After the liberation

The Socio-Medical Centre under state control
24/7/1975

Since 3 p.m. yesterday, the Centre has been under state control. We suspected it when a short
and rather dry letter from the social department of the provincial administration of Gia Dinh reached
us at noon, according to which we would kindly have to go to the Centre in the afternoon with the entire
executive committee to receive the decision of the Ministry of Social Affairs and Medicine. At the last
minute we still tried to stop the fate of being taken over by this very agency that we didn't have too
much trust in after the previous day’s conversation. The executive committee also preferred to be part
of a general government policy. I tried to switch to the FNL Red Cross, which had always been interested
in us. Another executive member informed the Ministry of Social Affairs. The Red Cross, however, had
little desire to interfere in the question or to hurry. The most important cadres in the Ministry of Health
did not know about a decision on the Centre. It was apparently similar in the Ministry of Social Affairs.
When I got to the Centre punctually at three o'clock, all strategic points were occupied by FNL fighters
with rifles. Chi Mai, the highest cadre from the Ministry of Social Affairs, was already sitting with the
executive committee. Although she had checked with her superiors, she knew nothing and wanted to
stop the course of events if necessary. Then came the delegation from the Social Department of Gia Dinh
Provincial Administration. At first they were speechless about the situation, but showed little of their
surprise. The comrades first spoke to one another in order to settle the matter internally. It all seemed
fine after all. The meeting began.

The delegate from the Social Department of Gia Dinh stood up and read an announcement that
the Social Department had been entrusted by the MMC (Ministry of Health) to take over the state
management of the Centre. Now we were speechless. Because in that form everything was absolutely
correct. The executive doctor had actually given his signature, and no one had known about it. Chi Mai
seemed very disappointed because she had done a very positive investigation of us and probably made
certain suggestions. The staff were shocked because no one believed they would react so quickly. I was
asked if I agreed with this announcement. I was. The Executive Committee did not dare to object either.
Then the delegation from Gia Dinh's Social Department immediately went to work.

Yesterday and today the inventory list was made. Strange things happened that could not have
escaped the eyes of the comrades. During the meeting, Ngoc got up and sent her uncle to the annex
where she and we live to bring some things to a safe place. Other employees were seen moving things
to a different place or the right place. I was not particularly interested in it anymore. Ngoc was certainly
the most disappointed, as her plans to seize power in the Centre via the FNL Women's Union had been
destroyed. She had probably lost face with her opportunism. The amounts of medicines also did not
match what was counted today.

The power structure in the Centre automatically changed again. I found strange the fact that
my role was strengthened against my will, apparently because the comrades feared that with my
departure or elimination the financial safeguard would no longer be given.

Today the inventory continued. Even before the comrades from Gia Dinh came, the staff
spontaneously convened a meeting to get an answer from the executive committee to their most
pressing question, namely whether the advance salary payment was given as a gift. State service is so
hard that the demands should be submitted to terre des hommes. No one in the executive committee
dared to make a positive statement because terre des hommes was no longer responsible for it. At the
same moment the comrades arrived; the meeting ended with a short speech, according to which all
questions were to be dealt with later. The work continued.

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In the afternoon, the executive committee met with the Social Department from Gia Dinh, which will in
future take over the work of the Centre under its direction. The trend became clearer here. The
takeover by the Social Department of Gia Dinh means a regional restriction to Gia Dinh and an
adjustment to the work of the revolutionary authorities. Significant restructuring within the Centre is
obviously not carried out, because the management of the Social Department is only temporary, new
projects are not started. Apparently there will soon be a civilian government in South Vietnam, one
spoke of two weeks, which will regulate the role of an organization like terre des hommes, including its
organizational integration into the civil service. On the whole, the Centre continues its work. The
executive committee remains and is strengthened in its authority. I will surely have to stay in the
country until the central state authority is established in South Vietnam and agreements are definitely
made. The various programmes were discussed in detail and slightly modified. The salaries will stay
the same until at least the end of July.

Leading the discussion was an elderly lady who apparently understood the problems very
quickly and had a very good knowledge of human nature. She was the most impressive of the whole
team from Gia Dinh and very soon won the respect of the members of the committee. The doctor we
had seen for the first time turned out to be insignificant, a "cadre of May 1st", as he put it himself, that
is, he was admitted to the social service after the liberation because he was not in the army and had not
worked as a civil servant. However, his attitudes came from the old system. He felt uncomfortable and
broken, as could be seen from a conversation he had privately with me. Two other women, cadres even
before the revolution, looked unfriendly and strained, as is often the case with the women who suffered
a lot in the resistance and are now very suspicious of everything new.

Ngoc has since brought her TV and refrigerator to the black market. Apparently, she is,
certainly unjustifiably, afraid that she will be accused of her bourgeois lifestyle. Opportunism, the fear
of a dangerous future, is putting out very strange blossoms.

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“I am the Revolution”
31/7/1975

The professional shortcomings in the organization of a society, which can be detected
everywhere, have also become clear after the takeover of the Social Medical Centre. After the
inventory, there was nothing better to do than to stop almost everything and reorganize the medical
warehouse instead. There are already some tougher arguments. When the bank accounts were
confiscated, which was more or less against my will anyway, they still thought they had to doubt my
written statements. I exploded. Fortunately, the addressee was only a female "1st May cadre". Another
clash occurred with Kim Thanh, who discovered that her private belongings were also on the inventory
list, including a TV and a refrigerator (yes, she lives in the Centre). In tears, she tried to explain her fate
to comrade Nhiem. However, this provoked a lengthy discussion about the wording in the handover
protocol, which is why suddenly the comrade burst into anger for so much lack of revolutionary spirit.
The drugs of the Dalat group were also on said list. So Son was the victim of another clash because he
wanted to use them under his own authority as before. The comrade was also bursting over so little
faith in the revolution. He threatened Son with a political training course in the near future. So Son kept
his mouth shut. The attitude "I am the revolution" gets on everyone's nerves and is perceived as quite
undemocratic.

For the next few days, the staff was already blocking when drugs were to be registered again,
and the comrades did not find it appropriate to urge the staff to work. A week has now passed for most
departments with cleaning up or doing nothing.

The comrades also very rarely come with clear ideas about future work or with contributions
to discussions. Either everything has already been decided without our contribution, or nothing has
been decided yet. Tomorrow the orphanage work is to be resumed in the form of a visit to Phu My. It is
the richest orphanage that the comrades want to turn into a model institute. Polio children and old
people are also admitted there, so that the social problems are presented at a glance. Because 25 people
are to take part in the visit, a truck must be fetched specifically for this purpose. I'm waiting eagerly for
the spectacle.

Tan is particularly active now, I cannot get rid of the suspicion that he tipped off the comrades
about the impending takeover so that they could grab it immediately. He also wants to get married head
over heels now. That's why he recently went to Bao Loc to tell his family the good news. Actually, he
had chosen a girl who can also do farming. After his return, however, he has put off his plan to pitch his
tents in Bao Loc for the time being. He is afraid of assassinations by the reactionary Catholics, of whom
this area is full. And Tan would certainly not keep his mouth shut about his positive attitude towards
the revolution. According to his report, the road is very dangerous, especially in the Di Linh area, where
the privateers, composed of soldiers from the disbanded Thieu army as well as members of the
Montagnard ethnic minority, seem to be quite active. Voilà, the reason why the people of the Dalat
Centre have no chance to return yet.

Allegedly, there has been a curfew for a long time, in Saigon 11 p.m. and in Gia Dinh 10 p.m.
Recently we celebrated a short farewell to Jean-Pierre, who was leaving the country. We did not take
the curfew so seriously. And so Ariel and Jean-Pierre left our house with the car at 11:30 p.m. on a
deserted street. Fifteen minutes later they returned. They had already passed three barriers, with the
fourth a continuation of the journey was no longer allowed. Not even driving back was initially allowed.
They should sleep there. With a lot of talk, however, the militia could be persuaded to realize that the
return to our house would not take long.


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The social and medical work lies fallow
1/8/1975

After the Social Medical Centre was taken over by the Social Service of Gia Dinh, the social and
medical work had more or less come to a standstill for at least a week. The "Programme for Poor
Families" and the "Dispensary" were temporarily ‒ as it was called ‒ suspended. Instead, the staff were
to write reports on the work done so far. The orphanage programme suffered a similar fate. Pending
"more precise orientation" of the orphanage work within the Gia Dinh region, the work was to be
suspended. Nuns who asked us for help had to return empty-handed. This was especially tragic for all
those who came from other provinces and can hardly hope to continue to be supported by the Social
Medical Centre. This is because the needs in the Gia Dinh region come first. On the other hand, the
provinces have fewer of the goods that are normally available in the larger cities: Milk, medicine,
money, etc. The employees of the orphanage programme more or less absented themselves since there
was no real work for them.

Only the "Programme of Medical-Social Assistance for Disabled Children" continued its
activities, mainly in administration. The Crèche, on the other hand, was working as usual, although
during this period the number of children had decreased because no new ones were admitted and
children of poor families were returned at the request of their families when the health condition of the
babies allowed it. The central services were more or less busy. The office had to do inventories,
bookkeeping and reports. The kitchen had to feed the same number of staff as always. The pharmacy
staff had to get their inventory in order.

The medical inventory occupied most of the comrades' attention in the first days. The medicine,
which was temporarily stored in three different places in the Centre, was concentrated in one place.
This resulted in a lot of hauling. For example, my house was cleared of three van loads of medicine.
Everything went to the former "Crèche" for poor families. However, the comrades, perhaps due to lack
of expertise, could not immediately arrange everything properly. So they could not find the Valium
anymore, which was needed by the Centre in Dalat, but had been inventoried like everything else in the
Social Medical Centre.

Important issues, such as whether the Executive Committee should continue, have not yet been
touched. Although promised and although funds are available, the staff has not yet received a salary.
The question of financial planning also remains unresolved. So I still keep the key of the safe and spend
money, even though spending is minimal at the moment.

I have the impression that the quick handover of the Social Medical Centre to the Social Service
of Gia Dinh is not yet final. Dr. Thu, to whom my offer of handover was addressed, and who could not
even decide himself because another body had decided without his knowledge, recently had Nhiem
come to him. After that, we had the impression that the comrades increasingly emphasized the
temporary nature of their role in the Centre.

Yesterday there was another meeting of the Executive Committee with the comrades, during
which I emphasized – also at the telegraphic request of terre des hommes – how important it was to make
the specification of the future work of the Centre. The request was met with an honest answer. At the
moment this was not possible even for the comrades. "In a very short time" a civilian government will
be established, which will decide on all issues. Also the clarification of the future task of the Social
Medical Centre, and under which branch of the government terre des hommes and the Centre should be
placed.

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Future lines are already roughly visible. Yesterday, two doctors from the rehabilitation centre
visited us to inquire about the medical situation of the paralyzed children. Apparently they also inquired
indirectly about the general situation of the Centre, probably as a form of control for Dr. Thu. The Bo
Doi doctor took down verbatim the takeover order from Dr. Vinh Hung, the head of the Medical-Social
Department of the MMC. However, they still tried to give the impression that they were not at all
interested in the administrative and legal issues, but only in the medical fate of the children. It is clear,
however, that the Dalat children will later be placed under the rehabilitation sector, with the intention
of close cooperation with the Vietnamese Red Cross. Dr. Thu is the president of the Red Cross. But he is
also responsible for all medical issues in South Vietnam. Therefore, it is very possible that he will always
be our addressee. But when I asked who was responsible for us, the answer was: Dr. Vinh Hung. The
demarcation of authority and the internal contradictions still remain open. The Bo Doi doctor gave very
friendly information that he did not know exactly how to answer these questions.

But at least today our work got a little going in the form of a mass visit of almost the entire staff
from the social and medical sector to the orphanage Phu My. The visit was not well prepared, but with
some spontaneity the work was then organized on the spot. Different groups took care of the different
aspects of the orphanage and old people's home. One group examined the medical condition, another
the schooling, another the question of the return of the children to possible existing families, another
the special facility for polio children, another the reasons for the admission of old people and a group
the material situation of the orphanage.

The Catholic Sisters of St. Paul de Chartres were not badly surprised to see terre des hommes in
complicity with cadres of the Social Service of Gia Dinh. We were even asked to behave like cadres in
the spirit of the revolution. In the afternoon, some staff members who had not been able to complete
their research in the morning went to Phu My again. I am eager to see the result of the investigation.

I myself tried to get a general overview and, if I had to plan for the future, I would head for a
radical solution. Like the Dalat Centre, I would incorporate the polio centre into the rehabilitation area,
which has a fairly good standard. This concentration would have the advantage of harmonizing the
exchange of information and coordination within the rehabilitation work for disabled people. From the
orphanage I would discharge all the children who still have families or relatives willing to take them in.
The remaining children should be placed in model orphanages. I have doubts whether Phu My could
fulfill this function, as the building conditions are not particularly favorable for the children.

The hospice for the elderly has always attracted my particular criticism. Old people's homes in
developing countries should be avoided. It is an imitation of industrialized societies, where nuclear
families no longer have room for old people. In agrarian societies like Vietnam, where respect for old
age plays such an important role, the extended family is still more or less intact, so that caring for the
elderly need not become a state task. In Vietnam, however, there are two developments meeting one
another: First, the partial destruction of the traditional sense of family as a result of the prolonged war.
Therefore, however, it is necessary to re-establish the family spirit and family responsibility. Second,
the spread of rather conservative Catholicism, which results in an object-oriented, individualized
charitable approach and is supported by strong missionary zeal. Therefore, the role of the churches,
especially the Catholic Church, must be limited to the extent that it is coordinated with the general
social policy of a socialist society and all considerations that are not social in character are eliminated.

The situation of a small group of physically and mentally handicapped children aroused my
particular disgust. The children lay tied on beds together with older, also sick men, so that they would
not "make nonsense". Some of the children could certainly be integrated into the already existing
centre for physical rehabilitation and thus be given a more humane future. As far as I know, there are

93

still no adequate facilities for the mentally handicapped children in Vietnam. The problem has by no
means been solved in Europe either. But there are still considerable development opportunities for
these children as well. It is therefore a matter for the socialist state of Vietnam to create rehabilitation
facilities for mentally handicapped children (and probably also adults) as soon as possible in order to
give these people a better, more humane future.

As for the comrades, it seems that social work is a new field for them. Some of them openly
admit this. They are wise in their questions to the Catholic sisters, but they reveal a lack of social work
experience. However, this is only a temporary problem. Perhaps discussions in the Social Medical
Centre staff group can help clarify the issue for them. On the other hand, the comrades are very eager
and sacrifice a lot of time to the new questions that arise. Their personality often helps forgive the lack
of technical knowledge and organizational experience.

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Return of the evacuated children from Laos
3/8/75

The paraplegic children whom we had temporarily taken to Vientiane in Laos before the victory
of the FNL returned last Friday on an airplane that normally brings fleeing foreigners from Vietnam.
The return transport had been organized by the revolutionary authorities via the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva, and we ourselves had nothing to do with the organization. We
were informed only a short time beforehand, but we could not even get to the airport, which is a
restricted military area and subject to strict controls. The children did not return to us at all, but to the
rehabilitation centre, which unfortunately has a clinic atmosphere that is not appropriate for the socio-
educational needs of the children.

Margrit had already seen them on Friday. I myself visited them today. Although almost all of
them would like to go back to Vietnam and their beloved Dalat Centre, after all they had heard from
travelers from Vietnam after the revolution, they were a bit apprehensive about the immediate future.
The Bo Doi doctor, however, apparently dispelled their worries. He has a good way with children.
However, haircutting was inevitable on the very first day. The children noticed, however, that they
were not forced to do it, but only encouraged to undergo the procedure.

Only two Vietnamese employees had come along. The three Europeans had to stay in Vientiane.
They were not allowed to enter Vietnam. Suu had already been to the center, and as I expected, some
people had asked her why she had come back to Vietnam in the first place. She obviously feels that she
has a purely humanitarian vest. She has nothing to fear.

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Theory and practice of revolutionary management
7/8/1975

Since the handover of the Social Medical Centre to the Social Service of Gia Dinh, terre des hommes has had to
almost completely stop its aid service. The comrades from the provincial administration have so far released milk,
medicine and money only for the self-supply of the Centre as well as the crèche.

Representatives of orphanages from the provinces still come to the Centre to beg for help, but in vain. This is
because the comrades see only the concerns in Gia Dinh province and the preservation of the material status quo of the
Centre. We have reports from orphanages where the situation is untenable, for example Quang Ngai or Phat Hue, Ben
Luc. However, there is apparently little to dissuade the revolutionary authorities from a path once set. The comrades
say that orphanages should turn to their respective provincial health or social services for help. If the latter cannot help,
they say, they will turn to the Ministry of Social Affairs or Health, which in turn will provide the respective province with
thenecessarymaterials.Thisisapparentlythetheoryofrevolutionarymanagement.Inpractice,however,thesituation
is quite different. Requests to the provincial health or social services are usually not answered at all. And when they are
answered, it is said that there is a lack of everything. In the short period before the Centre was handed over, there were
some social services from the provinces who approved requests for help to terre des hommes from other orphanages
because they themselves could not help. But even the orphanages in Gia Dinh have not yet been able to benefit from
terre des hommes aid since the handover, although requests have been made. Wait and see, comrade Nhiem once said
at a meeting with the staff.

Maria, a German nurse who works permanently in a Catholic orphanage in Gia Dinh, is also quite upset about
this attitude of the comrades. She needs money at least for medical examinations of orphans in hospitals, for X-ray
examinations, but also for food. The comrade only said that rice had already been distributed in this orphanage.

All the staff for orphanage work has been engaged only in writing reports about Phu My Hospice, for what
purpose is still unclear. Today, part of the group went with the comrades to another orphanage, possibly to close it. All
these works look more like occupational therapy which should last a certain period of time. Perhaps until the civilian
government is established. But when this will happen remains unknown.

The employees in the "Programme for Poor Families" are not much better off. The programme has been
discontinued on a "transitional" basis. As a replacement, they are sent to the Phu My Hospice and examine old people.
An abundance of reports are already available, but for what purpose is unknown. Finally, the medical social service for
handicapped children (under the responsibility of Tung) does not receive the interest of the comrades from the social
service of Gia Dinh at all. There, for example, it is about a new pacemaker for a child with heart disease. At the moment,
there is no medical team that can perform this operation. One cardiologist has fled to the United States, another has not
yet returned from his political training course in the jungle. A third weighs himself in his professional nguy dignity. And
a progressive young woman doctor is afraid of him. The underground Bo Doi doctors, on the other hand, are not
specialists, and so this medical problem, which must be solved by the end of the year, remains unresolved.

TheDalatCentre,nowhousedintheSocialMedicalCentre,hassimilardifficulties.Medicinesareavailableonly
at a certain hour of the day, but sometimes the comrade is not there. Thus, the medicines are missing for a day. Due to
poor organization in the pharmacy, Valium was missing for several days. In the rehabilitation centre, where some of
the paraplegics still live since their return from Vientiane, the laundry is not boiled. This increases the risk of infection.
And no one dares to simply tell this to the doctors of the Liberation Front. Only foreigners can afford to do so, but then
they risk being seen as arrogant and know-it-all.

The hope for a better future still determines my thinking.

96

Corruption on the rise
10/8/1975

I did not want to believe it until now. But there are now increasing signs that the old corruption
is continuing in the new system and with the new cadres. For example, rumours have long circulated
that most of the gasoline now sold by the gallon by children and women on almost every roadside in the
city of Saigon comes from Bo Doi, who earn additional income by selling it. Someone recently told me
about a woman who bought 10,000 liters from an FNL man at 450 dong per liter. The selling price on the
black market is 600 dong. The official price, which can only be obtained with government-approved
vouchers, is 250 dong.

The ban on withdrawing money from private accounts also seems to be undermined by
corruption. Supposedly, you can withdraw as much as you want if you just pay: around 60,000 dong for
a million. This, of course, continues to support the exploiters, who have huge accounts, while the little
people have to deal with incomprehensible paperwork to live a little better than they have been able to.
A woman recently told me that she saw two small cadres from Gia Dinh's Social Service try to slip
toothpaste into their personal pockets without being noticed. Corry and Olivia sent dollar amounts with
the children to Saigon, which were given to a UN official and forwarded to the Red Cross. So far,
however, the money has not been mentioned. We only know about it through a telegram. Perhaps
things will be cleared up. But it is amazing that such things are constantly increasing.

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Progress in the press – Bloodletting among the Centre's medical staff
11/8/1975

Today I was able to buy the second number of the newspaper Tin Sang, which existed before the revolution
but was then closed down as part of Thieu's press campaign. Our acquaintance, Mr. Rau, who once rejected a
proposal from the FNL to work at the censorship, has become the secretary general of this newspaper. It is much
more informative than Saigon Giai Phong, which is more like an official newsletter of the military administration.

Freedom of the press, for which the opponents of the Thieu system had always fought, has not yet been
restored with Tin Sang, but the number of newspapers in Saigon has been expanded by one. In terms of daily
newspapers, there are only the two mentioned. However, there are still periodical newspapers of the progressive
Catholics, the liberated women and the liberated artists.

A novelty has appeared in traffic regulation: uniformed Bo Doi in a uniform color that I would describe as
beige-pink, strictlyenforce the traffic rules, whichare probablystill old. Penalties, however, are rarelypronounced.

Saigon seems to be preparing for the anniversary of the founding of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam
on September 2. The newspapers are full of reports about it. In addition, civilian cleaning crews are out to remove
dirt from the streetscape. Even mending works are being done. In our Centre, a group of green bo doi is practicing
marching and presenting arms. By the way, it is said that after this the civil revolutionary government of South
Vietnam will be established. This is awaited urgently, because many of the good beginnings in the development of a
new political line are stuck in the sand with all the regional military committees. For example, in the case of
repatriation to the countryside, people are made great promises of land and food aid until the next harvest. But when
they arrive in their province, the military government there lacks the means to keep the promises.

We are also urgently waiting for the civilian government, which could finally define the status of the Centre
and terre des hommes. Now, in anticipation of the decisions, it is already said that we will be affiliated with the Red
Cross (which is merged from the old and FNL Red Cross) or at least under its responsibility. This means that our
efforts with Dr. Thu were not so unsuccessful, although we still lack an answer so far.

The wildly flourishing drug market – especially in Nguyen Hue Street – is soon to be put a stop to. According
to the announcement of the military regime, the market should even be closed already. The "clothes market" in front
of the central market is already more or less dissolved. Bo Doi are constantly watching to make sure that no new
market women settle here. One only wonders how long they have to stand there, because the market women come
back immediately when the Bo Doi are no longer looking.

Unfortunately, the medical service of the Centre has already suffered. Dr. Chinh, for example, has already
resigned. Although he had already had to attend various political training courses and had a very good command of
the language of the revolution, it was precisely the fact of the takeover that caused him to leave. His personal reasons
were that he did not want to work even in his spare time under the regime of the professionally ignorant cadres. An
official reason is also that the government obviously does not accept people working in two different places, at least
not state employees, and as a hospital doctor he is. Ms. Mai has also already announced that she will limit herself to
her actual job in a maternity ward if there are serious changes in the Crèche. The elimination of dual employment
for civil servants will also sooner or later be the reason that the Crèche will be without a doctor. After all, Ariel is
currently in such bad shape that he has decided to return to France. This means that there will no longer be a single
doctor working for us.

98

Waiting for reunification
12/8/1975

People still wonder how much of the reunification has already been achieved and when it will
finally be completed. The notion of Thong Nhat (reunification) has already had widespread
propagandistic value since the revolution. On the other hand, rumours of considerable differences
between the South Vietnamese FNL and the North Vietnamese Workers' Party have not been silenced.
Our comrade Nhiem once told me that all decisions of significance south of the 17th parallel would be
made exclusively in South Vietnam. According to other information, all international permits, for
example for the operation of the SOS Children's Village, must first have permission from Hanoi. So this
point still remains unclear.

However, the will to re-unify is there everywhere. The radio stations in Saigon and Hanoi
regularly broadcast news about it from the other parts of the country. On September 2, the anniversary
of the founding of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam is also celebrated in the south. In Saigon, many
North Vietnamese official cars can be seen. Trade and cultural delegations seem to be in town
constantly. Contrary to earlier assumptions, however, the administration seems to be predominantly
in South Vietnamese hands. No one really knows where the large number of North Vietnamese soldiers
have gone, because by now many of the ordinary soldiers are also South Vietnamese. The time is
already uniform, but the money is not yet. And travel from the south to the north is apparently still
limited. There is apparently no longer any doubt that there will be a South Vietnamese government of
its own. It is only unclear when this will happen and whether this government will be able to exercise
full state sovereignty.

The controls of foreigners leaving the country are becoming more and more stringent. For
example, no more than 10 audio tapes and 10 cassettes may be exported, which are also subject to
censorship by the Ministry of Culture and Propaganda. Books are also subject to censorship. Luggage
on the plane is in principle not restricted, but "the red tape rides everywhere", which makes export
considerably more difficult. Only 20 kilos can be carried on the same plane. The rest of the luggage must
be delivered (for the French at 2.5 dollars per kilo to Paris) the day before and will arrive at some point
at the destination. No guarantee is given. Anything that exceeds their own wallet is given by foreigners
to freight forwarding companies that have already set up huge warehouses but do not know when
shipping will be resumed. I only hope for the arrival of the ambassadors, whose presence may help to
ease the regulations.

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Saigon busy as ever
13/8/1975

Today I had the opportunity to leave the immediate urban area of Saigon/Gia Dinh for two hours
with the comrades from the social service. We drove to the Da Phuoc orphanage, which is perhaps
already outside the area where foreigners are allowed to move freely. Feeling protected by the
revolutionary responsibility, I did not investigate further and there were no controls. After a long time,
I saw rural area again.

The city is becoming livelier again with more vehicles and motorcycles because gasoline is
more readily available on the black market. In the language of the revolution, this is called an "open-air
market," because if it were black, action would have to be taken against it. Nevertheless, the ban on the
uncontrolled sale of goods of unknown origin hangs like a sword of Damocles over the sellers. However,
it does not seem to be enforced yet. Along Vo Tanh Street and the National Road 1 in the direction of Tay
Ninh, a massive furniture market has formed, including pieces newly made by carpenters, such as old-
time cabinets with mother-of-pearl inlays.

The ride passed an old shot-up Soviet tank, perhaps the last one still visible in the city. The
spread of revolutionary authorities in local self-government is striking. Houses whose owners mostly
fled before the revolution serve this purpose. Yellow letters on red signs announce what they are:
People's Revolutionary Committee, Commission for Culture and Propaganda, People's Army, etc. In
front of the entrance is often a large portal with the decorated image of Ho Chi Minh and banners.
Female cadres in black pajamas often sit in front of it with shotguns for protection. But the military
situation seems calmer now. The cannons on the perimeter of the airport have been cleared away.
Under the Thieu regime, they were always pointed into the distance. The countryside presents the usual
picture, except for the flags, banners and the new soldiers Bo Doi. People are as busy as ever – perhaps
very soon with much more success because the war is now over.

The orphanage is located in a small village and was founded by a pastor of a Protestant sect. His
house had been occupied by soldiers of the old system a few days before the revolution, but since their
resistance against the FNL troops had been weak, the owners were soon able to move back in. I could
not see any traces of the struggle. The orphanage has adapted to the new times. In the reception room
a large flag of the FNL and the portrait of Bac Ho. In the schoolrooms, Ho's five tenets for children – an
appeal to civic principles: Learn well, work well, cleanliness, love of country, etc. The teachers have
already attended the political training courses and can continue to work. The number of orphans has
shrunk from 100 to 30. Their lot is quite meager because the revolution's help has been meager so far.
Da Phuoc focuses mainly on school for the children from outside. One daughter of the house in
particular – the pastor himself was never there – still showed the touch of the old system strongly. In
wide pants and translucent short and fashionable ao dai, her clothing does not match much with the
visual declarations of the house in favour of the revolution, or even with one of her brothers, who
dressed all in black in the style of the cadres. Much is still superficial. Within four months of the new
regime, one cannot yet completely change the social psyche either.

100

The new government structure is becoming clearer
16/8/1975

At the moment, the administrative structure in the country, and especially in Saigon, is already
becoming clearer. The revolutionary authorities had originally started in local self-government at the
Xa (Phuong) and Quan levels. Now the structure has already expanded further down and also up.

The smallest communal community is the solidarity group (To Doan Ket). It is made up of about
twelve families from a block of houses and is led by a chief. The chief is also a member of one of the
twelve families. Politically, he is still an unreliable person, since residence is decisive and his
contribution to the revolution is only of secondary importance. The next largest unit is the Khom, which
is often already headed by a revolutionary people's committee with a president. At the level of the
Khom, one already finds security units, either a few Bo Doi or armed militiamen. I have the impression
that the Bo Doi or the militiamen also have a political supervisory function over all decisions of the
Khom. In the communal sphere, on the other hand, the Phuong (Xa) seems to have the greatest
importance and responsibility for carrying out ordinances. The Phuong is regularly headed by a
revolutionary people's committee with a president. It is perhaps comparable to the municipal
administration at the village level. In the countryside, this unit is called Xa anyway, in the past the
political village community, which made communal life largely self-sufficient. The members of a
Phuong's revolutionary People's Committee are usually long-time members of the Liberation Front,
though often almost forgotten in their neighborhoods because they have been working underground
for so long.

The next largest administrative unit is the Quan, in our case Phu Nhuan. It apparently
represents the link between the provincial administrations or, in Saigon, the city administration, and
has to coordinate the work of the smaller political units in the Quan. It is also headed by a revolutionary
people's committee with a president.

In Saigon ‒ as in almost all provinces except Danang ‒ the next highest unit was the provincial
military administration, composed almost exclusively of Bo Doi. The Military Committee is headed by a
president, in Saigon General Tran Van Tra (still in office). The Saigon/Gia Dinh Military Committee has
many sections, roughly similar to the division of departmental ministries. Again, those in charge are Bo
Doi, but they use officials from the old system to carry out administrative work. For example, there are
sections for external affairs, for internal affairs, for political re-education, for security, for banking, for
financial management, for health and social services, for building and construction, for agriculture, and
so on. Probably this division is more simply structured in the provinces and also in the smaller cities.

The areas of responsibility of the individual local bodies do not yet seem to be very clearly
delineated. However, I know about the smallest group, the solidarity group of our street, that they
discussed issues of fighting thefts and good neighborly cooperation. Recently, all members paid 100
dong to install street lights. Two days later, the alley was brightly lit. The Khom obviously seems very
important for political formation and maintaining security. The Khom also organizes the political
education evenings for the people. The Phuong has a significant role in social welfare services and
registration of the population. Although medical posts have now been established in some Khom, this is
now even compulsory for the Phuong. The rice that the revolutionaries distribute to poor families is also
stored in the Phuong.

101

The Quan has mainly coordinating responsibilities in the district area, while the provincial
military administration is ultimately a kind of regional government that operates largely
independently. This is because the central government has not yet come out into the open. Behind the
scenes, however, things have already taken shape. For example, I recently read in the newspaper that
there is a Department of Medicine for South Vietnam. These are obviously already projections of the
structure of a future Ministry of Health for the Republic of South Vietnam.

The establishment of a civilian nation-state government seems very close. A first step is the
imminent elimination of the military administration for Saigon/Gia Dinh or Ho Chi Minh City (as it has
now really been officially called for about a month). Instead, a revolutionary People's Committee for Ho
Chi Minh City (Saigon/Cholong/Gia Dinh) will be established, according to unofficial reports in the Tin
Sang newspaper yesterday. The President, Nguyen Van Hieu, an important diplomat of the FNL, was
among others at the St. Cloud cell negotiations in Paris as well as at one time FNL Ambassador in Phnom
Penh. Today, I have noticed that this committee was already been formed, although the military
administration is also still in place. One of our staff members, who requested three days of leave from
the Gia Dinh Social Service, received approval from the "War Injured and Social Affairs Section" of the
Ho Chi Minh City Revolutionary People's Committee. Thus, through this coincidence, I learned that the
new structures ‒ although not yet officially announced ‒ are already functioning. The next step is hoped
to be the appearance of the civilian government, either on August 19, the anniversary of the 1945 Revolu-
tion in Vietnam, or on September 2, the anniversary of the founding of the Democratic Republic of
Vietnam (North Vietnam).

Apart from the state administrative structures, there are some organizations with voluntary
membership that work closely with the state agencies, often even being represented in the
revolutionary people's committees at the various municipal levels. These are the following
organizations:

„First, the Federation of Liberation Youth, Pupils and Students. This organization often has a
radical approach to many initiatives. The elimination of reactionary and decadent culture and now the
dissemination of revolutionary reading has been carried out primarily by this organization.

„ Secondly, the Federation of Liberation Women: This organization is very widespread in all
neighborhoods and has mainly social missions such as establishing kindergartens, medical stations and
helping poor families. However, it suffers from a permanent lack of funds.

„ Third, the workers' associations of liberation: These are mainly union-like groups in
factories, which have also completely taken over the management of the factories wherever the owners
have left the country.

„ Fourth, the Red Cross: This is a merger of the Red Cross of the Liberation Front and the old
Red Cross, with the reactionary functionaries largely eliminated. However, the organization of the Red
Cross still seems to be in its infancy, because the possibilities for action are limited due to the
regionalized military administration.

„ Fifth, the association of patriotic intellectuals.

„ Sixth, the Association of Liberation Artists, which also publishes a quite appealing newspaper
and initiates revolutionary publications.

„ And seventh, the Association of Patriotic Doctors, which obviously must be very small due to

102

the small number of doctors in Vietnam.
In addition, there appear to be a number of smaller associations, both professional and

religious, but so far they have not played any particular role.
The question of the all-encompassing organization or central party of the new society remains

unclear. For the moment, there are two alternatives:
„ First, the National Liberation Front (FNL): This organization, although nominally the

umbrella organization of the liberation struggle, largely leads a shadowy existence. It reportedly has
only 300 members in Saigon/Gia Dinh. It also has no regional offices. The central office is housed in the
former America House. There also appears to be no recruitment of members, although a large congress
of delegates of this organization was recently held in the former parliament.

„ Second, the Workers' Party: This organization is apparently an appendage of the North
Vietnamese Workers' Party, and its head is rumored to be the most influential man in South Vietnam.
In view of reunification, it would naturally stand to reason that the Workers' Party, rather than the FNL,
would become the state central party. But the decision on that does not seem to have been made yet
either, because there is still no membership drive or regional offices. I don't even know where the
central office is. However, the Workers' Party, judging from the public pronouncements, seems to have
a position strongly aligned with North Vietnam, while the FNL seems to emphasize more the statehood
of the South.

103

21/8/1975
Today the first kindergarten (day care centre also for small children) of the liberation women

in Phu Nhuan has been inaugurated. The building, once rented to foreigners as separate apartments,
with a large courtyard, even a swimming pool, had probably been abandoned by its owner before the
revolution and now renovated for this purpose.

The revolution already has its typical face. The members of the women's organization, by no
means all FNL cadres, dressed, if not in Ao Dai, then in dark and unattractive colors. A group of Bo Doi
and FNL fighters protected the ceremony with shotguns. On the stage, the image of Ho Chi Minh with
the flags of the South and the North. A band played marching music, which I don't quite know if it can
really be called revolutionary music. Some journalists, photographers and a TV cameraman were
present. The ceremony began with flag honoring and hero commemoration for the fallen of the
liberation struggle. Speakers included representatives of the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, Lib-
eration Women, the Municipal Social Service, to which we are now subordinate, the vice president of
the Phu Nhuan People's Revolutionary Committee, and so on. I felt a little strange, as the only foreigner,
advisor of the Social Service, among the cadres who had just eliminated foreign domination. In my mind
I prepared some words, because – although I did not want to – I was not sure if I would not be called to
the stage. However, the jar passed me by. Then monetary donations and gifts were collected and
publicly announced.

A tour showed that the actual pedagogical and organizational structure of the daycare centre
was not yet really established. There were very few children and educators, and even they were still
without special training. The spectacular act of opening was apparently preferred to the actual
structural work, perhaps to set an example for similar initiatives of other regional groups of the
women's organization. At the end, cocoa and cookies were served, and children performed a little dance
and singing on the stage.

104

“Wait and see”
26/8/1975

The situation in the Centre has not yet changed significantly. The crèche operates with only
half the number of children. The entire staff – even where there is still work – hardly shows any
initiative. Only a few employees still declare leave when they disappear. The Centre's revolutionary
management does not seem to do much more than maintain the status quo in the material sphere. The
crèche itself lacks milk to feed the children, although there is so much milk in our magazine that it
would last for all the orphanages in Gia Dinh province for three months. The medical service in the
Centre has almost collapsed because there are no more doctors. Ariel is on his way to Europe. Dr. Chinh
has resigned. Dr. Trong has left for America. The doctor of the revolution has also not been seen for a
week. Dr. Mai remains, but she only comes twice a week.

The only bright spot for future work is the intensified research by a select group of employees.
They were selected for this purpose by the Ban Xa Hoi (Social Welfare Office). Perhaps this also
expresses the revolutionaries' new personnel policy. They simply ignore the employees with whom
they cannot do anything. In the office of Ban Xa Hoi there was an open discussion about future work in
orphanages and kindergartens, in which the employees were sometimes included as cadres, although
the terre des hommes social workers and nurses felt that the revolutionaries were proud to regard
themselves as the winners. It is obviously a matter of concentrating the orphans in a few large
institutions that are also professionally suitable for caring for the children. The small orphanages are
all to be closed. In addition, the children should be grouped according to age.

These solutions are not in fact what I would opt for, but are based on the educational concept
of socialist countries in Asia. I would have thought of forming small groups of children of different ages
and genders, with the optimal size of the orphanage being around 100 children. According to the new
line, however, the size is around 200 children. I remember a report on the People's Republic of Korea in
which such structures are part of the disciplinary programme of a kind of new Asian despotism.
Perhaps there are not so many educational considerations attached to these solutions. After all, our
employees – even if only eight – are busy and contribute something to the hopefully positive change for
the fate of the orphans.

Meanwhile, Vietnam is gearing up for the 30th anniversary celebrations of the founding of the
Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The black market (or "open-air market") is removed by good
persuasion and threats. Cleaning crews sweep the streets. Portals with the image of Ho Chi Minh and
with political appeals are erected at small street entrances and across major roads, all in yellow on a
red background. The political slogans no longer emphasize the revolution in South Vietnam, but mainly
the unity of Vietnam under the direction of the Workers' Party, although it has hardly made an
appearance in South Vietnam yet, apart from political banners.

No one knows yet what is actually planned for September 2. One expects parades and
enlightenment about the future of South Vietnam. Especially pessimistic people already want to know
that there will be no proper South Vietnamese government, but the reunification will be announced
immediately. Who can know that? There are people who claim that there will be no South Vietnamese
government as long as Madame Binh still remains in North Vietnam. Only when the South Vietnamese
position has prevailed can she come to Saigon, they say. It is further rumoured that there is to be a new
currency. In the past four months, however, so much has remained the same that not much new can be
expected on September 2.

105

Many people fear that the economic situation in South Vietnam is slowly moving toward disaster. Prices
continue to rise. Only a few goods are stagnating in price. The distribution of vouchers for essential
goods is not yet working properly. Most gasoline is still sold on the roadside for 600 VNP. Only now does
one realize the tremendous extent to which South Vietnam must have depended on U.S. aid. Now that
there is no international market, more and more goods are missing. For example, we no longer eat jam,
not to mention butter. How long there will be bread is a question of time. Virtually no wheat is grown
in Vietnam. Gasoline, which is still consumed now, comes from donations from other socialist countries.
The price of sugar is currently already at VNP 2,800 per kilo. The closure of the pharmaceutical market
"under the open sky" has only worsened the medical situation of the population. No one knows where
to buy medicines anymore. The pharmacies are almost empty, the hospitals also have hardly any
medicines. And the health stations that have been established throughout Khom and Phuong also have
very little. The pharmaceutical industry is still working with the leftover raw materials, but no one can
explain where the products go. In the countryside, the situation must be much worse because the urban
production centres are still better supplied. Many hope for relief from the next rice harvest. The 170,000
people who have returned to the countryside from Saigon so far are far fewer than I had expected. The
reason seems to be that big promises of six months of aid are being made (until the next harvest), but
the regional military administrations do not have the resources to deliver on those promises. This, of
course, has greatly reduced the willingness of the population to go to the countryside. Gas has not
existed for a long time. Everyone cooks with charcoal or kerosene.

However, the reason for this economic bankruptcy must also lie in poor management: the
offers of help, such as from terre des hommes, are not even answered. The Centre could use a much
larger budget if an appropriate plan were already in place. But this does not exist. "Wait and see," the
comrades told us.

A new phenomenon is the ritualization of language when it comes to political matters. It is
amazing how quickly the population has learned the new vocabulary. When speeches are made, it
seems as if the speaker uses the stereotypical vocabulary of the revolution as if on cue. Even in the
reports of our social workers, terms such as the "Thieu-US war machine" and the desire to become "a
great strong nation" now appear. Those who criticize the revolution too often are
"counterrevolutionaries." In the Centre, university-educated staffers plunge into the new publications,
especially Stalin's Principles of Leninism. Stalin seems to be the most bought author at the moment
anyway. So far, I have only seen Marx's Communist Manifesto. According to the pro-Soviet domestic
political line of North Vietnam, authors like Mao are not on the reading list for the South Vietnamese
masses so far.

I still don't really know why I am here and what the help of terre des hommes is about. The Centre
is very poorly managed and without projects. Aid directly from Europe does not pass government
controls. A ship with shipments recently arrived in Danang. I have no idea who received them and how
they were distributed. Goods for terre des hommes have also been in the port of Saigon for a month.
They had been sent off in Europe before the revolution, but because of the events in Vietnam they were
then deposited in Singapore. A Soviet ship had finally brought them to Saigon, but I was not informed
of this until a month later. So far I have not managed to get these goods out of customs. It seems that
the state is not at all interested in getting the medicines to the population. So, what is the purpose of my
presence here? Maybe this question will be answered after 2nd September.

106

Factional struggles hinder the reconstruction work
27/8/1975

It appears now doubtless that factional fighting among the various groups holding power at the
moment is preventing concrete reconstruction work and aid to the population. It is difficult to pinpoint
the different factions, as the conflict seems to be very internal. However, two groups can be identified:
One group apparently wants immediate reunification, the introduction of socialism and probably also
the temporary continuation of military administration. The other group wants temporary
independence of a South Vietnamese state, neutrality and immediate introduction of civil administra-
tion. These days, the differences are particularly evident, as the celebrations for 2 September mainly
emphasise a Hanoi-friendly tendency. On the other hand, the word neutrality is still written on the
official letters. But there are already many rumours that this word should be replaced by prosperity.
Also, the slogan "Marxism-Leninism, a hundred wars, a hundred victories, forever" can be seen more
and more in the streetscape. Moreover, the cadres now talk straight out about building socialism.

From what I see here with Mr Nhiem, who represents the South Vietnamese position, I would
like to believe that immediate reunification under Hanoi's control is the better solution. Although the
North Vietnamese cadres do not have as much contact with the local population due to cultural and
political differences, it can be assumed that their professional and technical experience is much higher
than that of the people from the underground of the South, who have spent a large part of their lives
outside normal society, that is, in the jungle or underground. It all seems to boil down to reunification
sooner or later anyway. So why develop the difficulties of a separate independent government of the
South with centripetal forces at the risk of factional fighting becoming a constant burden on the
reconstruction of the country? For the welfare of the people, immediate annexation and reconstruction
under North Vietnamese leadership are probably to be recommended.

107

Concern that nothing happens during the celebrations
2/9/1975

Today marks one of the most important anniversaries in the liberation history of the
Vietnamese people: the commemoration of the proclamation of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam by
Ho Chi Minh 30 years ago. For South Vietnam, these celebrations are particularly significant because
total independence has now been achieved. Finally, today's celebrations outlined what the future of the
country will be, what political course will be taken in South Vietnam and whether South Vietnam will
present itself with its own political leadership.

Saigon had been gearing up for the celebrations for days and weeks. Not only were all public
signs, even the bus stops, painted in the national colours of yellow and red, but also an abundance of
new banners and triumphal arches were erected and painted in the same colours. The large boulevards
and also almost all entrances to the small streets and alleys had such triumphal arches for this day,
erected by specially formed workers' columns and partly financed by donations from the population of
the respective neighbourhood. The triumphal arches had been hastily made of wood and sheet metal.
The image of Ho Chi Minh was emblazoned in the centre, surrounded by slogans about the victory of
the Workers' Party, the significance of 2 September, etc. For this, there was an official catalogue of
political slogans that could be read on posters all over the walls of the city, no longer focusing on the
mere liberation of South Vietnam, as was the case during the victory celebrations in May this year. In
addition, the walls of the houses were full of other posters and self-made stickers. The residents of each
neighbourhood had practised marching for today's anniversary. In some streets, girls in white ao dai
and red scarves were seen marching on previous days like units of the Bo Doi. Each neighbourhood in
Saigon was represented by a delegation at today's parade in front of the Independence Palace. Worker
columns from the different neighbourhoods had swept the streets clean. The black market had been
cleared.

The old weathered flags, which had still hung on most houses since the liberation, had been
confiscated a few weeks earlier, only to be replaced by new colourful flags on 31st August. The military
administrative commission also declared yesterday, Monday, a public holiday. For this, workers had to
come to their offices and workplaces on the Sunday before, but often only for political training
meetings. In the evenings before, traffic was also considerably hindered by the exercises of the popular
Liberation Army, which passed in front of the Independence Palace with tanks, trucks, Sam missiles
and cannons.

We did not plan to marvel at the entire military arsenal at the parade again today, especially as
there were again warnings that partisans of the disbanded Thieu army would attack the celebrations.
So I was not awakened until around eight o'clock, when MIG jet fighters roared low over the city,
indicating the end of the military parade. Nevertheless, when we drove into the city at around ten
o'clock on Hai Ba Trung Street – as far as that was possible – we still saw the end of the civilian march
past. Men, women and children, led by the flags of the FNL and North Vietnam, as well as hundreds and
thousands of pictures of Ho Chi Minh, paraded in step, organised according to quarters and
revolutionary association, in front of the large grandstand that had been erected again in front of the
palace a few days ago. The small presence of important personalities showed, however, that no major
events should be announced. Tomorrow in the newspaper we will read who was there and who was
talking. But compared to the victory celebrations in May, the North Vietnamese need for order and
discipline was clearly visible this time. Instead of the joy and spontaneity about the peace achieved and
a government of the people, this time marching, precise organization of the columns filing past and the
functioning of the technical installations were more important. The personalities in the stands waved
regularly and evenly, and the marching columns of people shouted their slogans according to the orders

108

of their respective leader, who was equipped with a portable megaphone. Apparently the Saigon people
who marched here even found it a bit strange when, for example, they were asked to chant the words
"in our memory" from the sentence "President Ho Chi Minh always lives in our memory." At the same
time, they waved little paper flags in rhythm in the air.

To enable orderly organisation, a whole army of Bo Doi and the new police officers in beige and
pink uniforms had been deployed. The entire city centre was closed not only to traffic but also to those
pedestrians not taking part in the parade. Emergency stations were set up in the cathedral as well as all
around. Since the liberation, we have also known about the portable toilet stalls, which were apparently
developed by hygiene-conscious socialist planners. Today we saw how the urine buckets, when full,
were simply poured into the drainage holes of the city sewage system.

We had left the cameras at home because it had happened too often recently that Bo Doi
suspected spying and confiscated the cameras. In fact, we did not see anyone taking pictures, not even
young people who wanted to take a souvenir photo for their girlfriend. Of the foreigners who liked to
take photos, we saw only a few anyway. Since a few weeks, the number of white foreigners at least
seems to have decreased a lot. Of those who remain, almost all are waiting for an exit visa.

From that day on I did not fear that anything would happen, but that nothing would happen.
But in the more than four months that have passed since the liberation, nothing spectacular has
basically ever happened or been proclaimed, why should it happen now? The changes go on without
announcement and in silence. When we drove home, we noticed the big change that Cong Ly Street had
been renamed Giai Phong Street, from Justice Street to Liberation Street.






























109

Talk with the Vietnamese Red Cross
4/9/1975

Today there was a discussion with the Director General of the Vietnamese Red Cross in the Red
Cross area about the future work of terre des hommes in Vietnam. The Red Cross Director General is a
Dr Nam, whom Margrit Rohbani had spoken to before. He apparently relieved Dr. Hung, who was also
present for a few minutes during the conversation. It was a very long conversation in which I
emphasised that terre des hommes would very much like to work under the direction of the Vietnamese
Red Cross and for various reasons:

a) The Red Cross works in all provinces,
b) the Red Cross has international relations,
c) the Red Cross works quite well in our opinion,
d) Red Cross President Dr Thu was the first to confirm in writing to terre des hommes that its presence
in Vietnam was useful for reconstruction.

For the umpteenth time I explained the history of terre des hommes and its activities in Vietnam,
as a whole also presented in the small brochure, which was completed on May 31, 1975 and which had
been submitted for approval of the activity. I also explained our relationship to the old system, which I
saw as very loose with Bo Xa Hoi and only technically oriented with Bo Y Te. We had practically no
relationship with the old Red Cross, partly because of the risk of corruption and its close cooperation
with the old regime.

I also explained that terre des hommes had long been willing to work in Vietnam under the FNL
and had itself tried to help in the liberated areas before.

After presenting many details about our work and strong criticism on my part of the
management of the Social Medical Centre, I was asked to make some suggestions for the future work of
terre des hommes. The suggestions I made were as follows: Takeover of all necessary personnel by the
Red Cross; takeover of all remaining property of the Social Medical Centre; dissolution of the Centre at
its present location; continuation of the orphanage work throughout South Vietnam under the direction
of the Red Cross; continuation and expansion of the Nutrition Centre; construction of a model
kindergarten.

I could not make any definite promises about the resources available, but I could give the annual
budget for 1975. Dr. Nam promised to visit the Centre in the next few days to get a personal impression.
Afterwards, our proposals would be worked out with the ideas of the revolution in a Red Cross
commission and presented to us.

110

The prospect of success of the wait is not ruled out
4/9/1975

The establishment of a central government in South Vietnam is not announced in the
newspapers, but indirectly – on the plaques in front of the offices. The sign Ban Y Te Xa Hoi (Office for
Social Medicine) of the MMC Saigon Gia Dinh has now been removed and the old name Bo Y Te, Ministry
of Health, is visible again. For several months in front of the former Treasury Department, the MMC's
Ban Tai Chanh could be read. Now there is a new sign in front of the entrance: General Directorate of
Finance. But nobody I know really knows when the military administrative commission will give way to
a civilian government for Saigon and then for the whole country. In any case, the General Secretary of
the Red Cross said today with a slight regret that the military administration still ruled. So the change
doesn't seem to take place in the next few days. Comrade Nhiem explained to me today that the question
of terre des hommes will be settled sooner when the civil city administration of Ho Chi Minh is
established. So he seems to expect this clarification soon. A meeting with senior officials and all
humanitarian organizations was planned for the next week or the week after that in order to set out the
future line of politics and determine the role of the various organizations. So the wait goes on, and since
the prospect of success is not ruled out, I will have to stay for the time being.

Tears during the removal of office furniture from the Social Medical Centre

6/9/1975


Yesterday, the Social Service of Gia Dinh, which has now merged with So Thuong Binh Xa Hoi (Office
for War Disabled and Social Affairs), took a large number of office furniture and office machines from the
Centre with two trucks in order to equip their own new office. This happened without consulting us. The
day before, Mr Nhiem had only casually dropped the remark that he would like to take some typewriters
etc. with him in the next few days. I then objected that it was better to wait and see what the future role of
terre des hommes and the Centre would be. Only then can one see which objects are superfluous. I observed
the removal of the furniture without comment, especially since Nhiem did not show himself at all, but had
only sent a few comrades.


In the afternoon, however, I turned to the General Delegate of the Red Cross President to express
my displeasure at this action. I have expressed my wish that we should be told openly whether terre des
hommes should do anything in the future, and if so, what? I expressed our ideas quite openly that we would
rather work with the Red Cross than with the So Thuong Binh Xa Hoi. All day long, along with many of the
staff, I was very depressed by the way we were dealt with. Some social workers even cried when they saw
the Social Medical Centre being dismantled. They still do not know what will happen to themselves. All they
saw was the removal of the furniture, which is why the team of the "Programme for Poor Families" is now
knitting on a raffia mat, because there is still no work.

In return, however, the Social Medical Centre has been given new life today with the arrival of the
paralysed children from the rehabilitation centre. Contrary to Mr Nhiem's assurances, of course, nothing
more was prepared than what our own people had done themselves: For example, painting the old
remaining beds because the better ones – already painted – had been taken away by the Social Service of
Gia Dinh. The first trip to Saigon city, which the children from the rehabilitation centre had not seen since
their return from Vientiane, was to visit an exhibition about the crimes of the US Thieu regime. The
exhibition was very good. For the Bo Doi at the entrance, it was of course very strange to now see foreigners
who did not look like Americans entering this exhibition.







111

Posing with watch and motorcycle
7/9/1975

Today Siriporn had copies of a passport photo made for me because I have to have new
documents made tomorrow for the registration of our official cars. To do this, she detached the photo
from the official identity card of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and went to a photo shop around the
corner. When she went to pick up the copies late in the afternoon, they were not ready yet. So she was
able to watch a Bo Doi having a souvenir photo taken. After the price was negotiated, he asked the
owner if he could pose for the photo on a motorbike that was standing nearby. Of course, the owner
agreed, as one does a lot for new masters. Then the Bo Doi saw a watch on the arm of an employee in
the shop. "Brother, may I borrow your watch for a moment?" That too was allowed. Then the Bo Doi
posed on the Honda, with the watch on his arm, his upper lip slightly raised so that his gold tooth could
be seen, against the backdrop of an old building in Hue. Siriporn's eyes met those of the shopkeeper and
there was laughter.

The Bo Doi have lost a lot of prestige in the meantime because the Saigonese realise that their
simplicity is not an expression of a special development of character or a deep educational process. In
Saigon, the Bo Doi fall into all the traps and temptations of the old regime and the capitalist economy.
Their buying frenzy, which even leads to corruption such as the sale of state-issued petrol, has now
aroused the anger of the Saigonese. While the ordinary population sells their furniture and other
belongings at knock-down prices on the black market in order to have enough to eat, it is the Bo Doi
who buy it all up again. A real market has developed for watches, which is largely in the hands of rather
gangster-looking types and where the Bo Doi are not infrequently ripped off because they do not yet
know the refinements of the old system. In the meantime, the Bo Doi have acquired various status
symbols: The rubber shoes are now quite rare to see. Under the green uniform, a chic turtleneck
pullover can sometimes be seen, and quite a few of them wear sunglasses. Many motorbikes have now
become the property of Bo Doi, and it not infrequently arouses the anger of other road users when they
see the soldiers learning to ride a motorbike and disregarding all traffic rules. Recently, one of the new
traffic policemen angrily shouted to a Bo Doi: "We are not in the jungle here, where you can drive as you
like."

There can only be corruption if it is possible for the Bo Doi to indulge in material temptations in
this way. Officially, their salary of about 3000 VNP is so minimal that it is hardly enough for any little
extravagances like bus rides etc. Apart from that, the army only ensures their livelihood, food,
cigarettes, etc. There is absolutely no money left for buying watches and Hondas. The great "booty of
South Vietnam" is not so easily digestible for North Vietnam and for the South Vietnamese FNL after the
hard years of privation. In his speech on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of North Vietnam's
independence, Pham Van Dong hinted at the revision of socialism. Perhaps he realised that the situation
in the South would not be without repercussions for the North and thus for a united Vietnam.












112

Shops become consumer cooperatives
8/9/1975

Since the removal of the furniture from the Social Medical Centre, I have been systematically
working towards a close cooperation with the Red Cross. I would like to refrain from cooperating with
So Thuong Binh Xa Hoi for the time being. Today, during a chance visit to Dr. Hung, he told me that the
Red Cross did not agree with the action of So Thuong Binh Xa Hoi. This meant quite strong criticism from
a comrade, especially as it was expressed to a foreigner.

On the same occasion I presented photocopies of the notifications of the arrival of medicines
etc. in the port. These deliveries had already been sent before the liberation in Europe. The port is still
closed except for special deliveries. The ship brought mainly UNICEF goods for the Provisional
Revolutionary Government. But the Red Cross has not been able to get the goods out of the port to this
day because even for the comrades, the regulations set up by the Military Administrative Commission
are not easy to overcome. If the Red Cross finally succeeds in getting their own things out, they will also
succeed in getting the terre des hommes shipments.

Today, by the way, for the first time since the Ban Xa Hoi took over the Centre, powdered milk
was distributed on a larger scale from our magazine. This to orphanages and kindergartens in Gia Dinh.
Finally, a contribution from terre des hommes to alleviate the current need. The sacks were still in
relatively good condition despite the rats and moisture seeping in. Out of about 300 sacks, only a few
were damaged, but even these were probably still usable.

Our manager, Mr Nhiem, came today with friendly offers. He wants to get food and cigarettes
for us Europeans at the government price. For example, two kilos of sugar per month. That's twice what
a normal family gets. The price is still VNP 1,000, but this government price is much cheaper than the
2,200 of the free market. Likewise, he got hold of seven packets of cigarettes for me. The revolution in
the distribution of goods is now becoming more apparent. More and more "cooperatives", shops selling
goods at the government price, are appearing. These are the old shops that used to be run on capitalist
principles. Their owners are apparently anticipating the new developments and transforming them into
consumer cooperatives.

113

Ambulance transport during curfew hours
10/9/1975

Last night there was a short noise at our front door, then a knock, then a ring. Slightly ironically,
I remarked that the secret service or the police controls of the new system would now probably strike
at me. I was not aware of any guilt, but many people have already fallen victim to denunciation. So I got
dressed again and went to the door. Outside, however, stood a man in civilian clothes with his family.
"My child has blood fever, can you please drive me to the hospital? There are no other cars on the road."
There is still a curfew, but it has been shortened to between zero and four o'clock since the beginning
of September. This is because the security situation has improved considerably. In Saigon city, I haven't
heard any nightly shooting for a long time (but in the provinces, for example in Binh Duong, unrest by
military of the old system seems to continue). However, the curfew is much stricter than in Thieu's time.
Practically no cars drive, as passes are rarely issued. Hospital ambulances are apparently not yet
organised for night duty, perhaps because of the lack of petrol.

So Siriporn also got dressed and we drove with the sick child to the Nguyen Van Hoc Hospital in
Gia Dinh. On the way there, we were amazed at how little checking was done. Two Bo Doi who saw the
car coming waved for us to go on when they saw the Red Cross. A Bo Doi further back did not want to
let us pass at first. But eventually he relented. On the roads we only saw dogs and now and then a Bo
Doi.

The emergency room of the hospital was open, of course. A medical student was on duty. He
found nothing serious wrong with the child, but left him in the hospital for observation. Also in the
emergency room was the picture of Ho Chi Minh, framed by the flags of North Vietnam and the FNL.
Below it was a large poster with the declaration of independence by the provisional government in 1945.
The revolution 30 years later – it is clear to understand – is merely the fulfilment of the declaration of
independence at that time. The historical thread is thus tied up again. There will probably not be talk
of two states in Vietnam for much longer.

To make the return journey easier, we ask for a paper from the hospital that we have brought
a patient. A Bo Doi willingly lets us through. At the next barrier, however, there is trouble. The Bo Doi
demands a stamp, he says Zao in a strong North Vietnamese accent. The vast majority of the regular
soldiers are now clearly North Vietnamese. He doesn't understand much of our reasoning. Obviously he
just wants to see the stamp confirming that you can pass during the curfew. Finally, he says that next
time we should take the sick person to the hospital on foot if it is already closing time. I silently
wondered if the curfew was a ban on motor vehicles and not on people. Indeed, a little later we saw two
people with a child wrapped in a woollen blanket marching towards the hospital. They obviously didn't
know anyone with a car, petrol and good will.

3 p.m., plenary meeting with Mr. Nhiem and the entire staff. The meeting more or less consisted
of a speech by Mr. Nhiem, where the following points were the most important: 1. terre des hommes is
no longer responsible for the Social Medical Centre, but solely the state, in the specific case the So
Thuong Binh Xa Hoi and the Ban Xa Hoi. 2. An indirect appeal to all willing employees to return to the
countryside for farming. The government would provide support for the first six months. Reportedly,
about 20 people have shown interest in resigning from the Social Medical Centre.

This time Ba Nhiem made a very active impression. Maybe he can push the development in the
Centre so far and create a fait accompli that cooperation with the Red Cross would become extremely
difficult.


114

Ordered demonstration against merchant capital
12/9/1975

For the last two or three days, the revolutionary authorities have been declaring a public
struggle against Chinese merchant capital. This creates an outlet for the ever-increasing economic
hardship of the population. On demonstration marches, organised mainly by the "liberation youth" and
the "liberation women", the following banners appear: "They enrich themselves on the bones of the
people". These demonstrations against price gouging take place in markets and shops. But most poor
people are annoyed by these "imposed demonstrations" because, in their opinion, it is the miserable
policies of the authorities themselves that drive up prices, not the greed of the small shopkeepers who
hardly earn anything themselves. In itself, however, the struggle of the revolutionary authorities is
against the big capitalists and Chinese merchant capital. Ba Nhiem said two days ago that a partial
victory had already been won here. Therefore, the government has enough rice for the people. The
campaign is being waged in the newspaper, Tin Sang brought names of the main exploiters, including a
"rice king" and a "cloth king". In the case of some other publicly denounced names, Thieu's
collaboration with the war machine was also branded.

The economic hardship has now also begun for the Centre's staff after terre des hommes handed
over the management. In order not to conflict with other state offices, the basic salary has now been
set at 10,000 VNP, and that for all. Previously, the minimum salary was already 20,000, but family
allowances and ten kilos of rice etc. were added. A basic salary of 10,000 VNP is only about 15 US dollars,
which is very little considering the high prices of almost all food.

By the way, the international postal service has been reopened since 1 September, but I have
not yet tried out how long it takes and what formalities have to be fulfilled.






























115

Letter to Milo Roten in Germany

The "golden glow" of the National Liberation Front, which shone so brightly in international
propaganda, has turned out to be a sham. The probably very negative reports that you have in Europe
are quite correct, and I will provide another one here, not to denigrate the Provisional Revolutionary
Government, but only to help quite confidentially to assess the situation here realistically.

I want to use your letter of 29 August as a basis for this, because it still expresses many hopes
which we also cherished before and which today only the censorship can please. It already starts with
the censorship, because we only received a copy via Hanoi. However, via detours we learned from the
rehabilitation centre that a letter from you had arrived earlier, which we never saw. Perhaps it was the
original of the letter that we now have in the copy.

We had a similar experience with the things that were sent from Vientiane when the children
moved to Saigon. We learned by telegram that 3000 dollars had also been enclosed for us. Only when
we asked the Red Cross did they tell us that the money had been withheld to finance our stay at the
rehabilitation centre. We only received the cash for the Dalat children and the medical reports.

You are happy that terre des hommes can still help needy children in Vietnam today. If that were
indeed the case, I would not have made the decision a thousand times to leave the country. Apart from
the Dalat children and the 38 well-fed babies of the Crèche, it can be said that all the expenses are
useless, or rather have no value other than maintaining terre des hommes' presence in Vietnam until the
administrative chaos that prevails here is somewhat alleviated. For the main problem is not that terre
des hommes may have a bad name, but that the revolutionaries have yet to learn what it means to govern
a country and that a plethora of unforeseen internal and international problems have to be solved. In
addition, there are the temptations of a city like Saigon, which is relatively rich for the revolutionaries.
The old vice of corruption does not seem to stop at the liberators. And the population is pretty much at
the end of its patience. If terre des hommes continues to hold out here, this could be interpreted as a
great leap of faith for the revolution.

In the meantime, I consider the fact that the Social Medical Centre was transferred to the Social
Service of Gia Dinh as a very negative development, because the cadres working there or rather the
head of the Social Medical Centre combine a lack of socio-political and administrative expertise with
authoritarian high-handedness, so that one would have to speak less of socialist humanism and more of
oriental despotism, if only one were allowed to do so. You can also imagine the impression it makes on
the Vietnamese staff when Mr. Nhiem goes into the Centre's storeroom in the dark on a Saturday or
Sunday evening and takes out some medicines or milk cans. Thus, opportunism, in particular,
celebrates joyous times at the Centre. Opportunists write – justified or unjustified – denunciation letters
against other staff members to the Social Service, hoping for a good career with the revolutionaries.

I have the impression that the theft losses are higher these days than under terre des hommes
responsibility. Because Mr. Nhiem not only lacks an overview, but he also only comes every two or three
days for a short moment. Actually, we wanted to avoid the Social Service taking over from the
beginning. But once Mr. Nhiem had received the corresponding order from the military administration,
we could no longer object.

I do not doubt that the high and responsible cadres have very mature plans about future social
work in their pockets. But these are unknown, or rather unpublished, and what concrete material
services are provided for the population, for orphans and for marginalised groups is totally inadequate
and seems to me to be generally below the level of the old regime. One of the objective reasons, apart

116

from the poor organisation of the present system, is of course the lack of money and material goods
due to the end of US aid and the horrendous thefts of the fugitive reactionaries now living in the US.

I agree with you that subordination to the Red Cross would be very welcome. This organisation
has international contacts and is now very active in Vietnam. The two representatives I have met seem
concerned not to make amateurish decisions. However, I do not want to create any new illusions in
myself. We have offered our help umpteen times and so far there is still no answer as to how our help
can be used, although the problems in Vietnam are more pressing than ever. Personally, I am not
prepared to stay here much longer without being able to do something reasonable. If the Red Cross is
not able to give any forward-looking answer by mid-October, I will leave the country. This means in
practice: limiting to the work of the Pedagogical Centre in Dalat, if it will be possible to return at all by
the end of the year. Margrit has set herself this time limit (turn of the year) if continuing to work in her
former role for two more years is not confirmed and wanted by the authorities here.

I had to change my original position not to manoeuvering between the different organs of the
system, because very many offices are in a permanent power struggle and in competition with each
other and a central state authority is hardly recognisable. terre des hommes has no choice but to enter
the arena if we are not to be pulverised. The Centre has already suffered badly and one can only hope
that the remaining fragments can be put back together in a meaningful way as soon as possible in order
to bear fruit for Vietnamese children. It is depressing to see how much willingness among the staff of
the Social Medical Centre is wasted and even squandered while the population is in such great need of
it. I am prepared to work for some time to put the fragments back together into a new building. But if
the system proves for some time to come, incapable of assigning us a clear position or giving us even a
negative answer, then my days here are numbered. I hope that you will also understand this.

Despite this criticism, which must be withheld from all reactionaries so that they cannot
capitalise on it, there is no doubt that objectively Vietnam needs international help and solidarity more
than ever. There is no doubt about that even among the high cadres. And it also seems to me that terre
des hommes is not badly regarded. The only thing that is unclear, at least for me, is the form of
international cooperation and also the future social policy. But it is bad that these problems cannot be
solved faster, where the help is so urgent. One day, all the new unsightly developments will also be
eliminated. The question is only when? Let us hope that the sacrifices will not be too great until then.

117

Inadequate supply
19/9/1975

Ariel's mother and sister have since left after many difficulties. Although they are Indians of
French nationality, the migration authorities did not want to let them go at first because they were born
and resided in Vietnam. And these citizens are put last among the waiting foreigners in many respects.
Ariel only succeeded with the argument that he had come from France especially to pick them up. One
day, without any premonition, indeed without even knowing if they could leave, he found his mother
and sister on a list posted daily outside the Foreign Ministry: The passengers who can leave the country
on the next plane. Ariel's mother found nothing more important than visiting her late husband's grave.
The flight was already scheduled for the next day. This left only the afternoon to take the luggage to Air
Vietnam (now Air Giai Phong). Jewellery items with a higher value do not pass the inspection. They had
to be sold to the National Bank. A Bo Doi himself checked the inside of the umbrella stick to see if
perhaps diamonds were hidden inside.

In the meantime, Bo Doi had also come to the house to take inventory of the remaining things.
Ariel remarked that he was still living here: "I am the son of the owner.” But then, he was not the owner.
Eventually, the Bo Doi agreed that certain items Ariel wanted to take with him would not be inventoried
and that he could "manage" the house until he left. The Bo Doi also feared that the spoils of victory might
fall into other hands. If anyone from the Phuong or Khom wanted to inventory again, he should say that
it had already been done. And if the others did not want to desist from their plan, Ariel should
immediately inform the Bo Doi. It only remains to note that one Bo Doi secretly put three cassettes in
his pocket: all three with "decadent" pop music.

Even those who did not fight wanted to share in the spoils of victory. One of our staff members
recently received a letter from relatives in Hanoi asking her to buy a fan and other electrical appliances
for them. Of what money, of course, was baffling to her, because all these things are now also on the
market because the South Vietnamese sell their furnishings for a living. All these reactions from the
North Vietnamese liberators are unexpected after 20 years of socialist construction. And the suggestion
in Pham Van Dong's National Day speech that socialism in North Vietnam also needs to be reformed
takes on an insightful meaning.

The economic situation of the population continues to deteriorate. Apart from rice, which is
sold at the official price by specially set up agencies, the Phuong are now taking it upon themselves to
sell other goods at the official price. We were informed about this month's allotment one day in
advance. With its To Khai Gia Dinh (family card), each family can buy these discounted goods. For us, it
was two packets of rice noodles (220 VNP), two packets of Ruby cigarettes (760), two packets of Bastos
lux (260), one packet of Bastos bleu (110), one bar of soap (85), one tube of toothpaste (200), 100 grams
of Bot Ngot (flavour enhancer) (380) and a small packet of sugar, about 200 grams (180). Considering
that this is the allotment for one month, and considering that the people at our Centre do not earn more
than VNP 10,000, this is totally inadequate.

118

Visit to the Deputy Minister of Health
20/9/1975

The visit to the Deputy Minister of Health, Bui Thi Me, at her private home was actually
coincidental. It had simply been my intention today, together with Ariel, to visit Dr Vinh Hung at Bo Y
Te to ask him to understand that continuing to fund the Social Medical Centre is no longer justifiable.
But Vinh Hung was not there and so we asked for Dr. Thi, who we knew had signed a general recognition
for a large number of orphanages (including SOS). However, he did not show up either, even though he
was in office. He only noted on the routing slip that we should visit Chi Nam Me directly, who turned out
to be the Deputy Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Bui Thi Me.

Her private house is a large villa from colonial times, which she had probably only received as
a civil servant's quarters after liberation. A Bo Doi guarded the door and let us in after asking Mrs Me.
After we sat down on the upholstered chairs and were given tea, a small, very simply dressed woman
came in the style of the Liberation Front women, Ao Ba Ba, trousers and plastic shoes. With a finely
tailored expression of strong personality and a very quiet voice, she asked us about our concerns. We
presented our problems. She noted everything down in her notebook, sometimes asking interesting
questions, also about our own impressions since the revolution. I said that I had been very enthusiastic
about helping to build a new socialist society and that many tendencies were already visible that
showed the future face of society. The only pity is that as a foreigner you cannot play an active role in
shaping things, but are more of a spectator and observer, perhaps an advisor. She nodded very much
in agreement, as if I had described my role very aptly. In general, she said, any organisation can help
build the country. However, she was not yet in a position to make decisions because the military
administration was still in office. She only received us because we worked in the same social spirit,
because we were comrades and because we had been announced by Dr. Thi. Her questions and notes
were only for her information to discuss the problems at hand with the officials of the military
administration. Ms. Me limited herself to a few statements of principle and amiable politeness.

Unfortunately, this was not much more than a nice impression. It was still a case of "wait and
see", although important decisions were already being made under the military administration.

119

Children's parties and currency reform
21/9/1975

The day before yesterday and yesterday, the children of Vietnam celebrated Tet Trung Thu, the
Mid-Autumn Festival. This time, too, brightly coloured lanterns were made with which the children
paraded through the streets at night. But the state did not miss the opportunity to give this traditional
Confucianist-animist festival a political-revolutionary touch. Yes, throughout the country, cadres were
more or less called upon to make the festival appropriate for the children. On the days before, the
members of the liberated youth were already making collections from house to house in the different
Khom. Finally, last Friday, we heard a Tet Trung Thu event via loudspeaker system all the way to our
house. Children were singing songs about Ho Chi Minh and the liberation of South Vietnam. Actually, it
was a pity that we could not go ourselves. But we felt a bit out of place as foreigners at such a popular
festival, given the general distance and rejection against foreigners. A large stage was also set up in
front of the Independence Palace and a picture of Ho Chi Minh stroking a child's hair was seen. There
are also already children's songs about Ho Chi Minh and Tet Trung Thu. I heard one by chance at a small
festival of paraplegic children held at the Centre. They had learnt it at the school of the rehabilitation
centre, which was opened recently and is almost exclusively for children of the revolution. A
celebration was also held at the rehabilitation centre, attended by the children, designed by the
disabled, with the participation of the orphans as well. Not badly done.

Although it was supposedly already leaked to some people, today the announcement of a
currency reform hit the South Vietnamese population like a blow from the already grey sky. I had
already suspected the night before that something spectacular must be imminent, I had even thought
of a possible currency reform. After midnight, loudspeaker trucks drove through the city and an-
nounced something I could not understand. It was only noticeable that the announcement came after
midnight, that is, at the beginning of the curfew, and that it had to have significance for the newly
beginning week on Sunday night. The next day we learned that the loudspeaker had not announced the
currency reform, but merely the announcement of an important news item at five o'clock in the
morning through the media. A limited curfew had been announced until eleven in the morning.
Pedestrians and bicycles were allowed to pass through their residential quarters and also to enter the
city, but they were heavily controlled. Motorised vehicle traffic was prohibited. The currency reform
was immediately put into practice. In the morning, by eleven o'clock, the inhabitants had to declare
their cash amounts. This had to be done at the regional self-government bodies, i.e. the revolutionary
people's committees of Khom, Phuong, Quan etc., depending on the amount of cash. These offices were
to be regarded as outposts of the National Bank and were also marked as such. Slowly it leaked out in
more detail how exchanges were made. 500 piasters of the "old Saigon regime", as it is now more kindly
called, for one piaster of the new money. Regardless of how much money someone declared, the
amount of new money issued directly to individuals was limited: For families (with a family card),
100,000 VNP of the old money was exchanged immediately, for individuals without a family only 15,000.
The rest of the money was withheld for the time being, but would be allowed to be exchanged through
the bank in the next few days. The money was only given in the afternoon when the curfew was lifted
again. I was amazed at how little security there was when people actually had the new money in their
hands. Only in front of the TT Bank was a large police contingent. Cars that did not come to collect
money were immediately shooed away. A German who had left his Vietnamese money there was asked
how much salary he was getting. He said it would be paid in Germany. He was then told to come back
the next day. The cadres were in no hurry to solve the problem. The Social Medical Centre had hurriedly
counted the money in the morning. I myself still had a cash sum from terre des hommes in my private
house and guilelessly took it to the safe. At the Centre we waited for representatives of the So Thuong
Binh Xa Hoi, who had to take care of the issue as managers. In the afternoon we brought all the money
there, it was counted and stayed there. When the new money would be spent on social organisations

120

and how much it would be was not yet known. Apparently, a large number of social institutions from
Saigon Gia Dinh deposited their cash here.

The new money looks a bit peculiar, with rather small notes and bizarre ornamentation. The
depictions on them clearly refer to the liberation struggle in South Vietnam, and thus the money seems
to be intended exclusively for South Vietnam. The public announcement about the currency reform was
also signed by the Provisional Revolutionary Government. For example, you can see tanks, the flag of
the FNL etc. on the money. The money also has an almost anachronistic character, the war being over.
One small detail that bothered me the whole time was the question of why the banknotes were marked
1966. If the printing date was so far back, perhaps there had been plans to introduce a currency of their
own at a much earlier date – perhaps in the liberated areas.

Banknotes of two and one dong printed in 1966 by the Bank of Vietnam and issued on 22nd September
1975 by the new government in South Vietnam.

121

The rich people, who still had a few million in cash, were hopping mad and could only hide their
agitation with great difficulty. They feared for their hoarded riches. This is not entirely unjustified, for
the currency reform now falls in the middle of the campaign against the capitalist exploiters. It is
possible that the currency reform thus primarily pursues the political purpose of siphoning off the still
hoarded wealth and directing the criticism of the country's miserable economic situation at the (mainly
Chinese) capitalists. For currency reform certainly does not seem to me to be one of the most urgent
measures in economic policy to date. Tonight at midnight, the whole action of declaring and giving
away money is supposed to be over. But this will drag on for the next few days. Throughout the day, the
shops were closed. Because nobody had any money, and when in the evening the first people hesitantly
looked for cigarettes again (its value had risen horrendously during the day), there were still no prices
in the new currency. Only in the old: The 50 piaster notes remain valid for the time being and are given
the value of one Xu, the sub-unit of the piaster. Tomorrow, there will probably be quite a bit of price
chaos on the market, because no new price index has yet been formed for the various goods. However,
a new important statement has also been announced for tomorrow morning at five o'clock on radio and
television. We are curious to see whether this will fix a general price policy.










































122

Proposals for new projects
25/9/1975

Yesterday the Centre received a visit from Dr. Hung and Dr. Nam, who wanted to get an
impression of the work of terre des hommes. They rolled into the courtyard punctually at 2 p.m. with a
representative Red Cross car and driver, and we first spent a few minutes with tea and general topics.
Then followed the tour of the Centre. In the part occupied by the paraplegic children from Dalat, Hung
was impressed by the cleanliness. He said it was not so bad here in Saigon either. There was a lot of
professional exchange in the crèche. Likewise in the "Programme for poor families", where it was about
disabled children, especially those with heart disease. The two doctors spent a lot of time talking to the
Vietnamese staff. Although there were few activities left at the Centre, they were obviously impressed
by the expertise and knowledge of the staff.

I then presented proposals for future projects. These are:
„ A feeding centre for newborns and infants, which would amount to a considerable expansion
of the current programme.
„ A Mobile Medical Service for the orphanages.
„ A model orphanage as an agricultural cooperative for people of different ages who are no
longer socially integrated.
„ A training centre for kindergarten teachers.
„ A training cooperative for adolescent orphans.
„ The Dalat Centre was only mentioned briefly because the project is already in place. It is only
a matter of returning as soon as possible and finding a senior doctor and an orthopaedic mechanic to
run the workshop.
The two visitors were obviously also very surprised by the abundance of interesting ideas. They
noted everything down and wanted to think about it in order to give us feedback afterwards. When that
will be, however, is not known. So we still don't know whether things are really moving forward.

123

Rumours and neuroses during the currency reform
25/9/1975

The currency reform has obviously contributed to further anger among the population about
their economic lot. The poorer strata of the population have hardly anything to fear. But the smaller
people naturally fear the loss of their few sou in the event of any change just as much as the big
capitalists, against whom the action was actually directed. Unfortunately, there had also been
breakdowns in the otherwise quite well-planned organisation. On 22 September, people had to queue
in front of the Khom until late at night, but they waited in vain. Some people could not even receive their
new 200 dong the next day, but only on the third day. The orphanages and social services, which
exchanged their money via their superior office, had to wait even longer. Thus, even after three days,
the Social Medical Centre could not buy anything because Mr. Nhiem did not bring even a small part of
the equivalent. People had to live on rice and fish sauce even though the market reopened. The Dalat
Centre, which is hosted by the Social Medical Centre, managed to exchange money more easily because
it is still semi-independent and people went directly to the bank. On the third day, Son was able to
present 200 dong, which also helped the kitchen to cook again – albeit on a low flame – for the whole
Centre.

Moreover, people were startled by the newspaper news that further sums could only be
withdrawn from the remaining money in the bank after one and a half months. In addition, there were
rumours that Bo Doi had also directly exchanged huge amounts of money from rich people, but had
taken more than 50 per cent in the process. Whether these rumours are true is hard for me to say,
especially since I can't quite see how such a thing could have happened given the heavy controls. For
the population, however, such stories are an indication of corruption. However, the revolutionary
authorities must have been amazed at how much money was in private hands. We know many families
who we would not have suspected had several million in cash at home, because nobody trusts the banks.

But the actual purpose of the currency reform was to determine how much money was in
circulation and then to get this capital into state hands, so that in each case it could be decided whether
the use of the money was in the public interest. The rich people, however, have obviously been
frightened by the currency reform. Rumour has it that those who had to declare large sums of money
are to be brought before a people's tribunal to explain why they have so much cash. Even suicides are
said to have occurred. A rich Chinese man is said to have burnt all his paper money in a pagoda and then
cut his throat. One can only shake one's head at such neurotics of materialism. Personally, I doubt that
the government will operate with people's tribunals, because almost all measures have been carried
out administratively so far. It is quite enough for the government to block the money in the bank and
use it for investments, etc. In the future, a withdrawal of money will require a justification, which will
be examined by the administration and can be rejected if it does not serve the public interest or the
livelihood of the owner.

By this way, the problem of our rent rate will also be solved. A month ago, we had already asked
the owner to reduce the rent because this was now common practice. However, he refused, obviously
because the house rent was still the biggest source of income for him. He also immediately went about
securing the value of the house, because it is very likely that the revolutionary authorities would not
consider three houses necessary for his – albeit large – family. In the last few days an estate agent had
already come with a prospective buyer. But the currency reform has now ruined all speculations. The
prospective buyer certainly no longer has the money (in the new currency), and even our rent payment
is up in the air. To pay the rent, I would have to apply to the bank. However, it is very likely that the
rent of 70,000 (new 140 dong) is considered high and one will not in this way undo the equalization of

124

cash in private hands. It cannot be ruled out that the owner will come away empty-handed, at least for
a while.

Two days after the currency reform also followed an important announcement by the
Provisional Government: the abolition of the free market for many essential basic items. The
announcement fixing the price of these items is posted on all house walls. Thereafter, no shop will be
allowed to sell these items at a higher price. Yesterday and today, however, showed little success in this
regard. For most items, the price went even higher. There is still no "price police" to enforce the
regulation. And the people seem to have little desire to ask for intervention by the Bo Doi. But this
announcement also seems to be only the first chapter in the enforcement of guaranteed prices for basic
items of life. It is possible that the government will react by closing shops that do not comply with the
announcement or by taking over the shops themselves, as announced in the establishment of the
"cooperatives" (perhaps better: consumer societies).

125

27/9/1975
The organisation of the currency reform now seems to have escalated into chaos. From recent

newspaper information, one can deduce why corruption was possible during the exchange. Bo Doi and
cadres can exchange without limit, and old money can still be delivered to the bank until 30 September.
Meanwhile, a number of social institutions, especially those that delivered their money to the So Thuong
Binh Xa Hoi, are still almost without money. Catholic sisters are said to have burst into tears at the sight
of the first 100 piasters, which they only received after several days, as they had not been able to feed
their orphans until then. Initially, no clear regulations were known at all for foreigners. An Englishman
went to the Khom and, after several hours of waiting, was given a slip of paper to fill out and was told
that he could also exchange at the bank. So he went to the bank and when he had exchanged the amount
of money he was entitled to, he went back to the Khom, showed the money and meant that he could
now be taken off the waiting list. At ten o'clock in the evening, however, cadres from the Khom knocked
on his door and wanted to make the exchange because it was now his turn. Withdrawing money from
accounts was also apparently not possible until today, Saturday. Those who tried at Thuong Tim Bank
today heard a man running through the bank with a loudspeaker: "Important information, the money
is over today." They were told to come back on Monday. Meanwhile, attempts at appeasement are
increasing in the newspapers. The population is happy that the Nguy money has disappeared. The
problems were quickly solved. Families with separate budgets who are registered in the same family
book can now each receive a separate sum of their money. Up to 400 new piasters could be withdrawn
in the next few days. However, the Cassandra calls, especially against the price increases, are castigated
as false and coming from a counter-revolutionary source.

The population now fears that all houses will be searched. In some neighbourhoods,
loudspeaker trucks are said to have driven through announcing that the rumour of a 24-hour curfew is
false. I had also heard this rumour that the government was going to register or detain the reserves of
money, precious stones and foreign currency. This measure would not be unjustified, because in the
weeks and months before, the black market trade in these things had been so enormous that one had
to suspect considerable treasures in private hands. For the really experienced businessmen had
certainly not stored in large quantities the old cash of the Thieu regime, which everyone knew would
one day be devalued.

126

The feeling of having soiled oneself
1/10/1975

The creeping corruption continues even though the country seems to have been liberated from
the reactionaries. Yesterday we had to experience this first hand when we went to collect Siriporn's
personal belongings after they had been checked by the censors. We found them intact where we had
put them. Obviously, they had only been glanced at. Even the microfilms had gone through, although I
had been advised beforehand to take them out because the Ministry of Culture does not have a reader
for them. A Nguy lady told us that this was the first time that there had been no complaints. We were
quite happy about this and thought maybe this was the result of my letter on terre des hommes paper
explaining my wife's departure. So we started to seal the boxes and crates. This together with a Nguy
employee and a "little" revolutionary whose naivety constantly aroused the anger of the others (but one
had to be friendly with him). Suddenly, the little Nguy employee let it be known that we should leave a
tip. We asked for whom, she pointed to the lady dressed in white, also Nguy, the sister-in-law of Mrs.
Anh, who works as a social worker at our Centre. She had previously told me about her sister-in-law's
incorruptibility at the Ministry of Culture. We probably had to pay if I wanted to find my things later
when I left the country and also avoid trouble now. Ten new dong changed hands, the little girl signalled
to her nguy boss. Then everything was ready and it was time for the official payment: six dong with an
invoice as a fee from the Ministry of Culture. We left the site with the feeling that we had soiled
ourselves, but also that the liberation was not yet complete. Later, Ariel told us that the corruption
came from a Bo Doi who sat in the background and was quite uninvolved in it all. The Bo Doi and the
Nguy employees share the loot. If you don't pay, you can't take the things home, even though they are
already controlled.

In the evening, we happened to find a cinema that had not yet closed. It was an unexpected
experience: a ballet film of the People's Republic of China, on the occasion of the 26th anniversary of
the founding of the state. The propaganda was incredibly hefty and exceeded what is still conducive to
European taste. The artistic expression of the ballet artists, however, was outstanding. A parable-like
representation of the Chinese revolution against the Confucian bourgeoisie and the Kuomintang. Many
allegories from Buddhism were striking, for example female red soldiers meditating in yoga seats be-
fore the words of the chairman. Or a flaming Bodhi tree with the figure of the people's hero who had
fallen in the fight against the Kuomintang. The ballet’s movements were somewhat reminiscent of
traditional Chinese fighting forms. What was fascinating and also a little frightening for me was just the
choreography of all the movements, so that one could hardly believe that there was a human being
behind them, with little whims, inclinations and passions that are not always in harmony with the needs
of a revolutionary society.



127

"Excuse me, this does not affect us"
6/10/1975

The general situation in South Vietnam remains unclear. The government is not yet in office.
Rumour has it that the military administration is controlled from Hanoi, unless regional alternatives are
taken. There is practically no coordination between the individual military provinces. Even the new Red
Cross, for example, has no contact with Danang. Telegrams are simply not answered, even among
comrades. The wrangling between the different authorities sometimes leads to chaotic results.
Meanwhile, the Bo Doi are going back to the field, disgruntled, because they thought the war was over.
But it seems that the Thieu regime's underground army has not yet been eliminated. And the population
is pretty much at the end of their hopes. Suicides seem to be on the rise. One of our acquaintances knew
of a family of nine who recently committed suicide. The inspecting Bo Doi later told the population that
all this was not true at all.

For terre des hommes, everything remains the same, or rather it is getting worse. The staff has
still not received their reduced salary. Ba Nhiem doesn't know much about personnel policy and
destroys the last vestige of social atmosphere through unfair tricks, intrigues and threats. One example
is the dismissal of Suu by Margrit for her Centre. Suu, of course, as all opportunists do, ran to Ba Nhiem
to complain. Ba Nhiem immediately took her side without looking into the case. A few days earlier,
Margrit had even let him in on the problem herself, and he knew no solution to it. Of course, Ba Nhiem
cannot openly take up arms against the European lady, but against her Vietnamese secretary, who had
nothing more to do with the matter than translating. But the inventive mind of Suu and some members
of the staff had immediately concocted the myth that Son now wanted to place his girlfriend Ha in Dalat.
There was never any talk of that, especially since no replacement was needed. A few days ago, Ba Nhiem
had already explained by phone that Son was an anarchist. He, Nhiem, was responsible for the Dalat
Centre, not Son. There is no question of that at all, because the Dalat Centre is not under the
administration of Ban Xa Hoi.

Yesterday there were more tirades against Son and the children too. He, Nhiem, wanted to send
Son and the children to political training classes or to work in the countryside, as a punishment, so to
speak, where these institutions were actually supposed to help build up. When Nhiem had rice fetched
from the Centre today with my approval, the paraplegic children were already anxiously asking
whether they should be starved. They also reported that Nhiem already knew who was more on
Margrit's side and who was more on the side of Ba Nhiem, that is, of the revolution. I can only say that
Ba Nhiem is not a revolutionary, but rather practices a simple despotism full of intrigue, which neither
Marx nor Lenin wanted to know about.

But you cannot defend yourself, there is no competent authority that could prevent it. When I
presented this problem to the Red Cross today, Hung said only dryly: "Please excuse us, that doesn't
affect us."

128

Farewell to Siriporn
8/10/75

Today was the farewell day for my wife Siriporn and me. Siriporn returned to Bangkok. The
immediate reason was the fact that her passport had expired since long, and since the prospects of
embassies being set up in Saigon (including the Royal Thai one) were not improving, she would have to
settle the matter in Thailand directly, willy-nilly. The deeper reason, however, also lay in the fact that
her dissatisfaction with the period of inactivity here in Saigon had reached full measure. After all, the
signs don't seem to be very much in favour of me staying here much longer either. So she can already
prepare in Thailand what we need there. She a job and we a shared accommodation. Finally, the gradual
export of our "stuff" has led to them being spread over different places and with different friends.
Siriporn will pick things up again.

Yesterday, however, was a pain in the ass. A day of formalities. Leaving Vietnam is no longer so
easy. We had already had the so-called cultural goods such as books, tapes, etc. censored by the
Ministry of Culture. Yesterday it was mainly about carrying out freight formalities and customs
clearance. There was of course nothing to declare. Finding this, however, took up the energy of many
people considerably. In order to be able to drop off the freight at all, a flight card, a visa and a passport
are required. Of course, Siriporn first went to the wrong Air Vietnam office to buy a plane ticket. By
then it was already noon, and the freight was due to be checked in at 1 p.m. So quickly buy the ticket at
the other office. However, the surprise was great when she found out that the ticket could only be paid
for in dollars at the foreign trade bank. So we rushed there to pay. But this almost wouldn't have been
possible because the safe was closed at 1:30 p.m. But with a lot of annoyance and persuasion, she
managed to deliver the money and receive a receipt. With this she then hurried back to Air Vietnam to
get the plane ticket. In the meantime we were already standing with a microbus and various helpers in
front of the cargo department of Air Vietnam, which was located elsewhere. It was already 2 p.m. when
we could start with the formalities. And at 3 p.m. – so it was said – working hours are over for the Bo
Doi. A Bo Doi studied the passport and visa for many minutes until he gave us a form on which we could
fill in all of our belongings. All valuables had to be listed – neatly separated into accompanied and
unaccompanied luggage. When we were done with it, our hopes that it would be possible to check in
the luggage that afternoon vanished completely, because an extended Indian family with a huge amount
of luggage had completely blocked the whole counter. Come back tomorrow, they said. And if you don't
finish tomorrow morning (you should be at the airport by ten o'clock), you cannot fly. But when it got
to 3 p.m., the Bo Doi began to inspect in a hurry. Everyone was nervous because they knew that they
might have to continue working until 4 p.m. for those who were already in the office.

Finally we found a compassionate Bo Doi who, after many arguments, for example that a large
part of the boxes had already been checked by the Ministry of Culture, was persuaded to check in with
us. When he had checked everything at lightning speed, even the maps from Laos passed the control,
we had to drag the boxes back to another office, where they were given tags and the bill was issued.
However, this had to be paid again in the first office because the cash register happened to be there.
Only now did we definitely know how much the freight cost: 36 US cents per kilo to Bangkok. Previous
information in the same office had been 30, 40 and 72 cents.

Completely exhausted, but satisfied that everything had worked out after all, we staggered to
the Brodard ice cream parlour, which, by the way, is already state-run (although the prices are even
higher than before). But we didn't have time there either, because Siriporn had to hurry to Phuong. She
wanted to get the last of our exchanged cash. She already had a number. Although almost closed, she

129

still received the 205 new dong. Otherwise, she would have had to write a power of attorney for me,
because the exchange was in her name.

We returned home, because at 7 p.m. we were expecting twenty guests from the Centre for the
farewell to Siriporn. We immediately went to buy beer, because the food had already been nicely
prepared by Chi Ba. Already at 6 p.m., we were not yet back with the beer, two of the invited guests
were standing in front of our door. They still hadn't reckoned with the new time – with Indochina time,
which has already been introduced three months ago. Especially the conservative and non-
revolutionary members of Saigon society don't care about the new Indochina time. So we quickly
bathed and changed our completely sweaty clothes, and the farewell dinner could begin.

The mood was not like before, because all the people have many worries, and the imminent
departure of Siriporn signalled all too clearly that the former employer terre des hommes is also
preparing to retreat. Finally, the cards were read. The future fate is threatening, but the method is a
game. It loosens the mood, and one can also interpret more into the cards than one is normally allowed
to say. Little remarks circled around Ba Nhiem, but no one laughed heartily. Fear of revenge and
distrust of denunciation hindered openness, at least for this topic. In the end, however, the celebration
was somehow successful, the mood was cordial, even if it reflected the current situation for everyone.

130

Upholding the flag of the revolution
9/10/75

Not enough racing yet. This morning, the day of departure, Siriporn had to go to the bank again.
She needed a declaration of the foreign currency. If you don't have it, the money will be withheld at the
airport. After 30 minutes, she also had this paper. Finally, a visit to a revolutionary intellectual. He lives
in a poor little house in a side street of Vo Di Nguy in Gia Dinh. It was depressing to see how such a fighter
for humanity could be disappointed. And yet he deplored that Siriporn – as he suspected – would
misunderstand the principle of revolution. He works at the Tin Sang newspaper, one of Saigon's two
existing dailies. His criticism is the same as ours, only he is still trying to hold up the flag of revolution,
for which he had suffered so long under the Thieu regime. He still hopes for a separate solution for the
South and laments that his colleagues who recently left for Hanoi have returned as mouthpieces of
North Vietnam. A farewell forever to Siriporn, whose country he would have loved to visit, whose
language he even wanted to learn and for which he has so much respect.

It was already ten o'clock. Ariel was waiting at home to take Siriporn to the airport. Here, too,
new rules. Only one person with a car, both registered in advance, can bring passengers to the airport.
And since I still don't trust myself to drive, it was Ariel. So farewell to Siriporn in front of the house.
Sadly, but knowing that I wouldn't stay much longer either, I looked after the car. I lay down a little,
closed my eyes, tried to sleep. But the revolution loudly penetrated the bedroom as well. Because just
at that moment, radio music went off over loudspeakers in unbelievable volume.

A little later I found out that the loudspeaker, for which everyone in the neighborhood had to
pay 50 old dong, was placed 20 meters away across from our house. Revolutionary music, news and
announcements for the whole of Khom were now several hours a day ahead.

131

Vietnam is one
10/10/75

Today we had another conversation with Mr Nam from the Red Cross of the Republic of South
Vietnam. The specific reason was a notification from Dalat. The hospital there wanted to convert the
buildings of the rehabilitation centre for paraplegic children into a convalescent home for soldiers. This
was to begin as early as next week. Such a development would of course destroy all hopes of returning
to Dalat as soon as possible. The Red Cross was very understanding and wants to raise the matter with
the President and then send a telegram or letter to Dalat.

Furthermore, Margrit suggested that it would also be possible to invite a foreign doctor if it was
currently too difficult to find a doctor in Vietnam. The Red Cross could then appoint a political cadre
with educational skills to be the director of the Centre instead. Mr Nam was apparently quite taken with
this idea.

However, the conversation quickly turned to much more fundamental questions. Among other
things, I let it be known that I was no longer prepared to wait any longer here in Vietnam if a new
perspective for the future work of terre des hommes did not become visible by mid-October. I pointed
out that terre des hommes had already made its offer of help five months ago and to date there had been
neither a positive nor a negative response. Mr Nam asked me to be patient. The Red Cross and terre des
hommes do not take the first place in the current reconstruction of the administration, at most the
second or third, as he put it. I showed understanding, and therefore also assured him that I only wanted
to move the waiting abroad, because it was not particularly pleasant to live in Vietnam at the moment.
Mr Nam, however, considered it very difficult to return to the country once one had left it. At present,
almost no foreigners come to Vietnam, although there are many requests. And the difficulties in
Vietnam are not only great for foreigners, but also for cadres of the revolution. He himself needs a
permit if he wants to go to My Tho, for example.

I asked whether the acceptance of aid from terre des hommes also depended on Hanoi. Mr Nam
answered oracularly. There was no doubt that Vietnam was one. So there is only one authority.

Finally, I critically remarked that nothing had changed in a positive way for terre des hommes
in the five months since the revolution. All that had happened was a dismantling of the Centre. We
always had cordial talks with the Red Cross and heard many encouraging words. But there was no
concrete action. Mr Nam was a bit "pissed off" by this statement of mine. Finally, he showed us an
internal Red Cross text about the planning for 1976, which clearly states the Red Cross' intention to take
terre des hommes and the SOS Children's Villages under its wing so that these institutions can continue
to work. Everything seems to depend – this was again clear from Mr. Nam's words – on the termination
of the military administration.

I got a typical impression of the administrative difficulties shortly afterwards at the Thuong Tin
bank. In order to get a permit to take the pharmaceutical products out of the port, one needs a
certificate from the bank that everything has been paid for. This time I had to go to the second floor.
The director in the fine office was the only one who was a cadre or guerrilla, recognisable by the green
military trousers and the green floppy hat he had put down on the teak furniture. Unfortunately,
communication with him was very difficult, as his English was so hard to understand that only after
repeating myself and thinking harder did I understand that I should come back tomorrow. I also did not
want to switch to Vietnamese so as not to reveal how sad his knowledge was. After all, this was the first
cadre (a fairly young man of 35) who understood some English. Most of the other cadres speak rather
French, if any other language. So I come back tomorrow to go with the certificate to the General

132

Directorate of Foreign Trade, then to the Port Authority, to the port itself, to the security department
(to be allowed to enter the port), then to the customs department and finally to the issuing department.
To cart the things away, I need a forwarder again, and I already have the dark suspicion that a workers'
syndicate is looking after things here, which is still without clear regulations.

Back at the Centre, I learn that our cadre and managing director has expressed displeasure
about my reporting and relations with the Red Cross. His displeasure is not with me, but with the poor
translators in the office. He wanted to know exactly who translated the letters I sent to the Red Cross.
Apparently, it is already too much for him if I have contact with a higher authority. He would also like
to fully take over the coordination office of terre des hommes. In addition, there is a plethora of rumours
as to who has told on whom at the Ban Xa Hoi, rightly or wrongly. The atmosphere at the Centre is
getting worse and worse. Our executive director seems to have little idea of personnel policy, otherwise
he should know that his tricks and threats run counter to humanising society, which is what the
Liberation Front has hopefully been fighting for. It is still not clear to me what Ba Nhiem's motivation
was for joining the Liberation Front. It cannot have been the desire to humanise society, although he
always emphasises how he loves people – all people.

133

City walk
12/10/75

Yesterday was Saturday again, when we took our obligatory walk in the city centre. At the former parlia-
ment, now a music hall, there was a large banner with the flags of North Vietnam, the Liberation Front and Laos: on
the 30th anniversary of the independence uprising in Laos. On the square in front of it, the Bo Doi were practising
marching. It is hard to imagine the city without them. They sit in shops, chat with coffee shop owners, play ping-
pong on the side street of Tu Do Street or practise shooting. Since the revolution, more and more of them have moved
into Saigon. It seems to be deliberate policy that the Bo Doi not only live in closed barracks or military facilities, but
also go out among the people. A plethora of private houses or individual rooms are occupied by Bo Doi. In addition,
quite anumber of families have members whojoinedthe liberationfighters at the time andhave nowreturned. This
has very quickly established contact with the people.

How the command structure works in this dispersed form of living is not clear to me. Probably the disper-
sion was also very large in the Maquis, but still demanded an effective command structure. So it appears to the
outside world that the Bo Doi army is the most casual in the world. In front of everyone, they do shenanigans during
their exercises, such as kicking their front man's butt. And in front of the Independence Palace you sometimes have
to take cover because the Bo Doi shoot at cardboard figures there. The day before yesterday, we saw the Bo Doi
marching through the city in the rain with parts of a cannon that had been unscrewed. Lately you see a lot of groups
with marching packs. People say that now the final battle is being fought with the restive army remnants of the Thieu
regime. Others claim they are just combat exercises to keep the army fit for all eventualities. However, respect for
the Bo Doi is not particularly high among the Saigonese population. "Naïve, uneducated, unfriendly" are the more
moderate words used to describe them.

I continue walking along Tu Do Street. Many shops are already closed. Some among them have new
functions according to the politics of the revolution, as a state-owned rice shop, as a sales agency of a textile company
that has since come under state control, as an office of some local government agency such as the 21st
arrondissement culture and propaganda department near the Majestic Hotel, where you can marvel at pictures of
Ho Chi Minh's life.

The Caravelle Hotel, which had temporarily closed with the last Western journalists leaving the country
and then only accepted official visitors, is now open as a restaurant for the people. The guys who now populate the
terrace are exactly those who are labeled with the word "Nguy": fashionably dressed, wealthy young people and
merchants who are still oriented towards the USA or France. The people themselves do not have the money to have
at least a coffee here.

Quite a number of former nightclubs have also reopened, but as "cafés". The girls are still the same and the
style has only thinned out a bit. Otherwise, the establishments still attract the same types.

Margrit's intention to have prints of a film made fails because of the price. Photo paper seems to be getting
more expensive. On the way to the "open-air market" on Nguyen Hue Street, I hear children behind me trying to
guess what nationality I might be. French, English, German, Soviet, these are the most common alternatives.

Meanwhile, the economic hardship worsens. The number of mentally ill becomes more obvious. One is
lying in the middle of the Nguyen Hue roadway, screaming. He must be hungry. The cars drive around him. People
look a little frightened. Later I see him staggering through the street. He attacks a cyclist who cannot defend himself
on his vehicle. Another young man comes up to him and suggestively tells him to get away. The crowd at the "open-
air market", where everything from screwdrivers to television sets are still being sold, has thinned out. Prices have
risen slightly again, but are still much lower than in other countries. People are selling their belongings, and those
who can buy them don't have that much money. Bo Doi in particular is seen haggling over watches and radios.

134

Difficult return to the countryside
13/10/1975

The new authorities' attempt to persuade the urban population to return to the countryside is
factually correct and is being carried out with great propagandistic effort. The urban agglomeration of
Saigon, for example, has almost four million inhabitants – a huge disproportion to the total of 19 million
inhabitants in the whole of South Vietnam. The flight of the population from the bombs throughout the
war and the forced evacuations during the Thieu government have led to large parts of the population
seeking work in the secondary and tertiary sectors of the cities, and the primary sector, especially agri-
cultural production, declining more and more. Thus, South Vietnam, formerly one of the main
exporting countries, now wants to import large quantities of rice. This development reflects the
unhealthy conditions of a parasitic economy during the war and is now to be brought back to normal
levels. Given the economic hardship and the limited resources available even to the government, the
project is fraught with great difficulties. Supposedly, the government wants Saigon to have no more
than one million inhabitants later. But the results so far, five months after the campaign began, are still
meagre. According to newspaper reports, no more than 240,000 people have left the city.

Among those who want to go back to the countryside are, of course, many who still have
landholdings that can now be cultivated again or that can now be used more intensively by more family
members returning from the cities. For those who do not own land, the government has created the
Vung Kinh Te Moi, the "New Economic Regions". Very often, this is land that has not yet been reclaimed.
This means that it is not only about replanting abandoned fields, but also about expanding the area
under cultivation. In describing the "new economic regions", I can unfortunately only refer to what
people say. And according to their complaints, and given the reluctance to follow the government, all
those who set out for the new areas face a very hard life. The government subsidies are not at all
tempting. It is said that in some areas the government simply gives three years of rice and a hut built by
students beforehand. The land is often very unfavourable because better land has already been given
to families close to the revolution. There are also reports of new villages where a cadre organises the
work according to principles of collectives. The work is done together, even the houses of the
newcomers are built together. In the evening, the settlers have to gather for the Hoc Tap, the political
training course. Recently I spoke with a social worker who was assigned to candidates for the new
economic regions after a three-month training course. Three groups of social workers could not
manage to get more than nine families to live in the countryside after one month. However, these were
families who were so poor that they had no other way out. The other families fear an uncertain future,
hunger, disease because the infrastructure is far from being built, poor soil, anti-personnel mines, lack
of water and, finally, stricter political and personal control than is practised in Saigon city. In all the
Phuong in Saigon, there is a separate office for the return to the countryside. But you see few people
auditioning there. From time to time, you see convoys of lorries with families and their poor belongings
going to the countryside. But apparently not more than 240,000 so far.

Even if today the difficulties seem so immense, perhaps one day it will be the inhabitants of the

new economic regions who will have progressed furthest in the construction of socialist agriculture,

while the government will only later set about implementing the reorganisation of agriculture in those

areas which have been arable for a long time and where there is firm private land ownership and large

estates.


135

Liberation, but no revolution
14/10/1975

Once again, after a long time, I have gone back to Erich Wulff's writings. And it seems to be
confirmed once again that there is such a big difference between what the new left in Europe and
America understands by socialism and what is going on in the Third World that one does not want to
believe that this is being referred to by the same term. And the disappointment, or at least dejection, of
Europe's left is great when confronted with this reality. This can be seen from the articles in two issues
of Kursbuch a few years ago. The case of South Vietnam, which had not yet occurred at the time they
were written, seems to provide new evidence of the great misunderstanding.

The struggle in South Vietnam has been above all a struggle for independence from foreign
domination. The liberation from cultural foreign infiltration is, above all in the understanding of North
Vietnam, a continuation of the anti-colonial struggle, now no longer against the French, but against the
US-Americans, who had prevented all of Vietnam from becoming independent at the Geneva
Conference in 1954. North Vietnam's view that it was a continuation of the Viet Minh struggle also had
concrete military strategic significance. For with the legitimisation of the advance into the south, where
the enemy was still entrenched, huge regular units could be sent across the 17th parallel. It was they
who brought down the Thieu regime, which could no longer rely on an unconditionally anti-communist
America for military supplies. The local partisans or even regular troops, exclusively South Vietnamese,
would not have been able to do so so quickly. This was not only for numerical reasons and due to a lack
of technical equipment, but also due to a lack of technological knowledge. As far as the South is
concerned, one can go a step further and say that it is merely a political seizure of power. The
productive forces have not yet reached the stage where social revolution is imminent. The social
revolution must now be carried out with the groans of the people and with meagre expertise of the
already too few cadres. And if the North, where the productive forces and the construction of a socialist
society are more advanced, did not help out with cadres, one would have to fear that the problems
would be even greater.

What took place until 30 April can be called a liberation from foreign influence. In any case, it
was not a revolution, or even a popular uprising. It was the anticipation of a political seizure of power
before the social revolution. This seizure of power was fought by a regular, majority North Vietnamese
army. The guerrilla fighters, who did not wear uniforms, were in any case numerically quite
insignificant. In the weeks and days leading up to 30 April, there was desertion from the Thieu army,
but it was a fearful changing of flags. The city of Saigon, with its four million inhabitants, did not think
of a popular uprising for the communists, at the very most for the third force. So it waited – partly
tormented by fear, partly resigned to its fate – for the troops to march in. Finally, it was at least happy
that one side had won and the war was over. The gulf between the two sides was so great that the first
soldiers rolling in were marvelled at like a wonder of the world. For their part, the soldiers thought they
would meet Americans and found none. They believed that the population would at least rise up
immediately before the invasion. But nothing came of that either. The Saigonese population had
believed the Thieu propaganda and feared a great bloodbath, which did not happen either. The
liberation soldiers had been urged by the command centres to exercise extreme self-control and
friendliness.

The social revolution is now ordered subsequently and not, as in the Viet Minh revolution,
practised through underground work even before the political seizure of power. In the newspapers, the
people decide, but it is the revolutionary people or the people of the revolution, a minority, the South
Vietnamese partisans, their sympathisers who were already open before 30 April, and the soldiers of
the army from the North. The reactionary opponents are the majority, labelled with the word Nguy, the

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urban population with their refined American- or French-influenced culture and decadence and their
selfish acquisitiveness. The non-revolutionary people more or less patiently resign themselves to their
fate. They hope that perhaps things will not be so bad under socialism, but they are also still very afraid,
because the first signs of the ordered social revolution are threatening. Of course, the revolutionaries
make use of the Nguy's knowledge. They are mainly employed in the administration of the state, the
banks etc. But they have to subordinate themselves. A cadre – very often with much less technical
knowledge – is always placed before them.

The cadres have special privileges, as a reward, so to speak, for the privations of the long
struggle. It is easier for them to obtain goods at the official price. They can travel more easily from one
province to another. They can exchange money without limit. Their children are given preferential
places in better schools, and the important among them now occupy grand villas in Saigon which their
former owners abandoned when they fled the country.

The social revolution, however, is by no means imposed on the Nguy by the sum of these cadres,
so to speak, in a less than plebiscitary manner. There seem to be many different levels of involvement
in state planning policy. At least in terms of information policy, the lower cadres in Khom and Phuong
are not particularly well informed. The ladder of decision-making power seems to continue all the way
to the highest echelons in Hanoi. In the end, the newspapers finally contain the final substrate of what
concerns everyone, how everyone should behave and so on. This simplest denominator also explains
the simplicity and standardisation of language in newspapers and wall propaganda.

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Local control of health care
15/10/75

The integration or, in negative terms, surveillance of each individual in his or her
neighbourhood already existed during Thieu's time. At that time, the block was called Lien Gia, which
means a group of families. Since the revolution, this smallest unit is called To Doan Ket, roughly
solidarity group. After that, the larger units are Khom and Phuong. But in contrast to the past, these
organs of local self-government are now assigned quite far-reaching tasks – including social work, i.e.
identifying really poor families and making recommendations to the responsible offices for a wealth of
tasks. Even the medical service is now involved. Not only are the Khom and Phuong local self-
government bodies required to set up small dispensaries, but they also indirectly determine who is
allowed into the hospital. The urgency to be properly reported thus becomes greater and greater. A girl
with a heart condition, who is being cared for by us and who found a job with us, was now turned away
when she was examined for admission to hospital, although it is clear that she has to be examined
regularly because she has an artificial heart valve. I had to confirm that she was staying with us
temporarily in order to be able to register with the local authorities. Our social worker's explanation:
"If she is not registered anywhere, she cannot get a referral paper issued by the Khom or Phuong every
time she needs to go to the hospital for a check-up." The purpose of this regulation, which increases the
running around and paperwork and can also lead to inappropriate decisions by the medically unskilled
cadres, is obvious: to give the local authorities an overview of the medical problems in their area. In
addition, the revolutionary authorities apparently want to control the need for hospital visits. This can
be done by the community, which, after all, knows its people. It is also possible that later the fees in the
hospitals will be regulated and graded according to the recommendations of the local authorities. So
far, the sick still have to pay the same rates in the hospitals. The nursing rates are relatively low, but
normally the medicines, which are currently in short supply anyway, have to be paid for entirely by the
patients.


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