of President Vladimir Putin. These oligarchs plundered Russian state resources after the fall of the USSR, and London became their favored second home. Moments after skirting Guriyev’s property, the bus passes Beechwood House, acquired by ex-Arsenal FC shareholder Alisher Usmanov in 2008 for 48 million pounds ($96.1 million). Next door is Athlone House, a 65-million-pound ($80.1-million) mansion owned by the billionaire Mikhail Fridman. Soon after: a 17.95-million-pound ($24.61-million) property once owned by the son of Vladimir Yakunin, a former KGB colleague of Putin’s. Since 2016, grassroots organization the Campaign for Legislation Against Moneylaundering in Properties by Kleptocrats, known as ClampK, has been visiting properties like these on what they call “kleptocracy tours.” Nowadays, however, these tours have added significance. With many of these oligarchs now targeted by an intensive sanctions program launched in response to Russia’s aggression in Ukraine, some of their most valuable assets, like these mansions, have been frozen amid U.K. government efforts to clamp down on Kremlin-linked wealth. Arthur Doohan, ClampK’s co-founder, says the tour’s purpose is to “highlight the scale of the damage done by kleptocrats to both the countries that they steal International InvestigativeStories One year on from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, how is the UK’s fight against Kleptocratic wealth faring? International Investigative Stories Oliver Bullough speaks to journalists outside the disused Old Brompton Road tube station in London, which Ukrainian oligarch Dmytro Firtash bought in 2014. Credit: Katie McCraw/OCCRP NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 25 from and the countries that receive stolen monies.” Oliver Bullough, an investigative journalist and tour organizer, says from the front of the bus that it will take years of dedicated political will, robust legislation, and proper resourcing of law enforcement to reverse what he calls the “criminal foolishness” of having allowed dirty money to infiltrate the U.K.’s economy over the past few decades. “By giving people a place to spend stolen money, we’re just encouraging them to steal more,” Bullough says. ‘A Quick and Dirty Tool’ On the day of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the U.K.’s prime minister at the time, Boris Johnson, promised a “remorseless mission to squeeze Russia from the global economy.” Since then, the U.K. has sanctioned more than 1,500 Russian individuals and entities. Russian-owned assets worth a combined 18.39 billion pounds ($20.8 billion) have been frozen. The new Economic Crime Act was rushed through parliament in weeks and sought to prevent anonymous ownership of U.K. properties through shell companies. Additional proposed legislation, the Economic Crime and Corporate Transparency Bill, is now being debated in the House of Lords. But when asked how much progress had been made in actually seizing these frozen assets during the past year, Bullough was forthright: “None. No progress. None at all.” While government sanctions allow for the freezing of assets, moving to confiscation is “extremely difficult,” according to Helena Wood, a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Financial Crime and Security Studies at U.K.-based think tank the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI). “Sanctions are a quick and dirty tool of foreign policy. We need to find a way to remove these assets from our economy — sanctions are not going to allow us to do that,” Wood says. According to U.S. attorney Jamison Firestone, confiscating kleptocrats’ assets is difficult because it requires proving that their wealth originates in crimes that may have taken place decades ago. On top of that, governments have to prove that a particular asset was bought with the proceeds of a particular crime — assuming they’re even able to unpick complex ownership structures that often involve secretive trusts. And experts are quick to highlight loopholes in the existing legislation. New research published earlier this month by campaign group Transparency International shows almost 52,000 properties in England and Wales are still owned anonymously, despite new legislation requiring offshore companies to declare their ultimate owners. Some 14,000 companies – including some reportedly owned by kleptocrats, oligarchs and sanctioned individuals – have failed to comply with the law. Ben Cowdock of Transparency International said helpful moves have been made, but there is more to do. Much wealth, for example, is hidden behind opaque trusts. “The use of trusts in company ownership structures continues to mask the true owners of thousands of properties across the U.K.,” Cowdock says. “To fix this, the government should enable Companies House to publish details of those behind trusts which hide the names of offshore company owners.” Meanwhile, one sanctioned Russian oligarch was granted 60,000 pounds (around $72,000) per week by the U.K. treasury to cover his “basic needs” — something Bullough sees as a “flaw in the sanctions legislation.” And in 2021 Evgeny Prigozhin, the head of Russian mercenary group Wagner, which has committed atrocities in Ukraine and elsewhere, was granted a special U.K. government license that let him pay British lawyers to sue a journalist for defamation — despite the fact that the warlord had already been sanctioned. ‘Dekleptofication’ Since last year, a significant focus of sanctions enforcement has been on freezing eye-catching assets like oligarchs’ mansions, superyachts, and private jets. In March, OCCRP published the Russian Asset Tracker, a project which identified more than $20 billion in assets owned around the world by sanctioned Russian oligarchs and officials. Wood, the researcher from RUSI’s Centre for Financial Crime and Security Studies, sees Russian-owned assets like these as part of a wider problem of global kleptocracy. “These buildings represent a selling off of our democracy and our rule of law to kleptocrats beyond Russia, across the whole world, to serve a prosperity agenda,” Wood says as the bus heads South towards Hampstead, an upscale area of North London. “This is not just about Russian assets, this is about the U.K. reversing out of a situation where it has become a global hub of money laundering for the past 30 years.” As the tour continues through central London, the extent of elite Russian wealth that has been funneled to the U.K. capital becomes ever clearer. On Mayfair’s opulent Belgrave Square, the bus passes a 50-million-pound ($65-million) mansion owned by Oleg Deripaska, a metals magnate whom the U.S. has accused of threatening the lives of corporate rivals, bribing a Russian official, and ordering the murder of a businessman. The front door, boarded up, is partially hidden behind a dead potted tree sitting under the porch. (Deripaska’s representative has denied his involvement in any illegality.) Experts have called for a new approach to so-called “dekleptofication” – the process by which the U.K. might uncouple itself from wealthy foreign investment that originates in kleptocratic states. Wood wants to see new laws that would designate kleptocratic assets as a threat to national security and allow for their confiscation on that basis – something she compares to Italy’s anti-mafia laws. And Firestone wants “fundamental changes to our laws” – including new legislation which would enable Western governments to hand Russian-owned assets to the Ukrainian people as reparations under international law. Firestone co-founded the law firm FD Advisory in Moscow in the 1990s. In 2009, a Russian employee of his firm, Sergei Magnitsky, was killed in prison after blowing the whistle on a $230 million government tax fraud. All too familiar with Russia’s approach to law enforcement, he cautions against overzealous asset seizures which could lead to accusations of adopting an approach “no better than the legal system that allowed these people to steal these assets.” Instead, he calls for new laws which would allow the U.K. government to target Russian Central Bank reserves — some 26 billion pounds ($31.33 billion) that are protected by sovereign immunity, a legal concept which gives sovereign states immunity from civil and criminal lawsuits. “We have sovereign immunity because we respect the sovereignty of states and international law,” he says. “Putin does not respect these things. We should lift sovereign immunity and give that money to Ukraine.” New legislation is only part of the solution. Several expert speakers who took the microphone as the tour traveled London, called for greater investment in law enforcement to help tackle economic crime. According to Wood, the government needs to spend 250 million pounds ($300 million) annually to start addressing the problem. “We absolutely need a proper plan to retool our law enforcement,” Wood says. Otherwise, “we’re going to be doing these tours in 5, 10, 20 years.” ‘An Army of Enablers’ The tour finishes in Westminster, the seat of the U.K.’s parliament. Here, like elsewhere in London, are reminders of the Russian elite’s financial capture of the U.K. capital. Directly overlooking the Ministry of Defense building, an 11.4-million-pound ($19.3-million), 483-square-meter apartment belongs to Igor Shuvalov, a politician who chairs Vnesheconombank, a Russian state-owned development bank. After serving in various government roles from the late 1990s, including as Putin’s presidential aide, in 2008 Shuvalov was appointed first deputy prime minister and remained in the position for a decade. According to the Anti-Corruption Foundation of imprisoned Russian campaigner Alexei Navalny, Shuvalov was “instrumental in creating the system of state corruption which has come to dominate the country’s institutions.” Shuvalov was sanctioned by the U.K., EU, and U.S. in early 2022. Margaret Hodge, a member of parliament for the Labour Party and chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Anti-Corruption and Responsible Tax, believes the U.K. government’s efforts to target Russian oligarchs have not gone far enough. “Although they have been sanctioned, most of them have evaded and avoided those sanctions by the loopholes which we created in bringing in the legislation. Our ability to capture sanctioned money and property owned by these oligarchs and kleptocrats has been pathetic,” Hodge says. She describes, in a brief speech at the end of the tour, an “army of enablers” — accountants, lawyers, bankers and corporate services providers — who facilitate money laundering and economic crime. “Until we tackle those enablers, we will not rid Britain of the ill we’ve got,” she adds. Today, on the one-year anniversary of the war, a cross-party group of MPs led by Hodge has written to the prime minister, Rishi Sunak, calling for a tougher stance on what she calls “Russian dirty money.” The group highlighted proposed legislation currently going through parliament, the Seizure of Russian State Assets and Support for Ukraine Bill. If passed, it would allow for the seizure of Russian state assets like central bank reserves. But for now, the tour organizers can only continue to promote their vision of a U.K. uncoupled from kleptocracy from the tour bus. It will be in Westminster’s Houses of Parliament that the country’s future policy will be decided. — Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project. International Investigative Stories Lawyer Jamison Firestone talks about the difficulties of confiscating kleptocrats’ assets on the tour. Credit: Katie McCraw/OCCRP NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 26 The NewsHawks is published on different content platforms by the NewsHawks Digital Media which is owned by Centre for Public Interest Journalism No. 100 Nelson Mandela Avenue Beverly Court, 6th floor Harare, Zimbabwe Trustees/Directors: Beatrice Mtetwa, Raphael Khumalo, Professor Wallace Chuma, Teldah Mawarire, Doug Coltart EDITORIAL STAFF: Managing Editor: Dumisani Muleya Assistant Editor: Brezh Malaba News Editor: Owen Gagare Digital Editor: Bernard Mpofu Reporters: Brenna Matendere, Ruvimbo Muchenje, Enock Muchinjo, Jonathan Mbiriyamveka, Nathan Guma Email: [email protected] Marketing Officer: Charmaine Phiri Cell: +263 735666122 [email protected] [email protected] Subscriptions & Distribution: +263 735666122 Reaffirming the fundamental importance of freedom of expression and media freedom as the cornerstone of democracy and as a means of upholding human rights and liberties in the constitution; our mission is to hold power in its various forms and manifestations to account by exposing abuse of power and office, betrayals of public trust and corruption to ensure good governance and accountability in the public interest. CARTOON Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe The NewsHawks newspaper subscribes to the Code of Conduct that promotes truthful, accurate, fair and balanced news reporting. If we do not meet these standards, register your complaint with the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe at No.: 34, Colenbrander Rd, Milton Park, Harare. Telephone: 024-2778096 or 024-2778006, 24Hr Complaints Line: 0772 125 659 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] WhatsApp: 0772 125 658, Twitter: @vmcz Website: www.vmcz.co.zw, Facebook: vmcz Zimbabwe US-SA in geopolitical battle Dumisani Muleya Hawk Eye Editorial & Opinion The world must cancel Zimbabwe's debts. Don't ask me how we ended up owing billions of dollars. JOAQUIM Alberto Chissano (83), Mozambique's second president, is a respected elder statesman in Africa. He spent this week in Harare, mediating Zimbabwe's debt resolution talks. Chissano, a founding member of the liberation party Frelimo, brings to the table solid credentials. He is no angel, of course, but he can rightly claim credit for playing an important role in Mozambique's transformation from a war-torn failed state to a relatively decent democracy. Throughout his life — stretching from the fight against colonial oppression, to leading a post-independence nation, to silencing the guns, and to helping shape a more democratic society — he has come face-to-face with the grim realities of conflict, bad governance and under-development. In his speech to the debt resolution meeting, Chissano sounded refreshingly forthright. He told President Emmerson Mnangagwa and the other dignitaries that Zimbabwe must implement far-reaching economic and political reforms. He is spot-on. The problem with the Zanu PF government is that it has perfected the art of shadow boxing. Mnangagwa and his minions are quick to blame everyone else but themselves for Zimbabwe's catastrophic economic decay. The economic and political reforms which Chissano is referring to were not imposed on this country by some imaginary "imperialist" powers; the reform roadmap was formulated by the Zanu PF government itself, as outlined in various blueprints, including the National Development Strategy (NDS). In any case, many of the governance precepts are spelt out in the national constitution. Mnangagwa must simply abide by the constitution, implement the NDS and uphold the tenets of good governance and democracy. But it is vital to emphasise that the debt resolution dialogue will come unstuck if the interlocutors continue ignoring the basics. The starting point in any credible discussion of the debt crisis is the need for a debt audit. The official public debt has been pegged at US$17.5 billion, but this is not an audited figure and there is every reason to believe that the real debt has far exceeded that amount. The country’s debt crisis is largely a product of high-level corruption, bad governance and a flagrant disregard for Parliament's constitutional oversight role. Considering the government’s track record on matters of transparency and accountability, it would be naive to believe that the Zimbabwean authorities have made a full disclosure. For decades, there has been plenty of evidence showing that the Zanu PF government's debt management methods are scandalous. Political elites and their cronies have reduced the public purse to a feeding trough. They grab state-funded tractors, fertiliser, diesel and these personal debts are offloaded onto the shoulders of long-suffering taxpayers. Bigwigs must pay their debts and stop robbing the poor. Government policies and actions should serve the interests of citizens and not rapacious political overlords who are driven by self-serving ambitions. Zimbabwe's debt distress is unsustainable, making it increasingly difficult for the government to deliver on essential social services, notably health, education, pension and welfare safety nets. Addressing the debt resolution meeting, Mnangagwa made a telling remark: "Zimbabwe's debt overhang continues to weigh down heavily on our development efforts . . ." Secondly, he said Zimbabwe has no access to international lines of credit. He then proceeded to highlight the need for a "debt resolution forum". What he conveniently skirted is the fact that Zimbabwe needs a comprehensive debt audit first. We have written in these pages before that the time for a credible and independent debt audit is long overdue. Who has pocketed those hefty loans? Audit the debt urgently first NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Companies & Markets Page 27 ELON Musk’s Starlink is expanding at lightening speed in the data space in this data-driven environment. The “battle over data”, just like the “battle over oil”, is real and refers to the ongoing struggle for control and ownership of data, as well as the conflict over how data should be collected, stored, used, and shared. In recent years, this battle has become increasingly relevant with the rapid growth of technology and the internet, which has generated an enormous amount of data that has significant economic and social value. On one hand, corporations and governments want to collect, store and use data to improve their operations, make better decisions, and target their products and services more effectively. On the other hand, individuals and privacy advocates want to protect their personal information and maintain control over how their data is used. This battle has led to numerous debates and controversies, such as the right to privacy, the responsibility of companies to protect personal information, and the role of the government in regulating the collection and use of data. Additionally, there are also debates around issues such as data ownership, data portability, and data security. Although the idea of using data as a strategic asset has grown in popularity in recent years, the everyday user is still unable to recognize the true worth of data. We are aware that large information technology businesses have been gathering data for a very long time. We are aware that new laws governing the use of data are developed annually. Nevertheless, the majority of us are still unaware of how data may affect our society.  The Economist  published an article a few years ago titled “The World’s Most Valuable Resource Is no Longer  Oil, but Data.” However, it is still difficult for most people to comprehend how data may become the new oil. Oil and data are rarely used in their raw forms. Oil that has not been refined cannot be used. Oil needs to be extracted, processed, and distributed in order to be useful. The same is true for data. The data must first be processed before it is ready for analysis, therefore we do not use it right away. According to Clive Humby, “Data is the new oil. Like oil, data is valuable, but if unrefined, it cannot really be used. It has to be changed into gas, plastic, chemicals, etc. to create a valuable entity that drives profitable activity. So, must data be broken down, and analyzed for it to have value.” Data and cyber espionage are closely related because cyber espionage involves the theft or unauthorized access to data. Cyber espionage is the use of digital techniques to gain unauthorized access to sensitive or confidential information, such as trade secrets, military or government data, intellectual property, or personal information. Nation-states, criminal organisations, and corporate competitors are all known to engage in cyber espionage to gain strategic advantage, steal intellectual property or financial data, or gather intelligence on political or military adversaries. The use of strong cybersecurity measures, such as encryption and access controls, can help protect against cyber espionage, but it remains a significant threat in today’s digital landscape. Zimbabwe, like many other countries, is grappling with challenges related to data governance and privacy. The country has introduced several laws and regulations to manage and protect the use of personal data and regulate the collection, storage, and sharing of sensitive information. Great powers use data to gain advantages in various ways, including: Surveillance and intelligence: Great powers often use data to monitor their rivals’ activities and gather intelligence on potential threats, both domestically and abroad. They collect and analyse massive amounts of data from a variety of sources, including communications, social media, and other public and private sources. Cyber attacks:  Great powers engage in cyber-attacks to disrupt or sabotage their rivals’ critical infrastructure, such as power grids, financial systems, or military networks. They use data as a tool to penetrate and compromise targeted systems and steal sensitive information. Economic and political influence:  Great powers leverage data to influence economic and political decisions through propaganda, disinformation campaigns, and social media manipulation. They use data analytics and artificial intelligence to analyse and target specific groups and individuals with customised messaging that amplifies their strategic objectives. Military operations:  Great powers use data to enhance their military capabilities through the development of advanced weapons systems, real-time situational awareness, and precision targeting. Overall, data has become a critical element of great power competition, and its use is likely to continue to increase in the future. One of the most significant battles over data in Zimbabwe relates to the country’s efforts to establish a centralised database of citizens’ biometrics and other personal information. The project has been controversial, with concerns raised about the potential for misuse of personal data, especially in the absence of robust data protection laws and regulations. In addition to the biometrics project, Zimbabwe has also been working to regulate the use of digital platforms and social media which received public backlash. There are several bills lined up to manage and regulate data. The battle over data in Zimbabwe highlights the need for comprehensive data protection laws and regulations that balance the benefits of data-driven innovation with privacy and security concerns. Ultimately, the battle over data is a complex and ongoing struggle that involves many different stakeholders and will likely continue to evolve as technology advances and our understanding of the importance of data grows. *About the writer: Kaduwo is a researcher and economist. Contact: [email protected] or WhatsApp +263773376128. Data is the new oil Econometrics HawksView Tinashe Kaduwo Elon Musk NewsHawks New Perspectives Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 26 NewsHawks Issue 76, 15 April 2022 Business MATTERS NewsHawks CURRENCIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE USD/JPY 109.29 +0.38 +0.35 GBP/USD 1.38 -0.014 -0.997 USD/CAD 1.229 +0.001 +0.07 USD/CHF 0.913 +0.005 +0.53 AUD/USD 0.771 -0.006 -0.76 COMMODITIES LAST CHANGE %CHANGE *OIL 63.47 -1.54 -2.37 *GOLD 1,769.5 +1.2 +0.068 *SILVER 25.94 -0.145 -0.56 *PLATINUM 1,201.6 +4 +0.33 MARKETS *COPPER 4.458 -0.029 -0.65 Forex may retard GDP growth BERNARD MPOFU THE Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) says while full dollarisation of the economy will slow down inflation, the increased use of foreign currency may retard gross domestic product (GDP) growth and make local exports less competitive. Rising inflation and weakening has led to the increased use of the United States dollar as many ditch the domestic currency. According to Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency, approximately 76% of government expenditure is in US dollars, which reaffirms the notion that Zimbabwe is heading towards full dollarisation. “While full dollarisation will completely eliminate persistent inflation challenges being faced by Zimbabwe, the cost of full dollarisation tends to outweigh the benefits,” the CZI says in its latest economic research note for January. “Some of the cost of full dollarisation include: economic contraction, as the country migrate to a high-cost economy which will make it difficult for local firms to compete on the international market; loss of monetary policy independence, especially the ability to influence the growth trajectory of an economy using the usual monetary policy tools . . .” Full dollarisation, the organised manufacturing sector lobby body says, will also curtail the central bank’s lender-of-last-resort function as it might not be able to act to assist banks in distress and avert financial system crises. The policy shift, the CZI adds, will lead to huge current account deficits as it becomes cheaper for economic agents holding US dollar balances to import. “The Zimbabwean dollar has lost its function as a store of value and economic agents no longer want to hold the Zimbabwean dollar. In some cases, the ZWL$ is being completely rejected in the informal sector. While controlling ZWL$ inflation remains the only way to enhance the store of value function, there is urgent need to at least restore the function of the ZWL$ as a medium of exchange,” the CZI says. “Currently, there is no demand for the local currency, especially among those that earn foreign currency, as the dual economy nature of Zimbabwe means that they can do all transactions in USD. The main reason why the efforts aimed at ensuring stability have failed is that the efforts are mainly targeted at the supply side, especially controlling money supply growth and managing ZWL$ liquidity. However, these efforts also need demand side management policies to succeed. Currently, there is not much being done on the demand side, which could see any business seeing the need to hold on to the ZWL$.” Official figures show that year-on-year inflation for January 2023 was 229.8%, shedding 13.9 percentage points from the December 2022 rate of 243.8% as the downward trend of year-on-year inflation, which was experienced on the latter part of 2022, has continued into 2023. CZI says full dollarisation curtails the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe’s lender-of-last-resort function.

Companies & Markets Companies & Markets Page 29 CFI Holdings revenue up Govt spending projected to increase PRISCA TSHUMA ZIMBABWE Stock Exchange-listed conglomerate CFI Holdings Limited has recorded a revenue increase of 9.9% attributed to an increase in retail division sales volumes for the first quarter ended 31 December 2022 compared to the prior year. The sales volumes for the retail division’s key revenue drivers increased by 9% relative to the corresponding year. Economic challenges in the operating environment had an adverse impact on the fertilizer and Agrifoods sales volumes. “Agrifoods' sales volumes performance was flat at prior period levels as demand for stockfeeds remained stagnant in the face of general economic challenges,” said the group. The Ukraine-Russia war disrupted global supply chains, causing the increase in prices, which constrained the fertilizer sales. “This was further exacerbated by the depressed producer prices for tobacco and maize coming into the current season,” added the company. Despite the successful winter wheat harvest season experienced last year, Victoria Foods division sales declined by 19.8% in the period under review. “This was a result of the flour mill operating under subdued capacity following power supply shortages, whilst maize supply constraints subdued the maize mill operations,” the group said. During the quarter, Glenara potato harvest decreased by 5% as planting was constrained by seed supply shortages. However, to assist in underpinning raw material supplies to Victoria Foods and Agrifoods, the estate increased its area planted under commercial maize and soya bean by 11% and 19% respectively compared to prior year. The poultry-processing company projects that aggregate demand would be high on the back of the good agricultural season. Therefore, they will remain focused on exploiting any opportunities to contribute to the overall business performance, whilst monitoring its operating costs in light of hardening costs and periods of stagnated growth. BERNARD MPOFU GOVERNMENT spending is seen increasing by nearly 8% this year as Zimbabwe gears up for the next general elections scheduled for later this year, a new report done by a United Kingdom-based research firm has shown. According to the latest Fitch Solutions research note, while Zimbabwe's economy will accelerate to 2.4% in 2023, from 2.0% in 2022, the country faces enormous political risk in the short to medium term. “Real government consumption is set to increase by 7.8% in 2023, acting as a key economic driver. “While the state budget for 2023 has not yet been finalised, the Budget Strategy Paper (released in July 2022) suggests that expenditure will remain unchanged as a share of GDP between 2022 and 2023, Fitch says. “We doubt that policymakers will have the fiscal discipline to keep to this target in an election year and anticipate that government consumption will actually increase from 21.0% of GDP in 2022 to 21.3% of GDP in 2023, and will contribute 2.0 percentage points (pp) to headline growth — up from 1.2pp in 2022. “The sharp increase in state expenditure should also result in faster consumer spending growth. While civil servants account for less than 2% of the total Zimbabwean labour force, their salaries are projected to amount to 8.2% of GDP (or 45.9% of total government expenditure) in 2022. “Accordingly, an expansionary budget that involves higher spending on civil service salaries is likely to provide a major boost to household spending.” Still commenting on mining, Fitch says an increase in royalties will create more revenue for Treasury. “Moreover, the government has increased mining royalties for platinum and lithium to 5.0%, from 2.5% previously, which will further bolster government revenue," Fitch says. “Government spending will also remain elevated, particularly in the run-up to general elections in 2023. Funding spending will prove challenging, and over the long term government spending will be constrained by a drop off in revenue from taxes and the limited options for credit until the state clears its outstanding arrears with multilateral lenders. As a result, growth in this segment will increase by an average of 4.2% annually between 2022 and 2031.” PRISCA TSHUMA ZIMBABWE'S sole cable manufacturer, CAFCA Limited, has reported a decrease in sales in the first quarter ended December 2022 comparedvto the corresponding period in 2021. The company recorded a 75-tonne decline to 559 tonnes in the conductor cable tonnes sold in the first quarter ended December 2022 compared to the 634 tonnes sold in the same period in 2021. The quarter was unfavourable to the company as both local and export volumes declined. Local volumes for the period under review were 8% lower compared to the first quarter in 2021 due to the drop in the utilities sector and factory cash sales. “Factory cash sales was down as a result of an uncompetitive US$ price which has since been resolved with the change in the retention rules,” said the company. Export volumes were 34 tonnes down during the quarter versus the same period in 2021, due to shortages in foreign currency. “Our customers in Malawi continue to experience difficulty in obtaining foreign currency so stock replacement there is slow,” CAFCA said. Mozambique had a large once-off order in the quarter which was not repeated, but there is a large order that is to be delivered in March this year. This will close the shortfall to the region. Rwanda was steady and the company expects an order to the Democratic Republic of Congo in March this year. In addition, the group has three months sales cover in finished goods stock, giving CAFCA the ability to meet the +/-1400 stock lines the market requires in relation to the weekly production target of 16 line items. Meanwhile, CAFCA opened a consignment stock arrangement in Tanzania during the period under review. Nevertheless, the group recorded a historical year-to-date turnover and profit increment of 375% and 595% respectively against the same period in 2021. CAFCA records decline in sales NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 30 Companies & Markets THE New Year brings new opportunities and challenges for communications practitioners. However, there is no more a significant challenge than when one becomes chief communications officer (CCO) after being selected to lead the communications team of an organisation. I write this having in mind colleagues who have taken up new posts in 2023. I know exactly how this feels, having found myself in that position on more than one occasion and also sitting on several interview panels. Those that are hired carry the hopes and expectations of the executive in injecting new ideas and making a visible impact. The pressure is on for them to prove their worth after being employed through a rigorous selection process or head-hunted through some recommendation. My communications career is replete with times where I was to create a new department from scratch, or to solve a huge reputational challenge in the organisation. A predecessor would have dazzled their new employers with an impressive CV but fell short on delivery. Or in one case, the organisation just wanted someone who would reclaim their reputation after the top executive messed up big time. In all these cases, I found it wise to develop a game plan to ensure that the contribution I made would be visible while maintaining continuity, causing no disruption to the organisation’s flow. The first 100 days of a newly hired CCO are critical for one to find direction and start implementing their strategy. It is essential to establish a firm foundation for their role and create a positive impact on the organisation. I have identified priority areas for the CCO to consider when taking up office. First, get rid of that chip on your shoulder. Yes, you may have been a star performer in your previous organisation, but this is a different ball game altogether! There is always the temptation to hit the ground running (and you may have no choice) but, at this stage, patience is a virtue Slow down and get aligned with the vision, mission, and objectives of the new organisation before you can make any assumptions about changes or actions. Do not make the mistake of comparing your new home to your old organisation. Keep an open mind and learn to accept your new circumstances. Be ready to change your assumptions and perceptions. Spend more time learning about the corporate culture and getting to know their business operations. You cannot do enough due diligence, says Don Spetner, executive vice-president, corporate affairs at Korn/Ferry International. “The toughest and most vital information to find about a prospective job isn’t available online. You must figure out the expected behaviour, how the senior team interacts, what How to handle the first 100 days as chief communications officer the CEO demands of direct reports, why the previous communications person failed, and what the political landscape is like,” advises Spetner. The CCO should assess the organisation’s communications strategy to understand the current state of the organisation’s communications and identify any areas that need improvement at an early stage. Create your own strategy. Build one that you can drive in order to be seen as a change agent. Evaluate your team earlier on and see how you can fill the gaps, if any. No matter what you do, avoid criticising your predecessor. You may never know what allegiances they have built in your team. Do to avoid alienating key people. Gain the respect of the CEO because you serve them at their pleasure. Adopt him as your mentor. It may do you a lot of good. I used this strategy to good effect at Dunlop Zimbabwe when I latched on to the wisdom of the then MD Don McDevitt. By aligning my plans with his strategy, I earned his unfettered support, much to the chagrin of some colleagues in management. That is a story for another day! “CEOs are looking for leaders and strategic thinkers in this function; people with vision and strong execution skills. It’s important to be seen simultaneously as a source of a unique perspective on the executive team, a well-organised leader who can deliver tangible results,” says George Jamison III, corporate communications practice leader at Spencer Stuart. The CCO should establish strong relationships and build trust with key internal stakeholders, including peers leading other business units and other employees. They should get the views of the business unit through the functional leaders in the organisation. It is important to build internal advocates at this stage. Meet them individually, attend business unit meetings and ask lots of questions. I should add that most CEOs are keen on busting silos in the organisation, and by being a willing advocate, this should give you the opportunity to be an influential cog in managing change. Find out about internal power structures and organisational politics in order to position yourself more confidently. Your peers are watching you and they know what they need most from your function. Find one initiative where you can achieve a good, quick result to get people on your side. When all this is happening, do not lose sight of what is happening on the outside. Conduct an external audit of key stakeholders regarding the company’s reputation. We usually see things from an internal point of view. Look at things 80% from outside of the company. While lecturing, I often define a communications person as one who sits on the fence, keeping both ears to the ground. Ensure top decision-makers and other personnel remain aware of stakeholders’ responses to the business’ products, regulations, and procedures. To effectively listen and understand, involve a wide variety of stakeholders through open dialogue. Establish your relationship with the media from your new organisation’s perspective. The media represent a huge constituency among your stakeholders. Proactively keep them in the loop, lest they come snooping for a scoop! Get to know the clients, customers and other partners in your new environment. The CCO should develop a new communications strategy that focuses on leveraging existing resources, Corporate Communications Lenox Lizwi Mhlanga improving existing channels of communication, and creating new ones. Potential issues could arise from the proposed plan. As a CCO, you should be able to identify and address them with the stakeholders. Before enacting any strategy, it is important to evaluate how it will affect your stakeholders. This could include potential communication barriers, legal considerations, financial implications, and other potential risks. Ensure that the plan is well-documented and that all stakeholders are aware of the goals through well-crafted and targeted messaging. The CCO should evaluate the plan regularly to ensure that the goals and objectives are being met. Like I mentioned in a previous article on how a CCO deliver value to his CEO, aim to prioritise measurement in all your projects. This is what the top executive is looking for. Use digital tools at your disposal to deliver tangible results. Be prepared for some surprises. The lack of understanding in organisations of how strategic communications can help drive business success always shocks us. I have also encountered situations where the skills of many long-time employees would have atrophied, requiring a great deal of up-skilling to keep up with the fast pace of change. Not least of all, use your network of fellow communicators. If there is an agency on your tab, they make for important allies in getting counsel, ideas and much needed back-up on how to enhance the impact of communications in the organisation. Finally, embrace the highest professional standards as espoused by the Arthur B. Page Society. Let the seven proven principles guide your actions and behaviour. 1. Tell the truth. 2. Prove it with action. 3. Listen to stakeholders. 4. Manage for tomorrow, 5. Conduct PR/Comms as if the entire enterprise depended on it. 6. Realise its people who express an enterprise’s true character. 7. Remain calm, patient and good-humoured. The first 100 days of any chief communications officer are critical. With careful planning and execution, it can be a period of significant progress and lasting impact in the post. It sets the tone for the rest of their term and establishes their effectiveness as a leader. By listening to stakeholders, leveraging the right channels, and deploying the right messages, this leader can ensure the success of the organisation for years to come. *About the writer: Lenox Mhlanga is a consultant communications specialist with over 22 years’ experience. He has advised organisations from across the region. A recognised thought leader in the profession, you can contact him for PR counsel, media training, and crisis and reputation management. Mobile: + 263 772 400 656 and email: lenox[email protected] NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Stock Taking Page 31 Zimbabwe Stock Exchange Pricelist ` Top 5 Gainers Top 5 Losers Value Leaders ($) Top 5 Gainers YTD Market Cap ($mn) 2,911,834.35 -1.86% Zimpapers 14.94% Econet -7.97% Innscor 1,577,039,000 Hippo 173.82% All Share Index 27,301.03 -0.77% Fidelity Life 12.50% Star Africa -3.19% Econet 1,440,689,000 SeedCo 168.38% Top 10 Index 16,645.38 -0.23% Meikles 11.11% EHZL -3.12% Delta 637,568,000 African Sun 152.11% Value Traded ($) 3,837,220,357.25 147.82% African Sun 5.31% Axia -2.83% Afdis 151,791,000 Nampak 127.30% Interbank rate (USD/ZWL) 864.0822 0.85% Afdis 4.59% FCB -2.31% African Sun 12,445,880 DZLH 125.71% Market Cap (US$mn) 3,369.8580 -1.86% YTD Movement (%) 11.41% Bloomberg Opening LTP Closing Price Previous Volume traded Value traded Shares In Market Cap Market Cap Price Change Price Change Ticker (RTGSc) (RTGSc) (RTGSc) Change (%) Price (RTGSc) (shares) (RTGS$) Issue (mn's) (RTGS$ mn's) (US$ mn's) RTGS YTD (%) US$ YTD (%) Afdis AFDIS: ZH 27,248.00 28,500.00 28,500.00 4.59% 27,248.00 532,600 151,791,000.00 119.49 34,055.94 39.41 8.20% -14.31% African Sun ASUN: ZH 5,888.45 6,200.00 6,201.24 5.31% 5,888.45 200,700 12,445,880.00 1,423.52 88,275.72 102.16 152.11% 99.66% Ariston ARISTON: ZH 484.57 500.00 500.00 3.18% 484.57 7,000 35,000.00 1,627.40 8,136.98 9.42 23.33% -2.32% Art ARTD: ZH 2,100.00 2,090.00 2,090.00 -0.48% 2,100.00 700 14,630.00 436.98 9,132.83 10.57 49.29% 18.23% Axia AXIA: ZH 13,789.43 13,395.00 13,399.09 -2.83% 13,789.43 1,100 147,390.00 552.15 73,983.12 85.62 20.48% -4.58% Bridgerfort MMDZ: ZH 800.00 - 800.00 - 800.00 - - 3,039.76 24,318.12 28.14 0.00% -20.80% Bridgerfort Class B 2,600.00 - 2,600.00 - 2,600.00 - - 1.32 34.42 0.04 0.00% -20.80% BAT BAT: ZH 277,400.00 - 277,400.00 - 277,400.00 - - 20.63 57,237.38 66.24 -0.90% -21.51% Border BRDR: ZH SUSPENDED - - - - - - 42.94 0.00 0.00 - - Cafca CAFCA: ZH 30,425.00 - 30,425.00 - 30,425.00 - - 8.74 2,657.66 3.08 52.05% 20.42% CBZ CBZ: ZH 14,000.00 - 14,000.00 - 14,000.00 - - 522.66 73,172.61 84.68 3.70% -17.87% CFI CFI: ZH 56,865.00 - 56,865.00 - 56,865.00 - - 106.04 60,300.14 69.79 38.12% 9.39% Delta DLTA: ZH 50,047.57 50,060.00 50,001.41 -0.09% 50,047.57 1,275,100 637,568,000.00 1304.18 652,106.20 754.68 38.98% 10.07% Dairibord DZL: ZH 7,900.00 7,900.00 7,900.00 - 7,900.00 2,700 213,300.00 358.00 28,282.07 32.73 125.71% 78.76% Ecocash EHZL:ZH 7,276.67 7,100.00 7,050.00 -3.12% 7,276.67 600 42,300.00 2590.58 182,635.70 211.36 75.89% 39.30% Econet*** ECO: ZH 19,016.76 18,000.00 17,500.23 -7.97% 19,016.76 8,232,400 1,440,689,000.00 2590.58 453,356.93 524.67 81.77% 43.96% Edgars EDGR: ZH 1,300.00 - 1,300.00 - 1,300.00 - - 604.25 7,855.22 9.09 36.84% 8.38% FBC FBC: ZH 7,005.00 7,010.00 7,010.00 0.07% 7,005.00 72,800 5,103,280.00 671.95 47,103.69 54.51 13.06% -10.46% Fidelity Life FIDL: ZH 2,400.00 2,700.00 2,700.00 12.50% 2,400.00 200 5,400.00 108.92 2,940.93 3.40 12.50% -10.90% FCB FCB: ZH 1,868.75 1,900.00 1,825.67 -2.31% 1,868.75 97,800 1,785,510.00 2159.81 39,431.09 45.63 15.92% -8.20% First Mutual FMLH: ZH 1,950.00 1,950.00 1,950.00 - 1,950.00 400 7,800.00 690.14 13,457.79 15.57 -23.83% -39.67% First Mutual Properties FMP: ZH 1,700.00 - 1,700.00 - 1,700.00 - - 1,238.16 21,048.67 24.36 41.67% 12.20% GB Holdings GBH: ZH 160.25 160.50 160.24 -0.01% 160.25 167,400 268,239.00 536.59 859.83 1.00 -10.65% -29.24% GetBucks GBFS: ZH 2,250.00 - 2,250.00 - 2,250.00 - - 1,163.12 26,170.16 30.29 3.21% -18.26% Hippo HIPO: ZH 50,000.00 - 50,000.00 - 50,000.00 - - 193.02 96,510.28 111.69 173.82% 116.86% Innscor INN: ZH 81,521.28 81,500.00 81,500.72 -0.03% 81,521.28 1,935,000 1,577,039,000.00 569.88 464,453.41 537.51 14.20% -9.56% Lafarge LACZ: ZH - SUSP - - 0.00 - - 80.00 0.00 0.00 -100.00% -100.00% Mash MASH: ZH 820.00 820.00 820.00 - 820.00 600 4,920.00 1,859.07 15,244.41 17.64 -11.33% -29.77% Masimba MSHL: ZH 11,800.00 - 11,800.00 - 11,800.00 - - 241.65 28,515.14 33.00 47.58% 16.88% Meikles MEIK: ZH 20,000.00 20,000.00 20,000.00 11.11% 20,000.00 800 160,000.00 252.65 50,529.22 58.48 78.57% 41.42% Nampak NPKZ: ZH 2,050.00 2,050.00 2,047.99 -0.10% 2,050.00 24,900 509,950.00 755.65 15,475.60 17.91 127.30% 80.02% NMB NMB: ZH 4,508.38 - 4,508.38 - 4,508.38 - - 404.17 18,221.60 21.09 19.69% -5.21% NTS NTS: ZH 1,020.00 - 1,020.00 - 1,020.00 - - 253.87 2,589.50 3.00 0.00% -20.80% OK Zimbabwe OKZ: ZH 5,423.08 5,700.00 5,448.41 0.47% 5,423.08 60,300 3,285,390.00 1,285.88 70,060.25 81.08 68.58% 33.51% Old Mutual OMU: ZH 8,199.06 SUSP - - 8,199.06 - - 66.17 0.00 0.00 - - PPC PPC: ZH 795.00 SUSP 795.00 - 795.00 - - 37.09 294.84 0.34 - - Proplastics PROL: ZH 3,400.00 6,300.00 3,400.00 - 6,300.00 1,500 94,500.00 251.94 8,565.81 9.91 90.91% -18.40% RTG RTG: ZH 1,008.33 - 1,008.33 - 1,008.33 - - 2,495.50 25,162.83 29.12 13.68% -9.97% Seedco SEED: ZH 20,000.00 20,000.00 20,000.00 - 20,000.00 27,700 5,540,000.00 247.20 49,440.53 57.22 168.38% 112.55% Star Africa SACL: ZH 178.00 172.00 172.32 -3.19% 178.00 22,100 38,082.00 4,715.08 8,125.03 9.40 -18.64% -35.57% Tanganda TANG:ZH 18,606.37 18,600.00 18,600.00 -0.03% 18,606.37 300 55,800.00 261.06 48,558.01 56.20 108.13% 64.84% Truworths TRUW: ZH 280.00 280.00 280.00 - 280.00 500 1,400.00 384.07 1,075.39 1.24 1.82% -19.36% TSL TSL: ZH 5,320.00 - 5,320.00 - 5,320.00 - - 357.10 18,997.85 21.99 20.90% -4.25% Turnall TURN: ZH 500.00 525.00 500.39 0.08% 500.00 6,400 32,025.00 493.04 2,467.12 2.86 26.76% 0.39% Unifreight UNIF: ZH 6,300.00 - 6,300.00 - 6,300.00 - - 106.47 6,707.88 7.76 21.97% -3.40% Willdale WILD: ZH 289.78 290.00 293.59 1.31% 289.78 16,200 47,561.25 1,778.00 5,220.03 6.04 63.11% 29.18% ZBFH ZBFH: ZH 11,300.00 - 11,300.00 - 11,300.00 - - 175.19 19,796.54 22.91 0.04% -20.77% Zeco ZECO: ZH 3.31 - 3.31 - 3.31 - - 463.34 15.34 0.02 0.00% -20.80% ZHL ZHL: ZH 861.00 875.00 875.00 1.63% 861.00 27,800 243,250.00 1,818.22 15,909.41 18.41 66.67% 32.00% Zimpapers ZIMP: ZH 435.00 500.00 500.00 14.94% 435.00 4,000 20,000.00 576.00 2,880.00 3.33 107.22% 64.11% Zimplow Holdings ZIMPLOW: ZH 3,175.00 3,175.00 3,175.00 - 3,175.00 1,000 31,750.00 344.58 10,940.43 12.66 86.76% 47.91% Hwange HCCL: ZH SUSPENDED - - - - - 167.89 - - - - RioZim RIOZ: ZH 16,000.00 - 16,000.00 - 16,000.00 - - 122.03 19,524.72 22.60 14.20% -9.55% Econet shares in issue include Class A Shares Opening LTP Closing Price Change Previous Price Volume traded Value traded Market Cap Market Cap Price Change Price Change (RTGSc) (RTGSc) (RTGSc) (%) (RTGSc) (RTGS$) (RTGS$ mn's) (US$ mn's) RTGS YTD (%) US$ YTD (%) Cass Saddle Agriculture ETF 225.00 - 225.00 0.00% 225.00 - - - - 25.00% -1.00% Datvest Modified Consumer Staples ETF 155.00 170.00 162.40 4.77% 155.00 13,152 21,359.40 367.89 0.43 4.10% -17.55% Morgan&Co Made in Zimbabwe 133.15 135.00 135.00 1.39% 133.15 1,600 2,160.00 3,323.70 3.85 18.68% -6.01% Morgan&Co Multi Sector 2,200.14 2,150.00 2,150.00 -2.28% 2,200.14 1,500 32,250.00 2,707.45 3.13 -6.52% -25.97% OM ZSE Top-10 ETF 901.99 900.00 900.27 -0.19% 901.99 81,528 733,975.00 1,293.02 1.50 39.79% 10.71% Opening LTP Closing Price Change Previous Price Volume traded Value traded Market Cap Market Cap Price Change Price Change (RTGSc) (RTGSc) (RTGSc) (%) (RTGSc) (RTGS$) (RTGS$ mn's) (US$ mn's) RTGS YTD (%) US$ YTD (%) Tigere REIT 4,878.00 4,880.00 4,875.87 -0.04% 4,878.00 12,100 589,980.00 35,073.25 40.59 18.97% -5.78% Victoria Falls Stock Exchange Pricelist Market Cap US$ (mn) 639.54 -0.52% All Share Index 106.18 -0.56% Value Traded US$ 14,207.53 -58% Bloomberg Opening LTP Closing Price Previous Volume traded Value traded Shares In Market Cap Market Cap Price Change Price Change Ticker (USc) (USc) (USc) Change (%) Price (USc) (shares) (US$) Issue (mn's) (US$ mn's) (RTGS$ mn's) US YTD (%) RTGS$ YTD (%) BNC BIND:ZH 2.10 - 2.10 0.00% 2.10 - - 1,272.73 26.73 23,094.56 -8.70% 15.29% Caledonia CMCL:ZH 1,300.00 - 1,300.00 0.00% 1,300.00 - - 0.62 8.06 6,964.50 0.00% 26.27% National Foods Holdings Limited NTFD: ZH 181.00 - 181.00 0.00% 181.00 - - 68.40 123.80 106,977.00 1.32% 27.93% NedBank Zim Depository Receipts 1,150.00 - 1,150.00 0.00% 1,150.00 - - 0.16 1.84 1,591.55 0.00% 26.27% Padenga PHL:ZH 25.77 25.00 25.98 0.81% 25.77 53,494 13,897.50 537.67 139.69 120,701.37 13.35% 43.12% Seed Co Intl SCIL:ZH 25.99 - 25.90 -0.35% 25.99 - - 393.65 101.95 88,097.31 -13.52% 9.19% Simbisa SIM:ZH 43.04 45.50 42.24 -1.86% 43.04 734 310.03 562.18 237.47 205,190.88 15.41% 45.72% * The complete list of ZSE Indices can be obtained from the ZSE website: www.zse.co.zw * The complete list of VFEX Indices can be obtained from the VFEX website: https://www.vfex.exchange/ Exchange Traded Funds Real Estate Investment Trust 17 February, 2023 17 February, 2023 NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 32 Remarks by President Emmerson Mnangagwa at the 2nd Structured Dialogue Platform Meeting on the Arrears Clearance and Debt Resolution Process in Harare on 23 February. Good morning to you all. I am honoured to be addressing this Second Structured Dialogue Platform Meeting on Zimbabwe’s Arrears Clearance and Debt Resolution process, thank you for joining us. Today’s gathering follows our successful first Structured Dialogue Platform meeting, held in Harare, on the 1st of December last year, marking the beginning of an important process for Zimbabwe. This initiative highlights my Government’s commitment to clear our outstanding debt arrears, including those to the African Development Bank Group, other multilateral institutions, and bilateral creditors. Allow me to welcome a distinguished African elder statesman, the Former President of the Republic of Mozambique, His Excellency Joaquim Chissano, who graciously accepted my invitation to him, to be our HighLevel Facilitator for Zimbabwe’s arrears clearance and debt resolution process. I equally welcome my brother, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, the President of the African Development Bank Group. One year ago, I asked Dr. Adesina to champion this process. He not only kindly accepted to do so, but worked speedily to get the process in motion by availing the human and material resources for my Government towards this important initiative. The Finance and Economic Development Minister, Professor Mthuli Ncube is responsible for the day-to-day management of this process on the part of the Government of Zimbabwe. Distinguished Guests; As you are aware, Zimbabwe has been under various forms of punitive sanctions for more than two decades. Our country has demonstrated great resilience, despite the deleterious impact of these sanctions on our economic, social and political landscape. The Southern African region has also not been spared from their negative and inhibitive spill over effects. As I said in my opening remarks last December, we have adapted to our reality, after all, we have no choice. The people of Zimbabwe, like any other, have their needs, hence, as a responsible Government, under the Second Republic, we opted to look inward and use our internal resources to provide a higher quality of life for our people, while growing our economy. However, as we do so, Zimbabwe’s debt overhang continues to weigh down heavily on our development efforts. We have no access to new lines of credit, including from the multilateral banks, such as the World Bank Group. The Zimbabwean Government and the African Development Bank Group agreed therefore, to put this Structured Dialogue Platform in place, to provide space for constructive and structured dialogue on arrears clearance and debt resolution. Our first Structured Dialogue Platform meeting brought together our international development partners, represented by 22 diplomatic envoys, together with our own cabinet ministers, senior Government bureaucrats and officials of multilateral development banks. I once again thank everyone for their support of this process. Our aim going forward is to produce outcomes that will lead to a High-Level Debt Resolution Forum.The issues, perspectives and recommendations raised by both stakeholders and partners during the December meeting were invaluable. The consensus and broad endorsement of a Central Pin Strategy, which is composed of three pillars, gives good guidance on the way forward. The first aspect relates to Economic Reforms. The second is on governance issues while the third relates to our commitment to a sustainable land tenure system. The compensation of former commercial farmers for improvements made on farms as well as the resolution of cases of farms affected during the Land Reform, which were covered by Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreements (BIPPAs) will also be considered under the third pillar. With regards to economic reforms, we recognise that exchange rate stability is a key area that requires continued attention. So far, multi- pronged routes are being pursued to ensure greater certainty around this matter. I am pleased to highlight that, my Government has agreed a compensation package with former commercial farmers for improvements made on the land , under the Global Compensation Deed. We remain committed to the resource mobilisation efforts to enable payment of this obligation. Under the Governance Pillar, my Administration is unwavering in its adherence to Constitutionalism, the rule of law and the tenets of good governance and democracy. We will ensure that our laws are applied consistently, without fear or favour. Zimbabwe will conduct free and fair elections this year, consistent with our Constitution and electoral laws. In addition, human rights concerns are being addressed in line with our country’s laws and international conventions. On BIPPAs, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Trade along with the Ministry of Agriculture, Lands, Water, Fisheries and Rural Development are engaging the affected investors, on a case by case basis. I am confident that this process will yield win- win outcomes. Ladies and Gentlemen; One of the challenges with this process is how to measure and find common ground with regards to the indicators of a good trajectory to progress. In this regard, I am pleased to note that the agreement is to use the Sector Performance Indicators and Targets contained in the Results Framework of our National Development Strategy (NDS 1). Over and above this, my Government continues to demonstrate its commitment through quarterly token payments to various creditors, according to an agreed payment schedule. Following the generous support of the African Development Bank, we have engaged consultants, who are providing critical advice on the process of finalising the policy matrices. My Government Ministries will coordinate with the African Development Bank Group and work with you all towards a credible implementation framework. Our overall aim is to reach a point where the issues underpinning the arrears clearance and debt resolution process are agreed through consensus that takes into account our country’s unique realities. Rest assured, that as a Government, we are very keen to see Zimbabwe in good standing with all its creditors and determined to deliver favourable outcomes for the people of our country and the expectations of creditors. I am personally appreciative of the valuable contributions and engagements since the first Structured Dialogue Platform meeting and stand ready to maintain an opendoor policy, as an avenue to resolve any outstanding issues. Finally, I want to express my profound gratitude to Dr. Adesina, our Champion, and his staff at the African Development Bank Group for their steadfast and generous support towards Zimbabwe’s arrears clearance and debt resolution process. I wish you fruitful and successful deliberations. Allow me to now invite His Excellency, Former President Joaquim Chissano to deliver his remarks in his esteemed role as Facilitator of this process. Thereafter, Dr Adesina, our Champion and President of the African Development Bank Group, will also give us his remarks. God bless you all. I thank you. President Emmerson Mnangagwa Mnangagwa addresses arrears clearance and debt crisis resolution process meeting The Big Debate NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 33 Speech by African Development Bank president Dr Akinwumi Adesina at the 2nd Dialogue Platform on Arrears Clearance and Debt Resolution Process for Zimbabwe. Mangwanani! Good morning! Thank you for honouring the invitation of H.E. President Mnangagwa to the second dialogue platform meeting on the arrears’ clearance and debt resolution process for Zimbabwe. Today marks the beginning a new hope for Zimbabwe. The Holy Bible says, “for everything there is a season, a time for every purpose under heaven…a time to cast away stones and a time to gather stones together; a time to break down, a time to build up; a time to kill, a time to heal; a time of war, and a time of peace”. We gather mindful that over twenty years of sanctions have hurt Zimbabwe and the people of Zimbabwe. The once thriving private sector of Zimbabwe has imploded. International banking has almost dried up with 102 correspondence banking relations lost in the past one decade. Today, 90% of the economy is now informal. Zimbabwe’s once thriving contribution as the nerve center of the SADC region has been broken, lowering regional trade and investments. The once thriving National Railways of Zimbabwe, with a rolling stock of 12.5 million tons in the 1990s now accounts for under 2.5 million tons. The number of people living in extreme poverty now stands at 44%. The people of Zimbabwe have suffered enough. The young people of Zimbabwe deserve to have their once prosperous country back. They cannot continue to suffer for a past they did not create. They deserve a new and prosperous future. It is time now to rebuild what has been broken; it is now time to refrain from casting stones; it is now time to heal; it is now time for peace. I wish to commend the people of Zimbabwe for their resilience. You have been down, but you never gave up. You believe that hope will one day arise. Together, we gather today to map out a pathway for hope. The sanctions have led to arrears and debt accumulation over the years. Total consolidated debt of Zimbabwe stands at US$17.5 billion. Debt owed to international creditors stands at US$14.04 billion, while domestic debt stands at US$3.4 billion. Debt owed to bilateral creditors is estimated at US$5.75 billion, while debt to multilateral creditors is estimated at US$2.5 billion. The country is in arrears for servicing its debt, with arrears to multilateral development banks, including the African Development Bank, the World Bank, and the European Investment Bank. While token payments are being made to service the debt, it is now time for a comprehensive arrears’ clearance, debt resolution and debt restructuring for Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe cannot run up a steep hill of economic recovery carrying a heavy backpack of debt on its back. Despite these challenges, Zimbabwe is recovering. The economy recovered from the COVID-19 pandemic, posted GDP growth rate of 6.3% in 2021, although growth declined to 3.5% in 2022 due to continued climatic shocks which adversely affected the performance of the agricultural sector and the impacts of the Russian war in Ukraine which have driven up energy and food prices. While significant and highly commendable economic reforms have been implemented, the macro-economic environment continues to be challenging with very high levels of inflation and currency depreciation. Investments in mining are bouncing back, while the performance of the agricultural sector has been impressive. I was pleased to hear from President Mnangagwa that Zimbabwe has been able to achieve self-sufficiency in wheat production. I am pleased that the US$25 million support of the African Development Bank for emergency food production is helping Zimbabwe to recover from the effects of the Russian war in Ukraine. The green shoots are coming back, but much still needs to be done. That is why I accepted the invitation from President Mnangagwa for me to play the role of Champion for arrears clearance and debt resolution for Zimbabwe. I accepted because I know the potential of Zimbabwe. I lived and worked here and was here during the challenging times of the late 1990s to 2003. I know Zimbabwe. I love Zimbabwe. I accepted because I see that the time is now for us to all work together to build a new and prosperous Zimbabwe. I am delighted that H.E. President Chissano, the former President of Mozambique, a revered African leader, accepted to serve as the Facilitator for this process. In my meetings and discussions when I visited Zimbabwe in June 2022, I was pleased with the high level of leadership and commitment of H.E. President Mnangagwa towards this process. In my meetings with several development partners over breakfast in the home of the German Ambassador, I sensed an openness and readiness to engage in dialogue focused on solutions. President Mnangagwa has been active in marketing Zimbabwe and its progress. At the Africa Investment Forum held in Abidjan in November 2022, at a special investment session on Zimbabwe, he laid out his heart on the country’s hope and prospects “Zimbabwe is open for business”, he said. He called for massive investment opportunities in agriculture, mining, services, infrastructure, especially energy. The African Development Bank is leading work to support the construction of the Batoka Gorge hydropower dam that will unlock renewable energy and provide 2 400 MW of electricity. We are also working with partners to construct the power transmission line that will link Zimbabwe, Zambia, Botswana, and Namibia. Vast opportunities exist for the private sector, in the hospitality and tourism industry, as well as in the construction and rehabilitation of the railways network that will open regional trade and investments into its neighboring countries and further spur economic growth and development of the SADC region. During its challenges, Zimbabwe has not been alone. At the African Development Bank, the Zimbabwe Multi-donor Trust Fund helped to provide succor to the population over the years. With a total financing of close to US$150 million, it rehabilitated essential infrastructure such as water, sanitation, and energy distribution, benefitting 5 million people. I would like to thank the donors to the Fund, namely Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, UK, Norway, Denmark, and Australia for their generous support that made this possible. I would like to assure the government that you will not be alone. Your Excellency, Mr. President, Today, you are surrounded by goodwill and commitment of development partners. Their presence in large numbers shows that we are ready to engage in constructive and transparent dialogue. Let me assure you that from my discussions with the partners, there is no political or sinister agenda behind this engagement. There is no agenda on regime change. There is only one agenda: reforms for lasting change. In my role as Champion of the arrear’s clearance and debt resolution for Zimbabwe, I will be open to all, hear all, and together with you, President Mnangagwa and President Chisanno, we will take all on board. To move this process forward, the African Development Bank approved US$4.1 million for an “Arrears Clearance and Governance Enhancement Project”. This is supporting the dialogue platform and the works of President Chissano, the facilitator, Dr Luisa Diogo, former Prime Minister of Mozambique, the Senior Technical Advisor, as well as two technical advisors, Dr Alexis Ferrand (Economic Advisor) and Dr James Tsabora (Governance Advisor) who are supporting economic and governance working groups. I highly commend President Mnangagwa and the Government of Zimbabwe for putting forward a three-part central-pin strategy which includes economic reforms, governance reforms and the compensation of commercial farmers. This shows good will. We must now ensure that all the elements of the central-pin strategy are delivered. I am confident that the Sector Working Groups that have been established for structured dialogues on these issues will build much needed trust, momentum,and implementation. The governance working group would allow us to tackle and make measurable progress on critical issues of freedom of speech, human rights protection, and implementation of laws in line with the constitution, as well as the implementation of the Motlanthe commission of inquiry and compensation of victims. And we must show progress on the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (ZIDERA). All of which should make for peaceful, free, and fair elections. They will also remove headwinds on our path to arrears clearance and debt resolution. The economic reforms working group would allow us to make progress on exchange rate reforms and quasi-fiscal operations of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, reforms of State-Owned Enterprises and a staff monitored program (SMP) by the International Monetary Fund. Hopefully and preferably, this would be a “wet SMP program”. There must be incentives for Zimbabwe’s efforts on reforms, while mitigating social impacts on the vulnerable. It is hard to swallow dry maize meal “Sadza” without water. And critically, the central pin, is the full compensation of the commercial farmers under the Global Compensation Deed and the full implementation of the Bilateral Investment Promotion Protection Agreement, and the implementation of the laws that assure long term security of titles to land. The past is behind us. We must move forward! And we must focus on implementation. Your excellencies, There is readiness for solutions. There is clear leadership and commitment from President Mnangagwa. There is strong commitment from the Government of Zimbabwe. There is commitment and readiness from the international community. There is readiness and commitment from bilateral and multilateral financial institutions and creditors. There is readiness and commitment from the private sector and civil society. The time of hostility is over. Now is the time for peace. So let us seize the moment. Let us build trust. Let us rebuild Zimbabwe. Let us deliver new hope for a prosperous Zimbabwe! Thank you very much. Ndokutendai zvikuru! African Development Bank president Dr Akinwumi Adesina Zimbabweans have suffered enough: Time to map out a pathway for hope NewsHawks The Big Debate Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 34 LLOYD REKAI TANGWENA ONE of the not-so-fertile lands — reserves — that Africans were forcibly herded to during the colonial settler land dispossessions and land segregation was some flat land, of mainly loam soils and average rainfall, which is a part of what is now called Mhondoro-Ngezi, just over 100 kilometres by road south of Harare, Zimbabwe. The land under the jurisdiction of four chiefs — Murambwa, Mushava, Benhura and Nyika — is home to about 100 000 people relying mostly on subsistence agriculture and the support of working people who go to work elsewhere outside this forsaken land. The land has generally been bordered on the east by the Mbudzirume-Chikapakapa-Manhize range of mountains and to the west by another mountain range which is part of the mineral-rich Great Dyke. That these two geographical features are replete with mineral riches is now becoming obvious to many, yet for us who grew up in the area, it was part of folklore. The rich minerals are now being exploited in the public glare; a public oblivious to the sad tale of proud locals who have not benefitted from what they customarily held to be their birthright. First to be prospected and mined with much fanfare were the platinum deposits in the western range during the First Republic led by Robert Mugabe. The inhabitants of the land between, watched and observed; first with pregnant expectation and jubilation which was later to turn to dejection and despondency as nothing meaningful came to positively improve their lives. This is then gravitating to despair and resignation as yet another episode of resource extractivism from the area becomes centre stage in the current second republic. The sad reality is that despite the riches picked in both endeavours, the wretched area is serviced by mediocre health centres (a mission hospital and a council hospital) and a sprinkling of under-resourced and under-staffed clinics. A few river basin-like roads run through the area which are gravel surfaced and are frequently unpassable in the rainy season. Efforts by an equally under-resourced rural district douncil does very little to the woefully dilapidated infrastructure of a forgotten land. That this land has birthed some notable young and educated individuals, some internationally acclaimed, belies the shame of its under-development. It is however the rich mineral resources of the mountain ranges that provides the stark and painful contradiction. But why is this so? When it was noted that platinum mining in the western ranges was not benefitting the locals, the era of indigenisation demanded that a community share ownership trust be created. For observers the community share ownership trust was supposed to be a Mhondoro-Ngezi community share ownership trust; to benefit the inhabitants of the land between the mountain ranges. However, it became a Mhondoro-Ngezi-Chegutu-Chivero Zvimba-Makonde venture and quite inexplicably so. Surely, how could Zvimba and Makonde, remotely located from the land between, become directly entitled to benefit? In hushed tones, they said the fact that the then president Mugabe hailed from Zvimba, it should not surprise anyone that the area to benefit was stretched in the direction of, and to include his home area. Cry, the land between! The processing area was placed miles away to the northwest at Selous under the jurisdiction of Chegutu district. It was linked by one of the best tarred roads witnessed in these parts. It however did not link the wretched land between to any of its important business areas of Chivhu, Kadoma and Harare. Useless road indeed to the interests Mhondoro-Ngezi poverty paradox… The Land Between – A tale of a wretched people amid plenty of the inhabitants of the land between! That the share ownership trust has been of no benefit whatsoever to the affected locals is never an exaggeration. That the emergence of an urban setting at Turf has benefitted foreigners more has not escaped the sad attention of the hapless locals. That is the scorned land between that lies exactly at the centre of the beautiful country, Zimbabwe. The land between, that bore the brunt of the liberation struggle with the Dzakutsaku elements of the Muzorewa regime stationed at the Mission; the Rhodesian army was at the Rest Camp at Mamina; and the locally more accepted and supported guerillas, led by the likes of Comrades Sachiweshe, Sherekete and others based in the sacred mountain ranges, cries in tormented silence. It is these mountains that have been custodian of the rituals, monuments and artefacts of the locals. The locals know the sacred caves and nooks. Their ancestors and ancestral spirits dwell and look upon them from these topographical features. These mountains hold the spiritual power of the peoples. Their continued sacrilege is a source of shame and pain for those who have the historical knowledge and awareness. At a time when multi-trailered trucks continue to wheel away raw platinum ore 40 kilometres away from the western range all the way to distant Selous at Makwiro, the feelings of dejectedness and despair visit once again and are replicated in the minds and sight of the poor inhabitants, as raw iron ore is now wheeled away again — this time more than 60 kilometres south to the refinery situated in Mvuma to a totally different province of the Midlands. Again, the speculation and contemplation of political coincidence, should not be too difficult to forgive and to countenance. If the refining of the ore needed a town, Chivhu town is less than 20km away; if it needed a river, the perennial Munyati and Ngezi rivers are a stone's throw away; and if labour availability was the determinant, the land between has tens of thousands of able-bodied unemployed and employable men and women! That the mountains in the western range are now mere shells whose insides have been deprived of their intestines in search of the exported platinum is a painful reminder of the destruction of the eastern range. The poor souls of Mhondoro-Ngezi — the land between — are tormented to no end. It is sickening that locals are reduced to mere onlookers when outsiders exploit precious natural resources. It is a bitter pill to swallow, particularly as they see it repeating itself. Manhize is not a place in Chivhu; neither is it a place in Mvuma or in fact the Midlands province. Manhize is the name of the Mushava chieftainship; the Mushava people of the Shava totem who are settled at the foot of the mountain they themselves named Manhize. They are inhabitants of Mhondoro-Ngezi, in the eastern end of Mashonaland West province. It is painful that some newspaper reports now even refer to “Manhize in Mvuma”! So, while the indivisibility of Zimbabwe is an idea cherished and supportable, even as it is counterbalanced with the brilliant idea of devolution, what is abhorrent, condemnable and must be reversed, is a reality whereby a people have resources taken from their land and they do not benefit, even minimally, from it. This problem of extractivism is common across Zimbabwe. Whether it is in Chiadzwa over diamonds, Mutoko with black granite, Hwange with coal and tourism, gold across all provinces and now lithium literally everywhere in the country, the model remains the same. Extractivism  refers to colonial practices that have existed over the last several hundred years with the objective of wealth and resource accumulation, regardless of the oppression and impoverishment which it causes to communities and countries affected. In southern Africa, including Zimbabwe, which was deeply affected by settler colonialism and extractivism, many communities were — and still are — robbed of their land without receiving appropriate compensation. National governments most of the time condone this practice of land-grabbing with impunity, and succumb to the pressure of multinational corporations. Nowadays companies associated with politicians and their crony capitalist allies also participate in extractivism. They are being granted the right to extract minerals from communal lands, without benefitting local communities. Almost everywhere in Zimbabwe and the region, it is known local communities cannot deny governments and corporations access to the land if it is needed for mining purposes. The government enters into agreements with companies which always promise to not only contribute to economic development, but also to directly improve the situation of the local communities. They promise job creation and to enhance infrastructure for education, health and transport. Yet in reality between very little and nothing actually happens. Mining companies reap the profits and leave behind environmental degradation and social disintegration underlined by marginalisation and exploitation. This is rife across the whole country, with variations depending on geographical and regional dynamics. This is as true for Mashonaland provinces as it is also true for Manicaland, Masvingo, Midlands and Matabeleland. The problem is generally the same with variations determined by the local environments and conditions, as well as the players involved. Whatever the government collects in the form of licence fees and taxes, if the looters and exploiters get to pay at all, are often siphoned into consumption and salted away to private bank accounts of political elites and their corporate cronies. The wealth leaves the country, while the social and ecological destruction remains a sore reminder to defenceless citizens. Communities must be able to derive appropriate benefits from the resources in their areas. However, the paradox of poverty is the sad tale of the people of the Land Between, the people at the centre of Zimbabwe, the wretched people of Mhondoro-Ngezi. That the current ruling political regime is passionate about the economic development of this country is not doubted. The fact remains, however, that the Land Between has been neglected whilst surrounded by mineral riches; it is clear the Land Between is choked by under-development. It is unfair that the roads resemble gullies, no new schools are being built; the dip tanks have become redundant; the youths are unemployed; the hospitals are under-resourced; and the only income-generating irrigation scheme at Mamina Dam has creaked to a halt. It is a tragedy that the inhabitants of the land between have not benefitted in any way from the resource extractivism that will forever scare and impoverish their land. Is it possible that this call from the wilderness, a muffled lone voice, could be heard and save the powerless people of the Land Between? The people of Mhondoro-Ngezi need an awakening. The people of Zimbabwe need an awakening. Citizens deserve a fair share of national resources. *About the writer: Lloyd Rekai Tangwena is a community leader from Mhondoro-Ngezi and an environment, climate change and natural resources activist. The Big Debate Zimplats Mine in Mhondoro-Ngezi. NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Reframing Issues Page 35 Women-led churches in Zimbabwe MATHEW MARE IN Zimbabwe, there are women who have founded their own churches and ministries which they run and lead. According to Chitando (2020:78), at the inception of African theology in the 1980s the space was male-dominated. The male African theologians failed to articulate women’s concerns effectively and in the 1990s African women theologians emerged and formed the Circle of Concerned African Women Theologians (CCAWT). The purpose was for women to come together under CCWT and advance their concerns as well as to support each other in every facet of life. Post the formation of CCAWT, women began to occupy key top and middle influential positions in the church. However, within the African independent churches (AICs) and Johanne Marange Apostolic Church (JMAC) in particular, women are having their rights grossly violated. The research evaluated and identified the positives made by women led churches in Zimbabwe. Much emphasis is on Mai Chaza who defied patriarchal and colonial odds by being the first woman to lead a church. When Mai Chaza became a church leader, it was a religious taboo. Western-founded churches began to recognise women’s role in 1962 after the Vatican II declaration by the Pope. This highlights reasons behind the emergence and rise of female-led churches in Zimbabwe. The objective being to understand from a literature review, what exactly is motivating females to start their own churches and the effectiveness of such churches towards gender imbalances and women’s rights. According to Ratidzo (2015:11), Mai Chaza formed a church in 1954 and grew through faith healing and contributed to the growth of women led churches. In the aftermath of Mai Chaza, a number of prophetesses emerged. Mai Chaza became an influential figure who influenced other women to take up key positions in the church in Zimbabwe and beyond. According to Peaden (1996:71) in the 1950 some women in Africa founded their churches. In Zambia, for example, there was Alice Lenshina Lumbar. There is a sense in which the continued marginalisation of women in patriarchal churches led to the formation of women-led churches. Of note, her Methodist links inadvertently influenced the rise of women in the Methodist church itself (Hastings, 1979:1). Hence, Mai Chaza broke the chain that men had natural gifts which were not intended for women. The study noted that women-led churches play a very pivotal role in helping women to occupy positions in the church and the society. In these women-led churches, women are not looked down upon, but the church provides a platform where women come together and share their life experiences. Women-led churches are there to address key issues being faced by women in society. The presence of female-led church leaders is a positive stride towards gender equality and equity. While she later became a key religious figure, she suffered in the hands of a patriarchal society. According to Muchena (1979:4), Mai Chaza was chased by her husband’s family, who accused her of being a witch. Mai Chaza established Guta RaJehova, a pro-women church which helped barren women to conceive (Zvobgo 1991:16). In African Traditional Religion (ATR), barren women were divorced, scolded, described as witches, and discriminated against, amongst other things. There is a ligament that connects theological feminism to female-led church. These female-led churches represent women’s rights and they promote pro-women theological teachings, beliefs, rituals and practices. It is important to note that Mai Chaza challenged a number of theological practices that impede on the rights of women. However, not much is known about their theological exposition with regard to children’s rights. Mai Chaza fought all forms of discriminations against women and unlike patriarchal or male led AICs, she was against polygamy. This is despite the fact that it is a custom that is part of African ways of life. According to Redzo (2015:18), African tradition did not consider polygamy as unclean and evil. Polygamy was a way of expressing wealth and power and also it was a way of economic productivity. The earliest AICs did not see anything wrong with polygamy, but Guta ra Mwari did not allow polygamy at all. In the same way that AICs were formed to challenge Western-formed churches, women led church also seek to challenge patriarchal systems within the broader AICs. It is like a revolution within a revolution as women are beginning to push for their religious self-determination. According to Ramphele (1990:9), the majority of women are suffering due to patriarchy and power relationships, and their impact on the lives of ordinary people. This is in line with the thrust of this research of removing all the barriers that block women and children from enjoying their full theological rights within the broad spectrum of AICs. Church Women’s Organisations (Ruwadzano, China Chemadzimai, Fellowship) refer. The Church Women’s Fellowship is a very important arm of the church wholly led and attended by women to discuss their challenges. The platform provides women with interactive and exchange programmes were women from various backgrounds converge and identify problems being faced by women in their day-to-day lives, be it their private life, social, economic, religious and political well-being. According to Shoko and Mapuranga (2020:155), the Church Women’s Fellowship plays a key role in issues of public health especially on HIV and Aids. The two believed that the Zimbabwe Council of Churches would not have succeeded to be an important organ in providing public health education on HIV and Aids without being augmented by the Church Women’s Fellowship. Chitando (2007:5) asserts that church women’s groups have been the unsung heroes in responding to HIV and Aids.  Some have formed child care homes and/or old people’s homes as a way of addressing the epidemic. Some of these go a long way in accommodating the infected and affected (ibid: 2007:5). Of note, China Chemadzimai or Ruwadzano is now part of many churches, be it mainline, Pentecostal or AICs. However, in JMAC, not much is known about women's fellowship as the church is wholly patriarchal. The JMAC believe it is the only genuine church in the world and all other churches are heretical hence the church’s position not to align itself with fellowships or church councils. These are some of the research gaps identified by this study. To make matters worse, JMAC does not believe in HIV and Aids, but believes that there is no disease the church cannot heal. According to Igo (2009:147), the framing of diseases by churches is a very important aspect. For example, HIV and Aids is being viewed by some churches as a curse, punishment from God and a reward for irresponsible sexual behaviours. Women in JMAC follow blindly the church’s theological teachings because they are not receiving civic education about HIV and Aids. This demonstrates the overarching role and importance of women leadership and women led fellowships. This is against the Constitution of Zimbabwe on the right to information access, a gap that can be bridged through women organisations. According to Bam (2005:13), the concept of women fellowship is now a trans-boundary issue as in South Africa they call it Manyano. He alluded that, without space on the pulpit, and in the lecture halls, many women use the prayer time and prayer space for the Manyano meetings to express themselves and their dreams for the church. Despite the patriarchy that dominates the church, these women’s organisations, or mother’s unions, greatly help women find their feet in Christianity. Chitando says these organisations help women with “alternative space where they have greater latitude to express themselves” (Chitando 2007: 27). It is within this context that many women in the Ruwadzano division of the church have contributed to the overall response to the wellbeing of women. *About the writer: Matthew Mare is a Zimbabwean academic who holds two bachelor’s degrees, five master’s qualifications and a PhD. He is also doing another PhD and has 12 executive certificates in different fields. Professionally, he is a civil servant and also board member at the National Aids Council of Zimbabwe. Mai Chaza, a Zimbabwean church leader and prophetess who broke away from the Methodist Church in the 1950s to found her own faith-healing movement, Guta raJehovah (City of God), which was also known as the "Mai Chaza Church". NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 36 Reframing Issues THOMAS MOLONY/ ROBERT MACDONALD ELECTION observers keep watch over polls throughout the world. Their job is to support efforts to improve electoral quality and to provide transparency. In African countries, both local citizen and international observers have been deployed regularly since the 1990s. During several recent elections across the continent, however, questions have arisen about the competence and impartiality of observation missions. This has led to concerns about the future of observation, both in Africa and elsewhere. In 2023,  more than 20 African countries are scheduled to go to the polls. It will be a busy year for observers who’ll be present at the majority of these elections. When done well, election observation  detects  ballot-box stuffing, voter suppression and political violence. Observers’ presence at polling stations deters election-day fraud. Observers also provide public statements about election quality and offer recommendations on how electoral processes could be improved. Yet some observers have been criticised for a reluctance to  point out flawed processes, for holding  biases and for weaknesses in their methodologies. The perception that observation missions’ verdicts were “proved wrong” by court judgements in Kenya (2017)  and  Malawi (2019)  has been particularly damaging. In both cases, many commentators (mis) interpreted international observers’ statements as endorsements of electoral processes that the courts later annulled. It’s not clear how widely held these critical views are. The perspectives of the broader public in countries holding elections are often missing from discussions on observation. So we set out to get a sense of what voters in three African countries thought. We found that people wanted to know more about election observers, but couldn’t easily get the information. Both the media and observers need to do more to provide it. Knowledge of observers’ goals and statements is essential if they are to play the role of public arbiters of election quality. What citizens think Our  research  into citizen perceptions and media representations of election observation took place in Zambia, The Gambia and Kenya. These three countries have had varying experiences of election observation. We interviewed 520 citizens about topics relating to their perceptions of election observation. In each country, we conducted in-depth interviews in both urban and rural areas, and in constituencies that supported the opposition and the incumbent. Ordinary citizens in our case Observers are important for democracy — But few voters know what they do study countries rarely offered criticisms of election observation. For example, we asked 120 Kenyans to evaluate the past performance of election observers during the run-up to the country’s 2022 election. Only one person referred to  the controversy  surrounding observation in 2017 and the supreme court’s annulment of the presidential election. Instead, we found  strong support for election observation among citizens. This was the case in all three of our case study countries, which cover east, southern and west Africa. Our respondents tended to have concerns about the electoral process in their own country. They spoke favourably about the potential of observation to improve overall electoral quality and transparency. They also felt that observers contributed to reducing the potentially destabilising effects of elections, such as violence. In both Zambia and Kenya, support for the presence of international observers was higher than support for citizen observers. Respondents in The Gambia, however, tended to prefer citizen observers. The explanations from those who chose international observers highlighted a perception that they were more impartial than citizen observers, who were often viewed as being biased or corruptible. Perceptions in Zambia and Kenya may be influenced by: • political polarisation • a perception that political corruption is high • the prominence of ethnicity in politics. These factors appear to reduce confidence in citizen observers. Despite the popularity of election observers in our case study countries, we found that citizens knew little about their roles. Few could name any specific observation missions. Citizens often confused observers with other electoral actors like polling station staff, the electoral management body and party agents. It’s common for citizens to believe observers can and should intervene in the electoral process. Yet, non-interference should be a key principle for both  citizen  and  international election observers. The information gap Our interviews made it clear that citizens — especially those in rural areas — found it difficult to get information about the activities and statements of election observers. Few of the respondents heard this information when missions issued their preliminary statements. The media can bridge this information gap by providing more coverage of election observation. The quality of this coverage could also be improved, as observers’ preliminary statements are  often mischaracterised. Observers’ statements tend to be complex and nuanced because they are commenting on numerous aspects of an ongoing process. In media coverage, these statements are often reduced to simple either/or judgements (such as “free and fair”). Way forward Our project has drawn upon interviews with African journalists and editors to create a short list of tips on covering election observation. These are designed to improve the circulation of accurate information. The tips include getting a range of perspectives from observer missions and reaching out to them early. Observer missions could also be more active in raising the profile of their work. We created a list of suggestions from the media in our three case study countries to help them do this. One of the tips is to interact with the media in local languages. Citizens are more likely to criticise observers for the poor flow of information than for anything else. This doesn’t invalidate other criticisms of observers. In fact, if citizens begin to get more information, these criticisms may become more common. Our research suggests the media and observers need to provide it anyway. — The Conversation. *About the writers: Thomas Molony is senior lecturer in African studies at the University of Edinburgh in Scotland. Robert Macdonald is a research fellow in African studies at the University of Edinburgh. NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Reframing Issues Page 37 CHRISTINA CULWICK/ SAMKELISIWE KHANYILE SOUTH Africa’s current electricity crisis has been described as “a perfect storm”. A number of factors have converged to reach this point: an ageing and inadequately maintained fleet of coal power stations, delays in upgrading the Koeberg nuclear power station and significant failures at the recently built Medupi and Kusile coal power stations. Since the beginning of 2022, power utility Eskom’s inability to meet the country’s electricity demand has resulted in unprecedented loadshedding (scheduled power cuts). In 2022, electricity interruptions totalled 3 775 hours over 205 days. The situation almost certainly will not improve any time soon. At the same time, Gauteng — South Africa’s most populous province and its economic hub — has experienced critical water supply issues. In late 2022 and early 2023, the combined impact of heat waves, intermittent pumping of water because of electricity interruptions and infrastructure failure has led to demand outstripping water supply. Residents of Gauteng’s biggest municipalities have experienced near-daily low water pressure or water cuts. Many private individuals and businesses are investing in alternative electricity  and water sources. The exact number is uncertain — most systems are not registered. Alternative investments include water tanks, boreholes, solar panels and diesel generators. These solutions cost anywhere from R4 000 (about US$220) for rainwater tanks and up to R180 000 (almost US$10 000) for a borehole. The  cost of installing  residential solar panels is anywhere from R8 000 (about US$440) to R10 000 (around US$550) per kWp (a measure of how high the panels’ power output is). Inverters and batteries are also pricey. Even with financing options, most households cannot afford alternatives. These investments are generally efforts to maintain a level of normality and to survive through unreliable water and electricity supply. But the cumulative effect of these individual actions could have significant consequences for inequality and service provision for the poor. South Africa is already one of the most unequal countries in the world. Poor people are less able to afford alternatives for power and water. There is also the risk that municipalities will gradually be unable to cross-subsidise services to the poor as they lose revenue from wealthy consumers. Social justice considerations have been at the forefront of South Africa’s just transition from coal-based to renewable electricity generation. But this has largely focused on the labour force and affected communities. Less attention has been paid to the justice implications of electricity distribution. There is hope. Private investments in off-grid water and electricity could be mobilised to help address the current crises. However, this requires rei-magining the role of the state and citizens, reworking municipal funding models, and encouraging private investors to support the grid in various ways. What do the Quality of Life data tell us? In early February 2023 we used survey data from 2013 to 2021 to show how Gauteng households were investing in alternative electricity and water provision. We examined who was accessing these alternative sources and who was not. The data for this project was drawn from the  Gauteng City-Region Observatory  (GCRO)'s regular Quality of Life survey, which is designed to gather a representative sample of Gauteng residents. It includes questions about demographics, living conditions and socio-economic circumstances. All the datasets are freely available to download through the University of Cape Town’s DataFirst platform. The data reveal that access to alternative electricity and water sources has increased over time. In 2013/14, only 0.8% of residents reported having access to solar or wind energy, while 0.3% had a generator. By 2020/21, these figures had jumped to 5% and 4%, respectively. Despite this increase, only a small minority of Gauteng residents (about 1 in 20) have access to alternative water and electricity. Affluent households are proportionately more likely to invest in alternative electricity and water sources than poorer households. In 2020/21, 2% of respondents with a monthly household income below R3,201 (around US$177) had a rainwater tank. Some 4% of this income group had a borehole or well. In contrast, 9% of the respondents in the higher income groups — a monthly household income over R25 600 (about US$1 415) — had access to a rainwater tank or borehole. The uneven increase in access to alternative electricity is particularly notable. Access to solar power grew from 0.3% in 2015/16 to 3% in 2020/21 for households earning less than R800/month. For the highest income group (monthly household income more than R51,200), access to solar increased from 4% to 12% over the same period. Implications for a just transition The gap is clearly widening between affluent households who can shield themselves from electricity and water interruptions, and poorer households who cannot afford to do so. And this gap could widen further because of how municipal services are financed. Under the current funding model, municipalities depend on revenue from basic service provision (electricity, water and refuse) to fund their mandated activities. They use the revenue from industries, businesses and wealthy consumers to cross-subsidise services for the poor. This model has been critiqued for being unsustainable and creating perverse incentives for municipalities to elevate tariffs and encourage high users to keep consuming electricity. But it at least ensures access to services for poor households. The current move by residents and businesses towards self-generated electricity has potentially dire consequences for municipalities’ ability to ensure fiscal stability and equitable access to services. It also has some technical drawbacks. Private investments have the potential to add strain and complexity to the grid. Grid-charged battery systems increase electricity consumption and post-loadshedding peaks. Solar photovoltaic installations reduce pressure on the grid during the day. But, they leave the evening peak unchanged. Power plants must continue producing electricity in excess during the daytime demand to ensure they can meet the evening peak. Private borehole installations could cause uneven depletion of aquifers. They could also negatively affect groundwater management and undermine the availability of these water resources for broader society. Mobilising private investments However, there are opportunities to harness private investments to cope with the current electricity and potential future water crises. Municipalities are beginning to give households and businesses incentives to sell their excess power back to the grid. This could reduce the cost of electricity for municipalities, maximising their ability to cross-subsidise service delivery for the poor. Where households and businesses have invested in batteries, they could store solar energy and sell it back to the grid during the evening peak. — The Conversation. *About the writers: Christina Culwick is senior researcher on urban sustainability transitions, environmental governance and resilience at the Gauteng City-Region Observatory. Samkelisiwe Khanyile is a researcher at the Gauteng City-Region Observatory. In addition to the authors, the Off-grid Cities project team members include: Fiona Anciano, Charlotte Lemanski, Margot Rubin, Laurence Piper, SJ Cooper-Knock, Temba Middelmann, Brian Murahwa, Joanna Watterson, Eyong Tarh, Miguel Isaac and Zackeen Thomas. A number of factors have contributed to South Africa's power crisis. South Africa’s power crisis: Going off the grid works for the wealthy – but could deepen injustice for the poor NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 38 Reframing Issues primary healthcare. Individuals and communities are at the centre of our actions. The increased number of health facilities (from 1 036 in 2013 to 1 457 in 2020) has improved the geographical accessibility of care. It’s also contributed to the reduction of the average time used by a Rwandan citizen to reach a health facility. The average time used to reach the nearest health facility has fallen from 95.1 minutes in 2010 to 49.9 minutes in the past 10 years. • On the demand side, the risk pooling has been greatly improved as a result of the extension of  Community-Based Health Insurance schemes. These give the majority of the population access to healthcare services, and improve access to quality services. Insurance has also reduced out-of-pocket expenditures (which are 4% as a share of total health expenditure) in particular for the poor and most vulnerable people. Community-based health insurance covers  over 85%  of the population. The percentage of the population with some kind of  health insurance  has increased from 43.3% in 2005 to 90.5% in 2020. This has helped to protect households against financial risks associated with sickness. • The government spending on health (15.6% as of the 2019/2020 financial year) has surpassed the  15%  required under the 2001 Abuja Declaration. This shows the country’s high commitment to the development of health sector financing. Charles Wiysonge:  Where are the gaps and why do they exist? Sabin Nsanzimana:  Progress towards universal health coverage is a continuous process. It responds to shifts in demographic, epidemiological and technological trends as well as people’s socio-economic status and expectations. If Rwanda is to meet the goal of achieving universal health coverage by 2030, we need to be far more ambitious to leave no one behind. Additional health financing reforms and actions to maintain achieved gains and improve further health outcomes are needed. The fact that the country has achieved close to universal population coverage is in itself a great achievement. But there are still some people who are uninsured. We need to identify policy options to expand coverage to the hard-to-reach population in the informal sector. Health insurance has positively affected the use of services and equity. But further improvements are needed. We must extend the service Over 90% of Rwandans have health insurance — How it was achieved In 2015, the United Nations General Assembly  adopted  universal health coverage as one of the sustainable development goals. The aim of universal health coverage is to ensure that every person and community, irrespective of their circumstances, has access to the health services they need, at the time and place they need it, without the risk of financial devastation. Many countries have committed to the concept, which has resulted in numerous health reforms. The World Health Organisation  recognises  Rwanda as one of the countries that are performing well on the goal of universal health coverage. The Cochrane Centre summarises and disseminates information on what works and what doesn’t in healthcare. Professor Charles Shey Wiysonge, director of Cochrane South Africa and senior director at the South African Medical Research Council, spoke to Rwanda’s health minister, Dr Sabin Nsanzimana, about the roadmap for universal health coverage in the country. Charles Wiysonge: What does universal health coverage look like in Rwanda? Sabin Nsanzimana: In the last decade, calls for increased efforts to achieve universal health coverage have grown. Many countries have committed to universal health coverage – particularly in Africa. This has resulted in numerous health reforms. Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame was appointed by other African heads of state as the leader on domestic health financing in the AU Assembly Declaration in February 2019. The aim of the declaration was to increase investment in health and have member states spend efficiently and effectively to achieve better health outcomes. In the last couple of decades Rwanda has improved the health and well-being of all its people. This was done through a combination of evidence-based and people-centred strategies and interventions. The country has been able to make the following substantial progress: • On the supply side, the country has built a healthcare delivery system on Xinhua/Cyril Ndegeya via Getty Images. coverage based on the need and reduce cost-sharing, especially for secondary and tertiary care. Sustainability of health financing is also a critical issue. It requires finding innovative ways to mobilise domestic resources, adopting better resource pooling mechanisms and an effective strategic purchasing mechanism. These must ensure equity and efficient use of available resource and value for money. Charles Wiysonge:  What else is needed? Sabin Nsanzimana:  To move further and deeper towards universal health coverage calls for evidence-based policy reforms that would provide direction for a long-term model for service delivery (focusing on the primary healthcare level) and health financing in Rwanda. This will require adequate awareness among policy decision makers, and increased capacity in those areas and shared understanding of universal health coverage to support the necessary reforms. Charles Wiysonge:  What can other countries on the continent learn from Rwanda’s experience? Sabin Nsanzimana:  Strong leadership that sets a clear vision for the future is imperative. Countries need a development model that is inclusive. Such a model must consider gender equality, pro-poor policies, unity and solidarity. Most important are robust institutions and legal frameworks driven by good governance, with: • accountability, citizen participation, decentralisation • results orientation – performance contracts • investment in human capital – mainly capacity building. — The Conversation. *About the interviewer: Professor Charles Shey Wiysonge is director of Cochrane South Africa and senior director of the South African Medical Research Council.The interviewee is Dr Sabin Nsanzimana, Rwanda's Health minister. NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Reframing Issues Page 39 JOSEPHINE CHINELE LAZARUS Chakwera did not win the 2019 presidential election — initially. Instead, the incumbent, Peter Mutharika, was declared the winner, despite widespread allegations of electoral fraud and corruption. Malawians were having none of it. Six months of continuous street protests were followed by a landmark court ruling, in which constitutional court judges bravely rejected bribes and intimidation to nullify the results of that poll — a win for  Malawi’s democracy and, ultimately, Chakwera. When the vote was rerun in June 2020, he won in a landslide. His inauguration was accompanied by scenes of euphoria. As a prominent leader in the country’s influential evangelical movement, he sold himself as a clean break from the messy politics of Malawi’s past and said he would clear away the “rubble of corruption”. Instead, he has found himself in the centre of even more mess. His approval ratings have plummeted and Western donors — crucial to the functioning of the fragile economy — are publicly grumbling about his failure to tackle corruption. The problems are not all of his own making. The economy — still heavily dependent on subsistence agriculture and thus the fluctuating price of fertiliser — has been battered first by the pandemic and then the Russian invasion of Ukraine. This has left the president struggling to deliver on campaign promises, such as the provision of affordable fertiliser to farmers, who make up the majority of voters in this largely agrarian society. However, Chakwera has made plenty of his own mistakes. His first cabinet included several of his siblings and people with family connections, earning him the moniker “Family Man”.  Appointing son-in-law Sean Kampondeni as his communications director and giving daughter Violet Chakwera a diplomatic post in the United Kingdom did little to challenge the perception of nepotism. But it is Chakwera’s handling of one of Malawi’s biggest-ever corruption scandals that has been the major factor in his declining popularity. The scandal centres on Zuneth Sattar, a British businessman. Although he has yet to be formally charged, authorities allege that Sattar bribed senior government officials, including vice president Saulos Chilima, to secure lucrative government tenders. Can Malawian president’s career rise from the dead? Sattar denies these allegations. Chilima was arrested and charged with multiple corruption-related offences in November. Although Chakwera has said publicly that he supports the ongoing investigation, his treatment of Martha Chizuma — the popular director of the Anti-Corruption Bureau, a government agency — suggests something different. She has been intimidated by police, her conversations have been illegally recorded and used against her, and the president has dismissed her as a “rookie” and her reports as “substandard”. In December, she was arrested by armed policemen and charged with libel, in connection with comments made in the illegal recordings. It emerged in court this indictment was driven by the secretary to the president and cabinet. When it was challenged by the Malawi Law Society, the attorney general, another Chakwera appointee, hired private lawyers to insist on its validity. As we reported previously, “Chizuma remains in the job only because she is more popular and trusted by the public — and Malawi’s donors — than any other public official. But those donor nations are getting restless, nonetheless.” In a scathing statement released recently, the embassy of the United States in Malawi described the legal action against Chizuma as “two months of harassment”. It added: “As a democratic partner, the embassy of the United States looks to the government of Malawi to actively pursue the fight against corruption and not to wage a campaign of intimidation against anti-corruption champions. “We have actively engaged senior government officials to seek renewed commitment to the fight against corruption but those efforts have not yielded results.” These sentiments were echoed by the British High Commissioner to Malawi. Lilongwe responded with a statement vowing to protect the “sovereignty and independence” of its institutions while simultaneously saying it would launch constructive dialogue with the donors. The consequences for Malawi became clearer later in the week. The US, it was reported, is considering withdrawing a planned $350 million investment in Malawi’s energy and road infrastructure and might follow up with more targeted measures, including travel bans. Chakwera became president with no experience in running a government. What he did bring with him was his reputation as a prominent evangelical pastor who espoused the virtues of servant leadership. His party, the Malawi Congress Party, had spent 29 years in opposition but, as the country’s oldest political party, it was expected to restore some respect to the executive office. The disappointments in both the party and president have been great. So palpable is the discord with the public that a recent Afrobarometer poll predicted that if elections were to be held now, the Democratic Progressive Party, the party of disgraced former president Mutharika, would bounce back to power. “People elected him [Chakwera] based on the promises he made but there is nothing to show for it,” said Boniface Dulani, a political scientist and Afrobarometer researcher. “The results of the Afrobarometer study are a product of frustration, corruption has increased, and the government isn’t doing a good job in handling the economy.” Chimwemwe Tsitsi, a political scientist at the Malawi University of Business and Applied Sciences, said “the mistreatment of Anti-Corruption Bureau chief Martha Chizuma has compromised the Chakwera administration’s integrity”. Government spokesperson Moses Kunkuyu rejects this assertion, arguing that the president has in fact been protecting Chizuma. He claims the government is fully committed to fighting corruption. Fortunately for Chakwera, he still has two and a half years before he has to answer to the electorate again, which gives him opportunities to answer his critics. Among the most urgent is his handling of the ongoing cholera outbreak, which has killed 1 210 people in the past year. Even more politically significant, however, is whether he will be able to deliver a good harvest, something that depends on getting affordable fertiliser to the country’s farmers, which is partially in his control, and good rains, which is not. Chakwera’s parents, after losing three babies in infancy, named him Lazarus, after the biblical figure who rose from the dead. Can he resurrect his political career? — The Continent. *About the writer: Josephine Chinele is a veteran journalist based in Blantyre, Malawi. Malawian President Lazarus Chakwera NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 40 Africa News The normal excitement about who may win is being overtaken by a fear that the election may not hold due to the ongoing cash swap crisis across Nigeria. BISI ABIDOYE IT is not the election week that Nigerians anticipated or that anyone foresaw. As the clock counts down to 25 February, normal pre-poll excitement about who may win has been overtaken by a not unreasonable fear, especially among Nigerians who were adults before the last of the military despots were ushered out in 1999, that the election may not even hold. Over the past few weeks, violent protests in parts of the country over the scarcity of banknotes have overshadowed the campaign rallies. Citizens who turned in the old notes to their banks cannot get the new ones because the banks do not have them either. The scarcity of cash has brought misery upon many homes and businesses, with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund among those who have questioned the timing of the currency redesign exercise so close to crucial general elections. An immediate political consequence of the crisis is a crack in the governing All Progressives Congress  (APC). Three state governors in the party obtained an injunction from the Supreme Court to extend the time for the swapping of the banknotes, pending the determination by the court of their challenge of the legality of some aspects of the policy. Although six more APC governors applied to join the plaintiffs, forcing the court to shift the hearing in the suit by a week until 22 February, President Muhammadu Buhari brushed aside the intervention of the highest court in the land and insisted that the two highest banknotes (N500 and N1000) had ceased to be legal tenders. Governor Nasir El-Rufai, whose Kaduna is one of the three states that initiated the suit before the Supreme Court, has since come out gun blazing against the presidency, echoing a claim by the APC standard bearer, Bola Tinubu, that the policy, as well as a protracted scarcity of fuel, were part of a plot to sabotage his run or altogether scuttle the election and force an unconstitutional government on the country at the expiration of Mr Buhari’s tenure on 29 May. While Kano State governor Abdullahi Ganduje has joined in the furious attack, the opposition has taken the side of the president, remarkably, the first time they would do so since he stepped into office in 2015. A presidential spokesperson, Garba Shehu, has since rubbished the suggestion of a plot to foist an unconstitutional interim government on the nation. He also reiterated the president’s now hollow-sounding affirmation of support for his party’s presidential candidate. The president said one of the goals of the currency redesign exercise is to disable politicians from buying votes at the elections. Many Nigerians applaud that goal, regardless of the fact that the president had not thought of pursuing it when he was a candidate in 2019. And how do you sustain that goal, barring permanent removal of cash from circulation or fresh redesign of the currency ahead of every general election? Who does cash crunch harm? However, of immediate concern are the potential harms that the scarcity of cash can do to the 25 February polls. Speaking in Abuja on Friday at a stakeholders’ roundtable on the general elections, the resident electoral commissioner for the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Yahaya Bello, said INEC may be hampered by the crisis. Mr Bello said the commission across the country would find it difficult to deploy staff and materials for the election as most of the services required cash to obtain. “Before election day, we are going to deploy the service providers. On the night of Friday (the day before the election) in the FCT, we have more than 12, 000 ad-hoc staff that we are going to give cash. “None of them will receive a cheque or accept a transfer. I am talking about FCT (12,000), which will require about N5,000 (each) cash on Friday night. Also, those who are going to transport our men, materials and security to the polling units will need cash to do that. “Also, you will not take a security person to a polling unit from morning till evening without giving him money to eat and I don’t think you expect him to go to the POS to withdraw the N1,000 you are going to give him,” Mr Bello said. That applies to the political parties and other public and private institutions with a role to play in the elections. There are 176,846 polling units across the country. If a party deploys an agent to each of these units and pays each of the agents N10,000, that will be about N1.76 billion of legitimate election expenditure. Given the current cash crunch, the agents will prefer at least part of the allowance in cash. Many voters will also need cash if they want to travel for the elections and to reach the polling units on election days. Unless the situation improves dramatically before Saturday, the stage may have been set for low voter turnout, which may affect the outcomes of many of the polls and the legitimacy of the winners. In spite of the inclement situation under which the elections have been thrown, the major candidates last week continued their feverish campaigns. Surprisingly, rallies by Mr Tinubu in Owerri, Ibadan and Maiduguri; and by Atiku Abubakar of Who will win Nigeria’s presidential election? NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Africa News Page 41 the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Adamawa, drew large and excited crowds, suggesting that many Nigerians are eager to defy the economic situation and cast their ballots on Election Day. If that hopefully proves to be the case and the poll is held peacefully, what are the chances of the candidates? Polls The media long dubbed it a four-horse race. This assessment put the candidates of the two major parties, APC and PDP; as well as Peter Obi of Labour Party and Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) as the only contestants who can win the election. The 14 other candidates have not been visible in the campaigns and only on Friday, five of their parties announced their endorsement of Atiku of the PDP. Ironically, one of these five, the Allied People’s Movement, has the distinction of fielding the only female candidate, Chici Ojei, and she has described her party’s decision as “unscrupulous and despicable.” However, recent polls by different organisations have also removed Mr Kwankwaso of the NNPP from contention and are now projecting a three-horse race. Many of the polls put Mr Obi in the lead but all of them who did so also predicted a runoff. Such a scenario will occur only if the candidate with the highest number of votes does not have a quarter of the votes cast in at least 24 of the nation’s 36 states plus the FCT. Should that happen, the two candidates with the highest numbers of votes will face off in a new poll on 4 March and whoever gets more votes will be declared the next president. On the other hand, the polls that predicted victory for Mr Tinubu expect him to win on the first ballot, although one of them, Fitch, hedged its bet by not ruling out the possibility of a run-off. Obi, Runoff In its third and final poll commissioned by ANAP Foundation released on Wednesday, NOI Polls said Mr Obi was leading with 21 per cent of registered voters proposing to vote for him if the presidential election were conducted that day; 13 per cent said they would vote for Mr Tinubu while 10 per cent of the potential voters went with Atiku. As you would have noticed, the polls did not put Mr Obi across the line yet. “Given the large pool of undecided voters and/or those who refused to disclose their preferred choice, Mr Peter Obi’s 8%-point lead at this stage is significant, but not sufficient to separate him from a leading pack of candidates scoring 13%, 10% and 3%. “Undecided voters and those who prefer not to reveal their preferred candidate add up to a whopping 23% and 30% respectively. The gender split of undecided voters shows that 27% of women are undecided versus 18% of male registered voters,” it said. Another poll conducted by SBM Intelligence for Enough is Enough (EiE) Nigeria, projected Mr Obi would win 15 states and cross the 25 per cent threshold in 25 states overall. According to the poll, Atiku would take 11 states and get a 25 per cent share of the votes in 27 states, while Mr Tinubu will win in nine states and get 25 per in 20 states overall. The poll did not project a winner for Imo State. Curiously too, this poll also suggests that the election may go into a runoff – but not between the two candidates it found to be leading in most states. According to the accompanying note to the result of the poll by EiE: “The data suggest that the Labour Party (LP)’s Peter Obi and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)’s Atiku Abubakar could garner enough votes over a sufficient number of states across four of the country’s six geopolitical zones to meet the constitutional requirement of scoring 25% in at least 24 states. This outcome, however, is complicated by the fact that the All Progressives Congress (APC)’s Bola Ahmed Tinubu is likely to do well in two of the country’s biggest voting states — Kano and Lagos — and the heavily populated south-west and north-west states, thereby winning the popular vote, although reaching the 50%+1 bar may be a stretch too far.” Another observation from this poll is that it strongly suggests that Nigerians will ignore party leanings or loyalty and instead vote largely along ethnic and religious lines. It found that Atiku will win all but one of his 11 states in the Northwest and NorthEast where the Hausa-Fulani and Muslims like him are predominant, Mr Obi will win virtually all the states in the Southeast, Southsouth and Northcentral where the Igbo and Christians like him are predominant, while Mr Tinubu will win all the six states in the Southwest and three in the Northwest where either the Yoruba or Muslims like him are predominant. However, Fitch Solutions Country Risk and Industry Research found something entirely different. In a report on the election, the international firm predicted Mr Tinubu to win but, however, also did not also rule out the “rising” possibility of a run-off. Fitch said while the election has traditionally been between the APC and the PDP, the vote would be a three-horse race for the first time since Nigeria’s 1999 return to democracy due to the popularity of Mr Obi, “especially among Nigeria’s urban and affluent voters. “We believe that the Labour Party’s rise in popularity is likely to split the opposition vote, favouring the ruling APC. Indeed, we expect that Obi — a Christian from the South East — will do well in states in Nigeria’s South East and South-South regions, which traditionally have been PDP strongholds.” Dataphyte Research also conducted a “state by state ground-truthing stats,” which involved “analysing past voting patterns, voter turnouts, voter choice homogeneity, the religious homogeneity index, and so on” and “found the current scenario to be similar to that in the 2015 elections.” According to the research firm, Mr “Tinubu would win the popular votes and would be the only candidate to satisfy the spread criteria of a minimum of 25% votes in two-thirds of the 36 states. “The prediction cancels out the oft-speculated possibility of having ties at the first instance of the election on February 25, which would then occasion a rerun to determine the winner,” it said. So who wins? Our own projections are not the result of any poll. Instead, they will be based on analyses of past voting patterns, the likely impact of new developments in the electoral management system on the poll, and current political and economic situations. They all lead us to agree with Dataphyte that a winner will emerge from the 25 February poll. In line with reports in the introduction to this piece, unless the cash squeeze on everyday Nigerians eases before Election Day, voter turnout will be low across the country. If the situation does not improve, protests will continue until Election Day, discouraging many from venturing out or spending hours at their polling units. Let’s remember that in 2019, the turnout was just over 34 per cent, even though the economic situation was not as restrictive as we now have. Aside from the cash supply crisis, public security remains tenuous in some parts of the country. In the North-west and parts of the North-central regions, the activities of bandits have expelled many residents from some rural communities. In the South-east, secessionist agitators remain active and have vowed to disrupt elections in the region. The security agencies are making the usual elaborate plans to provide cover for voters and electoral officers on Election Day, and from their past records, they had always done so. Yet, in all those troubled areas, the threats may keep wary registered voters away from their polling units. However, for those who will cast their votes regardless, many may take out their anger on whichever candidate they can blame for the situation. In his broadcast on Friday, Mr El-Rufai listed why he and his party’s leaders are angry with the Buhari leadership of their APC Administration. “Once Asiwaju Bola Tinubu emerged as the candidate in June 2022, and subsequently did not pick one of them as his running mate, this currency redesign policy was conceived to ensure that the APC presidential candidate is deprived of what they alleged is a humongous war chest. They also sought to achieve any one or more of following objectives: a. Create a nationwide shortage of cash so that citizens are incited to vote against APC candidates across the board resulting in massive losses for the Party in all the elections; b. Ensure that the cash crunch is so serious, along with the contrived and enduring fuel shortage existing since September 2022, that the 2023 Elections do not hold at all, leading to an Interim National Government to be led by a retired Army General; c. Sustain the climate of shortage of fuel, food and other necessities, leading to mass protests, violence and breakdown of law and order that would provide a fertile foundation for a military take-over,” the governor said. If his worst fears come to pass, the APC candidate will bear the brunt of the anger of voters against Mr Buhari’s policies and general performance over the last seven and a half years. Mr Tinubu and the party have been trying to distance themselves from those phenomena but it remains to be seen how far they have succeeded. Nigeria’s electoral system has also recorded significant improvement since 2011. The continuous deployment of technological innovations, such as the bio-modal voter’s accreditation system (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results from polling units, means the system is getting more reliable in reflecting the will of voters. That perhaps is the reason politicians resorted to buying elections in cash directly from the voters. If this cash squeeze makes cash unavailable to them, while it may discourage voters who are used to selling their votes from going to the polling units, those who do will vote for who they prefer without inducement. The recent rallies however suggest that the two leading parties retain their capacity for mobilization despite the cash crunch. The APC and PDP, in and outside the states they currently govern, have members and loyal supporters, some of whom have associated with the parties for decades. For example, that is seen in the rallies Atiku has held in states where the PDP is in opposition or where the governors are not supporting him. The structures of the two parties across the country, made up of their local officials, members and supporters, give them the edge in canvassing support outside the elite circles of voters. In some states such as Rivers, the governors have put thousands of party hacks on the public payroll just to tie down their loyalty and use them for the elections. Governors have also been making cash donations to procure support from groups and communities, with the superior political and electoral authorities unwilling or incapable to examine the legality of such actions as concerns the electoral laws. Only the outcome of the elections will tell how effective such ploys are. — Premium Times. NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 42 Africa News KESTER ONOR Obi-dient is the word in town for the Nigerians who support Peter Obi, a former governor of Anambra State, south-east Nigeria. To them, Obi is  the best candidate for the country’s presidency. A look at the development of Obi’s character reveals discipline, responsibility, prudent management of resources and a positive impact on society. In secondary school, he was engaged in trading to make money. He is known for his “egg principle”: that even one egg for sale should be carefully guarded because losing it meant the loss of his profit in that venture. Now he is renowned for prudence and financial discipline. Obi’s emergence Obi represents the aspirations of the teeming but marginalised Nigerian youth population. He symbolises the voice of the underprivileged who yearn for a better Nigeria where justice, equity, fairness and respect for human rights will be sacrosanct. As  a political scientist,  I think Obi’s candidacy represents a total departure from the old order to people-centred leadership oriented towards development and national rebirth. The unwillingness of the Peoples Democratic Party to cede its presidential ticket to the southeast region of Nigeria and the acrimonious relationship among the party’s leaders propelled Obi’s defection to the Labour Party  in May 2022. His emergence as Labour Party’s presidential candidate has attracted young people to rally around the Obi-dient call. There is a distinct possibility that Obi’s candidacy could be  the “third force” that upstages the two dominant political parties. These are the All Progressives Congress and Peoples Democratic Party. His entrance on the platform of a relatively unpopular party took many Nigerians by surprise. Past presidents have emerged from the two major parties. But disunity has deepened under the Muhammadu Buhari government.  Insecurity  remains a challenge and there’s  a shortage of essential goods and services. His early days Obi was born on 19 July 1961 in Onitsha, south-east Nigeria. He attended Christ the King College, Peter Obi could be the force that topples Nigeria’s two main political parties Onitsha, where he completed his secondary school education. He was admitted to the University of Nigeria in 1980 and graduated with a BA (Honours) in philosophy in 1984. He concentrated on his businesses, which grew to make him an influential player in the corporate world. He also sharpened his entrepreneurial and managerial competencies  at Columbia, Harvard, London School of Economics and Oxford. Seeking a wider platform to serve society, he contested the governorship of Anambra State  in 2003  but was denied victory. He challenged his loss in court, shunned all manner of “settlements” and intimidation and regained his electoral mandate through the courts. Barely six months in office, he was impeached by the Mike Balonwu-led House of Assembly. The first charge was that he had gone against the constitution and renovated the destroyed Government House for far less than was in the budget. The court later reinstated him. He did not offer his friends appointments. Among his achievements as governor were extensive road construction, and the return of schools to missionaries who had established them. Building on the foundations laid by Chris Ngige, his predecessor, Obi gave the state the best road network in Nigeria. His resolve also  ushered  in a rebirth of education and improved health care facilities in Anambra State. Anambra is not Nigeria Obi’s critics say that his Anambra State governance experience is not enough for him to seek Nigeria’s presidency. They point to the state’s size – 21 local government areas – unlike the behemoth called Nigeria. Anambra was created in 1991 by the military junta in power then. Nearly all its people speak the Igbo language. The small scale of operations in Anambra State could have been a factor in his government success, and he will need greater dexterity in leading Nigeria if elected. His micro-management of affairs in the state is impossible at the federal level and this might make things tough for him as president. His youthful supporters might also be his candidacy’s weakness. While  71 million young Nigerians (under 50 years old) registered to vote in the elections, out of the total of 93.5 million, they will only favour Obi if they vote massively in the election. This is the first time in Nigeria’s contemporary political history that young people are driving a person’s presidential quest. Nobody knows how it will turn out. Political movements driven by young people like Y’en a Marre in Senegal, Balai Citoyen in Burkina Faso, or Filimbi in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have met with relatively little success. However, the recent emergence of President William Ruto in Kenya’s presidential election has  shown that  some of Africa’s youth are making their mark on the continent. Whatever happens, Nigerian youth have written their names boldly in the political annals of their country by establishing the  Obi-dient  political movement. — The Conversation. *About the writer: Kester Onor is a lecturer in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Covenant University in Nigeria. Labour Party’s presidential candidate Peter Obi NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Africa News Page 43 TSHILIDZI MARWALA THERE have been murmurings in South Africa as to whether universities are following the destructive paths of state-owned enterprises. The next few days mark my last stretch as Vice-Chancellor of the University of Johannesburg (UJ). A valuable exercise in recent months has been to take stock of the achievements and milestones we have made in recent years, especially to answer whether universities in South Africa are on a destructive path. On Thursday, 23 February, I was hosted by the School of Government to reflect on my tenure and the achievements UJ has made in a relatively short time. In 2018, as I stepped onto the podium for my inaugural address, I delivered a long list of promises. I had a bold vision that, to some, seemed impossible. Yet, it was through a deliberate and purposeful strategy that UJ could transform into the institution I had envisioned. Long before my tenure as Vice-Chancellor of UJ, innovation had been ingrained in the DNA of this institution. This is Ihron Rensburg’s legacy. During his tenure, the institution became the national standard bearer for transformation, equity, access, pan-Africanism and global excellence. His leadership laid solid foundations for UJ’s trajectory. When I embarked on this journey, I set out a vision of my interpretation of the direction of the university. One could call it an annotation of the strategic plan. In the last five years, as the plans unfolded, I found that many of the projects and programmes of activities gained momentum and morphed into larger endeavours that have made this university worthy of our many accolades. We have emerged as the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) university and have a slew of rankings and research metrics that confirm our stature. Most notably, the QS World University Rankings indicated that UJ is now ranked second nationally and on the continent. In the Times Higher Education (THE) Impact Rankings, UJ is now ranked first in South Africa and second in Africa. Additionally, UJ is one of the leading universities in the research sphere. In terms of research output, as measured by UJ’s scholarly output indexed in the global Scopus publication and citation database, UJ continues to perform ahead of other South African higher education institutions on key performance indicators. Therefore, some universities are not on a destructive path, and in the case of UJ, the critical question is how have we achieved all this. There were 15 objectives that informed our strategy. Firstly, it was imperative to get the right people. In our recruiting strategy, we emphasised the need for academic leaders, international staff, students, and distinguished visitors. Our distinguished visiting appointments included Nobel Prize winner Wole Soyinka.    In addition, we have had a distinct focus on academic development and support. In 2017, 48% of UJ’s academic staff had PhDs, compared to 56.6% in 2022. Similarly, the number of National Research Foundation (NRF) ratAs I bid farewell to the University of Johannesburg, a reflection on what we have achieved ed researchers grew from 179 in 2017 to 274 in 2022 — a rise of 53%. Secondly, we built a financial war chest alongside key stakeholders. For instance, UJ annually spends over R10-million on the student meal assistance programme. This assists approximately 4,600 students monthly. We have also raised close to R2-billion since 2016 to assist missing middle students. In addition, since 2009, UJ has made R20-million available yearly to assist financially needy students with their registration fees. This year, we launched the Double Our Future Impact Campaign, which aims to help as many as 10,000 students, and so far, we have raised R3-million. Thirdly, we built internal capacity. I have overseen the establishment of institutes such as the Institute for Intelligent Systems (IIS), a research institute for systems intelligence, continuous engineering and cognitive computing in Africa; the Institute for the Future of Knowledge (IFK), which serves as a cross-disciplinary think tank; and most recently, the National Artificial Intelligence Institute in conjunction with the Department of Communications and Digital Technologies (DCDT) and the Tshwane University of Technology (TUT), among other initiatives. Fourthly, we focused on building infrastructure. We purchased and financed two additional campuses, Devland Campus and Media24 Park (now called JBS Park) and completed the Soweto Residence Complex. Studies  indicate that strong infrastructure leads to better teaching and learning outcomes while improving the throughput rate. Fifthly, we approached the university’s functions with a sustainable mindset. Recently, we launched a fleet of electric buses. These electric buses produce much lower carbon emissions yet offer a smooth ride even on steep routes. Additionally, we have shifted 15% of our energy to renewable sources through the extensive installation of solar panels. Our focus on achieving sustainable development goals (SDGs) has been entrenched in our operations. Sixthly, we have built a locally relevant organisation but with an international outlook. We emphasised internationalisation and encouraged collaboration. For instance, the Africa by Bus project allows students to explore southern African countries’ cultures and traditions, which speaks directly to our Pan-African vision. Seventhly, we cultivated a learning culture that reads and writes. The introduction of the monthly Vice-Chancellor’s Reading Club and later the Chair of Council’s Reading Club have instilled this culture at UJ. These groups are widely open and encourage reading and a spirit of debate and discussion. Eighthly, it was vital for me to lead by example. It was not enough to launch the various reading clubs. I had to demonstrate that I was writing and reading consistently. A phrase I have often repeated is that those who do not read cannot lead. The idea behind this notion is that we must all embark on a continuous learning journey at every tier. Ninthly, I communicated constantly. I have written 24 books and over 300 papers in journals, proceedings and book chapters. I gave television and radio interviews about topics I wrote about, my areas of interest and current events. I sustained communication with staff and students through a weekly newsletter and stayed active on social media networks, providing an opportunity for engagement. Tenthly, it was important for me to take my expertise outward. I worked with various stakeholders from government, industry and society. For instance, I helped develop the 4IR blueprints for the South African, Namibian and Rwandan governments. I was a member of the World Health Organization (WHO) committee that developed the ethical guidelines for using AI in healthcare. I was also instrumental in developing the international accord on open data for the International Council for Science (ICSU) in Paris. Eleventh, we thought out of the box in our approach to teaching and learning and redefined the curriculum. This was done by introducing a compulsory artificial intelligence (AI) course for all students, the introduction of the Bachelor of Arts in Politics, Economics and Technology (PET) and various postgraduate programmes on AI. Additionally, we ensured that all our courses were infused with technology and had a greater multi-disciplinary approach. Our emphasis has informed this shift on 4IR. As a result, there have been 48 staff working in 4IR recruited in the last five years. Twelfth, there was no room for the crises we experienced to become a “permacrisis”. In my first few months in office, I crafted a continuity plan. This informed much of the university’s response to the pandemic. As an institution, we were equipped to deal with this crisis as we had analysed and pivoted solutions for every eventuality. Additionally, we have ensured strong governance structures and accountability at every tier. Thirteenth, I was not afraid to take tough decisions. Despite the risk of backlash and waning popularity, my focus was ensuring that the university could fulfil its mandate with an emphasis on excellence. I introduced new policies, such as only allowing students who have passed all their courses and are on a full course load to participate in the student representative council (SRC). I was resolute in my priorities and would not waiver on aspects central to our core function. Fourteenth, UJ hosted prominent events. For instance, we hosted the leadership meeting with the African Union (AU) and the Nelson Mandela Lecture. We invited dynamic academics, thought leaders, captains of industry and government officials to speak to our students and staff. Finally, successful examples in other nations are needed to guide us. For instance, the National AI Institute was in part informed by trips to Silicon Valley and the Chinese equivalent, Zhongguancun, attended by various stakeholders in the sector. I encouraged diverse perspectives and analysed successful models that would make sense for our institution. Once again, the emphasis was on continuous learning. This is how UJ has risen to feats unknown in recent years. Although this marks the end of this chapter, these are legacy projects with longevity. Importantly, none of this was done in a silo but as an institution. I was fortunate to have an institution with a strong contingent that could seamlessly roll out my vision. My successors now inherit an institution that has broken boundaries and charted a unique path in its relatively short history. As William Shakespeare once said, “some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them.” UJ is an example of the confluence of all three. — Daily Maverick. *About the writer: Professor Tshilidzi Marwala is the outgoing Vice-Chancellor and Principal of the University of Johannesburg. On 1 March 2023, he will be the Rector of the United Nations (UN) University and UN Under-Secretary-General. The QS World University Rankings indicate that the University of Johannesburg is now ranked second nationally and on the continent. In the Times Higher Education Impact Rankings, UJ is now ranked first in South Africa and second in Africa. Professor Tshilidzi Marwala NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 44 World News One year on: A report card on the ongoing Russian war on Ukraine GRAHAM ALLISON BY now, it is clear that Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war in Ukraine has been a grave strategic error. As Napoleon Bonaparte’s former minister of police  said  of the French leader’s foolish execution of a rival duke, his actions could be described as “worse than a crime … a blunder.” Yet even as Putin’s war has undermined Russia on the geopolitical stage, we should not overlook the fact that Russia has succeeded in severely weakening Ukraine on the ground. This week, the Belfer Russia-Ukraine War Task Force, which I lead, is releasing a Report Card summarizing where things stand on the battlefield at the end of the first year of Russia’s war. As the Report Card documents, when we measure key indicators including territorial gains and losses, deaths of combatants and civilians, destruction of infrastructure, and economic impact, the brute facts are hard to ignore. At the battlefield level, if one can remember only three numbers, they are: one-fifth, one-third, and 40 percent. Since invading Ukraine on Feb. 24, 2022, Russian troops have seized an additional 11 percent of Ukraine’s territory. When combined with land seized from Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, that means Russia now controls almost one-fifth of the country. The Ukrainian economy has been crushed, its GDP declining by more than onethird. Ukraine is now dependent on the United States and Western Europe not only for weekly deliveries of weapons and ammunition but also for monthly subsidies to pay its soldiers, officials, and pensioners. Forty percent of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure has been destroyed or occupied. The Report Card includes a dozen further indicators that shed light on the outcomes and cost of one year of war in Ukraine. These include one of Kyiv’s most closely held secrets: Ukrainian casualties. Western press coverage of the war has offered little reporting on this issue, but reliable U.S. government estimates count more than 130,000 Ukrainian soldiers killed or severely wounded — approximately the same number Russia has lost from a population more than three times larger than Ukraine’s. In addition, Russian forces have killed more than 7,000 Ukrainian civilians, committed an array of atrocities, and forced nearly 1 in 3 Ukrainian citizens to flee their homes. Today, 8 million Ukrainians are international refugees. Thus, as the Western press continues to highlight Ukraine’s successes, we should also recognize that if year two of the war were essentially a carbon copy of the first, in February 2024 Russia would control almost one-third of Ukraine. The war is, of course, imposing huge costs on Russia as well. But so far, Putin has shown no hesitation in paying whatever it takes. Moreover, the most severe of these costs, including the loss of European markets for Russia’s oil and Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war in Ukraine has been a grave strategic error. gas, will be felt over the longer term. In the meantime, Moscow has demonstrated impressive resilience in adapting to unprecedented comprehensive sanctions. Despite Western governments advertising these sanctions as strangling, Russian revenues from exports of oil and gas actually went up last year, not down. Contrary to forecasts of most Western commentators, Russia’s economy has not imploded. As the Report Card notes, according to the most recent data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Russia’s economy fell last year much less than had been forecast—by just 2.3 percent — and the IMF expects it to return to positive growth in 2023. And since the invasion, while the value of Ukraine’s currency has declined by 18 percent, the Russian ruble has appreciated by 14 percent. This is not to say Russia has emerged as the clear victor on the ground. Since mid-November, fighting on the battlefield has been bogged down in what we call a “snailmate,” with the net change in territorial control favoring Russia by just 75 square miles. And as both Russia and Ukraine prepare new, major offensives for the near future, other developments seem to favor Ukraine, with one of the most important being the United States and European nations supplying Ukraine with increasingly lethal weapons—most recently, battle tanks. Of course, many factors that matter more than those in the Report Card are not easily measured. The Report Card identifies a number of these, such as morale, leadership, the will to fight, information warfare, and international support. We are hopeful that readers will suggest ways to assess these and other critical factors going forward. Since this is a work in progress, we intend to revise the Report Card as we receive feedback. Moreover, the Task Force will continue tracking these indicators in weekly updates on Harvard University’s Russia Matters website. Despite the Report Card’s findings, Putin’s successes on the battlefield cannot obscure the fact that his war has been a colossal strategic failure. Instead of erasing Ukraine from the map, Putin has enlivened Ukrainians’ sense of identity and confidence that they can build a viable modern nation. Rather than ensuring that Ukraine would never join the European Union or NATO, he has made its membership in these institutions likelier than ever before. By reviving a vivid sense of fear in Europeans, he has condemned his country to a new and likely lengthy chapter of cold war with a reinvigorated trans-Atlantic alliance whose GDP is 20 times that of Russia. One year on, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is deservedly the most admired leader on the international stage and Putin the most despised. Students of the U.S. War of Independence will remember the Battle of Bunker Hill. There, British soldiers occupying Boston succeeded in seizing the high ground. But their victory came at the cost of so many of their soldiers killed and severely wounded that they never undertook an initiative like that again. Let us hope that the West’s fortitude and Putin’s failure in this case reduces Russia’s appetite for subsequent attacks on its neighbors. – foreignpolicy.com *About the writer: Graham Allison is a professor of government at the Harvard Kennedy School, where he was the founding dean. He is a former U.S. assistant defense secretary and the author of Destined for War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides’s Trap?Twitter:  @GrahamTAllison NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

NewsHawks Reframing Issues Page 45 Issue 120, 24 February 2023

JONATHAN MBIRIYAMVEKA UNITED KINGDOM-based reggae/dancehall singer Mic Inity makes a welcome return to the mainstream music scene with a brand-new album simply titled 4.0. Born Mike Madamombe, the husky-voiced artiste has for the first time dropped a wholly dancehall album reminiscent of Buju Banton’s good old days. The eight-track album is bouncy as it is danceable, something his fans love him for. Interestingly, before he rose to fane, Mic Inity used to perform with various groups before settling down to a three-year stint as lead vocalist and front man of reggae outfit Transit Crew. At the time, Mic Inity would churn out conscious reggae, draw- ing crowds at the then Book Café nestled in Harare's Avenues area. As the fan base grew, so did the name Mic Inity, emerging as a force to reckon with in reggae/ dancehall music. But on 4.0, Mic Inity is delivering an enjoyable album that reminds many of how talented he is as a songwriter/composer and performer. The Shinko Beats-produced album opens with Step Pon It, a captivating club banger that will move his fans. On the track, Mic Inity laces his vocals over thump- ing bass and, if there is anything unique about this, it is the melody that will keep ringing in your mind long after the song has stopped playing. The follow up track --- Dreams --- is purely an encouragement to fans to never give up on their dreams. As the title suggests, it is an easy number but still makes for enjoyable listening. Track three bursts with melodies. It is called A No Mi Dat and it is social commentary in which Mic Inity talks resilience in an ev- er-unpredictable world. Coming from Zimbabwe, Mic Inity seems to be aware of the hardships that people go through. Surviving in Zimbabwe needs skill and charac- ter to keep going forward despite the endless adversities that come your way. On Go Getter, he has tapped into new talent by featuring Millz on the track that talks about money. Mic Inity seems to suggest that “money makes the world go round” since you cannot do any- thing without money. Riddim-wise, it brings to mind Dave Kelly’s 1997  Showtime  riddim. He turned it up on Cele and Yuh A Di Boss. Both tracks are party anthems. The last track is Lion Roar, which is rather a low-tempo num- ber which is above average and adds on to the dancehall niceness. With 20 years in music, Mic Inity has shown his vocal range and growth on the album. He dropped his debut in 2011 called Freedom. Two years later he put out his second album Just Reggae, My Journey, which featured tunes he had recorded in Jamaica with acclaimed producer Caveman Manning, known from his work with Sizzla Kalonji. He followed it up with Survivor in 2015, which was rather a lukewarm project and, seven years later, Mic Inity is back! STYLE TRAVEL BOOKS ARTS MOTORING Porsche just got angrier Being a Fashion Model Life&Style Page 46 Issue 120, 24 February 2023 Mic Inity makes a welcome return! Mic Inity

Poetry Corner Title: Shedding Light On Shedding And Sheds Poet: Ndaba Sibanda Not in the dark, wondering that there's load shedding? I'm here to pour furious facts forth in drops, I'm no duck's plumage shedding watery rocks, I'm here not to please but to seize a moment, & jog memories, since l see no development, their promises were countless : like we'll construct sheds or shelter, yet it's all hell! have the souls been shedded from distress? no, they steal & smile, shed blood & supress, people are put or housed in handcuffed shame, they can't tame it, l proclaim: the economy isn't lame, have you seen shedlike structures they have built since they usurped offices, or you wince at their rot or mince? it had nothing to do with national development or protection, but a divide of land: their shed, interests, a lust for accumulation, understand that shedding can simply be a casting off of natural covering like a caterpillar shedding its skin, yet it's still a caterpillar window-dressing! shed your illusions & inhibitions since companies are shedding jobs and incomes, shed tears for the jobless like pathologists shedding viruses in the feces & dirty dams ***************************************************** Title: Talking in Tongues Poet: Sheikh Al Dirani Rubric of incantatory abracadabra Tongue-swapping tongue-twisting tsotsis, Is this a kind of heavenly slang? Aren't these pulpit rappers Tupac-ing the congregants With a Jimmi Hendricks' rigmarole? Or the rag-tag rub-a-dub of Mutabaruka's throat Rain the contrite with tots of spittle To seduce a Pharisee lady And steal a sex or stash a cash While the masses sway stupefied under the opium of prayer, Between now and the next 'amen'. ***************************************************** Title: A Damn Wrong Turn Poet: Obey Chiyangwa After I took a very wrong turn The faces that faced me were not smiling The debris of yesterday's sorrows littered their furrowed brows Traces of unprovoked anger lingered in their tormented eyes The way they walked is the way only mentally crippled people walk The way deranged people talk There is no way some sane people could ever walk or talk the same way I smiled widely though the cold plastic that my face was must have looked placid to the outside world Gap-toothed smiles rarely fail to endear even to the cold-hearted Not even one of them cold stooges ever smiled back Not a single grimace nor sheepish grin The wrong turn was slowly turning into a dangerous turn A nightmare of some ill-adorned sorts A compromised situation of all sorts What with the blood-thirsty singing in the background Nerve-wracking to say the least Hair-raising at their best Gut-wrenching to say the worst I looked around for a safe place to run to and hide All the places of peace were high-walled and barricaded The lanes leading to such places were manned by stern-faced roadblocks The acrid stench of death was rising like a demented phantom There was virtually nowhere safe to run to The damned elections were falling flat into my exposed face The slogans they chanted were death knells to the ears of the trapped like myself I stopped breathing and decided to sleep forever No amount of fiercely contested elections could ever bring me back my normal life. ************************************************ Title: Days That Matter Poet: Samuel Chuma The days that matter Are not these That sit stagnant On the calendar Staring endlessly at eternity Whilst the throat of time Has vomited them Into the blair toilet Where clean futures Frequent to spew out Diarrhoeal discharges Into the face of hope Days that matter Are yet to be born These I see in my dreams Days not strung together In seconds and minutes On the strings of impatience Like the waist beads Of a Shangaan temptress Enticing and mysterious And open to exploration By any who would muster courage To stare and wink Days that matter These lie in The uterus of the universe The result of orgasmic Interplays between twinkling stars And the bashful dark These are the days Of conflict and pain The days that would be born Brandishing whip and sword To amputate prosperity preachers Of lying tongues And smirking grins And inexpensive three hundred thousand dollar chariots. *********************************************** Title: The Poor Worker's Wealth Poet: Patrick Hwande For a couple of decades, I've been in the trenches, Trying to build my beloved nation. Here's the wealth l've accrued: A pair of shoes that has seen better days, A single white trousers that leaves very little to imagination, A creaking single bed that betrays my romantic evening. Should l die today. Kill my limping goat, And feed the mourners. Sweet talk the well-wishers to pool resources and pay a sea of my debts. *********************************************** NewsHawks Page 47 Issue 120, 24 February 2023

Page 48 Cyclone Freddy's path towards Zim People & Places NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

decades ago had been made a year earlier, before Manchester? Kirsty would not have participated, mostly likely denying her the springboard that catapulted her to a decorated Olympics career over the next eight years in Athens and Beijing. Perhaps she would not have been as successful at the Olympics, without that early confidence-booster in the United Kingdom. And, how many more Kirsty Coventrys from Zimbabwe would have – during the 20 years in the wilderness – used the Commonwealth Games as a launch pad for great careers of their own? As we speak, Zimbabwe is an international football pariTHE Summer Olympic Games are a venerated fête, a global sporting gala of gigantic proportions, second only to the football World Cup in terms of sheer size and prestige. It is the dream of a lifetime for every athlete, every footballer, to go to the Olympics, to go to the World Cup. Being denied the opportunity to do so, for any reason other than the athlete’s abilities and qualifications, is utterly unfair and heart-wrenching for the competitor. Come to think about it, with Zimbabwe sinking deep into political crisis around 2004 – following the heavily disputed presidential elections of 2002 – what if the winner Robert Mugabe did the unthinkable of withdrawing our athletes from the Olympics in protest over what he deemed brazen Western interference in the affairs of Zimbabwe? Of course, had that rather wild possibility taken place, Zimbabwe’s great swimmer Kirsty Coventry would not have gone to Athens for the 2004 Games to win the first of her record medal haul by an African sports star. Perhaps not so "wild" a possibility when you consider that Coventry won a gold medal at the Commonwealth Games in Manchester in 2002. A year later, Mugabe led Zimbabwe into withdrawing its membership from the Commonwealth, and the country has not returned ever since. What if that rash decision of two Sport Page 49 Of all people, you’d think that Kirsty Coventry would imagine how it feels Kirsty Coventry ah, suspended by world governing body Fifa last March for the government’s sports regulator’s avoidable direct punitive measure against errant officials of the national football federation, Zifa. If not reinstated in time, Zimbabwe will not be allowed to play in the qualification competition for the next World Cup in 2026, a hammer blow for a generation of footballers with a very good chance of finally taking this country to the Promised Land. Already, the Warriors are effectively out of next year’s Africa Cup of Nations finals as the qualifiers started in the midst of Zimbabwe’s sanction. Spare a thought for the talented and versatile group of Zimbabwean footballers dotted around the world. They will be feeling the same as Coventry would have felt had the madness of the Commonwealth pullout carried over to the Olympics. Certainly, it would be equally hard to take, being made to pay for the sins of an enraged tyrant, and the actions of some football officials with sticky fingers. Meanwhile Coventry – Africa’s greatest Olympian – is Zimbabwe’s Sports minister in all this. The irony. *Guest columnist Alwyn Mabehla is a former Daily News sub-editor and football writer who keenly follows Zimbabwean domestic sport. Battle for African rugby presidency heats up From page 50 administration, noting also the traditionally better teams’ decline compared to some of the world’s second-tier to third-tier teams. “Our competitions over the years have decreased to almost nothing, many countries have not played rugby for three years because of lack of funding,” he said. “This is why we need to bring about change and a new fresh inflow. It’s not just us the emerging nations that have issues. The top nations like Kenya, Uganda, Zimbabwe and Namibia must be seen to be able to compete better than the current South American and smaller European teams that are doing better than us. The Portugals and the rest, who are emerging, are doing better than us. For that you need a completely different type of leadership and philosophy to take you to another position.” Babbou’s executive has also come in for heavy criticism over the controversial decision to stage Africa’s crucial World Cup qualification competition in Marseilles, France, last July. “Where are the benefits there? Babbou has got to account,” said another federation head. “This is a story on its own – Marseilles. The theme of the new group must be Africa for Africans.” The surprise move to play an important African tournament in Europe could be seen as another indicator of Africa Rugby’s attitude towards the game on the continent – the confederation’s glaring failure to treat African rugby as an entity on its own. “Apart from that, it also exposes how the administration arm of Africa Rugby wields more power than the Ex-Co (executive committee). It appears playing in France was more of a decision of the Ex-Co, rather than that of the directors of Africa Rugby. This definitely would not have happened under Bougja’s leadership,” he added. Abdelaziz Bougja is the immediate past president of Africa Rugby, credited with negotiating valuable broadcasting rights and commercial deals for the continental body during his tenure. Most of them have not been renewed thereafter. The Moroccan’s term yielded a number of competitions across Africa, and Bougja himself had a broader presence on the continent, travelling to a wide range of countries to drum support for national federations from their governments. Babbou will be measured against his predecessor in this regard, and his challengers in Cape Town in March are said to be exploiting those weaknesses to their advantage in their lobbying. The main challenger, it appears, is Mensah. The Ghanaian tycoon’s disadvantage could be that he hails from an upcoming rugby-playing nation on the continent. But then the seasoned administrator has impeccable credentials in the sport. Mensah played rugby competitively at schoolboy level in England in the early 1980s, in addition to county rugby appearances while studying at Sussex University. A self-made entrepreneur, Mensah travelled to Zimbabwe in the early '80s from his UK home in his young days for business interests in the tobacco industry. On those trips, he rekindled his relationship with rugby and ended up playing for Old Hararians, the Southern African country’s most successful club in history. The speedy winger from Ghana drew keen attention with his scintillating performances for the great Old Hararians side, at a time rugby was roaring into racial transformation in Zimbabwe. The young Ghanaian was duly called up to Mashonaland, Zimbabwe’s biggest provincial side, for a warm-up match with touring Italy ahead of the European side’s high-profile two Test-match series against the African hosts in 1985. The only black player in a strong Mashonaland side, Mensah scored a try in the 24-13 win over the Azzurri in Harare in front of a capacity crowd at the revered Police Grounds. And now in his present role as president of Ghana Rugby, the football-mad West African nation has made enormous strides in rugby, which is now the fastest-growing sport under Mensah’s stewardship. Mensah is also a successful past CEO and chairperson of Ghanaian football giants Asante Kotoko, two-time African Champions League winners. He is said to have the backing of the bulk of French-speaking countries in West Africa as well as that of East, Central and Southern African federations. Owor, on the other hand, is looking to capitalise on his wide network gained from being Babbou’s number two over the past four years. The Ugandan is a distinguished former international player for his country, and has gone on to enjoy quite a successful administrative career post-playing days, rising quickly to head the East African nation’s rugby board. Owor was initially believed to be supporting Mensah’s candidature but, swayed by his own clout from the experience of being in the corridors of Africa Rugby since 2019, the ambitious Ugandan – who is the youngest of the three in his 40s – has decided to independently run for the big post. There is concern, however, that Mensah and Owor going into the tight race separately could split the sub-Saharan African bloc’s vote in favour of the determined Babbou, who will not let go without a fight. Meanwhile, Zimbabwean rugby boss Aaron Jani – a member of the current Africa Rugby executive committee – had been mentioned as a possible contender for either the top job or the deputy role. He is however said to have ruled himself out of the race due to “unfinished business” with the Zimbabwe Rugby Union. Win or lose, one has to relinquish their position with their home board, post-elections. Out of contention, such influential figures as Jani – holding their cards close to their chests – might prove to be the kingmakers in what is likely to be the tightest contest in history for the control of African rugby. Alwyn Mabehla HawkZone NewsHawks Issue 120, 24 February 2023

tially the global standing of African rugby in comparison with the rest of the world. A wide-ranging investigation by The NewsHawks over the past four months has revealed a marked change in dynamics at Rugby Africa, pointing to a hotENOCK MUCHINJO IMBALANCE of power and grossly uneven distribution of financial resources will be the rallying point at Africa Rugby’s elective annual general meeting (AGM) next month as incumbent president Khaled Babbou faces a stern test from two challengers pledging far-reaching reforms for the continent in the world’s fastest-growing team sport. Tunisia’s Babbou, first elected in 2019, is the latest on the list of Rugby Africa presidents of Francophone and Arabic Africa origin, who have dominated this influential post since the continental body was founded in 1986. Now, Ghanaian Herbert Mensah and current Rugby Africa vice-president Andrew Owor, from Uganda, have entered the race in a spirited bid to end that dominance. The two experienced administrators promise to usher in fresh ideas, policies and equality across the continent. Never before has the governance of rugby in Africa come under such close scrutiny from a cross-section of stakeholders on the continent, regarding the growth and status of the game – essen50c PRICE SPORT Zim Cricket launches Premier League NEWS $60 Covid tariff for visitors & tourists CULTURE Community radio regulations under review @NewsHawksLive TheNewsHawks www.thenewshawks.com [email protected] Thursday 1 October 2020 WHAT’S INSIDE ALSO INSIDE Finance Ministy wipes out $3.2 Billion depositors funds Zim's latest land controversy has left Ruwa farmer stranded Story on Page 3 Story on Page 8 Story on Page 16 Chamisa reaches out to Khupe Unofficial president calls for emergency meeting +263 772 293 486 Friday 24 February 2023 ALSO Of all people, you’d think Kirsty Coventry would imagine how it feels INSIDE Sports Mandela’s grandson in African football political row at Chan opener Pull up your socks, it’s no more business as usual EXCLUSIVE: Battle heats up for African rugby presidency as winds of change blow ly-contested election in Cape Town on 18 March. Contacted, Babbou referred us to Africa Rugby’s Algerian general manager, Azzouz Aib, who had not responded to questions at the time of publishing. Both Mensah and Owor were rather evasive over their candidature, but close associates of theirs have disclosed that the two are well and truly bidding to unseat the Tunisian as winds of change appear to blow through the continent. The bone of contention, for the greater part, has been how money is dispensed by World Rugby, the sport’s global ruling body. “The inequality in which World Rugby give only US$2 million for 37 (African) states per year and yet a single Rugby Europe nation like Georgia get a minimum of about US$5 million a year, is not right at all,” said a national federation head who is supporting one of the two challengers. Another well-placed insider spoke of how the politically dominant regions, the Francophone and Arabic blocs, have not represented the rest of the continent fairly, as widely desired, on the global platform. Africa, he remarked, has for far too long been reduced to an inferior and insignificant player in the lopsided voting system of World Rugby. “There are many aspects, it’s a historical one,” he commented. “Rugby Africa has for long been controlled by Francophone, and North Africa Arab. It has implications on how they deal with World Rugby on African issues. We only have two votes as a continent whilst elsewhere, individual nations have three votes each. It’s a black-white issue in that regard. It’s totally unfair, and we cannot develop. There are similarities in what happens in the Pacific, where the islands have limited money and the big money goes to the big nations. There needs to be a change, and the change must come from the top.” Africa Rugby has 37-member nations, and a fairly large number of them are increasingly becoming more vocal in the affairs of the confederation despite their smaller size and profile in the sport. An outspoken president of one of the continent’s minor nations bemoaned the lack of game time under the present To page 49 Khaled Babbou Andrew Owor Herbert Mensah