PROCEEDINGS INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE

of multinational nomination. The Inter-governmental Committee (IGC) for the 2003 Convention for the
safeguarding of the ICH similarly encourages multinational nominations of ICH, evoking the capacity
to accept multi-national nominations to the List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage either in Need of
Urgent Safeguarding List, the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity and
the Register of Best Practices when an element is found on the territory of more than one State Party
(Antons, C., & Rogers, L., 2017).The ICH provides a valuable resource to promote national unity and
identity.
In the Operational Directives for the implementation of the 2003 Convention, the committee encourages
‘submission of sub regional or regional programs, projects and activities as well as those undertaken
jointly by States Parties in geographically discontinuous areas’. They furthermore invite states parties:

to develop together, at the sub regional and regional levels, networks of communities, experts,
centres of expertise and research institutes to develop joint approaches, particularly concerning
the elements of intangible cultural heritage they have in common, as well as interdisciplinary
approaches. (Basic Text of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural
Heritage, 2020, p.30)
Based on the spirit of the convention in safeguarding of the ICH throughout the world, Malaysia has
inscribed Ong Chun/Wangchuan/Wangkang Ceremony together with the People’s Republic of China and
Pantun with Indonesia in 2020. The successful listing of an ICH will allow us to share the multicultural
aspects of our heritage with the international community, and contribute to the diverse cultures of the
world.

Figure 1. Malaysia Managed to Gain UNESCO Recognition for Pantun
along with Indonesia through Multinational Nomination, 2020
Jabatan Warisan Negara, 2020

B. SHARED HERITAGE ELEMENTS
Three Asian countries were identified that share same intangible cultural heritage with Malaysia, namely
China, Indonesia and Thailand. Therefore, I have selected a few elements as examples that can be
considered for multinational nominations.
Malaysia – China
(i) Ancestors Worship – Cheng Beng (Qingming)
‘The Qingming Festival’, also known as Tomb-Sweeping Day in English, is a traditional Chinese Festival
observed by the Han Chinese of mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, Malaysia, Singapore,

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Indonesia, and Thailand. During festival, people commemorate and show respect to their ancestors by
visiting their graves, offering food, tea or wine, burning incense, burning or offering joss paper (representing
money). During the visit, they sweep the tombs, remove weeds, and add fresh soil to the graves.

Figure 2. During Qingming Festival, People Swepping the Tomb And Putting Joss Paper on the Tomb
Eyo, 2018

(ii) Festival – Mooncake Festival, Nine Emperor’s Festival, Chinese New Year and Tang Yuan Festival
During festive, traditional dishes (heritage food) such as Mooncake, ‘Kuih Bakul’ (nian gao) and Tang
Yuan or Sweet Dumplings) were serve to all. ‘Kuih Bakul’ (nian gao) is also sometimes translated as
Chinese New Year’s cake, while Tang Yuan or sweet dumplings is a Chinese dessert that is contains a
ball of glutinous rice flour and water that has been either boiled and served in a hot broth or syrup.

(iii) Eating Betel and Betel Nut
Eating Betel is a custom of the ancients when sitting and relaxing at home. They eat betel to fill their free
time. Betel is eaten along with betel leaves, gambier, betel nut and lime. The way to eat betel is to take
a little lime, gambier and betel nut then put it in a fist and then mash it until fine. In addition, betel is also
good for health. Betel is also eaten by the Malay community during welcoming ceremonies and traditional
medicine. Betel is a symbol of Malay culture and customs in wedding ceremonies.

During the visit to Sanya Island in Hainan, China in 2008, it was found that a few Chinese people in Hui
Hui village ate Betel and Betel Nut, causing their lips and teeth look black. In east coast of Malaysia like
Kelantan few Chinese and Malay still eat betel. However, further research need to be conducted on the
origins of this betel eating culture as we do not know how two country have similar practices.

(iv) Bamboo Dance
It is a popular dance in Sabah and Sarawak. It’s an entertaining and challenging form of dance because
it needs a perfect timing and movement to make sure dancer feet aren’t trapped between clapping
bamboo. In China, this dance is interesting and popular among Li people. The Li ethnic group get
together dressed in folk costumes to dance on festive occasions. This can seen during performance at
Li and Miao Cultural Village in Sanya.

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Department of National Heritage / Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture

Figure 3. Bamboo dance at Li and Miao Cultural Village in Sanya
Eyo, 2008

(v) Tating Lawi/ Chap Teh/Foot Feather/Jian Zhi
This game also known as “Capteh” or “Chapteh” and popular in Malaysia. It’s a children’s game before
they can master “Sepak Raga”. In China, it considers a Chinese ancient game called Cuju of the Han
dynasty 2000 years ago. The ball or shuttlecock made of chicken feather. When playing, we keep
shuttlecock afloat using feet, knees, leg or chest but no hand. The purpose of the games is to test the
skills of the player in controlling and balancing the ball for as long as possible so that it will not fall onto
the ground.
Malaysia – Indonesia
(i) Teromba
Teromba is a rhythmic expression that is usually about custom as a guide or customary practice of a
society. This rhythmic expression is also known as customary poetry and is said to originate from the
Minangkabau community. In Indonesia, people call it Tambo.
(ii) Tari Piring/Piring Dance
Piring dance or saucer dance is a traditional Minangkabau dance originated from West Sumatra,
Indonesia. In Malaysia, this dance is usually performed in Seremban, Kuala Pilah and Rembau in Negeri
Sembilan. The dance is perform in a group of women, men or couples, each of them holds plates in each
hand and vigorously rotate or half rotate them in various formations and fast movement.

Figure 4. The Dancer Holding a Piring or Plate While Dancing
Pemetaan Budaya (cultural mapping) JKKN, 2022

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(iii) Randai
Randai, a folk art of the Minangkabau people, flourished as a theatrical form among migrants from West
Sumatra in the Malaysian state of Negeri Sembilan in the 1960s but has nearly died out today. It is
incorporating music, singing, dance, drama and the martial art of silat. Randai is usually performed for
traditional ceremonies and festivals.

(iv) Kebaya Pendek/Short Kebaya
The kebaya is one of Asean’s most enduring traditional garments. Kebaya pendek or also known as
Kebaya Encim in Indonesia and Kebaya Peranakan or Nyonya Kebaya is exceptionally popular among
Chinese Peranakan communities in Melaka, Penang, Kelantan, Singapore and Phuket (Thailand) as well
as with Melaka Chetties (Indian Peranakan)

Figure 5. Kebaya Peranakan or Nyonya Kebaya
Persatuan Peranakan Cina Kelantan, 2022

Malaysia – Thailand

(i) Menora
Menora also known as Manora or Nora in Thai language is a dance drama originating in Southern
Thailand and practised mainly in the northern states of Malaysia (Kelantan and Kedah) and southern
provinces of Thailand.

Figure 6. Menora Performance in Kelantan 49
Eyo, 2016

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(ii) Long Drum/Tak Jau/Klong Jau/Klong Yao
It is generally slung over the shoulder and played with the hands. It has a wooden body and a drumhead
made from water buffalo skin and is usually decorated with a colorful skirt. It is played in many festival
parades in Thailand. In Malaysia, this musical instrument is also played by the Siamese minority ethnic
in northern of peninsular Malaysia.

Figure 7. Long Drum Playing by Siamese Community during
Khatina Festival in Kelantan
Eyo, 2022

(iii) Sepak Raga
Sepak raga is not only a traditional game for Malaysia and Thailand but also in Indonesia as well. This
game is related to the modern sepak takraw. This game is played by five to ten people by forming a
circle in an open field, where the sports ball is played with the feet and certain techniques so that the ball
moves from one player to another without falling to the ground.

(iv) Loy Krathong Festival
The Loy Krathong festival dates to the time of the Sukhothai Kingdom (Thailand), about 700 years ago. It
marked the end of the rainy season and the main rice harvest. Several Buddhists temples in Malaysia are
organising the Loy Krathong Festival in Malaysia. It’s celebrated in Perlis, Kedah, Penang and Kelantan.
For this festival, it has a theme song call “Loy Krathong”.

(v) Songkran Festival
In Malaysia, Songkran is also celebrated by the Siamese community in several states such as Perlis,
Kelantan, Kedah and Penang. The Songkran or Thai Water Festival, is a religious ritual to symbolise
purification and the washing away of one’s sins and bad luck.

C. RESULT AND DISCUSSION
Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore have often been drawn into “culture wars” when a particular nation
makes a formal international claim to a tradition or is perceived as appropriating another nation’s cultural
patrimony for tourism or commercial gain. Conflicts over the national ownership of cultural patrimony
can become particularly problematic in a region like maritime Southeast Asia where people and their
traditions have a long history of migration, exchange, and transformation (Foley 2014 in You, Z., &
Hardwick, P. A., 2020). If it is seen from the view of cultural sharing, it is an advantage for countries that
have the same culture or shared heritage for multinational nomination.

Recognizing the trans-border nature of ICH, the UNESCO 2003 Convention for the safeguarding of ICH
gave priority for multinational nominations both under the urgent safeguarding list and representative
list. True to its mandate to make culture a platform of mutual understanding and dialogue, UNESCO
encourages State Parties to consider multinational nominations, thus making the listing process

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an opportunity for international collaboration over the promotion of nationalistic goals. Multinational
nominations involve more than one state party submitting an element or safeguarding actions to one of
the 2003 Convention’s two list or register, includes urgent safeguarding list, representative list and the
register of best practices.

Today, overall, examples of multinational nomination from Southeast Asia are limited. Between 2008 and
2020, multinational nominations accounted for 55 out of 492 (11%) elements under the Representative
List, and only 1 out of 67 (1.5%) under the Urgent Safeguarding List. Out of these, only 3 elements
are from Southeast Asia, including two new bi-national nominations in 2020: Ong Chun/Wangchuan/
Wangkang ceremony (Malaysia – China) and Pantun (Malaysia - Indonesia) and Tugging rituals and
games in 2015 (Cambodia, Philippines, Republic of Korea and Vietnam).

Interestingly, most were submitted after the 2012 General Assembly’s decision to define priorities and
examine only some of the nominations received; a choice made to lighten the heavy workload of the
secretariat. First, it was first determined that single-state nominations would be examined only every
two years (which fueled a certain degree of frustration among communities and states) and then that
multi-states nominations would be prioritized in the selection of files to be assessed and evaluated.
Such prioritization in turn increased the number of inscriptions per state. Indeed, those engaging in
multi-state initiatives can have multiple nominations in a given year, beyond the quota set for single-state
nominations. As will be seen in the following section, this has strongly incentivized states to use the
multinational nominations tool (Debarbieux, B., Bortolotto, C., Munz, H., & Raziano, C., 2021).

Asian countries should also be aware that many fields, programs and activities can be shared due to
having a common nature, or better known as shared nature. Malaysia through the Department of National
Heritage emphasizes cooperation in areas of expertise with Asian countries on ICH, including the field of
conferences, workshops, publications, capacity building and so on. The organization of the International
Conference on ICH (ICICH 2022) is a good example of Malaysia’s commitment to cooperation at the
international level. This conference involved the participation of the UNESCO’s state members include
Singapore, Indonesia, India, Thailand, Japan, Republic of Korea, Germany, and Philippines. The coming
event is the ASEAN Workshop on Sustainable Heritage Food Packaging and Commercialization for
the World Market in September on next year. The purpose of this workshop is to provide one platform
for experts from 10 representatives of ASEAN countries to share results research about protection of
heritage food.

Figure 8. The Poster of the Conference (ICICH 2022) 51
Department of National Heritage, 2022

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Department of National Heritage / Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture

Department of National Heritage also committed to the research, conservation, continuation and communication
to society. We also share knowledge through writing and advance knowledge. We are planning to collaborate in
the field of writing and publishing books related to wayang kulit /shadow puppet which includes Asian countries
as we know that besides Malaysia, other Asian countries that have the art of shadow puppet performance
are Indonesia, China, Thailand, Cambodia and many more. Therefore, the publication of books related to the
mapping of Asian puppet is very important as a reference and one of the good areas of cooperation. We also
can explore others ICH element in term of publication as we already recognized 517 elements of ICH as National
Heritage and 27 heritage masters in various fields have been recognised as Living Person of Heritage (Warisan
Kebangsaan Orang Hidup). Malaysia hopes that more areas can be explored for joint publication between
ASEAN countries.

There are a few benefits of multinational nomination, includes:
(i) Recognizing, safeguarding and raising awareness of living heritage, that is shared across national borders
(ii) Encouraging international cooperation and dialogue relating to living heritage
(iii) Contributing to mutual understanding and peace-building
(iv) Create space for sharing, exchanging, learning from and appreciating each other

D. CONCLUSION
Base on the example of shared heritage and shared program that listed in this article, Malaysia believes that
these two elements are a unifying factor to bring countries together and one of the platforms for ICH safeguarding.
As member state of UNESCO since 1958, Malaysia is committed to support UNESCO’s aspiration to build peace
through international cooperation in education, the sciences and culture towards achieving the sustainable
development goals. Based on Malaysia’s success in being selected to sit on the Intergovernmental Committee for
the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage (IGC ICH) for the 2022 – 2026 session, shows that Malaysia
is committed to the preservation and consevation of ICH. Malaysia encourage joint submission of multinational
nominations to the representative list of the ICH to promote shared heritage.

E. REFERENCE
Book
Unesco. (2020). Basic Text of the 2003 convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage.Unesco:
Living Heritage Entity
Journal
Antons, C., & Rogers, L. (2017). Cultural and intellectual property in cross-border disputes over intangible
cultural heritage 1. In Intellectual property, cultural property and intangible cultural heritage, 67-88. Routledge.
Debarbieux, B., Bortolotto, C., Munz, H., & Raziano, C. (2021). Sharing heritage? Politics and territoriality in
UNESCO’s heritage lists. Territory, Politics, Governance, 1-17.
Scovazzi, T. (2012). The definition of intangible cultural heritage. In Cultural heritage, cultural rights, cultural
diversity, 179-200. Brill Nijhoff.
You, Z., & Hardwick, P. A. (2020). Guest Editors’ Introduction: Intangible Cultural Heritage in Asia: Traditions in
Transition (SPECIAL ISSUE: Intangible Cultural Heritage in Asia: Traditions in Transition). Asian ethnology,
79(1), 3-19

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MS. ARTI JAIMAN
Station Director, Gurgaon Ki Awaaz Samudayik Radio, India

Ms. Arti Jaiman is the Station Director of Gurgaon Ki Awaaz Samudayik Radio, a community
radio station in Gurgaon, a suburb of the New Delhi, that has been on air since 2009. Arti has
led the process of setting up the first civil society-run community radio station with a clear focus
on creating a vibrant media space where marginalized community groups such as local villagers
and migrant workers can tell their own stories, in their own voices. Set up by the NGO, The
Restoring Force, Gurgaon Ki Awaaz is a National Award-winning station that has a listenership
of over 500,000 listeners from all over India and the world who tune into its unique programming
blend of folk music, community-based programs health, education, livelihood and governance.
Over a career spanning 32 years, Arti has worked for The Economic Times, co-authored books
for SCERT, Delhi, and Indian Council for Child Welfare, Delhi, and has written for The Hindu,
Tehelka and The Hindustan Times. She co-founded www.pitara.com, India’s first children’s
website in 1998. For the past 13 years, telling stories and building conversations through radio
has been her passion.

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Department of National Heritage / Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture

BREAKING BARRIERS THROUGH FOLK MUSIC ON THE RADIO

Arti Jaiman
Gurgaon Ki Awaaz Samudayik Radio, India

[email protected]

ABSTRACT
The city of Gurgaon, a suburb of the national capital of India, Delhi, has seen a high-speed transformation
from a small town in the 1980s to home to multinational corporations and over 4.5 million people in
2022. Built on the backs of migrant workers from some of the poorest states of India, on the land of the
original residents of Gurgaon, there is an unacknowledged tension between “locals” and migrants. With
power dynamics firmly in the hands of the locals who own the land on which hundreds of thousands
of tenements are built in which migrants live as rentiers, there remains a dislike and suspicion of each
other’s language, culture, and food habits. Many local landlords think migrants are dirty, not trustworthy,
and certainly not worth any dignity or respect. Migrants, conversely, think many local landlords are rude,
exploitative, unethical, and profiteering. A large part of their dislike also stems from the local language,
Haryanvi, being quite a coarse-sounding language, even when affectionate. In this milieu came Gurgaon
Ki Awaaz (Voice of Gurgaon), a community radio that started broadcasting in 2009. Building a bank
of folk music from within the community (both local and migrant), the radio station started the task
of encouraging conversations between communities using music. Tackling pushbacks from the local
community with long patient dialogues, and playing music from different languages arranged around
themes of love, longing, seasons, harvesting, birth, weddings, and migration, the radio station slowly has
created a space where people from all communities can come together and listen to each other through
their music. Listeners can see the common strands that tie all of us – moments in our lifecycle that are
commonly celebrated in all our music regardless of the language in which we sing or listen. The result of
nearly 13 years of broadcasting folk music in almost ten languages has shown us that music can enable
dialogue, respectful conversations, an understanding of another person’s culture, and an appreciation for
difference. And these conversations make all the difference in changing mindsets.

Keywords: Community Radio, Dialogue, Folk Music, Gurgaon Migrants

A. INTRODUCTION
As Gurgaon (now, Gurugram) started urbanizing in the late 80s and early 90s, a huge influx of Indian
migrant workers from relatively poor states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, Jharkhand,
Chhatisgarh, and Madhya Pradesh, came to the small town to work in the construction companies and
manufacturing factories, turning Gurgaon into a fashionable suburb of Delhi. These workers needed
homes to stay in, and in the absence of any provision for low-cost rentals by the government, local
villagers stepped into this gap and provided housing for migrant workers by building tenements over and
around their land and houses in what are now urban villages of Gurgaon. Villages closest to the newly
constructed residential and manufacturing areas were the first to urbanise. As thousands of migrants
moved into these villages, there was a sharp swing in the ratio of locals to the migrants. In a village
of predominantly local Haryanvis, now almost 80 to 90 percent of the population consists of migrant
workers. Despite earning most of their income from rentals from migrants, the power lies mainly with the
local landlords, who, at a whim, can ask a migrant tenant to leave without reason. Locals also derided
migrants as unclean, unreliable, loud, and sundry of other real or imagined faults.

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On their part, migrants found fault with their landlords and other locals in the area because they felt that
they were exploitative and would often prey on the women in the family. With both sides having some
ground for grievance, a lot of the disgruntlement and friction was because the two sides did not have any
space for conversing as human beings or listening to each other. They did not have the opportunity to
learn to appreciate the language and culture of the other community. No local media gave that space,
and there was no real, shared space where locals and migrants could have a conversation respecting
each other.

For the radio station Gurgaon Ki Awaaz Samudayik Radio (Voice of Gurgaon Community Radio), when
it was set up in 2009, the big challenge was how to bring different members of the community both local
and migrant onto a single platform, to speak and to listen. With very few functioning community radio
stations in 2009 to look to for ideas, this station decided to take something that binds all, rhythm and
rhyme, music and metre, and see if that could create a space for conversation.

B. METHOD
From its inception, Gurgaon Ki Awaaz decided to only broadcast folk music and not the Bollywood or
Hindi film music that was playing on the other commercial FM channels. The aim was to record or source
music from languages that belonged to our listening community, which consisted of local villagers and
migrant workers from across India. So, while the local community had a large and rich musical tradition
in Haryanvi, a dialect of Hindi, the migrant communities spoke languages like Bhojpuri and Maithili from
Bihar, Rajasthani from Rajasthan, Bundeli from Madhya Pradesh and Garhwali and Kumaoni from
Uttarakhand.

Community recordings
Gurgaon Ki Awaaz issued open invitations to singers and musical groups (called mandalis) to come to
our studio to record their music. Our first recordings were of Haryanvi music, as the community has a
tradition of all-night performances to celebrate special events. That led to more Haryanvi music coming
our way until a Bihar musician called in and asked if he, too, could bring in his mandali. When the first
Bhojpuri songs hit the airwaves, our phone lines started buzzing with angry local Haryanvi-s demanding
that we take the “Bihari” music off the air. What followed were long and patient conversations with the
callers to explain to them that a radio station with a name that reads “Voice of Gurgaon” would very much
try to have the voices of all the various communities that lived and worked in Gurgaon, regardless of
language. We always ended with a firm statement that the radio station would in fact, endeavor to add
more languages to the music pool.

As time went by, more and more mandalis came into the studio to record. Many singers sent their pre-
recorded CDs to the radio station asking to be aired. We also started creating new programs where
music was grouped thematically rather than according to language. There were programs on songs
about separation and longing, wedding celebrations, and another on songs sung when a baby is about
to be born or after the baby is born. The purpose was to highlight that music is a common thread that ties
all human beings, who all live through the same life cycle, regardless of where they come from, which
language they speak and which religion they profess.

With phone lines open after many of these programs, listeners started calling in, expressing their
amazement that the songs they grew up with had similarities in another language, another community.
Listeners started requesting songs in a language other than their own. They also started dedicating the
songs to other listeners. A Haryanvi listener would request a Garhwali song and dedicate it to the regular

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Department of National Heritage / Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture

Garhwali listeners with whom he had become friends. Listeners started leaving their phone numbers with
the radio station, asking to share it to their new radio friends. Soon, listeners regularly talked to each
other outside the radio station. They were meeting up at the shop of one of the local listeners who could
not move around because of a physical disability. They started making plans to celebrate festivals at the
radio stations, plans that were shared with the radio station as a fait accompli. We were told that a group
of listeners would come to the station to celebrate Eid. When the group came to the studio with their arms
loaded with food and drink, it was not just Muslims who had come, but also our Hindu listeners. Together,
they made a plan to celebrate Eid at the radio station because most Muslim migrant workers could not
celebrate Eid with their families who were back in the villages in their home state. Within a few years,
listeners who previously would complain about “Bihari” music later explained to Gurgaon Ki Awaaz’s
new listeners that music from all communities and languages is played and celebrated here.

Music partnerships
Our other approach to creating conversations that build solidarity in our community is partnerships with
archival and research organisations like the Archive and Resource Center for Ethnomusicology of the
American Institute for Indian Studies (ARCE-AIIS) in Gurgaon. A series that embodies our approach is
called “Saara Aasmaan Hamara” (The Sky Is Ours Too), which uses the thread of migration to talk about
culture. One of the seasons is built around the theme of The Sacred Secular.

India is home to many devotional music traditions. In fact, most music here is related to religion and
ritual. The “Sacred Secular” are genres of music where the lyrics were often written by “saint poets” of
the medieval age – defined as the Bhakti movement, which also saw the rise of Sufi traditions. These
share the underlying concept of humanity, universal love, and brotherhood and stand for rising above the
divisiveness of narrow religious beliefs. This is perhaps most clearly articulated by Kabir. Many of these
traditions link romantic love to love for the divine, and stories in narrative forms are sung and recited as
well.

The collections we tapped into from the archives are those of Kabir, Meera, Nirgun Bhajan, music of the
Bauls and Fakirs of Bengal, Qawwali, the Sufi repertoire of Rajasthan, Kafi and Aradhi of Kutch, and
Sufi Kssas of Punjab. Keeping the audience of Gurgaon Ki Awaaz in mind, we restricted ourselves to
roughly the Northern states of India but included a range of languages. Small samples of up to three in
each program were played, contextualising and explaining the text and speaking about the music and
musicians where possible.

The programs were broadcast live, with phone lines open to encourage a conversation with the listeners
of Gurgaon Ki Awaaz. The partnership between ARCE-AIIS and Gurgaon Ki Awaaz created an excellent
opportunity for an archive’s collection to be shared back with the community while engaging in a live, on-
air dialogue with listeners about some of the most vital issues facing our times. The music then becomes
a window through which we can open up these discussions. This set of programs was an opportunity to
open up an on-air conversation with our listeners about the everday-ness and pervasiveness of the Sufi
and Bhakti traditions in our lives. Be it bringing sayings of Kabir and Rahim idiomatically into everyday
language, or Indian children learning the dohas of the Bhakti and Sufi poets in school, or internalising the
motifs of the warp and weft of diversity that makes up our communities (Kabir), or the unbroken thread
of friendship which is never the same once broken (Rahim).

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Gurgaon Ki Awaaz has over 500,000 listeners on FM and more than 40,000 over the internet globally. In
a 24 hour broadcast, nearly 16 hours consist of music. And it is this music that is the glue that not only
holds our listeners to the radio station but binds our community of listeners to each other.

C. RESULT AND DISCUSSION
Music can break through stereotypes, overcome distrust and dislike, and create a space for conversation
where there is none. Even if the language is unknown, a song can convey emotion. And it is this emotion
that human beings plug into, which allows them to connect to another person’s life. On Gurgaon Ki
Awaaz, folk music in several Indian languages (most from North India) has disrupted the stereotypical
power equation between locals and migrants. In those moments when listeners are listening to the music
of another community, the stereotypes inside their heads are parked, allowing another relationship to
blossom. A relationship where people listen to and learn to respect another’s culture.

Programs like Saara Aasmaan Hamara, in partnership with ARCE-AIIS hit a chord with listeners. There
was one listener called to say that his favourite song was a Bhajan (devotional song), Udd Jayega
Hans Akela (The Swan Will Fly Alone) by the renowned Hindustani classical musician, the late Kumar
Gandharva, which this listener said he had listened to 40 times in one sitting. Other listeners also
recalled learning Bhakti and Sufi poetry as children, using idioms from these short couplets in their
everyday language and ruing the loss of this philosophy in their lives today.

D. CONCLUSION
For a radio station, the lack of a visual element made people converse with other people without judging
them for how they look or dress. Instead, the focus is squarely on how people sound, what they are
saying, and how they are saying it, or in our case, singing it. The 16 hours of folk music that plays daily
on Gurgaon Ki Awaaz has created the superstructure within which all other conversations happen. Music
has defined our listening community as one that is not bound by language or region. It has enabled people
from different linguistic backgrounds to unite on a single platform. It has created a space for respectful,
humorous, serious conversations between listeners, where people can relate to others, overcome their
loneliness, be heard and be seen.

This space became all the more precious during the early days and months of the Covid-19 pandemic
when people were locked into their homes, fears of lost jobs, hungry families, and were desperate to
return to the security of their villages. The connections that was built by music over the previous 10
years allowed us to create rooms within the programs for people to just call in and talk. To connect with
other human being, to share their pain and fears and collectively work towards alleviating each other’s
suffering. It seems like a stretch that music could bring us to this point, but it did. It brought us together
and kept us together when it mattered the most.

E. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
Our thanks are due to the Gurgaon Ki Awaaz team of reporters, past and present, the many singers who
have contributed their music to the radio station, and our community of listeners. We would especially like
to thank UNESCO, New Delhi, for supporting our program series “Saara Aasmaan Hamara”, produced in
partnership with Archive and Research Centre for Ethnomusicology, American Institute for Indian Studies.

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Department of National Heritage / Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture

PROF. DR. TAN SOOI BENG
School of The Arts, University Science Malaysia (USM) Penang,
Malaysia

Prof. Dr. Tan Sooi Beng is Professor of Ethnomusicology at the School of the Arts, Universiti Sains
Malaysia, Penang. She is the author of Bangsawan: A Social and Stylistic History of Popular
Malay Opera (Oxford University Press, 1993) and co-author of Music of Malaysia: Classical,
Folk and Syncretic Traditions (Routledge, 2017) and Longing for the Past, the 78 RPM Era in
Southeast Asia (Dust-to-Digital, 2013), which won the joint SEM Bruno Nettl Prize, 2014. She
edited the book Eclectic Cultures for All: The Development of the Peranakan Performing, Visual
and Material Arts of the Peranakan of Penang (USM, 2019). Tan is actively involved in community
engaged arts projects for revitalizing George Town.

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Department of National Heritage / Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture

COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT, SUSTAINING LIVING HERITAGE, REVITALISING THE CITY: THE
HERITAGE CELEBRATIONS IN GEORGE TOWN, PENANG

Tan Sooi Beng
University Science Malaysia (USM) Penang, Malaysia

[email protected]

ABSTRACT
Based on personal involvement in George Town (Unesco World Heritage Site), this paper shows that
community-based festivals play important roles in rejuvenating cities where the living heritage is being
displaced by gentrification and tourism. This paper discusses the strategies and approaches used in the
annual Heritage Celebrations in George Town.

Keywords: Community-Based Festivals, Empowerment, Engagement, Sustainability

A. INTRODUCTION
In recent decades, community engagement has become pivotal in UNESCO programmes for attaining
Sustainable Development Goals. The 2003 UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible
Cultural Heritage (ICH) called for the involvement of communities of practice and the use of bottom-up
approaches to sustain their own cultures. Article 15 of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of ICH
states that “each State Party shall endeavour to ensure the widest possible participation of communities,
groups and, where appropriate, individuals that create, maintain and transmit such heritage, and to
involve them actively in its management.” UNESCO Convention (2003) defines ICH as the “living heritage
embodied in people” (https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1223).

In 2015, the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of ICH adopted the point that
“Communities, groups, and where applicable individuals should have the primary role in safeguarding
their own ICH” as one of the 12 “Ethical Principles for Safeguarding ICH” (Windhoek, Namibia, November
30 December 4, 2015). Heritage bearers and communities should also play a key role in identifying their
heritage and how it is to be safeguarded and transmitted. Their participation is required in the nomination
to the UNESCO ICH lists and the follow-up plans (https://ich.unesco.org/en/ethics-and-ich-00866).

Despite the drive toward community engagement in the safeguarding and transmission of ICH at the
global level, the “participatory approach” where ICH sustainability becomes the collective responsibility
of all the stakeholders, including the government, corporate sector, civil society and communities,
remains a metaphor in many countries. Cultural conservation remains state-centric in many nations.
Through appointed cultural experts and introducing cultural policies, the national governments
determine the content and aesthetic values of art forms, make conservation plans and control funding
for the safeguarding of ICH. The top-down initiatives can be problematic, as they lack the understanding,
knowledge and engagement of the grassroots communities who own the ICH. Consequently, certain
forms of ICH continue to decline, and cultural custodians are increasingly being sidelined. As the 2003
Convention for the Safeguarding of ICH commits the relevant States Parties to seek nomination and
manage activities, genres of the majority are often selected for nomination; community participation and
bottom-up approaches frequently become tools for the nomination process.

This paper is a reflexive account of how organised festivals organised by the communities of practice
themselves can lead to the sustainability of multicultural ICH and the creation of a sense of place among

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the residents and visitors in George Town, Penang. I examined the approaches used in the sorganisation
of the community-engaged Heritage Celebrations from 2012 to 2015 when I was appointed as one of the
members of the curatorial team that comprises artists, designers, academics and heritage practitioners.1
The Heritage Celebrations is a street festival held annually around July 7 to commemorate the inscription
of George Town (together with Melaka) as a World Heritage Site in 2008. The Heritage Celebrations is
organised by the George Town World Heritage Incorporated (GTWHI) which was formed by the Penang
State Government to manage, monitor and plan conservation efforts in George Town. It is supported by
the Penang State Government with the cooperation of the Penang Island City Council and Penang Global
Tourism. The curatorial team’s premise is that for the multicultural ICH to be sustained in a dynamic way,
bottom up strategies must be developed to engage the local multiethnic communities to participate in
every stage of the Heritage Celebrations actively .

George Town and its Multiethnic Living ICH
George Town (together with Melaka) was inscribed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site on 7 July 2008 due
to the cultural diversity that is embodied in the living and built heritage in the two cities. The Outstanding
Universal Value (OUV) states:

Melaka and George Town, Malaysia, are remarkable examples of historic colonial towns on the
Straits of Malacca that demonstrate a succession of historical and cultural influences arising from
their former function as trading ports linking East and West. These are the most complete surviving
historic city centres on the Straits of Malacca with a multicultural living heritage originating from the
trade routes from Great Britain and Europe through the Middle East, the Indian subcontinent and
the Malay Archipelago to China. Both towns bear testimony to a living multicultural heritage and
tradition of Asia, where the many religions and cultures met and coexisted. They reflect the coming
together of cultural elements from the Malay Archipelago, India and China with those of Europe, to
create a unique architecture, culture and townscape.

What constitutes the multicultural ICH of George Town? Throughout the year, the city is alive with outdoor
religious festivities, rituals, and entertainment that are organised by the various mosques and temples
that stand side-by-side in the streets since the last two centuries. It is common to see Chinese temples
staging operas and puppet performances in their courtyards and open spaces to celebrate the birthdays
of Chinese deities. There are also many street processions held in conjunction with religious festivals. For
instance, during Thaipusam, Tamil Hindu devotees carry kavadi (large decorated canopy carried on the
shoulder) with skewers pierced in their tongue and cheeks and walk from the city to the temple at Waterfall
Gardens to fulfill their vows. Devotees also take part in parades during Wesak Day (commemorating the
birth, enlightenment and death of Lord Buddha) and Awal Muharram (celebrating the beginning of the
Islamic New Year).

Malay and Indian Muslims run street bazaars that sell food and other items during the holy month of
Ramadan. Lion and dragon dancers visit Chinese shops and homes to shower luck and prosperity to
the owners during Chinese New Year and other auspicious occasions; they also join the Hindu devotees
and perform in the streets during Thaipusam. Local artisans making joss sticks, clogs, shoes, jewellery,
biscuits and rattan products have conducted business in the city for decades. Soundscapes in the streets
vary from popular Hindustani and Tamil music and prayers, traditional Chinese opera singing and lion

1The other two curators from 2012-2015 were Liew Kungyu (visual artist and designer) and Ho Sheau Fung (theatre and non-governmental organization
activists). We worked with the GTWHI staff then namely Lim Chung Wei and Sunitha Jahamohanan and Lim Chooi Ping, the first General Manager of GTWHI.

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drumming to Quranic cantillations. One can also hear multiple languages being spoken simultaneously
in open spaces and coffee shops. At odd corners of streets, one can find hawker stalls that sell all kinds
of foods and drinks by uncles and aunties of different ethnic groups.

Dislocation of Historical Communities and their Living Heritage
Like other fast-developing Asian cities that had emerged as global and regional trading ports during
the colonial period, George Town faces the problem of the displacement of its historical communities
who have lived there for two centuries due to urban development and tourism (Jamiesen and Engelhart
2019). When the Rent Control Act was repealed in 1999, and after the World Heritage Site listing in
2008, many residents had to move out as rentals soared. The historical communities2 living in endowed
areas in George Town enjoyed low rentals because of the Rent Control Act introduced by the elected
local city council in 1966. Moreover, soon after the World Heritage Site listing, investors from outside the
city began to take over the heritage shophouses that were vacated by the residents. This further led to
the gentrification and proliferation of cafes, restaurants and boutique hotels in the city that cater to local
and foreign tourists. The long-term residents who relocated took with them their living heritage, skills and
memories.

What is alarming is the sharp decrease of ICH practitioners in the city, as shown in the GTWHI-
commissioned inventory on the performing arts, trades and crafts of George Town in 2012 (http://gtwhi.
com.my/cbi-2019-project-report). From the 5,000 residents interviewed in 2012, there were less than
400 living in the city that still knew the crafts and ICH practices. Consequently, the younger people who
no longer live in the town have lost the sense of connection with the place and the intertextuality of its
multiethnic cultures.

How can we revitalise the multiethnic living ICH and transmit it to the younger generation if the heritage
bearers have moved away? How can we evoke local pride and a sense of place in George Town? The
Heritage Celebrations provided some answers. The festival is organised as an extension of the living
religious festivals and everyday soundscapes that belong to and are created by the members of the
communities. Nevertheless, we emphasise cross-cultural experiences and the meeting of diverse ethnic
and religious communities in our approach.

What Happens at the Heritage Celebrations?
The Heritage Celebrations lauds everything that makes George Town alive and ticking. Historical Chinese
and Indian temples, Muslim mosques, and Chinese clan associations open their doors so visitors can view
and join in the cultural activities organised by the communities themselves. Along certain street junctions,
multiethnic artists demonstrate and perform dances and songs and lullabies in diverse languages. In
the open field nearby, children have fun trying out traditional games with their sandals, old tin cans and
stones that their grandparents and parents used to play with. Little India throbs with people lining up and
eating at the food stalls outside the restaurants.

2The historical communities here refer to the residents of different ethnicities who have been staying in the endowed areas in the inner city of George Town
since the British colonial days. They include the Malays, Jawi/Arab Peranakan and Indian Muslims living around the places of worship such as the Acheh
Street and Kapitan Kling Mosques; the Chinese of different dialect groups and Chinese Peranakan near the Pitt-Street Temple and the various Chinese clan
and dialect associations and jetties; the Indians around the Mahamariamman Temple and Little India; and the Eurasians in the vicinity of the St. George’s and
Assumption Churches. Other communities such as the Thai and Burmese who live outside the heritage enclave have also been invited to join the Heritage
Celebrations.

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Participants can learn how to cook festive dishes and feast on their favourite foods at the celebrations.
They can gain new insights into age-old crafts like making traditional joss sticks, lanterns, sign-boards,
beaded slippers, rattan baskets, and more through the hands-on sessions, which include an interactive
element where participants can try their hand at the craft and acquire a new skill in the process. They can
walk into the kitchens of families and experience how they prepare the festive foods for Chinese New
Year, Hari Raya, Christmas, Deepavali and other festivals. They can meet long-term city residents such
as hairdressers, shopkeepers, tailors, chefs and others who are encouraged to share stories about their
work and lives with participants in their homes.

Photo 1. Boria in the Streets
Photo by Tan Sooi Beng

What are the Strategies for Active Community Engagement?
A primary aim of the Heritage Celebrations is to engage and empower the various communities in the
identification of ICH, and sorganisation and planning of activities so that they can run future festivals
themselves. From 2012-2015, the Heritage Celebrations was created as a form of cultural mapping to
be carried out by the historical communities at their heritage sites, but with marginal help in design and
logistics from the curatorial team. What were our strategies?

First, a series of workshops were held during the planning stage with community representatives and
heritage bearers; the dialogues helped the communities to identify their ICH and explore their roles
following the theme of the year, find ways to present and communicate the heritage to the public, as well
as to mobilise other members of their communities.

As most living cultures are orally transmitted from generation to generation, we paid special attention
to daily expressions such as storytelling, song, poetry, dance and theatre for rituals and entertainment,
festive food, and game and craft identified by the communities as their ICH. This way, we found out
about the living traditions of the people of George Town; in turn, the communities also thought about their
oral traditions and what it meant to be a Hokkien, Teochew, Baba/Nyonya, Malay, Indian Muslim, Indian
Hindu, Arab Peranakan, Eurasian, Thai or Burmese etc. living in Penang. The workshops also allowed

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the different community representatives various to visit one another’s sites and learn about each other’s
ICH. They shared the methods of organising their own religious festivals with others present. These
exchanges do not happen very often during ordinary times.

Second, community-driven activities that promoted participation and experiencing ICH were devised
to reconnect the public with the heritage spaces and ICH at the festival. They included performances,
interactive activities in the streets, site excursions, home visits, and games. In 2012, with “Live Heritage”
as its theme, the festival brochure called on visitors to “‘dance, sing, eat, play, listen, look and smell.
Feast all your senses and live heritage with the real residents of George Town” (GTWHI, 2012). Forty
cultural performances were staged; they included the Hokkien and Teochew puppet theatre and opera,
Malay shadow theatre and musical dance, Thai theatre and dance, Indian and Punjabi dance, martial
arts of different races and poetry and dance by the Peranakan Chinese. The performers invited audience
to join in the singing and dancing. Penang’s jazz musicians, instrumentalists of the Penang Symphony
Orchestra and Chinese and Muslim ensemble groups also performed in the streets.

Walking tours of heritage sites such as the “Street of Harmony” took participants to the main houses of
worship lined along Jalan Kapitan Keling, one of the main streets of George Town. Other walks brought
visitors to the “Mansions of Great Men” and the “Early Secret Societies Trail” and introduced participants
to the migration histories of George Town. When one needed to rest, one could visit the food stalls
and taste the Penang delicacies. 2013’s theme was “Folktales Under the Stars”. Penang’s musical
theatre groups, such as the boria (Malay song and dance), menora (Thai theatre), Teochew rod puppet,
and Hokkien glove puppet, presented local legends and tales in their performances. Based on the oral
histories and memories of the residents of Chulia Street, an important street for businesses and festival
parades, “Cerita Lebuh Chulia” (The Story of Chulia Street, curated by Kuah Li Feng) featured guided
walks that brought participants into the lives and work of the residents of the street. Screenings of
interviews with the residents about their memories and experiences were shown at coffee shops where
they met daily. Visitors could take pictures with life-sized cutouts of specific spaces and events that took
place there in the past. A living room with maps, video and printed materials provided the backdrop3.

In 2014 and 2015, the celebrations coincided with the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, when Muslims
would fast, pray, and carry out charitable deeds. As a respect to the Muslims during this holy month, the
curatorial team focused more on quieter interactive activities such as teaching and learning how to make
crafts and festive foods of Penang, respectively. The streets within George Town’s heritage enclave
were lined with tables and mats for visitors to sit and learn the city’s ICH from the traditional bearers
and their apprentices. In 2014, “Handcrafted Heritage” concentrated on making crafts such as dough
figurines to decorate dishes that are offered to the Chinese deities; flower garlands offered to the Hindu
gods, rose bouquets woven from the sweet-smelling pandan leave as offerings to Thai gods and for
weddings; star lanterns that are hung in Muslim houses during Ramadan as a symbol of enlightenment;
woven coconut fonts (thoranam) for decorating Hindu temples and homes to mark auspicious occasions
such as weddings, births or festivals. The Malay ladies taught visitors how to weave ketupat (a type of
dumpling) covers from the coconut fronds of the palm used to wrap pulut (sticky rice) served during Hari
Raya (the day celebrating the end of Ramadan). Indian ladies decorated the streets with ‘kolam’ designs
drawn on the floor in front of homes using edible grains and vegetable colouring to invite gods to their
homes and as a symbol of harmony. Other interactive activities included beading covers for slippers,
belts and bags by the Nyonya; rattan weaving for chairs and baskets that were used for transporting
goods and animals in the past; wood carving for making signboards for homes and businesses by the
Chinese and the engraving and painting of leather shadow puppet by the Malay puppeteer.

64 INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
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Photo 2. Ketupat Weaving with Makcik Photo 3. Learning to Make Crafts at Khoo Kongsi
Photo by Tan Sooi Beng Photo by Tan Sooi Beng

In 2015, “Festive Foods” showcased the special foods that mark the rituals and festivals of the different
communities in Penang. These foods have symbolic meanings and functions; they are prepared for
nourishment, expressing prosperity or grief, curing the sick, breaking fast and so on. They also indicate
how the communities have connected with each other and adopted each other’s spices and dishes.
Workstations were set up along the streets for making snacks such as “murukku” (served during Hari
Raya at Indian Muslim homes), “kuih kapit” (Chinese New Year); “ketupat pulut” (rice cooked with black-
eyed pea) that is special in Penang for Hari Raya.

The Heritage Celebrations also made space for programs organised by the communities at their sites,
where they were able to showcase their cultures. Many of these places already had their community-run
interpretation centres or mini museums to communicate their identities and pasts to visitors. In 2013, the
Malay community around the Lebuh Acheh Malay Mosque, the stop-off point for pilgrims from Southeast
Asia on their way to Mecca, bustled with Malay traditional games and sports, calligraphy, religious songs
and talks. The celebration at the Mahamariamman temple reverberated with traditional performances of
a stick, horse and peacock dances and martial arts. The Kapitan Keling Mosque featured Indian Muslim
family fun events like cooking demonstrations, spice grinding competitions using the traditional grinding
stones, devotional singing, and debate using the Tamil language by children. Around Meng Eng Soo
(Ghee Hin Memorial Hall of Heroes), the Chinese clan associations set up exhibitions on the history
of Meng Eng Soo, demonstrations of ancestor worship, traditional foods and games to help visitors
understand the different types of Chinese culture. Little India ran its own nasi kandar (famous rice dish
by the Indian Muslims of Penang) food festival. At the same time, the Teochew association (awarded
UNESCO Asia-Pacific Heritage Award for Culture Heritage Conservation) showcased Teochew culture,
including opera, tea serving, rattan making, and traditional delicacies.4

In 2014, in conjunction with the holy fasting month of Ramadan, the Kapitan Keling Mosque community
ran a Bazaar Ramadan and showcased the making of traditional Indian Muslim delicacies, star lanterns
and cards to celebrate Hari Raya. The members cooked traditional porridge (bubur lambuk) that was
given out to the public for tasting. This porridge is taken before the breaking of the fast during Ramadan.
The Mahamariamman Temple incorporated its celebration of the Navarathri festival as part of the Heritage

3See http://mylifevialens.blogspot.com/2013/08/penang-eventgeorge-town-heritage_8.html for photographs of the 2013 celebrations; https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QiJn2h6kUx8 for interactive cooking
lessons for 2015 celebrations Eat Rite; https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f9q_lKAAoKU for 2017 street performances; https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K-kbrTOcUjg for 2012 community organised activities
at the Kapitan Keling Mosque; https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yxi0iIBXbKw for 2014 celebrations on Handcrafted Heritage.

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Celebrations. At this annual festival, the main deity Mahamariamman is paraded in a decorated wooden
chariot through the crowds in Little India. Other houses of worship also organised their rituals and
exhibitions; they included the Catholic Church of Assumption, the Anglican St George’s Church, and the
temples for the Nine Emperor Gods, and Ma Cho or goddess of seafarers and patron deity of the Hainan
Association.

Transmitting to the Younger Generation
ICH rejuvenation of the living heritage can only occur if there is active transmission to the younger
generation. A key challenge for the curators was to devise methods to help bridge communication
between the older heritage bearers and the younger generation. We recruited youth volunteers of
different ethnic backgrounds who were multilingual and eager to learn music, dance, craft, and cooking
with the community heritage custodians. Together with the tradition bearers, these apprentices taught
the public during the street festival. Those who were good at drawing or writing helped to prepare the
brochures for the Heritage Celebrations. The youth volunteers learnt the methods of making crafts,
cooking, or performance and illustrated the methods in diagrams and written descriptions in the festival
brochures. These booklets were designed and used for teaching at interactive street festival sites.

The festival also provided a training ground for young people and college students in the cultural and
creative industries. Through the skill training workshops run by experienced facilitators and practice
at the sites, the volunteers acquired knowledge about how to organise a street festival, particularly the
interactive workshops and performances together with the traditional custodians; they acted as stage and
technical crew, program coordinators and site managers. They learnt how to write and design brochures
for the celebrations, approach the various media for publicity and negotiate with residents regarding the
use of space, noise and keeping the event sites clean. They helped the communities in the setting up
of their exhibitions and making local knowledge accessible to the public. Some of the volunteers have
become the team facilitators in the recent celebrations and training others to take over.

In the Heritage Celebrations, spaces were also created for children to discover and make their
interpretations of history and culture through song, dance and theatre. As I have written elsewhere,
community theatre groups in Penang have been trying to inculcate a sense of place and identity among
children through arts-led advocacy programmes.5 This is especially crucial because the young people
have little knowledge of the city’s heritage as they no longer live or grow up there. The workshop
performances of these advocacy programmes were included in the Celebrations. For instance, during
the 2012 celebrations, the children from Ombak-Ombak ARTStudio (a performance collective in Penang
that specialises in community site-specific theatre that I am involved in) sang, rapped, and danced
about the lives, activities, and trades of the communities in the Acheh, Armenian, Cannon and Carnavon
streets. The young people had earlier interviewed residents and traders and used the stories collected
in the song texts and dance, which they created themselves. The presentation “Streets Alive – George
Town Heboh” was site-specific and staged for the communities and the public at the site of research. In
2012 and 2013, craft-making with everyday materials and traditional games for children were organised
by another art advocacy group ARTS-ED, an organisation that promotes heritage through arts education.
Heritage awareness programs for children were also prepared at the community sites such as the Kapitan
Keling Mosque.

4Following 2015, the GTWHI staff under the direction of its present General Manager, Ang Ming Chee, took over the curation and organization of the Heritage Celebrations. The themes were: Mai Main (Come
Let’s Play) featuring traditional games and sports (2016); Walk the Talk, Oral Traditions and Expressions (2017); Potential – Of the Past, In the Present, For the Future (2018); Let’s Celebrate: Rituals and Festive
Events (2019). For more information about the events see: https://gtwhi.com.my/george-town-heritage-celebrations/.

5See Tan (2015 and 2018) for analysis of different community musical-theatre workshops by young people in Penang. These workshops engaged children of different races in research and oral interviews with
members of the historical communities in George Town. They then created their own plays based on the stories of the people they interviewed, and the traditional folksongs, chants and dances that they learnt.

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B. CONCLUSION
Evaluations carried out with heritage bearers, young facilitators, and participants show that the Heritage
Celebrations have helped to foster a sense of pride among the residents of George Town. The hands
on activities and experiential learning in the fun context of celebration bring greater awareness and new
knowledge of the place and its ICH among participants. This educational experience differs from learning
from the textbook; it helps participants to associate with the place and its cultures.

The streets and public places have always played important roles in place-making; they were employed
for ritual celebrations, trading, entertainment and socialising among people of all races since the colonial
days. The reuse of the streets as sites for Heritage celebrations augments the sharing of cultural
memories that interweave through time in these spaces. It evokes an emotional attachment to the place
through sight, taste, smell, touch and hearing among people who no longer live in or have connections
with the city.

The use of the streets and open spaces in the city as venues for the Heritage Celebrations has allowed
people of different racial and class backgrounds to meet one another informally and to experience shared
memories from which that place is made. The street activities had helped to rejuvenate the city that
was on the decline when George Town received its inscription as a World Heritage Site. They have
encouraged hawkers and traders who have moved out to return to conduct business. Others come to the
city to work, eat, or for recreation.

Street community-based festivals not only contribute to place-making or skill transmission, especially for
arts, but they also provide an opportunity for conversations about how the communities see the meaning
of their cultures and how to sustain them. Co-organising the Heritage Celebrations creates bonds across
race, gender and age and stronger relationships between communities of practice, government officials
and non-governmental organisations. But the benefits last well beyond the festival, as people bring their
connections and collective knowledge and skills to work together for the common good of all the residents
and to build a sustainable future for George Town.

C. REFERENCE 67
GTWHI. 2012. Brochure for “Live Heritage”, World Heritage Site Celebration.
GTWHI. 2013. Brochure for “Folk Tales Under the Stars”, Heritage Celebrations.
GTWHI. 2104. Brochure for “Living Legacies, Handcrafted Heritage”, Heritage Celebrations.
GTWHI. 2015. Brochure for “Eat Rite”, Heritage Celebrations.
GTWHI. 2020. Community-based ICH Inventorying, George Town, Malaysia, Project Report and Featured
Inventory Entries. http://gtwhi.com.my/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/GTWHI-CBI-2019-Project-
Report.pdf
Jamiesen, Walter and Engelhart, Richard A. 2019. The Planning and Management of Responsible Urban
Heritage Destinations in Asia. Dealing with Asian Urbanization and Tourism Forces. Oxford:
Goodfellow Publishers Ltd.
UNESCO, 1972. World Heritage Convention. http://whc.unesco.org/uploads/activities/documents/
activity-562-4.pdfUNESCO, 2003. Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage.
https://ich.unesco.org/doc/src/15164-EN.pdf
Tan Sooi Beng. 2015. “Cultural Engagement and Ownership Through ParticipatoryApproaches in Applied
Ethnomusicology,” In Oxford Handbook of AppliedEthnomusicology. Edited by Svanibor Pettan and
Jeff Todd Titon. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 109-133.
2018. “Community Theatre and Interethnic Peacebuilding In Malaysia,” In Oxford Handbook of Community
Music, Edited by Brydie-Leigh Bartleet and Lee Higgins. New York: Oxford University Press, pp.
243-265.

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Department of National Heritage / Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture

DR. WONG OI MIN
Deputy Dean and the Head of Doctorate Programme, Centre of
Postgraduate Studies, National Academy of Arts, Culture and
Heritage (ASWARA), Malaysia
Dr. Wong Oi Ming currently the Deputy Dean and the Head of Doctorate Programme at the
Centre for Postgraduate Studies at the National Academy of Arts Culture and Heritage (ASWARA)
Malaysia. Research interests are Theatre History, Physical Theatre, Applied Theatre, Inter/
Cross-cultural Work. She upholds her beliefs on “Crossing Boundaries towards Multicultural
Coexistence” in her work.

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THE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OF THE INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF CHINESE
OPERA IN MALAYSIA IN THE 21st CENTURY

Wong Oi Min
Centre for Postgraduate Studies
National Academy of Arts Culture and Heritage (ASWARA) Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

[email protected]

ABSTRACT
Records of Chinese Opera performances in Malaysia could be traced back to the late 19th century in the
time of Malaya. They were presented by the Chinese diasporas, and later, the art of Chinese opera was
popularized throughout the country. Genres of Chinese opera are varied, including the cultural property of
different dialects of a particular country or region. The majority of operas that have spread to Malaysia are
Hokkian opera (min-ju), Cantonese opera (yue-ju), Teochew (chao-ju) and Hainanese opera (qiong-ju).
This was due to the fact that the diasporas at that time were mainly from the region in southern China. The
development of Chinese opera has faced its ups and downs since its inception. Literature review shows
that the 1920s-1930s and the late 1960s to the 1970s were the prosperous time for Chinese opera in
Malaysia in the 20th century. Nowadays, Chinese opera is still performed in cities, towns, and villages, yet
critical in inheritance. Chinese opera is considered an intangible cultural heritage in Malaysia. This study
aims to investigate how Chinese opera in Malaysia survived, to identify issues in sustaining Chinese
opera in the 21st century, to discover solutions and raise public awareness, and to identify mechanisms in
the safeguarding of Chinese opera in Malaysia. The challenges faced by the Chinese opera troupes were
revealed during interviews with four representatives from each genre of Chinese opera. Several actions
are proposed in this paper for the sustainable development of Chinese Opera in Malaysia.

Keywords: Chinese Opera Malaysia, Cultural Property, Public Awareness, Safeguarding Of Intangible
Cultural Heritage, Sustainable Development

A. INTRODUCTION
The development of Chinese opera in Malaysia has been declining since the early 1990s, and its
sustainable development is at stake. Urgent attention from the public and immediate actions need to be
taken to safeguard Chinese opera instead of lamenting its deterioration. This study aims to safeguard
Chinese opera from dying in order to be sustained in the 21st century. An investigation has been made
to discover how Chinese opera has survived from the past to the present and to identify the threats and
issues of its sustainability in the 21st century. Subsequently, an action framework has been proposed to
safeguard intangible cultural heritage and at the same time to sustain the Chinese opera in Malaysia. It
is presumed that the waning of Chinese opera is evitable by incorporating it into the context of intangible
cultural heritage in order to gain public attention and awareness to safeguard Chinese opera. The benefits
of the study are to get a clearer vision of how traditional Chinese opera could be revitalized in modern
society by addressing its issues that benefit its stakeholders. The scope of the problem is focused on
the four primary genres of Chinese opera in Malaysia. The previous study concerning Chinese operas
in Malaysia concentrated on the historical development, functions of Chinese opera and case studies of
certain opera troupes.

Historical background of Chinese Opera in Malaysia
There is nowhere to verify the precise date of the Chinese opera that was transmitted to Malaysia due
to the sparse historical data. The Chinese opera is assumed to have travelled from southern mainland

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China, notably Guangdong (Canton East) and Fujian (Hokkien) province before the 1910s. The diasporas
from southern China brought different genres of Chinese opera, such as Cantonese opera, Teochew
opera, Hokkien opera, and Hainanese opera. Chinese opera was spread through oral tradition; hence
the transmission was random and unstable (Khang Hai Ling, 2003: 191-193).
As early as 1857, during the reign of Malaya, a guild of Cantonese opera troupes in Singapore established
the Li Yuan Tang. This marked that Cantonese opera had embarked on a more systematic and organized
professional pathway at that time. The touring performances conducted by the Cantonese opera troupes
in Singapore to Malaya provided a platform for actors to improve their art skills while competing with
each other. In 1861, many Cantonese opera performers from China were forced to flee and seek refuge
in Vietnam, Malaya, Singapore, and other countries to make a living due to the brutal suppression and
massacre of the rulers of the Qing Dynasty. The arrival of these professional Cantonese opera performers
accelerated the dissemination and development of Cantonese opera in Malaysia, making Cantonese
opera more professional and artistic. Another impactful time was in 1908, mourning the death of Emperor
Guangxu and Empress Dowager Cixi one after another, Chinese operas were prohibited nationwide by
the Qing court for more than a year. At this stage, some Cantonese opera performers from Guangdong
travelled to Malaysia and Singapore across the ocean. According to historical records, Cantonese opera
troupes under the Guangzhou Bahe Association were often performed in Singapore and Malaysia during
that time. They gained a more reliable and stable living environment as well as found opportunities and
space for Cantonese opera to be presented and promoted abroad. As a result, Cantonese Opera has
gradually gained a firm base in Malaysia and has become a part of Malaysian local culture (Khang Hai
Ling, 2003, pp. 193-194).

There are no specific records indicating when Teochew opera was transmitted to Malaysia. However,
the transmission of Teochew opera to the region of Southeast Asia is assumed to be through Thailand,
a country where Teochew migrants first arrived, and the population of Teochew was higher. After 1851,
two Teochew opera troupes, Lao Shuang Pu and Lao Zheng He from Guangdong Province performed
in Bangkok. Bangkok served as their central base while they travelled to other places like Cambodia,
Malaya, and Singapore. According to the account of “Singapore Terroir” written by Li Zhong Yu, an
envoy sent by the Qing Dynasty to the country, the Chinese community in Singapore was not only
performed Cantonese opera, but also performed Teochew opera occasionally. “The Terroir of Singapore”
as a transit. (Khang Hai Ling, 2003, pp. 194-195). The only amateur Teochew opera in Johor Bahru is Ru
Yue Tuan which is attached to the Ying Chuan Chin’s Association (Khang Hai Ling, 2003, pp. 236-237)

There are many types of Hokkien opera, mainly Gaojia opera, Min opera, Gezi opera, etc. Most Chinese
migrants who first arrived in Malaya came from Zhangzhou and Quanzhou in southern Fujian, where
Gaojia Opera was popular. Naturally, Gaojia opera had become the most favourable among the migrants.
The spread of Gaojia Opera in Malaya in the early stage was mainly carried out by vocational opera
troupes coming to perform. Their performances were to meet the needs of migrants from Fujian to
reward their gods as well as for entertainment. Generally, it was seasonal, mostly in spring and winter.
Their performances followed the traditional customs of acting in southern Fujian (Khang Hai Ling, 2003,
pp. 194-195).

The arrival of the Hainanese Opera to Malaysia was almost similar to the time when Hainanese moved
south to Malaysia to make a living. The period from the Opium War (1839-1842) until 1854 saw the first
peak in Hainanese migration. The purpose of Hainanese Opera performances is to entertain both deities
and the general public. According to existing records, Hainanese opera troupes have been visiting the
Malay Peninsula for at least 180 years (Khang Hai Ling, 2003, pp. 195-196). Chinese opera in Malaysia

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experienced its golden age around 1920 to 1942, exhibiting unprecedented vitality and prosperity with the
reformation and growth of diverse opera genres. At this stage, Malaysian society was relatively stable, and
economic development was on the rise (Khang Hai Ling, 2003, p. 207). After the Japanese occupation
(1942-1945), followed by the Malayan Emergency, the expansion of Chinese opera in Malaysia ushered
in a new heyday in the 1960s and 1970s (1948-1960). However, Chinese opera began to decline in the
early 1980s because of the emergence of colour television and home video. It has worsened with the
popularity of karaoke in the 1990s (Kam, 2022). Mostly lamented the deterioration in the early 1990s
and waning enthusiasm among people, notably young generations, for the traditional art form. Nobody
wanted to learn Chinese opera, even the Kim Gaik Low Choon Teochew Opera and Puppetry offered to
teach (Lam, 2004). In fact, Chinese opera was supported by veterans and senior citizens. After two years
of a consecutive downturn in the coronavirus pandemic, many veterans have opted to retire. As a result,
the future of Chinese opera in Malaysia is in jeopardy.

Context of Intangible Cultural Heritage
The Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2003 has strengthened global
awareness of the preservation and conservation of cultural heritage. Through the Ministry of Culture,
Arts and Heritage (KEKKWA), the Malaysian government established a heritage division in 2004, later
upgraded to the Department of National Heritage Malaysia on 1st March 2006. The Department of
National Heritage Malaysia is responsible for the conservation, preservation, protection, and promotion
of the national heritage as stipulated in the National Heritage Act 2005 (Act 645) (The Department of
National Heritage Malaysia, n.d.). Over the years, there are nine performing arts (The Department of
National Heritage Malaysia, 2007), seven (2009), twelve (2012), four (2015), and 155 items (2018) listed
in the category of intangible heritage objects of national heritage at the Department of National Heritage
Malaysia. Among these performing arts in the form of theatre are makyung, wayang kulit, bangsawan
(2007), boria (2009), jikey, mek mulung (2015) and menora, randai (2018). However, Chinese opera is
not listed.

The Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage defines intangible cultural
heritage as “the practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills as well as the instruments,
objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith that communities, groups and, in some
cases, individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage. This intangible cultural heritage, transmitted
from generation to generation, is constantly recreated by communities and groups in response to their
environment, their interaction with nature and their history and provides them with a sense of identity and
continuity, thus promoting respect for cultural diversity and human creativity. “ (UNESCO, 2003: Article
2.1) (Scovazzi, 2015, pp. 105-126)

Malaysia further defined intangible cultural heritage as “… any form of expressions, languages, lingual
utterances, sayings, musically produced tunes, notes, audible lyrics, songs, folk songs, oral traditions,
poetry, music, dances as produced by the performing arts, theatrical plays, audible compositions of
sounds and music, martial arts, that may have existed or exist in relation to the heritage of a Malaysian
community”. Further, cultural heritage has the significance of “having an aesthetic, archaeological,
architectural, cultural, historical, social, spiritual, linguistic or technological value” (Act 645, p16).

Chinese Opera has existed in Malaysia for at least 180 years and has aesthetic, cultural, historical,
social, spiritual, and linguistic values. However, its existence is in jeopardy. For Chinese opera to sustain
in the 21st century, it must be included in the agenda of intangible cultural heritage. Besides, it must
be “transmitted from generation to generation” and “constantly recreated by communities and groups
in response to their environment, their interaction with nature and their history, and provides them with

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a sense of identity and continuity.” Most importantly, global citizens and communities also share the
responsibility for safeguarding intangible cultural heritage.
The four primary genres of Chinese Opera: Cantonese Opera, Teochew Opera, Hokkien Opera, and
Hainanese opera which have evolved in Malaysia, are listed in the directory of the National Intangible
Cultural Heritage of China (2022). This has highlighted the cultural status and values of these Chinese
operas. Thus, obtaining recognition from the government as intangible cultural heritage is imperative. It
will capture the public and corporate attention by supporting or patronizing Chinese Opera. In Penang,
the owner of the Kim Giak Low Choon Teochew Puppetry and Opera, Toh Ai Hwa, who was awarded the
Living Heritage Treasure of Penang by the Penang Heritage Trust in 2008 (Lam, 2004), has expressed
confidence in her descendants to carry on the family business in Chinese opera. Hence, recognition from
the government is significant as a driving force.
Consequently, it is anticipated that the context of intangible cultural heritage is conducive to the
sustainability of Chinese opera in respect of rejuvenation, revitalization, and restoration, as shown in
Figure 1.

Figure 1. Conceptual Framework for the Sustainable
Development of the Chinese Opera in Malaysia

B. METHOD
Library research and interviews with focus groups were conducted. Four companies were selected as
focus groups to represent Malaysia’s four genres of Chinese opera. Kam Sin Kiew of the Kam Sin Kiew
Art Crew represented Cantonese Opera, Lee Geok Song of the Xin Yu Sheng Min-ju Troupe represented
Hokkien Opera, and Lee Teck Kang and Ling Jun Fock of the Qiong Lian Operatic Association Federal

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Territory and Selangor represented Hainanese Opera were interviewed. With regard to Teochew Opera,
library research is focused on the Kim Gaik Low Choon Teochew Opera and Puppetry as well as Teochew
Puppet and Opera House, which is operated by the 4th generation of the Goh family from the Butterworth,
Goh Hooi Ling, who is also known as Ling Goh.

C. RESULT AND DISCUSSION
Survival of Chinese Opera from previous to the present
The business of Chinese opera in Malaysia could be classified into two categories in terms of
profession. One is vocational, and the other is amateur. Vocational Chinese opera troupes are highly
skilled personnel that run the business on a full-time basis to make a living. In Malaysia, Chinese opera
is learned through apprenticeship. It is not hereditary; it is more akin to a family business. If great-
grandparents or grandparents started a troupe, parents would have inherited it and passed it down from
generation to generation. On some occasions, when a patriarch passes away, inheritors will split up to
establish their separate troupes. In contrast, amateurs pursue Chinese opera as a side business while
working full-time to make ends meet. The Qiong Lian Operatic Association Federal Territory & Selangor
is an amateur troupe formed by enthusiasts of Hainanese opera. Currently, the existing Hokkien opera
troupes constitute the majority of the vocational line (Ling, 2022). The numbers of active Hokkien troupes
are approximately forty (Lee G.S., 2022). Many Cantonese opera troupes have fallen silent due to the
ageing, retirement, and death of skilled performers, especially males (Kam, 2022). Only a few Hainanese
opera troupes are left in the line of amateurs (Ling, 2022).

The functions of Chinese opera during its heyday in the 1960s-1970s served for ritual, cultural, social, and
entertainment purposes. Chinese opera performances are held at temples to commemorate and bless
the birthdays of deities. This is the reason why a permanent stage is built in front of a temple. However,
due to the scarcity of land in urban cities, Chinese opera is rarely seen nowadays. A temporary stage
will be constructed when necessary (Kam, Lee G.S., 2022). Chinese opera is also performed during the
Hungry Ghost Festival on the street. Chinese opera is used to perform at fun fairs (Kam, 2022) and for
anniversary celebrations such as weddings, a company’s annual dinner, and cultural festivals (Lee D.G.,
2022). Chinese opera became popular entertainment among the Chinese community in the 1960s-1970s
because there were few Mandarin shows on television. Moreover, it was a period when the tin and rubber
industries were economically successful in Malaysia. Rubber estate owners, tin mining tycoons, traders
and merchants were content to devote shows to deities for the wealth gained. Aside from the agreement
made, additional shows could be requested by the devotees (Kam, 2022).

Opportunities for Chinese opera performances were tremendous. Chinese opera troupes toured
nationwide from one state after another consecutively for months. Therefore, Chinese opera performers
could hardly take a break to see their family members daily, except for a quick reunion dinner on Chinese
New Year’s Eve (Lee G.S., 2022). Kam (2022) used to work 30-31 days fully a month without a break.
A vocational Teochew troupe revealed that “their staging records were more than 600 shows in a year
that consist of 365 days.” Performers could see huge crowds of audiences with their heads but not their
physical bodies. Fans crowded in the front rows of the stage (Ling, 2022). Chinese opera troupes went on
tour with buses and lorries. The number of full-fledged troupes was around 45 to 50 persons. A twenty-foot
lorry was required to carry 50-60 theatre storage boxes containing wardrobes, caps, kerchiefs, shoes,
ornaments, props, backdrops, etc. (Kam, 2022). The Kim Gaik Low Choon Teochew Opera and Puppetry
staged three or four hour shows each day for half a year and performed an average of 180 days a year
during its heyday (Ng, 2006).

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Entering the 21st century, the issues of the elderly, health, and death are constant, and many veterans
choose to retire, decreasing the number of active performers. The Port Dickson Qiong-ju Troupe that Ling
used to attach comprised 40+ founding members in 1967. The number had reduced to 10+ persons in
the year 2000. Today, only three members remain active by joining the Qiong Lian Operatic Association
Federal Territory & Selangor (Ling, 2022).

A full-fledged Chinese opera troupe comprises performers, string and percussion musicians, and
backstage crews. With a declining number of troupe members, solutions must be considered in all
aspects. First, in the aspect of performers, each troupe currently consists of 3-4 persons or 5-6 persons
in their 60s and 70s. They will have to enlist the help of colleagues from another troupe to put on a
show. The name of the presenter will be listed under the troupe that has the offer. In some cases, they
may be required to gather colleagues from other countries, such as Singapore, Thailand and Taiwan.
The Kim Giak Low Choon Teochew Opera and Puppetry gathered 24 members from Malaysia, China,
Thailand, and Cambodia for its final performance at the Straits Quay Penang Performing Arts Centre
(Toh, 2013). The Qiong Lian Operatic Operatic Association Federal Territory & Selangor was summoned
by counterparts in Thailand to participate in rites and festive occasions and vice versa (Lee T.K., 2022).
This issue not merely occurred in Malaysia but also in the Southeast Asian Chinese opera community
(Ling, Lee T.K., 2022). Calling up performers from other states or countries to feature performances
will increase production costs. That is also why a host or an organizer opts to commission a vocational
Hokkien opera troupe (Lee T.K., 2022). The devotees or the majority of a region’s native spoken
dialect determine which genre of Chinese opera is selected on the occasion of rites. However, due to
the circumstances described above, options are limited. Regardless of the spoken dialect, devotees
frequently hire Hokkien opera troupes (Ling, Lee T.K., 2022). Despite the current challenging economic
climate, business opportunities are available for vocational Hokkien opera troupes.

Each performer specializes in a particular type of character, for instance, sheng (生male), dan (旦female), jing
(净painted-face), chou (clown). However, due to the shortage of Chinese opera performers, performers will
have to play many roles in a show. Thus, they will have to play the role of young sheng and dan despite
their actual age. It sounds ludicrous; however, for the sake of survival, they have no other options. They
provide literary play rather than martial play with acrobatics and stunts, which is difficult for their age.

Second, in the aspect of traditional Chinese string and percussion instrumental musicians, live percussion
music complements the acting and spontaneous performance of the performers in Chinese opera. There
are not many well-trained Chinese opera musicians, and mostly in their 60s. The situation is similar with
the performers. Today, live percussion music is replaced by karaoke music in the absence of musicians
on many occasions. Moreover, the volume of karaoke music can be adjusted. Kam claimed (2022) to
be the first person to use karaoke music in Cantonese opera. Xin Yu Sheng used an electronic organ
accompanied by a few basic instruments when its musician was alive. There are a few Cantonese opera
troupes who remain to play live music. Similarly, a musician must be able to play multiple instruments.
Musicians are only required when live music is requested. However, many commissioners are unwilling
to pay additional fees for a music player’s rehearsal. In addition, the practice of Hainanese Opera in
Malaysia differs from that of China. Malaysia does not use a music score, although China does. In that
case, the solution is not as simple as enlisting performers from China to collaborate. It is challenging to
groom fresh musicians. Therefore, karaoke music is the ideal choice for replacing musicians (Lee T.K.,
2022).

Thirdly, in the aspect of the technical crew, the troupe owner is responsible for technical settings such as
lighting, audio, speakers, backdrops and generators. A male owner may be able to do everything himself

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with the help of assistants, whereas a female owner may need to hire people to assist her with heavy
tasks. In general, the owner of a troupe is responsible for a variety of tasks including liaison, recruitment,
contracting, logistics, loading, set up and others.

A full-fledged show is expensive. The Kim Giak Low Choon Teochew Opera and Puppetry disbanded in
2013 due to a lack of funding (Toh, 2013). However, they continue to run the business of Kim Giak Low
Choon Puppetry by transforming its business model. Based on the concept of “ancient traditions live on,”
the Teochew Puppet and Opera House, located along Armenian Street in George Town’s core heritage
zone, was established in 2014 by Goh Hooi Ling, the 4th generation of the Goh family. It is an appreciation
hub with live shows, workshops, and demonstrations. Classes on the singing and movement of Teochew
opera are held at the Teochew Puppet and Opera House, schools, and communities (Tan, 2017).

Kam Sin Kiew began teaching on a part-time basis in 2003 - 2004. In an effort to ensure sustainability, a
company called KSK Art Crew was registered in 2012 to teach and produce Cantonese opera. It is also
serves as a platform for Kam’s apprentices and students to perform (Kam, 2022).

Despite the constraints mentioned, Chinese opera continues to exist. Xin Yu Sheng Min-ju Troupe was
still manage to work with a team of 9 people to keep its business running. Business opportunities for
performances are assured in about 150 days during peak season, from the sixth to the tenth month of the
Chinese lunar calendar, for deities’ birthdays, the Hungry Ghost Festival, the Mid-autumn Festivals, etc.
(Lee G.S., 2022). Getting sponsorships for opera performances for deities is much easier than before
(Ling, 2022). During the off-season, performers will have to find a side job or start a side business, for
instance, selling homemade confectionery to make a living (Lee G.S., 2022). However, the question is
how long it could be sustained for every member over the age of 60 without successors. In addition,
the outbreak of Covid-19 has severely affected the business of Chinese opera, like other contemporary
performing arts, as well as small and medium-sized enterprises.

Issues that impact the sustainable development
The status quo reveals the threats and issues impeding the sustainable development of Chinese opera
in Malaysia in the 21st century. The most serious threat is the issue of inheritance. The majority of the
current active performers are senior citizens aged range from the 60s to 75s. Whereas young talents are
in a handful. Again, how long could it be sustained? The sustainable development of Chinese Opera is
indeed worrying.

The descendants of the Chinese opera family no longer pursued the business of Chinese opera as a
career in the first place. The younger generation, especially Generation Y (Millennials) and Generation
Z, have had far less exposure to Chinese opera. The notability of Chinese Opera is unfamiliar and
unfavourable to them.

Some notable art is guarded secretly in the traditional practice of the past due to the competitive advantage
among experts. Hence, the transmission of the art is restricted to apprentices. Ironically, no one wants to
learn when its popularity has gone. Nevertheless, the Kam Sin Kiew Art Crew and the Teochew Puppet
and Opera Hohad started to recruit apprentices in the early 2000s. Generally, the transmission of the
art of Chinese opera is deficient, resulting in a scarcity of young talent, leaving fewer successors in the
industry of Chinese opera in Malaysia. It is feared that the art form will become extinct with no successors.

In the issues of perception and lifestyle, a performance stage for a Chinese opera troupe is a communal
space and a home for vocational Chinese Opera troupes. The purpose of a Chinese opera stage in a

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temple is more than just for performance. The space in front of the backdrop is used for entertainment
during a performance as well as socialising when the show is not on. The space behind the backdrop
is considered a room for makeup, wardrobe, and lodging. When the curtain falls at night, the stage
is transformed into sleeping quarters for performers. Mattresses are laid. Males sleep in front of the
backdrop, while females sleep behind it (Lee G.S., 2022). Mosquito nets will be set up to protect
themselves from mosquitoes or insects (Ling, 2022). Some troupes put up makeshift tents instead for
each individual due to the concern of personal privacy in the modern day (Ch’ng, 2013). The public
may wonder why the performers do not opt to stay in a hotel. It is because Chinese Opera performers
consider the stage as their home, which is much more comfortable, with plenty of freedom and no fear of
winds and rain. That is the lifestyle of vocational Chinese opera troupes.

The living style of vocational Chinese opera troupes is one of the factors preventing the descendants
of Chinese opera troupes from succeeding in their family business, which is related to the issue of
inheritance. Younger descendants can neither share the same thought as their seniors nor adapt
themselves to the traditional lifestyle of Chinese opera troupes. According to Lee G.S. (2022), staying
on stage is optional, and younger generations can choose to stay in a hotel. However, this has never
convinced her descendants to succeed in her business.

Simultaneously, self-abasement and preconceptions from society have also occurred. The descendants
regard performing on the street as something to be ashamed of and feel disrespected. Some may consider
those who performed on the street not mainstream. Female performers may be refrained from pursuing
their careers after getting married (Ling, 2022). Goh despised and refused to answer questions about
her parents’ occupation when she was a child. People did not regard Chinese Opera as a manifestation
of art in the past and addressed them as “xizi” (2017), literally, theatre actors. Being a performer on the
street is not an honour. Nowadays, some people believe that Chinese Opera is an ancient art form for
the elderly. This kind of perception is no longer valid.

In addition, there is a disparity in the remuneration offered to Chinese opera and pop singing when
performing at temples. When the popularity of Chinese opera was declining, pop singers were hired
to perform before the performance of Chinese opera. A pop song troupe is required to perform in the
evening, while a Chinese opera troupe is obliged to perform both matinée and evening shows daily.
Further, remuneration for a Chinese opera is lesser than for pop singing.

In terms of visibility, Chinese Opera is invisible to the general public and professional platforms. Few
Chinese opera troupes pursue artistic careers for creative work and appreciation purposes. When the
deterioration began in the early 1990s, Chinese opera was used to entertain deities at temples.

Although Cantonese Opera produced by KSK Art Crew could be seen at some professional theatres like
The Actor’s Studio @ Lot 10, Kuala Lumpur Performing Arts Centre, Damansara Performing Arts Centre;
Teochew Puppet & Opera House have been actively visible at their own performance space, Georgetown
Festival, Performing Arts Centre of Penang, Petaling Jaya Performing Arts Centre, Loft29, communities,
and schools in recent years. Likewise, Chinese opera has been featured five times in the Traditional
Arts Showcase (Panggung Seni Tradisional), one of the joint efforts between the National Department
for Culture and Arts (JKKN), stakeholders, and arts and culture NGOs in ensuring the preservation and
sustainability of traditional performing arts since its inception in 2013 to the present (Muhammad Faizal,
2022). The exposure of many other Chinese opera troupes is anticipated.

There is also an issue with a language barrier where Chinese opera is performed in classical dialect.
Many Chinese senior citizens lamented that young generations do not speak the dialect at home. One of

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the factors contributing to the decline in interest in Chinese Opera may be the loss of dialects. Therefore,
Chinese opera performers attempt to deliver dialogues in spoken language to help the audience
understand the story more straightforwardly. The lyrics of the songs remain in classical dialect. The
advancement of digital technologies does help minimizing the language gap. The Kim Giak Low Choon
Puppet Show had already planned to show subtitles for their puppet performances in order to attract a
larger audience (Lam, 2004). Some audience requested subtitles. Despite the language barrier, some
theatregoers enjoyed the performance (Ng, 2005). Somehow, subtitles help the audience to understand
better the storyline of a play (Nabiha, 2016)

Some people proposed changing the dialect to English or another language that the general public would
understand better or that is more learner-friendly. Various Chinese operas are formed due to various
tones, rhyme, tune and colour of a vernacular. When a language is changed, a new genre of opera
emerges. There will be no contribution to the sustainability of any genre of Chinese opera.

Language issues may be a constraint or an obstacle for the audience. However, the language gap could
be covered by translation. Moreover, if knowledge of Chinese opera is widely transmitted to the public,
it enables the audience to appreciate it as the language of performing arts instead of any particular
language or dialect. The issue of language relatively could be resolved more easily.

Proposed action framework for the sustainable development of Chinese opera as an Intangible
Culture Heritage
The deficiency of transmission, visibility, misconception, and preconceptions have contributed to the
decline of the development of Chinese opera in Malaysia. The above issues reflect that the community did
not well perceive the values of Chinese opera. It is critical to consider community initiatives to safeguard
Chinese opera in Malaysia. Thus, this paper proposes an action framework for immediate actions for
the sustainable development of Chinese opera in Malaysia. This framework consists of five actions:
documenting, transmitting, exhibiting, creating, and improving.

a) Document
Documentation is the first thing that needs to be addressed urgently due to the concern of ageing,
retirement, and health issues among current active performers. The practices, productions, and
art skills of Chinese opera are cultural properties that deserve to be documented. The repertoire
in Chinese opera is extensive, including history, legend, biography, ethics, kinship, friendships and
others. Kim Giak Low Choon Puppetry and Opera has about thirty to forty repertoires. Xin Yu Sheng
Min-ju Troupe has about 100 from the past, whereas about thirty remain featured in recent years.
The art of Chinese opera in all aspects encompassing: script, manuscript, notation, tunes, songs,
costumes, makeup, singing, reciting, acting and acrobatics. These repertoires and art skills are
valuable and need to be documented through book publications, photography, and videography
using digital technologies.

b) Transmit
Art skills and knowledge need to be transmitted to the young generation in order to nurture young
talents. In fact, passing down is the critical solution for sustainability. Further, it is envisioned to
construct Malaysian Chinese opera rather than simply Chinese opera in Malaysia. The critical
concern is to disseminate to the uninitiated and reach out to all Malaysians inclusively, regardless of
ethnicity or spoken language. The translation is required in this manner to overcome the language
barrier. It is proposed to engage with schools, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), community
clubs, lifelong learning centres, cultural societies/centres, art institutions, private sectors, and public
sectors, namely, the National Department for Culture and Arts (JKKN) branch offices across the

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country. The transmission of performing arts skills can be approached through classes or workshops.
Whereas the transmission of the knowledge of Chinese opera could be conducted through lectures
and seminars for the public. This action also creates a work opportunity for the veterans to teach
their performing arts skills.

c) Exhibit
Holding an exhibition is one of the avenues to visually expose the circle of Chinese opera to the
public with respect to its history, practises, scripts, costumes, and life of performers. Its purpose
is to shift the perception of the public towards Chinese opera, from unknown to known, from
misconception/preconception to understanding, by displaying various facets of Chinese opera. The
diverse landscape of the four primary genres of Chinese opera could be presented seasonally,
interactively and creatively through contemporary curating with different themes. This action must
collaborate with curators, museums, galleries, libraries, schools and communities to reach out to the
public and increase its visibility by implementing outreach or mobility programmes to reach people
in rural or remote areas across the country.

d) Create
The action of creating is intended to consider the visibility of Malaysian Chinese opera in two ways.
One is creating production opportunities for young talents to showcase what they have learned or
trained to improve their performing skills. More importantly, to make public showcases of young
talents at festive functions, cultural functions, corporate social functions, schools, and communities.
This way is related to the action of transmission. Another is to create new productions to appreciate
a wide range of audiences, from fans to young audiences, especially generation Y and Z. Moreover,
Malaysia is also My 2nd Home to residents, expatriates, and tourists who are interested in local
traditional performing arts. The productions of Chinese opera will have to go beyond the frame
of performances for rituals by collaborating with professional performing arts centres or theatres
to produce productions for appreciation and entertainment. Furthermore, cultural events could
be created to focus on the appreciation of Malaysian Chinese opera and understand Malaysian
Chinese Culture seasonally during some important Chinese festivals, such a Chinese New Year,
Dragon Boat Festival, Mid-Autumn Fest/Moon Cake Festival and Winter Solstice. This action will
increase the visibility of Chinese opera to the broader public.

e) Improve
The quality of life and welfare of traditional performers need to be improved and the rights and
interests of their artistic work could be protected. This paper suggests that intellectual property
rights could be secured for inventions such as scripts, productions, songs, and costume designs.
This action will take a relatively longer process than the other four actions. It is because it requires
the willingness and consensus of the Chinese opera community with legal advisory moving towards
to protect intellectual property. What could be done as immediate action is to consider the quality
of life and to create opportunities for veterans or senior performers to teach their performing art
skills. This will allow them to generate income during the off-peak season instead of doing side
jobs unrelated to Chinese opera. This action is related to the action of transmitting art skills and
knowledge. In addition, the welfare of senior performers or retirees could be considered. A good
practice of the Chinese Artists Association of Hong Kong (1953) where a scheme for an elderly
dormitory for single veterans who are in need could be referred. There is a Bahe Association
for Cantonese opera troupes in Malaysia. However, no schemes have been made for an elderly
dormitory. This is because the cost of living in Malaysia is comparatively lower than in Hong Kong,
where the issue of residency has not yet arisen. Malaysia is moving into an ageing society, with
concerns about post-retirement welfare.

Thus, the proposed action framework of Document, Transmit, Exhibit, Create and Improve (DTECI)
is as Figure 2.

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DTECI
Figure 2. Proposed Action Framework for the Sustainable Development

of Chinese Opera in Malaysia

D. CONCLUSION
Findings from the study found that the current threats to the sustainable development of Chinese opera
in Malaysia are inheritance, misconceptions/preconceptions of the public and lifestyle, visibility, and
language barriers. It is essential to align Chinese opera with the context of intangible cultural heritage
to raise public awareness and safeguard Chinese opera in Malaysia. As a result, a proposed action
framework DTECI is envisioned for reconstructing the future of Chinese opera in Malaysia in the 21st
century.

It is believed that Chinese opera in Malaysia will not die as long as initiatives based on the proposed
action framework DTECI are implemented. It is neither an effort of an individual nor a community but of
collective action. A collective movement is needed to reconstruct the future of Malaysian Chinese opera.
Efforts to nominate the four primary genres of Chinese opera in Malaysia as National Heritage gazetted
under the National Heritage Act 2005 are essential and need to be prioritized in order for them to become
national heritage treasures that are protected and preserved for their historical value.

The proposed action framework DTECI is in its early stages but is believed to have the potential for
the sustainability of Chinese opera in Malaysia. Further study could be done when it comes to actual
implementations in the future.

E. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
Gratitude to all the informants, Kam Sin Kiew from the Kam Sin Kiew Art Crew, Lee Geok Song from Xin
Yu Sheng Min-Ju Troupe, Lee Teck Kang and Ling Jun Fock from the Qiong Lian Operatic Association
Federal Territory and Selangor as well as Goh Hooi Ling from Teochew Puppet and Opera House for their
valuable time and sharing.

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F. REFERENCE
Book
Scovazzi, T. (2015). Intangible cultural heritage as defined in the 2003 UNESCO convention. In Cultural
Heritage and Value Creation. Springer, pp.105–126
Thesis
He, Shan. (2015). Kam Sin Kiew and the revitalization of Chinese opera in Malaysia, Masters thesis,
Universiti Malaya
Newspaper
Lam, Li. (2004, Apr 27). Puppeteer tradition: The Kim Gaik Low Choon puppet show. The Star, Metro
South & East, Focus, pp. 6-7
Lin, Rouwen. (2016, Feb 21). Foxy kind of love: Teochew puppet theatre takes the spotlight at Publika
tonight.The Star, Star2, art, p. 11
Marina Shabudin. (2015, Nov 11) Keunikan Opera Cina. Sinar Harian, Zass, Diari
Nabiha Mohd. Yusof. (2016, Mac 22). Seni boneka warisan Pulau Pinang. Kosmo! K2, pp. 22-23
Ng, Su-Ann. (2005, Dec 6). Puppetry in motion where puppets ‘come live.’ The Star, Metro North,
Feature, pp.9-10
Tan, Jeremy. (2017, Jul 15). A hub for folk culture. The Star2, arts, p.19
The Star Metro. (2015, Apr 18). Community Whirl. Events
Toh, Paul. (2013, Jun 4). Penang Teochew opera troupe takes the last bow. New Straits Times, Streets
Northern,Your Story, pp. 4-5
Yeoh, Winnie. (2009, Sep 5). Entertaining gods and ghosts: Stories about love and justice for supernatural
audience. The Star, Saturday Metro/north, p. M3
Photo Essay
Ch’ng, Shi P’ng. (2013, Jul). The Kim Gaik Low Choon Teochew Opera Troupe. Penang Monthly, pp.
16-21
Website
Laws of Malaysia. (2006, 2020). Act 645 National Heritage Act 2005. The Commissioner of Law Revision,
Malaysia. https://gtwhi.com.my/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/National-Heritage-Act-2005.pdf
Teochew Puppet and Opera House http://teochewpuppet.com/
The Chinese Artists Association of Hong Kong https://www.hkbarwoymt.com/tc
The Department of National Heritage Malaysia. (n.d.). Penubuhan sejarah Jabatan Warisan Negara.
https://www.heritage.gov.my/info/sejarah-penubuhan.html
The Department of National Heritage Malaysia. (2007). https://www.heritage.gov.my/koleksi/warisan-
kebangsaan/2007.html
The Department of National Heritage Malaysia. (2009). https://www.heritage.gov.my/koleksi/warisan-
kebangsaan/2009.html
The Department of National Heritage Malaysia. (2012). https://www.heritage.gov.my/koleksi/warisan-
kebangsaan/2012.html
The Department of National Heritage Malaysia. (2015). https://www.heritage.gov.my/koleksi/warisan-
kebangsaan/2015.html
The Department of National Heritage Malaysia. (2018).https://www.heritage.gov.my/koleksi/warisan-
kebangsaan/2018.html
The Qiong Lian Operatic Association Federal Territory & Selangor http://qionglian.blogspot.com/
Yau Ma Tei Theatre https://www.lcsd.gov.hk/tc/ymtt/index.html
UNESCO. (2020). Basic texts of the 2003 convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural
Heritage.https://ich.unesco.org/doc/src/2003_Convention_Basic_Texts-_2020_version-EN.pdf

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Interview
Kam, Sin Kiew. (2022, July 18), 13:00 - 16:00, at Kam’s resident, Kuala Lumpur.
Lee, Geok Song. (2022, July 30), 11:00 - 17:00, at theTian Zun Gong Temple, Batu 11 Cheras, Kuala
Lumpur.
Lee, Teck Kang. (2022, August 13), 12:00 - 15:30, at the Qiong Lian Operatic Association Federal Territory
and Selangor @ Taman Maluri, Cheras, Kuala Lumpur.
Ling, Jun Fock. (2022, August 13), 12:00 - 15:30, at the Qiong Lian Operatic Association Federal Territory
and Selangor @ Taman Maluri, Cheras, Kuala Lumpur.
Personal Communication
Goh, Hooi Ling. (2022, July-September). on Google Meet and Facebook Messenger
Muhammad Faizal Bin Ruslee. (2022, August 26) at the Headquarter of the National Department for
Culture & Arts
Sources in Chinese
https://www.sinchew.com.my/20190415/
https://www.sinchew.com.my/20190415/
https://www.ihchina.cn/project.html?tid=4#sy_target1
https://www.sinchew.com.my/20220816/

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DR. ALEXANDRA DENES (Ph.D)
Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University Chiang Mai,
Thailand

Dr. Alexandra Denes (Ph.D Cornell 2006) is a cultural anthropologist interested in nationalism,
ethnic identity, visual culture, and critical heritage studies, with a focus on mainland Southeast
Asia. For the past two decades, her research has focused on how the concepts and instruments
of heritage management are interpreted in the Southeast Asian context. She has published
numerous articles and chapters on this topic, including contributions to Intellectual Property,
Cultural Property and Intangible Cultural Heritage (Routledge 2018), Routledge Handbook of
Heritage in Asia (Routledge 2012), Rights to Culture: Heritage, Language and Community in
Thailand (Silkworm 2013) and Protecting Siam’s Heritage (Silkworm 2013). Alexandra is also
actively involved as a facilitator for the UNESCO global capacity-building program for the
Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage. She is currently a researcher
affiliated with the Social Research Institute at Chiang Mai University.

MS. AJIRAPA PRADIT
Department of Architecture, Rajamangala University of
Technology Lanna
Chiang Mai, Thailand

Miss Ajirapa Pradit is a lecturer at the Faculty of Arts and Architecture, Rajamangala University
of Technology, Chiang Mai. She has a Master’s Degree in Urban and Rural Design from the
Queen’s University of Belfast and has been actively working closely with the local community in
Chiang Mai. She is experienced in urban planning, urban design, cultural heritage, and public
participatory planning and engagement process. She has been an active member of Chiang Mai
Life-Long Learning and UNESCO Learning City Committee endorsed by Chiang Mai Municipality
Office (2021), a former working member of Chiang Mai Nomination Dossier Committee and
Working Team endorsed by Thailand Ministry of Culture (2017) and an active committee of
Lanna Urban Design Association endorsed by Thai Urban Designers Association (2018).

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CHIANG MAI’S INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE: URBAN REVITALIZATION AND CULTURAL
IDENTITY IN A NORTHERN THAI CITY

Alexandra Denes (Ph.D)
Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University

Chiang Mai, Thailand
[email protected]

Ajirapa Pradit
Department of Architecture, Rajamangala University of Technology Lanna

Chiang Mai, Thailand
[email protected]

ABSTRACT
This paper discusses how the revitalization of intangible culture has contributed to the revival of Chiang
Mai’s identity as the center of the Lanna kingdom. Founded in 1296 CE by King Mangrai at the foot of
the sacred mountain of Doi Suthep, the walled city of Chiang Mai was once the capital of the Lanna
kingdom, which encompassed Northern Thailand and parts of Laos, Myanmar, and Southern China at its
zenith in the fifteenth century. From the sixteenth century onwards, Chiang Mai’s fortunes declined, and it
became a tributary state under the Burmese. This was followed by its incorporation into Siam, and finally
its integration into the Thai nation-state. One consequence of Chiang Mai’s administrative incorporation
into the Thai nation in the twentieth century was the erosion of its distinctive linguistic and cultural identity.
Beginning in the 1980s, key local figures began to collaborate with communities and academic institutions
to revitalize Chiang Mai’s intangible cultural heritage, including its craft traditions, rituals, textiles, and
dance performances. After tracing a brief history of Chiang Mai and the Lanna revitalization movement,
this paper will turn to an analysis of two rituals the Candle Lighting ritual and the Yor Suai Wai Sa Phraya
Mangrai ritual to illustrate how different actors and community-based organizations in Chiang Mai have
worked together to restore the city’s spirit of place.

Keywords: Chiang Mai, Intangible Cultural Heritage Revitalization, Ritual, Urban Identity, Urban
Resilience And Sustainability,

A. INTRODUCTION
Intangible Cultural Heritage and Chiang Mai’s Urban Identity
While heritage scholarship has long focused on the value of built heritage for urban identity, more
recent studies have been seeking to understand how intangible culture contributes to the resilience and
sustainability of urban communities. Defined in the UNESCO 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding
of Intangible Cultural Heritage as the “practices, expressions, knowledge and skills that communities,
groups, and sometimes individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage,” intangible heritage is
expressed in oral traditions, performing arts, social practices, rituals, festive events, knowledge concerning
nature and the universe and crafts. At the 2019 Forum on Intangible Cultural Heritage in Urban Contexts,
held in Bogota, Colombia, scholars, heritage experts, and urban community organizers from eight cities
around the world came together to share insights about how intangible heritage fostered social cohesion
among diverse urban populations and contributed to social, economic, and environmental sustainability.

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For instance, in the case of Kathmandu, Maharjan (2020) showed that traditional kinship-based ritual
organizations called Guthi were instrumental in organizing an important annual festival called Yena Punhi
in the wake of the 2015 earthquake that devastated the city. As Maharjan explains, organizing the ritual
after the disaster was a way to strengthen community solidarity in the face of a crisis, thus “avoiding
bad omens for the country and people (p.23)”. In another case study from Paris, Bony (2020) describes
the work of an association called “Île du Monde” to inventory and document the diverse intangible
living heritage of Paris’ many migrant communities, with the aim of promoting visibility and fostering
a more inclusive urban society through social dialog between groups. Given the expansion of migrant
communities throughout most of the world’s cities, such efforts to recognize “traveling” (Schep 2020,
p.58) or “diasporic” intangible heritage are vital to nurturing peace and social cohesion.

Turning now to the case of Chiang Mai, this paper aims to show that intangible cultural heritage has been
essential to the city’s resilience and cultural continuity. Since its inception in the 13th century, Chiang
Mai’s identity has been constituted through ritual practices and performances which propitiate the spirits
of the city and the surrounding natural landscape. Through an examination of historical sources such as
the Chiang Mai Chronicle (Wyatt and Aroonrut 1998), the first section of this paper will demonstrate the
central role that ritual and festive events played in the establishment and development of the city. From
the sixteenth century onwards, Chiang Mai’s fortunes declined, and it became a tributary state under the
Burmese. This paper will show that once King Kawila reclaimed Chiang Mai from the Burmese in the
18th century, a key part of his restoration of Chiang Mai was the revival of intangible cultural heritage
particularly ritual practices associated with the founder’s spirit and the sacred mountain of Doi Suthep.

The paper then turns to a discussion Chiang Mai’s incorporation into Siam, and fin
Ally its integration into the Thai nation-state. One consequence of Chiang Mai’s administrative
incorporation into the Thai nation in the twentieth century was the erosion of its distinctive linguistic
and cultural identity. Beginning in the 1980s, key local figures began to collaborate with communities
and academic institutions to revitalize Chiang Mai’s intangible cultural heritage, including its craft
traditions, rituals, textiles, and dance performances. After tracing a brief history of the Lanna revitalization
movement, this paper will present a case study of two more recent rituals the Candle Lighting ritual
and the Yor Suai Wai Sa Phraya Mangrai ritual to illustrate how different actors and community-based
organizations in Chiang Mai have worked together to restore the city’s spirit of place in the face of the
threats of overdevelopment and tourism. To conclude, this paper argues that in all phases of Chiang
Mai’s history, intangible cultural heritage has been a vital source of community strength and continuity.

A Brief History of Chiang Mai and Its First Restoration in the Eighteenth Century
Founded in 1296 CE by King Mangrai, the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai is widely recognized and
celebrated for its rich and distinctive cultural heritage. Chiang Mai, which means “the new city,” was
built on an alluvial flood plain of the Ping River at the foot of the sacred mountain of Doi Suthep. With its
ancient city walls, moats, and unique Lanna-style Buddhist monasteries, the built heritage of Chiang Mai
still evokes the golden era of its history as the capital of the Lanna kingdom, which reached its zenith
under King Tilokkarat (R. 1441-1487) in the fifteenth century, encompassing Northern Thailand and parts
of present-day Laos, Myanmar, and Southern China.

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performed an offering ceremony consisting of three parts, one for the auspicious site where they
would found the city; a second one for the albino Mouse Spirit in the midst of the city; and the third
one further divided into five parts for the five gates they would erect […] The three kings had the
sacrifice-officiants divided into six groups to petition all the heavenly spirits [devata] to come and
protect the city at the auspicious site in the center of the city as well as the five gates, on that day
(Wyatt and Aroonrut 1998, p.78).

While the distinct built heritage of Buddhist monasteries and brick ramparts are enduring features of the
city which are still observable today, the Chiang Mai Chronicle tells us that Chiang Mai’s founder, King
Mangrai, was equally concerned about the ritual practices and propitiation of guardian spirits who would
protect the city and ensure its wealth and abundance. Indeed, before begin;

In the sixteenth century, the Lanna kingdom weakened and fell to the invading Burmese. Over
the course of two hundred years of occupation (1558-1775), Lanna was further fragmented by
recurrent warfare and insurrections against the Burmese occupiers. In 1775, Lanna princes agreed
to become vassals to the rulers of the Siamese kingdom (in present-day central Thailand) to drive
out the Burmese a long process which took more than twenty years, during which time much of the
populace of Chiang Mai fled or was forcibly resettled. One of the leaders in the revolt against the
Burmese, Cao Kawila, became Chiang Mai’s new king in 1782. As recounted in the Chiang Mai
Chronicle, King Kawila restored the city by resettling populations and rebuilding its walls, forts, and
Buddhist monasteries. The Chronicle also describes in detail the return of music, dance, festivities,
and ceremonies to the city (Wyatt and Aroonrut 1998, p.262).

It is significant to note that reclaiming the capital of Chiang Mai was not only a matter of driving out
the invaders and repopulating the city. Rather, it involved reasserting the continuity of Chiang Mai by
restoring both the material and intangible heritage that had been established by its founder and previous
rulers. This is exemplified in a quote from the Chiang Mai Chronicle, which describes the renewal of
cultural heritage undertaken by King Kawila:

Ning the construction of the city walls, King Mangrai appealed to the spirits of place. The Chiang Mai
Chronicle tells us that the founders;

Chiang Mai was now replete with walls, observation towers, fighting towers, and gate towers; and
moats wide and deep and formidable with water and filled with profusely spreading white and red
lotuses; and it had many temples flourishing; and the city was now replete with officers military/
and civil, with chiefs and followers, and with a great population; and amply supplied with food and
drink, with coconut and sugar palms, with betel and areca, with fruits, with rice in abundance; and in
happiness there were entertainments and festivities, celebrations, music and singing, with all kinds
of poetry, with stringed instruments and percussion;/with dancing, the music of orchestras, gongs
oboes, khaen, gamelan, thalo and thiso music, phia music, phin, pan do drums, and conch-shell
trumpets playing loudly and tumultuously day and night, banishing sadness and melancholy, in
religious ceremonies (Wyatt and Aroonrut 1998, p.261-262).

Another example of the restoration of heritage by King Kawila was his reinstallation of the sacred pillar
of the city, called the Lak Muang (Sanguan 1971, Tanabe 2000). Currently located at Wat Chedi Luang
Temple, the pillar is believed to contain the spirit of the city’s founder, King Mangrai. The worship of a
central pillar for fertility and protection was originally an animist practice of the indigenous Lawa people,
a Mon-Khmer speaking group who occupied the region of Chiang Mai prior to the arrival of the Lanna

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Kings, who were ethnically Tai. Lanna Kings who came to rule in the region from the 13’th century
onwards adopted these indigenous Lawa beliefs and practices, transforming the pillar into a syncretic
Hindu-Buddhist and animist symbol of their own political power and spiritual authority. Records show that
the pillar of Chiang Mai was originally located at the compound of Wat Inthakhin, or Wat Sadue Mueang
(the Navel of the City), but it was moved to Wat Chedi Luang by King Kawila circa 1800 as part of his
restoration of Chiang Mai (Sanguan 1971, p. 213). Since that time, annual rituals invoking the founder’s
spirit to ensure the continued well-being and prosperity of the city have been held at the Inthakhin Pillar,
including elaborate offerings of food, flowers, candles and incense.

Yet another aspect of King Kawila’s restoration was the city’s relationship to the sacred mountain, Doi
Suthep. According to the Chiang Mai Chronicle (Wyatt and Aroonrut 1998), Chiang Mai’s founder, King
Mangrai, chose the location for the “new city” first and foremost because of its proximity to the auspicious
mountain of Doi Suthep. Doi Suthep is a watershed and the primary source of Chiang Mai’s water supply.
Water flowed from the mountain into the moated city and surrounding settlements via several tributaries
and channels (Sarassawadee 2020). The beliefs and practices relating to Doi Suthep as a sacred
mountain reflected a local understanding of its important role as the source of Chiang Mai’s security and
prosperity. Legends illustrate that local populations believed that Doi Suthep was inhabited by ancestral
guardian spirits who protected the city’s inhabitants and sustained its wealth and well-being (Swearer
2004, Tanabe 2000). The ritual complex relating to Doi Suthep mountain is syncretic, embodying both
animist beliefs about the spirits of place and Theravada Buddhist beliefs. Annual rituals to appease
the spirits of the mountain and religious pilgrimages to venerate the Buddha’s relics at monasteries
on the mountain can be broadly understood as a symbolic acknowledgement of the city’s spiritual and
material dependence on Doi Suthep for its continuity, protection, and security. As Swearer (2004) states,
“mountain and city are inextricably bound together and […] their fates are mutually interdependent. This
symbiosis depends on the fact that the mountain as a unique locus of the sacred, a special symbol of
transcendence, is perceived as different from, yet essential to, the identity of the city (35).”

Thus, when King Kawila sought to restore Chiang Mai, he also sought to reaffirm the symbolic and
material importance of Doi Suthep mountain, and the holy Buddha relic enshrined in a stupa by Chiang
Mai’s King Kue Na in 1383 CE. The Chiang Mai Chronicle tells us that in 1806, the king “made meritorious
donations and built a vihara on the west side of Wat Doi Uesupabanphotagiri [Suthep] and erected a
parasol at the holy reliquary of Suthep which he inaugurated and consecrated on the full-moon day of
the sixth month, a Mon Wednesday (21 February 1806) (Wyatt and Aroonrut 1998, p.257).” The king
also built the main vihara on the east side of Doi Suthep mountain (Wyatt and Aroonrut 1998, p.260).
These acts forged the connection between King Kawila and the sacred mountain, thus contributing to his
legitimacy as ruler of Chiang Mai.

Through the first half of the 1800s, although formally under Siamese authority, King Kawila’s successors
were able to rule Chiang Mai semi-autonomously. This changed with the arrival of Western colonial
interests in the region, specifically Britain and France. Seeking to protect their political and economic
interests, King Chulalongkorn (R. 1868-1910) of the Chakri dynasty of Siam introduced major
administrative and legal reforms which brought Chiang Mai and other tributary states under control of
the Bangkok government. These reforms impacted all aspects of society in Lanna, as the system of debt
bondage and traditional slavery was abolished, leaving local rulers without their laborers and conscripts
(Penth 2004, p.138). Beginning in the 1880s, the Bangkok court also began to send resident royal
commissioners to the north to manage the integration of Chiang Mai into the central administration.

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In 1892, the provinces were brought directly under the authority of the Ministry of the Interior, which
introduced a hierarchical system of governance and taxation.6

As the Thai historian Sarassawadee (2005) has shown, the incorporation of Lanna into Siam transformed
the local culture and political economy. “Local customs dating back hundreds of years came to an end.
Lan Na was no longer able to direct its own destiny (2005, p.179).” While King Chulalongkorn sought to
introduce reforms gradually to avoid conflict, the changes nonetheless led to various instances of revolt
and resistance. Sarassawadee mentions the case of Lanna nobility asking spirit mediums to contact local
tutelary spirits to demand the repeal of taxes and reforms (p.185). Another rebellion took place in 1902,
when over six hundred residents of Chiang Mai gathered at the district office with weapons to protest
labor conscription to build roads (p.206).

Sarassawadee (2005) notes that these rebellions prompted the ruling authorities in Bangkok to implement
further reforms in the areas of education, infrastructure, public health, religion, and communication, with
the aim of assimilating the Lanna people and forging national unity. The introduction of the central Thai
language in schools and as the official language of the government led to the stigmatization of the
local Lanna script and language. Furthermore, the 1902 Sangha Administration Act brought formerly
independent northern Buddhist monasteries under the national ecclesiastical structure. Rather than
learning their own Lanna history and traditional knowledge in the local Buddhist monasteries, young
people were required to learn central Thai history and customs in state schools.

Many forms of Lanna’s intangible heritage were stigmatized and marginalized during this period,
including oral narratives, textiles, and other local crafts, as well as rituals involving beliefs about the spirits
(particularly spirit mediumship rites), which were viewed as primitive and backwards. Moreover, during
the era of hyper-nationalism under Field Marshall Phibulsongkram (1938 -1944 and 1948 -1957), cultural
policies prohibited traditional northern attire and tattoos in favor of a more modest attire considered to be
appropriate and modern (Pear 2020). Taken together, by the mid-twentieth century, these government
policies promoting national unity and cultural homogeneity had already eroded much of Lanna’s distinctive
cultural identity. Those practices that did continue such as the annual ceremony to worship the Inthakhin
pillar mentioned above were significantly modified, with animist elements downplayed or removed. For
instance, for the Inthakhin ceremony, in the past, the ceremony was organized by the Chiang Mai court,
which called upon local Lanna chiefs and the populace to join in preparing offerings and performances
to venerate the city pillar. Sanguan (1971) explains that historically the ceremony also included animal
sacrifice and spirit mediumship rites to foretell the future of the city, but these aspects were abolished at
the turn of the 20th century. In the 1960s, organization of the ceremony was taken over by the municipal
government, and the aspects dealing with spirit mediumship were relegated to a different time and ritual
space, at the northeast corner of the old city wall, called Jaeng Sri Phum. As stated by Tanabe, “The
Inthakhin cult was redefined as a display of municipal authority within the modern nation-state (Tanabe,
p.308).”

Chiang Mai’s Second Restoration: Cultural Resistance and the 700th anniversary of Lanna.
As we saw above, during the early period of Chiang Mai’s incorporation into the modern Thai nation-
state, there were numerous instances of popular resistance to cultural assimilation. In addition, prolific

6The last vassal king of Chiang Mai was Cao Kaeo Naowarat, who passed away in 1939
7C hiang Mai University was officially established in 1964.

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local scholars such as Sanguan Chotisukharat sought to sustain local consciousness and pride of
Lanna’s unique cultural and historical identity through research and writing about Northern history and
culture. Another prominent local citizen and activist, Mr. Kraisri Nimmanhemin, formed a network called
Chomrom Lannakhadi (Lanna Studies group) and led a campaign to establish a regional university in the
north, which could be an educational center of learning about Lanna culture.7 Despite these early efforts,
as the years went by, the socio-economic and educational reforms introduced by Bangkok had significant
impacts and led to the erosion of Chiang Mai’s language and culture among the broader populace.

As shown by Duongchan (2007), starting in the 1960s, the National and Economic Social Development
Plans introduced major infrastructural and economic policies which transformed Chiang Mai’s urban and
social landscape. As part of the first economic plan, Chiang Mai was designated as a tourism destination,
initiating the shift away from the agricultural sector to services. By the time of the fifth plan (1982-1986),
the city was designated as the economic center for the northern region, leading to a massive influx of
government investments in infrastructure. This was followed by a boom in property investment and
business entrepreneurship, mostly by Thais from Bangkok.

It was during this economic boom period that local heritage revitalization and conservation initiatives
began to gain momentum. One of the most important events was the local resistance movement
against the building of a cable car up the sacred mountain of Doi Suthep in 1986, which was intended
to encourage the commercial development of tourism. Scholars, citizens, students, and members of the
Buddhist clergy protested against the proposal, arguing that the cable car represented a violation of the
sacred space and symbolism of the mountain in the hearts of Chiang Mai people (Swearer 2004, p.33;
Duongchan 2007, p.363). As Duongchan notes, as part of their protest, monks and local citizens joined
together in a Buddhist ritual at the Three Kings monument in the center of Chiang Mai, asserting the
sacred status of the mountain and calling for the rejection of the cable car proposal. This was the first
instance where ritual was used explicitly as a mechanism to unify the Chiang Mai populace in opposition
to developments led by outsiders. Another example of ritual as resistance was the opposition to the
construction of high-rise buildings near the Ping River. In this case, rituals to curse those who had built
the structures were performed using the ashes of the deceased (Duongchan 2007, p. 364).

Around the same time that civil society networks were leading protest movements against unsustainable
development, faculty at the Department of Fine Arts at Chiang Mai University (CMU) were beginning to
study and revitalize Lanna intangible cultural heritage, including crafts such as textiles, folk music, wood,
lacquerware and ritual traditions related to spirit of the city, such as the Inthakhin ceremony described
earlier. Through the reinvention of elaborate annual ceremonies and traditions, the Department of Fine
Arts contributed to the growing visibility and mainstream popularity of Lanna culture among both locals
and tourists, while younger generations of students at CMU began to learn about and value their local
culture and history.

Another major turning point in the revival of Chiang Mai’s intangible cultural heritage was the 700 year
anniversary of the founding of the city, which took place in 1996. For this event, the Chomrom Lannakhadi
(Lanna Studies group) organized the revival of a ceremony to prolong the life of the city (Seub Duang
Mueang) based on historical records describing the ritual as it was performed during Chiang Mai’s
Golden Age (1445-1565 CE). They also spearheaded the recension of the Chiang Mai Chronicle and its
translation into English, thus contributing to a wider understanding and appreciation of Lanna’s history
(Duongchan 2007, p.361).

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In the years following the 700-year anniversary of Chiang Mai, numerous clubs, community organizations
and networks dedicated to the study and revival of Lanna history and cultural heritage were established.
One particularly important community-based network that developed during this period was the Lanna
Wisdom School. Founded in 2000 by Chatchawan Thongdeelert as a center for the transmission and
innovation of traditional Lanna crafts, performing arts and other forms of local knowledge, the Lanna
Wisdom School has contributed to the revival of Lanna intangible heritage by organizing cultural activities
and training thousands of youths (Kemasingki 2011).

In the next section, this paper will present a discussion of two recent initiatives to revitalize Chiang Mai’s
intangible cultural heritage: the Tham Phang Pa Teet Song Fah Huksa Muang ritual and the Yor Suai Wai
Sa Phraya Mangrai ritual.

Intangible Culture and Chiang Mai’s Urban Revival: Examining the Role of City Rituals.
As described in the previous section, from the 1960s onwards, Chiang Mai was incorporated into a
system of national economic and social development plans which promoted urban development, tourism,
and land use planning. Numerous mega-scale projects proposed by the central government during the
1980s prompted the formation of local opposition groups which sought to protect the city and the local
environment from inappropriate and potentially damaging development projects. According to Chayan
Vaddhanaphuti, these local opposition groups have continued to grow into a local civil society network
aimed at protecting and conserving the unique character and history of Chiang Mai (Suwaree 2020,
p.16). Today, this network includes academics from local universities, independent scholars, and civil
society groups, who all collaborate to resist the state’s development plans when necessary and to shape
Chiang Mai’s future (Suwaree et al. 2021).

Many aspects of local culture were negatively impacted by the rapid growth of tourism in Chiang Mai
following the launch of the Amazing Thailand national policy in the late 1990s. For example, the growth
of tourism led to the mass release of floating lanterns (called khom fai or khom loi) during the Loy
Krathong or Full Moon Festival held in November. These lanterns created pollution and were a fire hazard
to the local community. The growth of tourism also led to the emergence of late night pubs and bars
within Chiang Mai Old Town, which at that time did not have any clear regulations. In 2010, Saowakhon
Sriboonreuang8 began to mobilize affected communities to file complaints with the municipality office,
asking the authorities to manage inappropriate behavior and to assess the impact caused by the lanterns
which caused damage and affected the safety of the community. One year later, local communities
extended their civil society network of Muang Rak Chiang Mai Community, bringing together thirteen
communities in the old city. The network concluded that sustainable solutions could not be found by
demanding local authorities to fix the problems. Rather, the local network should lead by example by
demonstrating Lanna identity and the correct observance of traditional culture.

With this goal of modeling traditional Lanna culture in mind in 2012, the Muang Rak Chiang Mai Community
Network, together with the Thai Health Promotion Foundation and launched a local traditional event
called “Tham Phang Pa Teet Song Fah Huksa Muang”, which translates as “Candle-lighting on the Full
Moon to Protect our City.” The event was launched in collaboration with schools in the Chiang Mai Old
City to light candles around the old city as a campaign to demonstrate traditional Lanna cultural practices
during the Loy Krathong Festival and also to refrain from releasing fire lanterns.

8Saowakhon Sriboonreuang is a community organizer and Secretary of the Muang Rak Chiang Mai Community Network.

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Following the success of the candle-lighting event, during the Lanna New Year or Songkran Festival
in April 2013, the Muang Rak Chiang Mai Community Network launched the Yor Suay Wai Sa Phaya
Mangrai, or “Paying Respects to King Mangrai” ritual as a method of demonstrating Lanna culture and
continuing the campaign against inappropriate practices. In contrast to the rowdy events organized for
tourists, this event showcased local traditional practices to celebrate the New Year, including offerings
of food and a fingernail dance performance for the spirit of the city’s founder, King Mangrai. The core
idea was to revive local traditions and transmit local knowledge to younger generations by supporting
the collaboration between the Muang Rak Chiang Mai Community Network, schools with Lanna wisdom
programs and the Chiang Mai Municipal Office.

The Yor Suai Wai Sa Phaya Mangrai event usually takes place over the course of two days, starting on
April 11 as Wan Da, or the preparation day, when local communities and volunteers help prepare foods,
make decorative ornaments, and practice fingernail dancing. Wan Da is the day that faithful community
members come together to join in making merit through donating ingredients or offering their help to
prepare ritual ornaments such as cutting traditional flags (called tung), making flower arrangements and
preparing ritual offerings from betel nut, bamboo, flowers and beeswax.

The offerings for worship are also prepared on Wan Da, such as desserts made from rice flour, coconut,
sugarcane, sesame and vegetable oil wrapped with banana leaf. The process of preparing these items
requires raw ingredients and manpower and it relies on the cooperation between the elderly who act as
instructors for the younger people and children who help with the process. Wan Da is very important in
terms of the cooperation between various groups of people of different ages, as it fosters the organic
intergenerational exchange and transmission of traditional knowledge. The Muang Rak Chiang Mai
Community Network sees this importance and it is determined to organize the Wan Da event every year
at the site of the former Chiang Mai City Hall. The location of the event is significant because the Chiang
Mai City Hall now serves as the Chiang Mai Cultural Museum a public area in the heart of Chiang Mai’s
Old City which embodies the history and political importance of the Lanna Kingdom.

The Yor Suay ritual day takes place on April 12, which is believed to be the date that Chiang Mai was
founded by King Mangrai. The placement of the offerings is determined by local ritual experts, who
are themselves associated by lineage with the ancestral spirits of the city. These ritual experts play
the important role of guiding the local community networks in traditional Lanna ritual practices. The
procession of dancers, musical instruments and ritual offerings from community representatives are
prepared and presented to the local authorities who preside over the ritual. Each year, the procession
route is designed differently as appropriate, usually starting from Chang Phueak in the north, which is
considered as an auspicious direction, or starting from Tha Phae Gate in the east and passing through
the old city axis. When the procession arrives at the Three Kings Monument, where the annual event
takes place, there will be representatives from local authorities and community leaders waiting to receive
the offerings. Local religious and ritual experts then begin the religious ceremonies which combine Lanna
beliefs and Buddhism, such as poetry in the Lanna dialect and Dharma preaching. The ceremony is led
by a local ritual specialist who was once ordained as a monk. After the religious ceremony, participants
place a flower bouquet made of banana leaf and domestic flowers. After the flower bouquet offering,
there will be performances of Lanna arts, such as a Lanna drum performance, sword fighting, free hand
dance and a bird dance. The community network of Rak Lanna has been cooperating with the Lanna
Wisdom School and Lanna performing arts groups throughout Chiang Mai to preserve and transfer

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knowledge of Lanna traditional performances to the new generation.
According to the secretary of the Muang Rak Chiang Mai Community Network, Saowakhon Sriboonreuang, when
considering the issue of authenticity of the traditions, both Yor Suay Wai Sa Phaya Mangrai and Tham Phang Pa
Teet Song Fah Haksa Muang can be seen as reinvented rituals based on traditional beliefs and practices. Even
though they are relatively new rituals, both events draw upon traditional Lanna beliefs and practices about the
spirits of the city, but the communities created them with the aim of addressing current issues. Throughout their
work, the community faced many trials and errors in terms of ceremony management, religious procedures and
rituals, especially for the Yor Suay event that required preparation of offerings for the founding spirits of the city,
which needed to be prepared differently from the spirits of ancestors or ordinary people.

Reflecting on the last ten years of ritual activities organized by the Muang Rak Chiang Mai Community Network,
there are four important lessons about how the revitalization of intangible cultural heritage has contributed to
Chiang Mai’s urban renewal:

1) The revitalization of intangible heritage has strengthened local collaboration between sectors, including urban
communities, educational agencies, academic networks and local authorities, such as the Chiang Mai Municipality
and Chiang Mai Provincial Administrative Organization, which have provided support and funds since 2014.

2) The revitalization of Chiang Mai’s intangible heritage has led to the transmission of cultural knowledge between
urban and suburban areas. The most obvious indicator of increased transmission is that the number of fingernail
dancers has increased from 150 participants in 2014 to 850 people in 2019. Cultural transmission has been
intergenerational and the dance training program organized by Muang Rak Chiang Mai Community Network
includes eighteen groups of dancers across Chiang Mai ranging from 5 to 70 years old. Furthermore, through
their participation in the preparation of offerings for the ceremonies and performances by local experts of Lanna
culture at the Three Kings Monument, residents have had an opportunity to learn more about their own intangible
heritage and to convey these cultural values to the public.

3) Funding and grant management has a clear management structure in the form of a network committee.
Moreover, the transparent use of the budget contributes to a sense of shared ownership and trust regarding the
use of funds.

4) The cultural events present an opportunity for innovations in crafts and local architectural design, applying local
wisdom in the field of crafts to convey the meaning of Lanna culture differently each year. The community network
of Muang Rak Chiang Mai works with designers and academics in search of handicrafts that promote traditions
from various communities in order to help support the local economy across Chiang Mai, such as wicker works
from Mae Chaem District and pottery crafts from Hang Dong District.

In addition to these positive outcomes of ritual revival, there have also been significant challenges. One major
issue has to do with the government support for community-based rituals. The process of securing government
funding is quite complex and moreover, it is unstable and inconsistent. This financial uncertainty leaves the
community and network of organizers in a vulnerable position each year, as they frequently must make up budget
shortages through fundraising or adapt activities according to a more limited budget. Despite this, the community
organizers of the events are determined to hold the rituals every year, as they express Chiang Mai’s community
solidarity and commitment to sustain Lanna’s distinctive intangible culture in the face of various threats.

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B. CONCLUSION
Intangible Cultural Heritage as a Source of Chiang Mai’s Urban Resilience and Revival
As this paper has shown, intangible cultural heritage has been at the heart of Chiang Mai’s urban identity
and its resilience in the face of threats. Since its establishment in the 13th century, Chiang Mai’s identity
has been reaffirmed through ritual practices and performances which propitiate the spirits of the city and
the surrounding sacred natural landscape. Through discussion of historical sources, the first section of
this paper demonstrated how ritual and festive events were part of the renewal of the city after a period
of decline and occupation by the Burmese. When King Kawila reclaimed Chiang Mai from the Burmese
in the 18th century, a key focus of his restoration of Chiang Mai was the revival of intangible cultural
heritage particularly rituals associated with the founder’s spirit and the sacred mountain of Doi Suthep.

In the second section, we showed how Chiang Mai’s incorporation into the modern Thai nation state
from the early 20th century onwards represented yet another threat to the city’s continuity that of cultural
assimilation and political domination by the central Thai government in Bangkok. Indeed, by the mid-
twentieth century, government policies promoting national unity and cultural homogeneity had already
eroded much of Lanna’s distinctive cultural identity, in part by restricting the Chiang Mai dialect and
disparaging ritual practices associated with the spirits of the city. Following the economic boom period of
the 1980s. However, a local resistance movement began to take shape around protecting and revitalizing
Chiang Mai’s unique urban culture. To foster collective action among various local groups, the movement’s
leaders drew upon intangible cultural heritage, specifically the beliefs, performances, traditions and ritual
practices associated with the spirits of place and Chiang Mai’s founder, King Mangrai.

C. REFERENCE
Bony, Frida Calderon. 2020. “The Intangible Cultural Heritage of Migrants: The Work of Île Du Monde
Association in Paris.” In Intangible Cultural Heritage in Urban Contexts: Bogota, Colombia: ICHNGO
Forum. http://www.ichngoforum.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Intangible-Cultural-Heritage-in-
Urban-Contexts_def-5-9-2020.pdf?fbclid=IwAR0tXK6C_WRZFTc8hRrDpZBnpBsHo5YTbbnahQDE
PP-iX3eR4QknCYaRIMM.
Chotisukharat Sanguan. 1971. “Supernatural Beliefs and Practices in Chiang Mai.” Journal of the Siam
Society 59 (1): 213–31.
Duongchan Apavatjrut Charoenmuang. 2007. Sustainable Cities in Chiang Mai: A Case of a City in a
Valley. Edited by Carole Beauclerk and Charoenmuang Tanet. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Social Research
Institute.
Maharjan, Monalisa. 2020. “Traditional Practices, Ancient Settlements and the Urbanization: The Case
of Kathmandu Valley.” In Intangible Cultural Heritage in Urban Contexts: Bogota, Colombia: ICHNGO
Forum. http://www.ichngoforum.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Intangible-Cultural-Heritage-in-
Urban-Contexts_def-5-9-2020.pdf?fbclid=IwAR0tXK6C_WRZFTc8hRrDpZBnpBsHo5YTbbnahQDE
PP-iX3eR4QknCYaRIMM.
Mattani, Rutnin. 2012. Dance, Drama, and Theatre in Thailand: The Process of Development and
Modernization. Revised. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books.
Pear Maneechote. 2020. “The Myth of Lanna, Its History and Trying to Reconstruct the Past.” Thai
Enquirer, July 31, 2020.
Penth, Hans. 2004. A Brief History of Lan Na: Northern Thailand from Past to Present. Chiang Mai,
Thailand.

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Sarassawadee Ongsakul. 2005. History of Lanna. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books.
Schep, Mark. 2020. “Safeguarding Travelling Intangible Cultural Heritage: The Case of Hindustani ICH
in a Super-Diverse City.” In Intangible Cultural Heritage in Urban Contexts: Bogota, Colombia:
ICHNGO Forum. http://www.ichngoforum.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Intangible-Cultural-
Heritage-in-Urban-Contexts_def-5-9-2020.pdf?fbclid=IwAR0tXK6C_WRZFTc8hRrDpZBnpBsHo5Y
TbbnahQDEPP-iX3eR4QknCYaRIMM.
Suwaree Wongkongkaew. 2021. “Kaan pattana kabuankaan phua khab kluean prachakhom muang
Chiang Mai [In Thai]. [Developing a Process for Engaging the Populace of Chiang Mai].” Chiang Mai:
Chiang Mai University.
Suwaree Wongkongkaew, Sant Suwatcharapinun, and Kitika Jirantanin. 2020. “Kaan songserm kaan
jatkaan Chiang Mai muang yangyeun doy kaan mii suanruam khong phak pracha sangkhom [in Thai].
[Promotion of Chiang Mai’s Sustainable City Management through the Participation of Civil Society].”
Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai University.
Swearer, Donald, Premchit Sommai, and Dokbuakaew Phaithoon. 2004. Sacred Mountains of Northern
Thailand and Their Legends. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books.
Tanabe, Shigeharu. 2000. “Autochthony and the Inthakhin Cult of Chiang Mai.” In Civility and Savagery:
Social Identity in Tai States, 294–318. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press.
Tavares, Daniel S., Fernando B. Alves, and Isabel B. Vásquez. 2021. “The Relationship between
Intangible Cultural Heritage and Urban Resilience: A Systematic Literature Review.” Sustainability 13
(22). https://doi.org/10.3390/su132212921.
Wyatt, David, and Wichienkeeo Aroonrut, trans. 1998. The Chiang Mai Chronicle. Second. Chiang Mai,
Thailand: Silkworm Books.

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Department of National Heritage / Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture

MR. AMITAVA BHATTACHARYA
Founder Director, Contact Base (trading style: banglanatak dot.
com (India)
& MS. SNEHA BHATTACHARYYA

Mr. Amitava Bhattacharya, based in Kolkata India, an engineering graduate from IIT Kharagpur
and Chevening–Gurukul Scholar in Leadership & Excellence from London School of Economics,
is a social entrepreneur with 33 years of global experience, has formed banglanatak dot com in
2000, specializing in Culture and Development. His flagship initiative Art for Life (AFL), a unique
model on Culture and Development addressing MDGs and social inclusion using ICH is a success
story and a case study in Sustainable Tourism, and has got global recognition & accreditation
from UNESCO, UNWTO and UN-ECOSOC. Amitava also started World Peace Music Festival in
Kolkata, Sur Jahan and its is a destination for music lovers and musicians worldwide. Amitava’s
unique approach of holding Village Festival celebrating the traditional art and culture of the village
has helped marginalized villages to evolve as cultural tourism destination. Amitava’s passion
is innovation, social entrepreneurship and searching for ways to develop people and address
developmental issues using ICH and to work towards global peace.

Ms. Sneha Bhattachacharyya as co-author, who is M.Phil. In
social sciences and has 6 years of experience in social science
research and is an important member in Project Research Group
of banglanatak dot com.

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Department of National Heritage / Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture

INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE (ICH) FOR RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND ITS IMPACT ON
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS (SDGs)

Amitava Bhattacharya & Sneha Bhattacharyya
banglanatak dot. com
West Bengal, India

[email protected]

ABSTRACT
Rural India still faces poverty at many places, especially where agriculture or industry didn’t flourish. A
social experiment was done in 2005-2011, to explore the potential of traditional art and cultural practices
in achieving socio-economic resilience for cultural practitioners, if the former is transformed from ‘fringe’
to ‘core’ economic activities. The experiment, known as Art for Life (AFL) (https://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=CGJfFGZpiE), produced encouraging result and thus adopted by two state Governments in
collaboration with UNESCO West Bengal (2013 onwards) and Rajasthan (2019 onwards). This research
is premised to explore the potential of ICH in improving life and livelihood chances of rural community
members of three selected villages in West Bengal, namely, Pingla of West Midnapore (visual art),
Charida of Purulia (mask makers’ village) and Gorbhanga of Nadia (Baul Fakir village), where the social
experiment started in 2005 and got momentum in 2009-2011, due to the support of the European Union.
The objectives of this research can be enlisted as follows. Firstly, to explore the potential of culture as
a developmental tool and its impact in achieving the SDGs. Secondly, to investigate ways of building
a conducive ecosystem. The primary research methodology in this regard is critical ethnography and
referred documents are publications and evaluation reports. The paper bears explicit mention of the
research findings, highlighting the effectiveness of strengthening ICH based practices in ensuring not
just enhanced livelihood prospects of the practitioners but also improving their social standing and
visibility achieving holistic development for the entire community in improving other social aspects like
health, education, gender issues and retaining youth in traditional practices. The paper concludes by
highlighting the effectiveness of strengthening ICH based practices in addressing 4 SDGs namely, SDG
1 (No poverty), SDG 5 (Gender equality), SDG 8 (Decent Work and Economic Growth) and SDG 11
(Sustainable Cities and Communities).

A. INTRODUCTION
Tangible and intangible cultures have often been identified as fundamental tools for addressing Sustainable
Development Goals (SDGs) (Labadi, 2022). Since 2010, the United Nations have drafted five major policy
recommendations, asserting the importance of culture as a major driver and enabler of development. The
UN-devised campaign ‘The Future We Want Includes Culture’ recommended a separate goal dedicated
to culture and heritage in the 2030 Agenda. In this regard, the protection and safeguarding of heritage
has been linked to addressing broader challenges like poverty alleviation, environmental protection and
gender equality.

Tangible and intangible heritage is an evolving resource that supports identity, memory, and ‘sense of
place’, and has a crucial role in achieving sustainable development. As Labadi et al., (2021) brilliantly
put it, “heritage enables social cohesion, fosters socio-economic regeneration and poverty reduction,
strengthens social well-being, improves the appeal and creativity of regions, and enhances long-term
tourism benefits”. Given the relevance protection and promotion of heritage has in improving the life and
livelihood chances of marginalized cultural practitioners, it is becoming increasingly important to explore
the potential of culture and heritage as developmental parameters.

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Department of National Heritage / Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture