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Published by larserik.lundin, 2017-08-18 01:26:45

Twelve Myths about Change in Ukraine

Twelve Myths about Change in Ukraine

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UkraineAlert JULY 17, 2017 ABOUT UKRAINEALERT
(/blogs/ukrainealert)
Twelve Myths about Change Expert analysis on the most
Dinu Patriciu Eurasia in Ukraine pressing issues facing
Center Ukraine from the Atlantic
(/programs/dinu­ BY ALEXANDER J. MOTYL Council's staff, board,
patriciu­eurasia­ affiliated scholars, and
center)  (/blogs/ukrainealert/twelve­myths­ friends. 
about­change­in­ukraine?  
Ukraine in Europe tmpl=component&print=1)  The views expressed in
Initiative (/ukraine) UkraineAlert are solely
those of the authors and do
(http://www.youtube.com/atlanticcouncil) not necessarily reflect the
(http://www.facebook.com/AtlanticCouncil) views of the Atlantic
 (http://www.twitter.com/AtlanticCouncil) Council, its staff, or its
 (https://instagram.com/atlanticcouncil/) supporters.

(https://www.flickr.com/photos/atlanticcouncil/) MOST POPULAR:
 (/about/atlanticcouncil) UkraineAlert

(https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/atlantic­ July 31, 2017
council­events­podcast/id977650212?mt=2) Why Trump is Wrong about
Ukrainian Interference in
US Elections
(/blogs/ukrainealert/why­
trump­is­wrong­about­
ukrainian­interference­in­
us­elections)

August 8, 2017
Putin Still in Denial over the
Loss of Ukraine
(/blogs/ukrainealert/russia­
still­in­denial­over­the­loss­
of­ukraine)

(/subscribe) Activists demand to deprive several Ukrainian lawmakers, suspected of corruption by the General Prosecutor's

ROEffiUceT,E oRf Sp/aVralialemnetynnt aOryg iirmenmkuonity during a rally near the building of Parliament in Kyiv, UkJtWrhaueilhny ye F2  J4tighu, hel2yt 0  U1a11S7g, a 2Ki0ne1s7et.ps Losing

Most Ukrainians will tell you that “nothing has changed” since Disinformation
the Euromaidan Revolution. Meanwhile, most Ukrainian analysts (/blogs/ukrainealert/why­

bemoan (https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ukraine/2017­ the­us­keeps­losing­the­
fight­against­disinformation)
Tweets by @ACEurasia 06­29/ukraine­s­stalled­revolution) that Ukraine’s elites are
August 8, 2017
resisting change and that, unless Ukraine changes more quickly, Why the Case Against
Arming Ukraine Doesn’t
Eurasia Center the country will backtrack Hold Water
Retweeted (https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/democracy­ (/blogs/ukrainealert/arm­
ukraine­now­2)
Atlantic Council post/wp/2017/07/11/the­window­for­reform­is­closing­in­
@AtlanticCouncil ukraine/?utm_term=.78fe0954e1a6) and be lost. And everyone August 1, 2017
Washington’s Got a New
Into the uncanny valley of seems to agree that no change is possible unless corruption is Tool to Counter Putin, and
It’s Not What You Think It Is
fake news—@DFRLab's fully eliminated.  (/blogs/ukrainealert/washington­
latest case study: s­got­a­new­tool­to­
counter­putin­and­it­s­not­
medium.com/dfrlab/into- These views rest on simplifications, distortions, and what­you­think­it­is)
th… misunderstandings. Here are a few: 

15h 1. Ukraine hasn’t changed since 2014. Nonsense. Change has
been enormous, as a walk through any Ukrainian city
Eurasia Center reveals. Obviously, Ukraine needs to change more—as do a
@ACEurasia score of its neighbors and friends, including Russia, Belarus,
the European Union, and the United States.
ZAPAD 2017: A Guide to
Russia’s Largest Military 2. Ukraine needs to change more quickly. Probably true, but
Exercise → maybe not. This view presupposes that fast change is better
atlanticcouncil.org/publicati than slow change. In fact, very fast change—revolutions—
generally doesn’t work, while evolutionary change generally
Embed View on Twitter does. There is no one­size­fits­all formula of change.

3. If Ukraine doesn’t change more, then the forces opposed to
change will win the upper hand. Maybe. All entrenched
interests in all countries at all times oppose systemic change;
they’d be fools not to. Resistance is a constant. Sometimes
they win, sometimes they lose. It all depends on how strong
the forces supporting change are. The good news is that, in
Ukraine, they’re pretty strong and likely to remain so.

4. Change is linear. Wrong. All countries at all times take two
steps forward and one step backward, followed by three
steps forward and four steps backward, and so on. Despite,
or because, of these zigzags, systems do change,
sometimes for the better, sometimes for the worse.

5. Change must be pursued to the point of irreversibility.
Nonsense. There is no such point. If there were, then
revolutions would never happen. Besides, even highly
developed, well institutionalized democracies backslide, as
Trump’s America and the European Union’s travails
demonstrate.

6. Poland got it right (/blogs/ukrainealert/poland­s­revolutionary­
lessons­for­ukraine), especially by adopting radical reforms
just after 1989. Alas, no. If Poland—and Hungary—got it
right, then how do we explain the Kaczynski and Orban

governments? More to the point, the big bang Poland
pursued in 1990 was actually tiny, as communist Poland had
always had a state, a developed nation, a civil society
(Solidarity and the Catholic Church), and some degree of
private property—qualities that Ukraine has only now come
to possess.
7. Estonia and Latvia got it right, and Ukraine should emulate
them. Only if you consider disenfranchising Russians a good
thing. Estonia and Latvia made great strides toward
changing themselves because they kept their pro­Russian
and pro­Soviet constituencies out of the national decision­
making process. Should Ukraine have done the same back
in 1992? Perhaps. Putin’s occupation of Crimea and the
eastern Donbas has effectively disenfranchised their
populations and thereby facilitated the reforms of the last
three years.
8. Nationalism is always bad for reform. It depends. Yugoslavia
suggests that ethnic hatreds can cause bloody wars, but the
separation of Slovenia and Croatia from the Yugoslav
federation quite possibly hastened their abandonment of the
communist past. As it probably did in Czechoslovakia, when
Czech and Slovak elites mutually agreed to pursue their own
nation states—to great success. And who doubts that Poles’
intense sense of identity enabled them to oppose
communism?
9. Democracy is the only way to pursue radical change. To the
contrary, most radical change has been pursued by
authoritarian or highly centralized regimes. For obvious
reasons: radical change always undermines vested interests,
sometimes of elites, sometimes of populations. Their
opposition is inevitable, and the easiest way to overcome it is
by overriding it. That Ukraine has pursued so much change
and still managed to remain democratic is well­nigh
miraculous—and largely a function of Putin’s aggression,
which presented Ukrainian elites and publics with a do­or­die
alternative. Unfortunately, the people do not always know
best. They’re prone to accept populist remedies that change
little.
10. Corruption makes change impossible or less likely. Where’s
the evidence? All of today’s successful market economies
and democracies were at one time deeply corrupt. Many, like
Greece and Italy, still are. Most, like France, Germany, and
the United States, are periodically rocked by fantastic
corruption scandals. Obviously, corruption doesn’t promote
positive change, but neither is it an insurmountable obstacle.

11. Ukraine should emulate France and Germany. Really? It took
France several revolutions and wars and a good 150 years
to become the democracy still plagued by extremist left­ and
right­wingers it is today. Germany’s experience—consider
Bismarck, Wilhelm II, Hitler—is even less instructive.

12. Ukraine should emulate the Europeans and their “European
values.” Yes, but not because democracy, human rights, and
rule of law are European and not because most Europeans
honor these values only as long as their material comforts
remain undisturbed, but because these are intrinsically good
things that Ukraine should desire to implement—regardless
of whether they bring Ukraine closer to some mythical
Europe.

The lessons for Ukrainians are obvious. Continue changing.
Pursue democracy, rule of law, and the market. Become
prosperous and strong. And pretend to listen to Westerners
bearing advice and gifts. 

Alexander J. Motyl is a professor of political science at Rutgers
University­Newark, specializing on Ukraine, Russia, and the
former USSR.

France (/regions/europe/western­europe/france)
Germany (/regions/europe/central­europe/germany)
Dinu Patriciu Eurasia Center (/component/tags/tag/101­dinu­patriciu­eurasia­center)
Estonia (/regions/europe/baltic/estonia)
Latvia (/regions/europe/baltic/latvia)
Ukraine (/regions/europe/eastern­europe/ukraine)
UkraineAlert (/component/tags/tag/457­ukrainealert)

(/blogs/ukrainealert/twelve­myths­about­
change­in­ukraine?tmpl=component&print=1) 

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