UNDERSTANDING VULNERABILITIES: II (Social, Cultural and ...

Earthquake Vulnerability Reduction for Cities (EVRC-2) Module 3
Session 2(a)
UNDERSTANDING VULNERABILITIES:
II (Social, Cultural and Economic) Keywords/phrases
Social vulnerability
Goal
To instill an understanding of social, cultural and Vulnerable groups
economic vulnerabilities to earthquakes Determinants of

Learning outcome vulnerability
After completing this session, you will be able to Demographic
describe and discuss social, cultural and economic Social stratification
vulnerabilities in the context of societies in developing Literacy
countries with special focus on Asian country Family type
situations Cohesion among

Learning objectives neighbors
As you work through this session you will learn to Social resilience
Explain what social vulnerability is and its Cultural vulnerability
determinant factors Economic
Identify vulnerable groups and provide their profile vulnerability
for training based on the need assessment
Explain the historical perspectives of marginalized
sectors in society and their vulnerability status
Relate the model of disaster cycle to developing
country situations and discuss its relevance to
earthquake disasters and social vulnerability
Discuss poverty and its role in creating
vulnerability
Explain cultural vulnerability
Explain economic vulnerability

1. Some Basic Issues
1.1 Earthquake affects not only the built environment,

but everything
Earthquakes affect everyone and everything in a community. It is not
only that the buildings are damaged or destroyed and infrastructure
is rendered in-operational. Like every other natural hazard,
earthquake can destroy centers of economic, cultural and social
activities. In such case, a devastating earthquake disturbs the
economic, cultural or social, aspects of communities.
But there is something more to this. By destroying the individual
buildings, critical facilities, or economic of cultural centers,
earthquake of any natural hazard disturbs or destroys the existing
interrelationship and interaction between or among the different

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groups and activities of the society or a nation. Such relationships
and interdependence are established in any society on the long
term. These relationships and interdependence are dynamic, and it
is the responsibility of social organizations to guide the dynamics of
such relationships in a progressive direction. This is especially
important in developing countries.
The susceptibility of any community or nation to be affected by an
earthquake in terms of the disruption to political, economic and
cultural relationship or interdependency among the different social
constituencies, and the inability to restore these interdependencies
to the pre-earthquake levels can be termed the social vulnerability to
earthquakes.

History has shown that nations with such vulnerabilities have
seen changes in government or its governing system following a
disaster. “The fall of governments … (in the past decades) in
Ethiopia, Niger, Mauritania, and Chad were associated with
allegations of mismanagement of famine, while that in Jamaica
and Nicaragua with the mismanagement of hurricane and
earthquakes respectively.

The Great Tangshan Earthquake of 26 July killed 250,000 people
and another 250,000 went missing. This shows the vulnerability
of the society. China had to mobilize all possible resources for
rescue, and relief operations. This earthquake was the reason
why the Cultural Revolution came to a halt in China (Shah, 2001).

We usually hear that the development process of a country has
slipped back due to the impact of several a disaster. This is
because of the vulnerability of the country to natural hazards.
Years after the earthquake events, countries like Nicaragua,
Turkey, and India are grappling to undo the effects of earthquake
on development.

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The Bhuj Earthquake of 26th January in Gujarat badly affected
Ahmedabad, located about 250 km away from the epicenter.
There was total confusion following the earthquake. Even the
news of devastation reached the authorities very late – after
several hours, because the communication did not functioned
effectively. Moreover, the whole administration of Ahmedabad
was paralyzed for several days following the earthquake– its
people listened more to the fortune tellers than to the
administration or the scientists. The people slept outside for
weeks despite the government’s reassurance This happened
because of social vulnerabilities: unnecessary fear of death, lack
of confidence on the administration and the local scientists,
feeling of helplessness, lack of preparedness, and low level of
earthquake awareness – all contribute to such unwanted
situation. In contrast, nothing would have happened if a similar
earthquake would have struck California (Shah, 2001). California
has much less social vulnerability than Gujarat, although the level
of earthquake hazard is much higher.

1.2 Disasters create further vulnerabilities
Ongoing drought condition and the hurricane of the past years
rendered the people of Kuch. In India, more vulnerable to the
earthquake that hit them in January 2001. The state was geared
towards reducing the impacts of drought and cyclonic winds, as
reflected in the preparedness embodied in the district level disaster
management plan. The earthquake added to the social
vulnerabilities created by the past disasters. It deepened the social
crisis which became evident recently, when the state was engulfed in
a series of crises: ethnic, political, economic and cultural.
Nepal is similarly placed in state of increasing vulnerability because
of the social conflict and terrorism that is currently on going.

1.3 Normal concept of disaster cycle does not work fully in case of
earthquake disaster in a developing country
The normal disaster cycle, prescribed frequently, consists of
Mitigation – Preparedness – Event – Rescue/relief – reconstruction,
as described in a simplified form in the following figure.

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Earthquake Vulnerability Reduction for Cities (EVRC-2) Module 3
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Immediately after an earthquake

`

Mitigation and 1 Emergency 2
Preparedness: Response and Relief:
Activities to reduce the impact Actions shortly after an
of an earthquake before it earthquake which address the
strikes, e.g. emergency needs of the
• Public awareness activities community, e.g.
• Implementing seismic building • Search and rescue of buried
code victims
• Strengthening existing • Emergency medical care
structures • Fire suppression
• Planning and training for
emergency response activities • Shelter for homeless victims
• Distribution of food, water, and
• Earthquake research supplies

Rehabilitation and 3
Reconstruction:
The long-term process of
rebuilding all aspects of a
community following an
earthquake, e.g.
Before an • Rebuilding houses and buildings Long-term after
earthquake • Financing for rebuilding an earthquake

• Repair of roads, bridges, water
system, etc.
• Psychological counseling

There are two problems with this generic concept of disaster cycle in
case of earthquake disasters.
• Events never follow this cycle in developing countries. The

response phase is given the maximum importance. However, it
is mostly spontaneous. Not very many countries have
emergency response plans. There are problems with relief
distribution, and rehabilitation. A larger part of the society at this
stage gets thrown out of the disaster cycle. They are not involved
in the relief and rehabilitation stage of disaster management. In
case of earthquake and flood disasters, many vulnerable
communities become internally displaced.
• Vulnerable sectors of the society gets ejected in each phase of
disaster cycle. Some are ignored during reconstruction, and
others during mitigation and preparedness.
• Level of participation of the people in the different phases of
disaster cycle could be regarded as the measure of social
vulnerability- the larger percentage of people participating; the
less vulnerable is a nation

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• Earthquakes have low annual probability. A devastating
earthquake occurs in a country usually after a long interval. The
earthquake disaster cycle is very long-term. Society tends to
loose forget experiences and lessons learned in previous
disasters.
Unfavorable conditions such as poverty, rapid population growth,
multiple disasters, environmental degradation have much faster
disaster cycles. They tend to involve increasing numbers of
people.

Against this backdrop, earthquake vulnerability reduction becomes a
dream. But a dream that has to be realized.
The social vulnerability of a society in an economically poor country
is never reduced. Rather, it increases with each subsequent
disaster. On the other and, vulnerability reduction is not a dream for
developed countries. It is has already become a reality.
1.4 Vulnerability and poverty are integrally linked and mutually
reinforcing, but are not synonymous
Vulnerability is sometimes identified with poverty. No doubt there is
a strong correlation between income and access to resources. It is
no doubt linked to the ability of people to protect themselves and to
recover from disasters. But the generalization that “the poor” are
vulnerable does not help in plan formulation (Wisner, 1903).
Not all members in any one income group suffer equally from
disaster, nor do they encounter similar handicaps during recovery.
“Being poor” is not a synonym for “being vulnerable”, and “being rich”
is not “being non-vulnerable”. A well informed and prepared “poor
family” may be less vulnerable to earthquake than a “richer family”
that is not well-informed and well-prepared.
Ben Wisner points to another danger of equating poverty with
vulnerability: poverty elimination is a long range goal requiring social
justice and equity, income and resource distribution, the possible
creation of a social or family wage, and economic democracy.
Vulnerability reduction need not wait for the achievement of these
goals, and can/should start now, especially in the communities
stricken with poverty.

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2. Social Vulnerability
2.1 Difference between physical vulnerability

and social vulnerability
The process of physical vulnerability assessment looks at the
weaknesses of the buildings and explores if the building has been
designed and constructed as per the prevailing code.
Social vulnerability, on the other hand, is a set of conditions that
does not create the required environment for making the building
code implemented in a community or a nation. In social vulnerability
assessment, people, households and community and their ways of
life is explored rather than the system of buildings.
2.2 Spatial scale of social vulnerability
International Scene: A better organized society with mature
democracy, technical affluence, and good governance is less
vulnerable than those that do not have such characteristics. It is
usually presumed that developed countries have all the attributes
and are less vulnerable than developing countries although there is
always a range in the degree of vulnerability both in countries of the
developed and developing worlds (Mafeje, 1987, quoted by Ben
Wisner, 1998). Such discrimination could be useful for donor
agencies for allocating resources to nation. However, Ben Wisner
warns that reducing vulnerability at the national scale does not mean
an automatic reduction of vulnerability at the social or community or
household level.
National Scene: Even within a country, regions, provinces, or
districts could be discriminated in terms of the level of vulnerability.
Such discrimination is usually done erroneously based on the level
of hazards within a country. More often, the difference is used to in
the context of political struggle for resources. An example may be
parliamentary lobbying for a larger share of the national budget for
a region or province.
2.3 Who is actually vulnerable?
The individual or household who lack resources for developing
defenses against the potential earthquake hazard becomes
vulnerable to earthquakes. Usually they are the poor and the socially
disadvantaged, who live daily in a state of “permanent emergency”
(Maskrey, 1989). These are the marginal section of the society who
is further marginalized due to the impact of a disaster. These are the
people who survived a disaster, but are unable to recover their
livelihoods, are destitute and forced to live in an even more
vulnerable situation (Walker, 1989). They do not have a strong
enough voice and hence cannot pressurize for change

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Hence, in any society, the marginalized people are vulnerable.
Who are the marginalized? These are the weaker section or groups
or part of a society that have been pushed to the limits of
subsistence in the course of historical conflict of interest on the basis
of

• economical class (poor),
• ethnicity (minority vs. majority),
• religion (predominant vs. minority),
• gender (male vs. female and the importance of the

roles played by each- matriarchal vs. patriarchal
outlook),
• age (old and young vs. young in terms of economic
importance?).
It is important to consider that a combination of these attributes is
more important than the individual category of gender, ethnicity, age
or class. Most vulnerable are the children and elderly female (or
widowed) members belonging to a minority ethnic group or religion
of the poor class. These are the people or the group of people who
do not have access to assets, have little political voice to engender
any change. They are in constant state of “emergency”. They are
“the neglected and the insulted” in everyday of life.
This is the strangest reality of the modern world. These groups of
people have the strongest strength to survive the worst human (or
inhuman) conditions. They are surviving in such conditions, and yet
are termed (and actually are) the “most vulnerable”! Where are you,
Mr. Darwin, with your theory of “Survival of the fittest?”
Actually, people belonging to these categories are not vulnerable per
se. There is tremendous resiliency built in. However, they become
vulnerable because they lack resources, because they have reduced
mobility. Ethnic groups are vulnerable not because they do not have
strength for survival or rebuilding, but because they have reduced
access to services and information ((Buckle, 1998).
Let us look into the individual parameters.
Class: History and ongoing process is easily revealed in the
distribution of access to resources (Ben Wisner, 199?). The poorest
can not afford earthquake-resistant housing. So their houses are
destroyed during an earthquake. Further, these are the group who
usually do not have access to the resources distributed during the
reconstruction phases. For example, about 140 earthquake-resistant
buildings were constructed in Patanka Village of Gujarat, India, with
assistance from the state government (using the resources provided
by the donors. However, about 25 houses are still in need of
reconstruction for want of state support. They are denied this as they

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are not enlisted in the formal roster of earthquake-stricken
households. Existing socio-economic conditions prevented them
being enlisted in the formal list of likely recipient of state support for
reconstruction. The poorest of the poor are not given the opportunity
to rebuild their lives.
Gender: Women generally have less access to resources
(Dandelman & Davidson, 1988, quoted in Wisner, 1998) and
generally have less representation in decision making at all levels
(Pietila & Vickers, 1990, quoted by Wisner, 1998).
Women suffer more in disaster situations. Economic dependence on
men makes them highly vulnerable in developing countries. They are
the victims of disasters as well as the victims of the male-dominated
social order that may escalate following a disaster. The following are
some of the causes of added vulnerability of women following a
disaster in the rural or urban areas of Gujarat, described by Ela R.
Bhatt, 1998.
• Women are vulnerability-locked due to the existing social

dynamics:
o Lack of ownership or inheritance of productive of assets,

education, access to support institutions
o Lack of opportunities which can enhance their resource base

and empower tem to negotiate with and absorb market forces
• Vulnerability compels women to expand their efforts to earn

wage:
o Perceived responsibility to take care of the household chores

including the injured children and the old at the same time the
responsibility to earn wages
o In many emergency or disaster situations physical and
emotional losses are so severe and traumatic that stress
levels interfere with recovery. Widespread subordination of
women has meant that women typically must bear more
stress than men, including preoccupation with dependent
children. Sexual abuse of girls is common, and many of the
young may not easily identify adequate coping strategies of
adults to fight such stressors. Child-abuse preventive
measures need to be adopted.
o Disruption of social relations through emergency displacement
can mean the loss of security and protection. Due to the
prevalent absence of employment opportunities and the high
incidence of woman-headed households among the
displaced, increasing numbers of women and girls are forced
into socially unacceptable forms of wage labor. In some
countries, many displaced women may end up as prostitutes,
hoping to gain income to sustain their families. The longer the
situation of unemployment remains unresolved, the greater
the likely incidence of prostitution.

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Earthquake Vulnerability Reduction for Cities (EVRC-2) Module 3
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o Social constraints on movement, low wages, lack of job
o Widows and deserted women are the most vulnerable. Thy

can not secure kith-kin support, at the same time needed to
look after the family members, especially the children.
o Malnourishment
• Cumulative effect of the process which begins to erode
community and family support systems.
Age: Mortality in the Great Hanshin Earthquake that affected the city
of Kobe and its surroundings was very heavily concentrated in older
age groups. 53% of casualties were aged 60 years of age or older
(Wisner, 1998).
Despite a tradition of social values that assigns high respect to
elders in the family in Asian countries, the economic realities are
introducing changes especially in urban societies, and the elderly
population gets more and more isolated. Following the January 2001
Bhuj Earthquake of Gujarat, it was found that those in the age group
of 60 and above seemed hardest hit by the disaster because they
had lost everything and felt they did not have enough time left to
rebuild their lives (WSSI/EMI, 2001, Social Issues, in Interdisciplinary
Observations on the January 2001 Bhuj, Gujarat Earthquake, editors
Ravi Mistry, Weimin Dong, and Haresh Shah, 2001).
Sheila I. Insauriga of PHIVOLCS describes a special aspects of
social vulnerability – that of street children of Metro manila
(Insauriga, 2001). Street Children are young boys and girls who have
adopted the streets as their habitual abode and/ or source of
livelihood.
They are visible in urban centers doing street activities like

• vending
• scavenging
• begging
• watching and washing cars
Or falling prey to vices to the streets like
• Drug pushing
• Working for criminal syndicate
• prostitution
This form of vulnerability is obviously increasing in almost all urban
centers of the developing countries and need special attention.
Ethnicity and Religious Groups: Minority racial or cultural groups are
often marginalized in ways that increase their vulnerability. Usually,
the minorities have lower income and poorer access to natural or
social resources (education, legal representation, credit, insurance
etc). Following the Bhuj Earthquake of January 2001 in Gujarat,

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there were reports of inequality of access to resources because of
caste difference, especially the lower-caste population was at times
given low priority for relief supplies.
There were complaints that Nepalese workers living in Gujarat
during the earthquake did not receive any government support
otherwise provided to the victims because either they were not
registered as residents, or simply they did not have confidence of
getting support and opted out of the support process.
However, the problem of ethnicity alone as a pre-condition of
increased vulnerability to earthquake may not be as conspicuous-
this aspect needs to be considered together with other components
such as class, gender, age, and other factors.
3. Determinants of social vulnerability to earthquakes
Earthquakes reveal existing vulnerabilities in a society. The
vulnerabilities are pre-existing, depending upon the level of
organization a society, community or nation has achieved.
Researches in social vulnerability to earthquake is still in its infancy
and many of the postulations, including those described above need
further research.
The following are the main factors that define the level of earthquake
vulnerability of a society.

• Demographic factors,
• social stratification,
• literacy rates,
• family type (nuclear family, extended family),
• cohesion among neighbors
A community fragmented in terms of economic class, caste, religion,
and ethnicity, especially those without ongoing efforts to balance the
differences are more vulnerable.
3.1 Social resilience
Resilience is the capacity that a society or a group of people may
possess to withstand or recovery from emergencies and which can
stand as a counterbalance to vulnerabilities (Buckle, 1998).
A community with cultural traits of commitments to its people is much
more resilient than a community dependant on external assistance
for recovery following a disaster. Confidence in local capacity, trust
in self-help, and a long-term commitment by public authorities are
essential for building disaster resilient societies. “Just clear the
rubble and we can take care of reconstruction, on our own”- said a

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man in Bhachau, the town located about 20 km of the epicenter of
the Bhuj Earthquake of 2001 in Gujarat. Following the 1934 Great
Bihar-Nepal Earthquake, then Nepalese Government even refused
external assistance for relief and recovery despite the fact that half of
the existing building stock was collapsed or damaged beyond repair.
Kathmandu was rebuilt within two years!
3.2 Awareness level
Knowledge and awareness greatly reduces vulnerability. Raised
awareness helps define the acceptable level of risk, creates demand
for earthquake safety, and fosters self-help, cooperation and local
initiatives for preparedness, cooperation.
3.3 Existence of community organizations, community networks:
social, religious, trusts
A well-knit society with community organization and socio-cultural
networks provide strength not only to endure the harsh impacts of
earthquakes, but also in recovery. Extended families, closeness
among neighbors and workmates, tradition of mutual assistance in
construction or agriculture even in non-disastrous times (in Nepal it
is called PARMA) helps not only in reducing the trauma and fear, but
also in speedy recovery and reconstruction. There is less
controversies, less conflicts and relatively easily-established unison
of opinion in the process of reconstruction. Usually, the decision
made by the society’s leaders is usually acceptable by all.
3.4 Existence of NGOs, CBOs:
Non-governmental and community-based organizations, if they
existed prior to the earthquake event, especially those that have
experiences in assisting the community in previous disasters (not
necessarily earthquake disasters) are invaluable assets of any
community. It is not only because of their knowledge about the
strengths and weaknesses of the affected community (traditional
wisdom, traditions, traits), but also because of the level of trust and
confidence that might have already built-in between the community,
the organizations, the governments and even the donor agencies
interested in response, rehabilitation, and reconstruction.

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As I learned during my work in Gujarat, the Self-Employed
Women's Association (and other women's NGOs) were deeply
involved with low-income women workers before the quake and
are taking a lead role as advocates and conduits for gender-fair
reconstruction. SEWA, for example, has collaborated with
Disaster Mitigation Institute on rainwater harvesting and other
mitigation projects. Now, they are working with DMI to train
women in quake-resistant masonry skills and with the state
government, ILO, UNDP and others to rebuild women artisans
livelihoods, building on pre-existing networks and expertise in
the region. As people protest inadequate housing and other
aspects of government response, SEWA representatives may
very well begin to articulate the gender politics implicit in the
politics of reconstruction. As I mention in a recent report
describing action research in Surendranagar undertaken by DMI
with SEWA (to be on the Radix bookshelf soon, I hope), some of
the many plans for rebuilding Gujarat seem highly gender-
sensitive with respect to women's livelihoods and health issues--
but will need to be monitored and assessed as plans become
action (or lack of action). I think of Women Will Rebuild and of
SEWA in these discussions about grassroots protest and
community-based mitigation and response work. They tell
different stories but we can learn a lot from these and other
women's CBOs when we think about how and why people take
to the streets after disasters.

Ben Wisner, in the discussion forum RADIX
4. Cultural Vulnerabilities

Cultural monuments, temples, churches, are social properties of
immense importance. They represent social achievements in social
values and norms. The possible damage or destruction by
earthquakes amounts not only to physical loss, but a loss of cultural
assets and a source of income in view of their importance for
tourism.
Loss of religious centers and schools inhibit psychological recovery
following an earthquake, and hence need to be rebuilt on a priority
basis. A temple (or a Church or a Mashed) provides solace and
support within families and communities. They are the centers for
bringing back community’s cohesiveness and for engendering a
promise for a more positive future

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5. Economic Vulnerabilities
5.1 Economic cost of disasters

The economic cost of disasters can be classified into:
Direct Cost
Indirect Costs
Secondary effects

Direct costs relate to the capital costs of assets destroyed or
damaged by the disasters.
Indirect costs refer to the damage to the flow of goods and
services. Lower outputs from damaged factories, loss of sales or rise
in the prices of raw materials due to damaged infrastructure, and
expenses for relief, recovery, and rehabilitation are the indirect costs
of disasters.
Secondary effects pertain to short- and long-term impacts of a
disaster on overall economic performance of a country. Lost
development efforts, the necessity to restructure the development
expenditure to cater to reconstruction and the resulting imbalances
in government budget and the perspective plans are the indirect
effects. Increased indebtedness is one of the serious consequences
of an earthquake disaster.
5.2 Vulnerability factors
Economic vulnerability of earthquake disaster depends upon the size
of the economy and its economic structure, and the sectors affected
by the disaster.
The size of economy and its concentration in the seismic zone is
particularly relevant in case of small, island and landlocked
countries. The consequences of a large earthquake in such
countries may be comparable to a significant (5-15%) of the national
GDP. According to the World Bank statistics, the losses caused by
disasters in developing countries, in terms of percentage of the
Gross National Product (GNP), are 20 times higher than those in
developed countries.
Most developing countries rely heavily on agriculture. Although,
earthquake does not threaten agricultural land directly, except
probably by the large-scale liquefaction phenomena in river valleys
and riverine plains, the damage to agricultural infrastructure
(irrigation canals, pumping stations and traditional wells) may impact
agricultural productivity.

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Damage to hotels may impact the tourism industry. The
consequences may be devastating for earthquake-prone countries
relying on tourism as a major industry such as Nepal.
While damage to the industrial facilities could be obvious in terms of
its economic impact, it is interesting to note that earthquake-related
damage in one sector can have implications for other sectors.
Damage to the sector producing raw materials may lead to severe
implications for related industries.
Unavailability of working force following an earthquake may cause
factories to close down for a significant period. This happened in
Gujarat following the Bhuj Earthquake of 2001. The factories and
industries were not affected by the earthquake seriously in terms of
damage to the buildings or other physical infrastructure, but the
production and economic activities were stopped for a significant
period because of disruption to the families of the work force.
Economic vulnerability to earthquake is also determined by some
other factors such as economic performance in the period preceding
the earthquake event, the international economic climate, the
frequency and magnitude of the earthquakes, and the government’s
economic policies.
References
1. Bauman, C., The 1996 Nehrp Professional Fellowship Report,

The Challenge Of Land Use Planning After Urban Earthquakes:
Observations From The Great Hanshin Earthquake Of 1995,
December 1998
2. Benn, D., Earthquakes In El Salvador And India- Asking The
Right Questions, Finding The Right Solutions, United Nations
Secretariat For The International Strategy For Disaster
Reduction, ISDR,
3. Benson, C., Disaster Risk And Vulnerability, Poverty Reduction
Sourcebook, Overseas Development Institute (ODI), Series
Editor: Elizabeth Cromwell
4. Benson, C., The Cost Of Disaster,
Http://Www.Bghrc.Com/Dmu/Devrisk1/Devrisk/Benson.Htm
5. Bhatt, E. R., Women Victim’s View Of Urban And Rural
Vulnerability, In Understanding Vulnerability: South Asian
Perspectives, Editors John Twigg And Mihir Bhatt, Intermediate
Technology Publications (On Behalf Of Duryog Nivaran), 1998

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6. Blaikie, P., Cannon, T., Davis, I., And Wisner, B., At Risk:
Natural Hazards, People's Vulnerability And Disasters, London:
Routledge, 1994

7. Buckle, P., Redefining Community And Vulnerability In The
Context Of Emergency Management, A Paper Presented To The
Conference Of Disaster Management: Crisis And Opportunity –
Hazard Management And Disaster Preparedness In Australasia
And The Pacific Region, James Cook University, Center For
Disaster Studies, Nov. 1-4, 1998, Cairns, Queensland.

8. Corell, R., Cramer, W., & Schellnhuber, H.-J., Potsdam
Sustainability Days, Symposium On "Methods And Models Of
Vulnerability Research, Analysis And Assessment"

9. Http://Www.Anglia.Ac.Uk/Geography/Radix/Resources/Buckle-
Community-Vulnerability.Pdf

10. Http://Www.Anglia.Ac.Uk/Geography/Radix/Resources/Buckle-
Community-Vulnerability.Pdf

11. Http://Www.Anglia.Ac.Uk/Geography/Radix/Resources_Papers.
Htm

12. Http://Www.Enda.Sn/Energie/Cc/Jesse.Htm
13. Http://Www.Ncoff.Gse.Upenn.Edu/Roundtable/Father-

Poverty.Pdf
14. Http://Www.Pure.Ne.Jp/~Ngo/Code/Index.Html
15. Http://Www.Pure.Ne.Jp/~Ngo/Code/Index.Html
16. Insauriga, S. I, Social Vulnerability Assessment Of Metro Manila,

Proc. Metro Manila Workshop On Earthquake And Tsunami
Disaster Mitigation, Organized By MMDA, PHIVOLCS And EDM,
4-5 July, Quezon City, Metro Manila.
17. Iyengar, R. N., Seismic Status Of Delhi Megacity, Current
Science, Vol. 78, No. 5, 10 March 2000.
18. Jeggle, T., We All Know What Needs To Be Done,
Http://Www.Anglia.Ac.Uk/Geography/Radix/Resources_Papers.
Htm
19. Mitchell, J., Integrating Disaster And Development, In Protecting
Development,
Http:/Www.Bghrc.Com/Dmu/Devrisk/Devris/Mitchell.Htm

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20. Ribot, J. C., Climate Variability, Climate Change And Social
Vulnerability In The Semi-Arid Tropics, Climate Variability,
Climate Change And Vulnerability: Moving Forward By Looking
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21. Shah, H., The Coming Killer Quake, The Times Of India,
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24. Twigg, J., Sustainable Livelihoods And Vulnerability To
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27. Wisner, B., Notes On Social Vulnerability: Categories,
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28. Wisner, B., California State University Long Beach, The
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29. Wisner, B., Disaster Vulnerability: Scale, Power, And Daily Life,
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