AJSAHistoryVol5Iss2 September 2020

ISSN 2206-2572 (Online)

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is published by The Salvation Army, Australia
Eastern Territory Historical Society.

2016

Issue 2 September 2016 Volume 5

Edition The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 1 Issue 2

storical Symposium September 2020

Call for Papers
The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History

ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online)
The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is a multi-national journal that fosters a dialogue on all aspects of the
history and development of The Salvation Army. Articles are encouraged to be glocal, that is, both local and global in
consideration. All articles in this journal have undergone editorial screening and peer review by at least two reviewers. The
aim of the journal is to publish timely, useful, informative, original and honest historical research which will be of value to
both a general audience and those interested in Salvation Army history.

The journal is published by Cross and Crown Publications and seeks to promote the interest of Salvation Army history
by increasing the knowledge and understanding of the Army’s formation and development.

The journal publishes research papers and historical papers in any areas relating to the history and development of
The Salvation Army, including, but not limited to:

Aged Care, Biographies of individual Salvationists and employees, Buildings and Architecture, The Booth family, Brass Banding, Corps
history, Education of Salvationists, Education organised by Salvationists, Emergency relief and management, Fashion of uniform - design
and meaning, Gender and Cultural Diversity, Genealogical studies, Health work and ministry, Holiness Movement, Human Rights,
Hymnology, Internationalism, Leadership styles, Methodist and Salvationist theological development, Orders and Regulations and policy
development, Religion Studies, Literature Studies, Signs and Symbols meaning, Social justice and The Salvation Army, Social Work,
Social Welfare, Social Impact, Urban ministry, Unemployed and Vulnerable people, Welfare State, Young Peoples’ Ministry.

Papers presented at Salvation Army heritage meetings will be welcome. Where possible, primary sources should be
used and presumptive statements avoided. Images and graphics will be accepted if the contributor or The Salvation Army
holds the copyright and they are visually clear for reproduction. All articles contributed must be original, the contributor's
own work and referenced throughout. Articles previously published in either Army or non-Army publications will be
considered on a case-by-case basis.

Interested contributors are highly encouraged to submit their manuscripts/papers to the executive editor via e-mail at
[email protected]. Please indicate the name of the journal (The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History) in
the cover letter or simply put ‘Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History’ in the subject box if submitting by e-mail.

AJSAH is inviting papers for Vol. 6, Iss. 1. The online publication date is March 2021.
Submission deadline: 30 January 2021.
For any additional information, please contact the executive editor at [email protected]
Blessings,

Garth R. Hentzschel
Executive Editor - The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History

© The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History 2020 Cross & Crown Publications
Cross & Crown Publications
PO Box 998
Mt Gravatt Qld 4122
Australia
web address: https://www.salvationarmy.org.au/historicalsociety/
ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online)
The views expressed in this journal are not necessarily those of The Salvation Army, the AJSAH,
executive editor or members of the editorial team. Every effort has been made to obtain and publish reliable information.
The journal however, accepts no responsibility for incorrect information or advertising content.

Cover: The Salvation Army tricolour ribbon on a black background. An historical crest of The Salvation Army. The picture
was created by Garth R. Hentzschel from the line drawing in The war cry, (London, Wednesday 24 January 1883), 1. The
image is of the title glass slide from the lantern and kinematorgraph lecture by Herbert Booth, Soldiers of the cross.

Executive Team The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History was formed in
Executive Editor Mr Garth R. Hentzschel 2016 and is prepared by a group of historians as well as others who
Associate Editor Dr David Malcolm Bennett are interested in researching, writing and displaying Salvation Army
Associate Editor Major Kingsley Sampson history. Contributors are Salvationists and non-Salvationists from
Australia, New Zealand and other countries. It is published by Cross
Peer Review and Editorial Team & Crown Publications and peer reviewers represent Australia,
Dr. Glenn Horridge Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom.

Professor R. G. Moyles
Major David Woodbury

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 2

THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF
SALVATION ARMY HISTORY
VOLUME 5 ISSUE 2 2020

Editorial Note. researchers or readers of Salvation Army history and the
Sincethelast issueofTheAustralasianjournalofSalvationArmy development of the movement. Firstly, we are introduced to
history (AJSAH), the world has changed dramatically with the
advent of the COVID-19 pandemic. We think of the people who Major Barbara Sampson, a New Zealand author, who has
have been negatively impacted by the virus with the loss of contributed to Salvation Army literature with devotional
employment and even life. We too pause to think of those who writing, poetry and women’s history. Secondly, Hentzschel
have been on the front line, the health care professionals, transport
workers, shop assistance and the like. We give thanks to God for continues the list and description of Salvation Army books
their service and sacrifice. As we go to print there are many still published in English since 1988. Thirdly, two book reviews are
impacted by the illness and we pray for their situation. presented, one a recently published book; John Larsson’s
Thirteen astonishing years that shaped The Salvation Army
COVID-19 has also impacted the AJSAH; this issue should 1878 – 1890, the other, a study on revivals in Australia, Rev
have been the proceedings of The Salvation Army History Robert Evans’s Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 1880 –
Symposium 2020. There was to be a dinner to celebrate five 1914. Fourthly, advertisements for resources, books, and
years of publication of the journal and other events associated
with the celebration and commemoration of Salvation Army events, all relating to Salvation Army history. We hope these
history. Consideringthecancellation of the Symposium there has will assist you in your understanding and research of the Army.
been a need to source papers from other areas. We thank those
who have stepped up with additional research to bring to us the To commence the final section of papers, Major Kingsley
papers here presented. Due to ongoing uncertainty the next Sampson uses archives and personal recounts to investigate the
symposium will not occur until 2022 Army’s exploratory trek to Fiji. As will be shown, the trek was

To commence the collection of papers, Dr. David Malcolm the catalyst for the commencement of The Salvation Army in
Bennett uses secondary sources and General William Booth’s that country.
own accounts to grapple with the different narratives linked with
Booth’s conversion. The paper presented clears up some of the The next paper, by Major Dr Harold Hill is a biography of
ambiguity connected with this important event in Booth’s life.
New Zealand Salvationist Graham Millar. Here Hill
In the second paper, Garth R. Hentzschel evaluates one investigates Millar’s ecumenical activities and ministry of
ministry of the Murwillumbah Corps during the 1918 - 1920
influenza epidemic. Through newspapers of the time Hentzschel social justice. I would also like to take this opportunity to
investigatesthe development ofThe Salvation Army Emergency acknowledge the encouragement Hill gave to the AJSAH and
Hospital and links it to the historical and local context.
his support in writing papers, he will be greatly missed.
The Salvation Army’s film making activities always creates With Hill’s promotion to Glory on 3 August 2020, by way
interest. In the third paper Lindsay Cox gives an overview of the
Army’s Limelight Department in Melbourne; outlining the of tribute, Major Sampson gives an article on Hill’s life and
people involved and the productions the department developed. works.
The paper gives a specific focus to the Army’s creation of glass
slides in these productions. The final paper in this section outlines the establishment and
ministry of The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New
Bennett has become a world expert in the life and ministry of Zealand. Sampson uses archives and reminiscences of former
Catherine and William Booth, but he is not a Salvationist. How
then did Bennett come to research and write so much on these members of the groups to unpack each of the fellowships across
people? In the fourth paper, he outlines his journey of writing and that country. The follow-up paper will appear in a later issue of
researching the co-founders of The Salvation Army. AJSAH.

As with previous issues of the AJSAH, the middle section of As in other issues, there are a number of requests for
the journal houses information that will be of interest to
assistance with research into specific areas of Army history;

please let us know if there are any subjects you are researching
or other comments via a letter to the editor.

I would like to thank the authors of each paper, the people

who wrote letters to the journal and the peer review and
editorial group who work hard to ensure accuracy and clarity in

all the papers published. We know you will enjoy this issue.
Stay safe in the strange COVID-19 times. Blessings, Garth R.
Hentzschel

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 3

The Australasian CONTENTS
Journal of Volume 5
Salvation Army Issue 2
History 2020

Title/Author Page Title/Author Page

Editorial note 3 Book review, The Army as a revival movement
Garth R. Hentzschel
Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel 80

Contents 4 Advertisements of resources, books, and events
85
Contributors 5
6 Spying out the land: The Salvation Army’s
William Booth’s conversion
David Malcolm Bennett exploratory trek to Fiji in 1972

Kingsley Sampson 93

A-tishoo! A-tishoo!, we all fall down: Graham Millar: Ecumenical Salvationist and
Murwillumbah’s Salvation Army Emergency

Hospital; A response to the 1918 – 1920 social activist

pneumonic influenza pandemic Harold Hill 111

Garth R. Hentzschel 19

The Salvation Army and the magic lantern in Tribute – Harold Ivor Winston Hill BA (Hons),
BTh, PhD – 1942 – 2020

Australia Kingsley Sampson 123

Lindsay Cox 48

‘To meet a need in the life of Salvationist

Writing about the Booths students’: The story of The Salvation Army
David Malcom Bennett
62 Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand. Part one:

Meet the author. Words From the mid-1950s to the late 1960s
Barbara Sampson
69 Kingsley Sampson 129

A bibliography of Salvation Army literature in Request for information to assist with research
English 1980 – present. Books discovered or 150

published since the previous issues of AJSAH Feedback and letters to the editor on the AJSAH

Garth R. Hentzschel 73 on Volume 5, Issue 1 151

Book review, Thirteen astonishing years

Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel 78

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 4

Contributors - Vol. 5 Iss. 2 and series editor of They took up their
cross. He has published works and
Dr. David Malcolm Bennett is a presented papers on school chaplaincy,
Christian researcher and writer based in education, and Salvation Army history.
Brisbane who has the gift of doing quality Publications include; With a smile and a
historical research and presenting it in a cuppa (2007), The bag hut tabernacle
readable form. He has written two (2012), contributions to the magazine,
biographies of William Booth: William Others, the Bulletin of The Methodist
Booth and his Salvation Army (Even Before Historical Society of Ireland and AJSAH.
Publishing) and The General: William
Booth (2 vols. Xulon Press). He is also the Major Dr. Harold Hill was a retired
editor of The letters of William and Salvation Army officer who served in Zimbabwe
Catherine Booth and of The diary and and New Zealand in educational, pastoral and
reminiscences of Catherine Booth. His administrative appointments. He published The
other books include The altar call: Its twelve steps workshop (written jointly with
origins and present usage (his MTh thesis, Ferrell Irvine, 2001, 2011), Leadership in the
awarded with merit) in 2000 and The Salvation Army: A case study in
origins of left behind eschatology (his PhD clericalisation (2007) and Saved to save and
thesis) in 2010. He is currently writing a saved to serve: Perspectives on Salvation Army
biography of Catherine Booth, the first history (2017). He edited Te Ope Whakaora: A
volume of which, Catherine Booth: From collection of documents on the Salvation Army
Timidity to Boldness, should be published and Maori 1884-2007 (2007) and edited Norman
by the end of 2020. He is contributor and Murdoch’s Christian warfare in Rhodesia-
Associate Editor for The Australasian Zimbabwe: The Salvation Army and African
journal of Salvation Army history. liberation 1891 – 1991 for publication
(2015). Harold also contributed chapters to a
Lindsay Cox is the Museum Manager number of other books, most recently to Under
for The Salvation Army Australia Museum, two flags: the New Zealand Salvation Army's
Australia Territory. His original interest in response to the First World War, edited by
history was in the field of imperial German Kingsley Sampson (2019). Hill was promoted to
militaria and colonial military. In 1995, Glory on 3 August 2020, just prior the
Cox led a group of people in interviewing publication of this issue of the journal.
returned services personal about their
experience with The Salvation Army during Major Kingsley Sampson is a retired
WWII. He helped designed the current Salvation Army officer living in
Army museum in Melbourne and conducts Christchurch, New Zealand. As well as
many visits to groups for displaying and Salvation Army history, his retirement
talking about Army history. Cox’s interests include travel, gardening, reading,
publications include: Brave and True – from cycling in summer and researching the
Blue to Khaki and illustrator for Fire a folly, history of his forebears. He has qualifications
Fire another folly and Banned for life. His in history, theology and education. Apart
current publication is Cuppa tea digger? from two corps appointments in New Zealand
Salvos serving in World War Two. in the 1980s, most of his officer service was
in education and education administration
Garth R. Hentzschel is currently roles in New Zealand and Zambia. This
conducting research for a PhD in history. included sixteen years on the staff of Booth
He has been a lecturer and held leadership College of Mission, Upper Hutt. Sampson
roles in the areas of Social Sciences, was a writer and sub-editor of
Education and Humanities in a private the Hallelujah Magazine and currently a
tertiary education provider. He has degrees contributor and Associate Editor for The
in education, leadership and counselling Australasian journal of Salvation Army
(BEd, BAdminLead, MEd [SGC]). history. Sampson’s most recent publication
Hentzschel is the director of Cross & Crown was editor and writer for Under two flags: the
Publications, president of The Salvation New Zealand Salvation Army's response to
Army Historical Society, Brisbane Chapter the First World War (2019).

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 5

The church connected to William Booth’s conversion
Wesley Chapel, Broad Street Nottingham, UK1

1 Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 6

WILLIAM BOOTH’S CONVERSION

David Malcolm Bennett

Introduction

William Booth left diverse accounts of and references to his conversion and the process leading to it,
and they come in different sizes. They are also difficult to piece together. Harold Begbie said, “he
made more than one attempt at autobiography”,2 though it may be more accurate to say that he made
many attempts at writing and speaking about some of his life’s experiences, including his conversion.
Then there is a claim about Booth’s conversion from another source that does not quite fit the picture
that Booth paints. The references to his conversion and the path to it have, what seem to be,
irreconcilable differences. However, his conversion appears to have occurred in 1843 or 1844, so
probably when he was 14 or 15, though 1845 is also possible. Each of these years has been suggested
both other researchers. This paper is an attempt to reconcile the irreconcilable.

The main sources we will use to investigate Booth’s conversion are George Scott Railton’s
biography of General Booth, which was published in 1912 the year Booth died, and Booth’s own
recollections that appeared in The war cry and other Salvation Army publications. Before
investigating the main sources, later biographies about Booth were examined. The later accounts
included (with relevant page numbers), Begbie, Life of William Booth (1:51 ‒ 54), Ervine, God’s
soldier: General William Booth (1:34 ‒ 35), Collier, The general next to God (28 ‒ 29); Bennett, The
general: William Booth, (1:36 ‒ 39), Hattersley, Blood and fire: William and Catherine Booth (20 ‒
21), Green, The life and ministry of William Booth (12), and Taylor, William Booth: The man and his
mission, (1:24 ‒ 26). It was found these later biographies used one or more of the main accounts,
apart for a phrase or two, therefore, for the most part, do not need to be included in this paper.

“How we began”

In 1886, William Booth wrote Twenty-One years’ Salvation Army. The first chapter is entitled “How
we began” and opens with Booth’s early life and conversion. It must be remembered, as with all these
accounts, that this was written more than 40 years after the event. How much allowance should be
made for tricks of memory, in this and the other records, is uncertain, but one’s own conversion is
the type of event that one would expect an evangelist to remember, and so he claims. In that account
he first mentioned a little about his own religious background and childhood in Nottingham and the
surrounding area. His family belonged to the Church of England, though how much influence that
church had upon Booth is debatable. William’s father seems to have been at best a nominal Christian,
and though William later wrote about his mother’s vibrant Christian faith, this probably developed
later.3 In other words, Booth does not appear to have been surrounded by strong Christian influences
in his childhood home.

Then, he said, that at the age of thirteen (so presumably in 1842),

Reference citation of this paper; David Malcolm Bennett, “William Booth’s conversion”, The Australasian
journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 6 – 18.
2 Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth, (London, UK: Macmillan, 1920), 1:53.
3 William Booth, “My mother”, All the world, (London, August 1893), 81 ‒ 85.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 7

The current plaque in the foyer of the building which was the former Wesleyan Chapel4
Inscription: “In this building formerly the Broad Street Wesley Chapel William Booth Founder and

first general of The Salvation Army gave his heart and life to God in his fifteenth year 1844”

4 Photographs courtesy of The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 8

I exchanged [the Church of England] of my own choice for what were to me the more interesting
meetings of the Wesleyan Methodists. There was nothing very remarkable about the measures
that led up to my conversion. I had the advantage of hearing some faithful preaching, and came,
in my new associations, under the influence of some godly friends, while as far back as I can
remember the Holy Spirit had continually shown me that my real welfare for time and eternity
depended upon the surrender of myself to the service of God. After a long controversy I made
this submission, cast myself on His mercy, received an assurance of His pardon, and gave myself
up to His service with all my heart. The hour, the place and many other particulars of this glorious
transaction are recorded indelibly on my memory.”5

Unfortunately, he did not then elaborate on the details “indelibly” recorded in his memory.
For a few years the Booth family lived in the village of Bleasby, not far from William’s

birthplace, and he seems to have begun his schooling in the vestry of St Mary’s Church of England

in that village. If that is correct, it is likely he came under some Christian influence, though this is

unlikely to have been from an evangelical perspective. The Booth family returned to Nottingham late
in 1835, and William was sent to Biddulph’s Academy as a day boy. Sampson Biddulph, the principal,
was a Methodist local preacher (that is, a lay preacher) and class leader.6 However, while Biddulph

gave Booth a reasonable education, which must have included some Christian teaching, Booth
claimed that it had little impact upon him spiritually.7

There are, however, a few comments in the quoted section of “How we began” which need
further consideration. Booth said, “as far back as I can remember the Holy Spirit had continually

shown me that my real welfare for time and eternity depended upon the surrender of myself to the
service of God.” If one takes the phrase “as far back as I can remember” with anything approaching

literalness, then this would, presumably, precede his joining the Methodists at the age of 13. Perhaps

that is not what he meant, but perhaps it does. If it does refer to his earlier childhood, then it is probable
that his education at Biddulph’s Academy, and even his association with the Church of England, had

a greater spiritual impact than he was prepared to admit.
Booth also said that he heard “some faithful preaching” during his time with the Wesleyan

Methodists, which would have been mainly at Wesley Chapel, Nottingham. The minister at Wesley
Chapel, in 1842 ‒ 1845 was Samuel Simpson. Rev Simpson was said to have had “excellent gifts”
and was known as “the weeping prophet”.8 In 1845, after a rearrangement of the Nottingham circuits,

the three ministers in the Nottingham North circuit, which included Wesley Chapel, were Barnard
Slater (the superintendent), John Vine (who was in Nottingham from 1844 ‒ 1846) and Daniel

Strickland Tatham, who were supported by more than 30 local preachers, including Sampson
Biddulph, Booth’s school teacher. Slater has been referred to as “a diligent pastor and faithful
preacher.” Vine was a long-serving Wesleyan minister who seems to have entered the ministry in
1836, but no information has been found about his preaching skills.9 Daniel Tatham, who entered the

Wesleyan ministry in 1821, was the son of a highly-regarded, long-serving local preacher, but at this
stage Tatham junior was semi-retired because of poor health.10 Tatham was described in his obituary

5 William Booth, Twenty-One years’ Salvation Army, (London, UK: Salvation Army, 1886), 7.
6 Gordon Taylor, William Booth: The man and his mission, (2 vols. London, UK: Salvation Army, 2019), 1:7 ‒ 8, 14 ‒
15; Denise Amos, “General William Booth”, in The Nottingham Heritage Gateway,
https://www.nottsheritagegateway.org.uk/people/generalbooth/structural.htm accessed 5 June 2020.
7 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 1:40, 46; David Malcolm Bennett, The general: William Booth, (2 vols), (FL, USA:
Xulon Press, 2003), 1:27.
8 George H. Harwood, History of Wesleyan Methodism in Nottingham, (Nottingham, UK: John Ellis, 1872), 173 ‒ 75,
177.
9 Harwood, History of Wesleyan, 178 ‒ 80.
10 Harwood, History of Wesleyan, 173.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 9

as “a diligent student of the word of God” and “his pulpit labours were [called] acceptable and
useful.”11

Rev Samuel Dunn, with whom Booth had some conflict, does not appear to have arrived in
Nottingham until 1846, seemingly, after Booth was converted. But Dunn was an able evangelist.12
Booth also regarded travelling evangelists Isaac Marsden and James Caughey as faithful preachers,
though by 1844 he had heard Marsden, but he did not hear Caughey until May 1846.

Though Booth’s account in “How we began” is rather brief, it does tell us a few things about
his conversion. First, it does suggest that there was a lengthy period leading up to it, a process that
appears to have been going on for several years. Indeed, it was “a long controversy”; and the word
controversy suggests a degree of uncertainty and even some rebellion. It almost sounds as though he
had an argument with God. But after that Booth “made this submission” and cast himself on God’s
mercy. Booth made the submission, but he seems to be saying that then God impacted in his life in a
merciful, a saving way. That experience appears to have happened at a particular “hour”, in a
particular “place” and was sufficiently dramatic to burn itself “indelibly on [his] memory.”

“A Day in my Native Town”

In 1896, after a visit to Nottingham, his hometown, William Booth recorded some of his recollections
in The war cry. This was about 52 years after his conversion, yet it does give a more detailed account
of it. The relevant part of the report, with headings, ran:

MY CONVERSION
Between that Meeting and the evening it was necessary for me to take another drive through the
Town, and then a few more recollections came. For instance, I had to pass the end of [a street
named] Goose Gate, a few yards up, which is the spot where I realised for the first time that God,
for Christ’s sake, had forgiven all my sins. This event, so important to me, and which has proved
directly and indirectly to be of no little consequence to tens and hundreds of thousands more since
that day, was preceded by a long struggle. All at once I was possessed with a strong ambition to
be reconciled to God and to live a useful life. It appeared to me increasingly desirable. But young
as I was, and imperfectly taught as I had been,

THE INWARD LIGHT
revealed to me clearly that I must not only renounce everything that I knew to be sinful, but make
restitution, so far as I had the ability, for the wrong I had done to others. I had injured a
Companion, and I saw I must confess the wrong done and make reparation. I tried hard to effect
a compromise with the Almighty on the subject, as many older people do to-day, but got no peace
to my conscience by the attempt.

Among other things I joined the Methodist Society, and went through a round of religious
observances, but that did not bring me peace. At last I came to a decision. I remember as though
it were only last night deciding the matter — resolving that, cost what it might, I would do my
duty. I was sitting in a Class Meeting at the time. I rushed out — with some difficulty found the
young fellow I had wronged — made the acknowledgement — offered the recompense — and
then hastened home. On that spot, in that street, peace came to my conscience.

‘From my weary heart my burden rolled away,’ and I went forwards to live a new, a
heavenly life.”13

11 Minutes of the Methodist Conferences, (vol. xviii), (London, UK: Wesleyan Conference Office, 1874), 252.
12 For more information on Dunn, see David Malcolm Bennett, “Samuel Dunn and Wesley Chapel Nottingham”,
https://www.williamandcatherinebooth.com/methodist-church/samuel-dunn-and-wesley-chapel-nottingham-2/ accessed
5 June 2020.
13 William Booth, “A day in my native town”, The war cry, (London, 21 November 1896), 7. This is also quoted in
Taylor, William Booth, 1:25.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 10

The main heading to this section of the article is “My Conversion”, and while he does not
otherwise use that term in the article, it is clear that that is what he is talking about, or, at least, a
sequence of events that included his conversion. He also says, as in “How we began”, that this
happened in Nottingham after having met with the Methodists for some time.

In that previous article he also said that his conversion was preceded by “a long controversy”,
while in this it “was preceded by a long struggle.” It would be pedantic to try to create a difference
between those two terms.

It is common in evangelical circles to see a conversion to Christ as an instantaneous experience
or at least something that happened on a particular day. But I wonder if that is always the right way
of seeing it. Are conversions, some of them at least, a process rather than an event? For example, the
conversion of the Apostle Paul is usually regarded as the classic example of an instantaneous
conversion. But was it instantaneous? When was Paul converted? Was it on the road to Damascus or
three days later when Ananias arrived and God gave back Paul’s sight? That Paul received his sight,
besides being a literal event, seems to be symbolic of his seeing Jesus in a new light, as Saviour and
Lord, instead of as blasphemer and enemy. Or was it an even longer process, “a long controversy”,
that began with the death of Stephen that Paul witnessed? I appreciate that this is speculative, but I
think these questions need to be asked, not just about Paul, but also about William Booth.

While Booth said, “All at once I was possessed with a strong ambition to be reconciled to God
and to live a useful life”, that cannot be considered a conversion. Rather it was an “All at once”
awakening to what God was calling him to. He then added, “It appeared to me increasingly desirable.”
In other words, presumably, that “ambition to be reconciled to God” increased in intensity. This
suggests that he was not reconciled to God immediately after his desire to be so. Indeed, according
to Begbie, Booth did say, “Although the change that came over me was sudden … it was nevertheless
reached by stages.”14

He then said, “But young as I was, and imperfectly taught as I had been…” By whom had he
been “imperfectly taught”? That would presumably refer to how he perceived the teaching he had
received through the Church of England and Biddulph’s Academy in his younger childhood, yet his
comment seems to include part of the time that he had been attending the Methodist Church. Did he
believe that the Methodists had taught him “imperfectly”? This would seem unlikely because he had
clearly learned a lot from them and he strongly approved their teaching. As has been seen, in “How
we began” he said that he had heard “some faithful preaching” in his early days with the Methodists.

He then said, “The inward light revealed to me clearly that I must not only renounce everything
that I knew to be sinful, but make restitution, so far as I had the ability, for the wrong I had done to
others.” In The war cry, “The Inward Light” is a heading, but it is also an essential part of the text.

Isaac Marsden

William Booth had a high regard for Isaac Marsden, a lay Methodist evangelist. Catherine Booth did
not approve of him.15 Donald Reasbeck says that Marsden’s “methods were at times somewhat direct
and not a little eccentric”,16 and so they were. He was intelligent and well read, but his manner was

14 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 1:46.
15 Letter CM29, 20 Mar. 1853, David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The letters of William and Catherine Booth, (Brisbane:
Camp Hill, Publication, 2003), 87; Booth letters CD, (Brisbane: Camp Hill, Publication, 2011), 90.
16 Donald Reasbeck, Isaac Marsden: A nineteenth century evangelist, (Doncaster, UK: Hexpress Publications, 2007),
vi; see pages 21 ‒ 22, 29 ‒ 31, 36 ‒ 40, 45 for him in action.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 11

rough. In the 1880s John Taylor wrote a book about Marsden, which included a letter from William
Booth to Taylor, written in June 1882. In it Booth said,

I shall never forget the words I first heard from Mr Isaac Marsden. I was walking out one evening
with two Wesleyan friends at Nottingham, when I was 14 years of age. Mr Marsden was
conducting special [i.e. evangelistic] services at a Wesleyan Chapel, and at that time no one could
hear him who had any belief in the great truths of the Bible without being deeply impressed and
stimulated by him.

We entered the chapel late—in the dusk. I could hardly see the speaker; but just at that
moment he was saying “A soul dies every minute”. The thought made me cringe, and I have little
doubt that, but for my two friends, I should have stayed that very night and given God my heart.
It was not until sometime after this that I decided for Christ.17

Clearly those few words from Marsden in, presumably, 1843 or early 1844 had made a big impact on
Booth, for he remembered them nearly 40 years later. Yet he was not converted immediately after
hearing them, for he was converted “sometime after this”.

We have not yet been able to discover whether Marsden visited Nottingham in 1843 or 1844,
though it is possible that he did preach there during those years. He does seem to have preached there
in 1842,18 and, according to one newspaper report, “Rev. I. Marsden” preached at Stapleford
Wesleyan Chapel, 10 kilometres from Nottingham, on 30 July 1843. That was almost certainly the
unordained Isaac Marsden, with the title “Rev.” being assumed by the reporter.19 The year 1842 may
be too early and it is, perhaps, more likely that Booth heard him during an unrecorded trip to
Nottingham in 1843 or 1844. It is possible, but unlikely, that Booth would have heard him in the
Stapleford Chapel. Booth says that he heard Marsden “at Nottingham”, not near it.

Whatever the date, those words uttered by Marsden seem to have been a step towards Booth
becoming a Christian. Indeed, Marsden did refer to Booth as “A spiritual child of mine.” (The two
men also had contact in later years and Marsden did support Booth’s work.)20 Booth said that it was
“sometime after” first hearing Marsden that he was converted, though we do not know how long the
word “sometime” represents. It may not have been long, for William B. Carter, another Marsden
biographer, said that Booth was “brought to Christ, and set upon a new course of life” during an early
Marsden campaign in Nottingham, possibly his first there.21 Indeed, Carter quotes Marsden as saying
in 1869 that on his visit to Nottingham in 1842 “A young person, the name of Booth, was that night
convicted and decided for God; he became a local preacher.”22 If that “young person” called Booth
was William Booth, it presents a different picture from what Booth has painted, and a different year.
Booth said that he was converted after leaving a class meeting and rushing to a friend to make
restitution. Marsden seems to imply that Booth (if it was William Booth) was converted directly after
hearing Marsden preach. However, it is possible that Booth’s conversion happened a few weeks after
hearing Marsden. “A soul dies every minute” may have triggered Booth’s concern about deceiving
his friends.

17 John Taylor, Reminiscences of Isaac Marsden of Doncaster, (London, UK: Woolmer, 1886), 152.
18 Reasbeck, Isaac Marsden, 45.
19 Nottingham review and general advertiser, (UK, 4 August 1843), 5.
20 Taylor, Reminiscences of Isaac Marsden, 151 ‒ 152.
21 Taylor, William Booth, 1:20, quoting William B. Carter, Isaac Marsden of Doncaster, (London, UK: Woolmer,
c.1885), 7.
22 Reasbeck, Isaac Marsden, 82 - 83, quoting Carter, Isaac Marsden, 237.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 12

“Reflections”

Early in November 1898 William Booth returned to Nottingham again, and recorded some thoughts
in The war cry. While in Nottingham he preached at a “Saturday Night Soldiers’ Meeting” in the
school room of Wesley Chapel, where his “religious career [had] commenced.” It may seem strange
that a Salvation Army meeting was held in a Wesleyan building, but perhaps the Salvation Army hall
was not large enough or was symbolic to Booth and thus needed to be used for this occasion.

Afterwards, he published some “Reflections” about the period surrounding his conversion in
The war cry. In these he said,

as I looked once more upon the place, my mind was carried back, through the Fifty-Four years
that had elapsed, to some of the scenes and circumstances which made so indelible an impression
upon my heart at the time, and which had so much to do with shaping my future. In imagination
I again testified in the Love Feasts, responded in the Prayer Meetings, listened to the Sermons,
united in the Songs, and knelt in spirit at the Penitent-Form, where I made the first full surrender
of my soul and all that was within me to the service of God. Little did I think when I rose that
night, walked across the room and bent my knee in that consecration, what was going to
happen.”23

William Booth originally left Nottingham for London in 1849, so in 1898 he was recalling in his
“imagination” these events that occurred in the mid- and late 1840s in Nottingham, particularly, it
would seem, in 1844, “Fifty-Four years” before. In 1898 he “knelt in spirit at the Penitent-Form”
remembering a time when he had physically done that.

However, we need to ask what does he mean here by the phrase “where I made the first full
surrender of my soul”? (Bear in mind that this occurred in Wesley Chapel, not in the open air, as had
the other experience previously referred to.) The term “first full surrender” suggests that he may have
already had an earlier spiritual experience, which may or may not have been his conversion. However,
we need to ask, was this “first full surrender” his actual conversion? Probably not, at least that is not
the way he seems to have seen it. If the events he mentions are in chronological order (which may
not be the case), such events as his testifying in the love feasts and responding “in the Prayer
Meetings” preceded his “first full surrender”, which would, presumably, make that surrender a post-
conversion experience. Was this “surrender” a confirmation of his conversion experience? It possibly
was that, but it seems to have been more than that. Or does it refer to a holiness experience? Or was
it a post-conversion commitment to dedicate himself to the service of God? The context does suggest
that it related to a dedication of himself to God’s service. This presumably would mean that that
“surrender” would be a post-conversion experience, probably soon after his act of repentance
concerning the wrong done to a friend. The phrase “first full surrender” also implies that it was not
his last.

In his “Reflections”, Booth then went on to mention the visit to Nottingham of James Caughey,
an American Methodist evangelist, who made a great impact upon him. Booth says that Caughey
arrived “soon after” his own conversion.24 Caughey seems to have first preached in Wesley Chapel,
Nottingham on Sunday 15 May 1846.25 In “Reflections” Booth also refers to one of Caughey’s

23 William Booth, “Reflections”, The war cry, (London, 12 November 1898), 8.
24 Booth, “Reflections”, 8.
25 Nottingham review and general advertiser, (UK, 15 May 1846), 4.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 13

sermons in which the American, in Booth’s understanding, seems to have related surrender to
conversion itself or, possibly, to assurance of salvation.26

Plaque commemorating the building where William Booth was converted. Note the date 1845.27

The plaque that originally was placed on the floor of the downstairs room in the Broad Street
Wesleyan Chapel. This is the spot where legend says William Booth knelt and was converted. Note the

year 1844.28

26 Booth, “Reflections”, 8.
27 Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London. The plaque was housed in the
Broad Street Wesleyan Chapel and is now housed at the William Booth Birthplace Museum, Nottingham, UK.
28 Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 14

“God shall have all there is of William Booth”

There is also a comment that William Booth made, probably on more than one occasion, and with
variations, that needs to be considered. That is, that he said that he had decided, “God shall have all
there is of William Booth.” This has at times been associated with his conversion,29 but it may refer
to a slightly later experience. Indeed, the official history of The Salvation Army links it to James
Caughey’s visit, which may have been two years after his conversion.30 Bramwell Booth quoted a
variation of these words in his preface to Railton’s biography of General Booth. Bramwell’s record
was his father’s answer to an interview “a few months before [the General’s] death.” He said, “I made
up my mind that God Almighty should have all there was of William Booth.” And Bramwell seems
to regard this as his father’s thought “in the beginning” of his Christian experience.31 The phrase “in
the beginning” does not necessarily refer to his conversion, but it must have happened then or soon
after. Perhaps William Booth first said or thought that in what he called his “first full surrender” at
Wesley Chapel that was considered above. Those words sound like a “full surrender”.

George Scott Railton’s version.

George Scott Railton’s biography of William Booth was published in 1912, and it contained a lengthy
account of Booth’s conversion. Commissioner Railton said that this account originated when Booth
was “Speaking some time ago”. When that was and on what occasion has not been discovered.
However, we immediately hit a discrepancy. The account begins, “When as a giddy youth of fifteen
I was led to attend Wesley Chapel, Nottingham…” Yet in “How we began” he said that he first began
to attend Wesley Chapel when he was 13, which seems more likely, if, as we have seen, he had a long
struggle before his conversion when he was about 15. But a “giddy youth” he may well have been.
He also was apprenticed to a pawnbroker, probably when he was 13, whom he mentions in this
account.

Booth continued,

I cannot recollect that any individual pressed me in the direction of personal surrender to God. I
was wrought upon quite independently of human effort by the Holy Ghost, who created within
me a great thirst for a new life.

I felt that I wanted, in place of the life of self-indulgence, to which I was yielding myself,
a happy, conscious sense that I was pleasing God, living right, and spending all my powers to get
others into such a life. I saw that all this ought to be, and I decided that it should be. It is wonderful
that I should have reached this decision in view of all the influences then around me. My
professedly Christian master never uttered a word to indicate that he believed in anything he could
not see, and many of my companions were worldly and sensual, some of them even vicious.

Yet I had that instinctive belief in God which, in common with my fellow-creatures, I had
brought into the world with me. I had no disposition to deny my instincts, which told me that if
there was a God His laws ought to have my obedience and His interests my service.

I felt that it was better to live right than to live wrong, and as to caring for the interests of
others instead of my own, the condition of the suffering people around me, people with whom I
had been so long familiar, and whose agony seemed to reach its climax about this time,
undoubtedly affected me very deeply.

29 For example, Janet and Geoff Benge, William Booth: Soup, soap and salvation, (Seattle, UK: YWAM, 2002), 25 ‒
26.
30 Robert Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army: Volume 1, 1865 – 1878, (New York, USA: Salvation Army,
1947), 3 ‒ 4.
31 George S. Railton, General Booth, (London, UK: Salvation Army, 1912), iv ‒ v.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 15

There were children crying for bread to parents whose own distress was little less terrible
to witness.

One feeling specially forced itself upon me, and I can recollect it as distinctly as though it
had transpired only yesterday, and that was the sense of the folly of spending my life in doing
things for which I knew I must either repent or be punished in the days to come.

In my anxiety to get into the right way, I joined the Methodist Church, and attended the
Class Meetings, to sing and pray and speak with the rest.

The close and questioning nature of a Methodist class meeting would have caused Booth to examine
his spiritual condition, though he appears to have already been doing that. The account continues,

But all the time the inward Light revealed to me that I must not only renounce everything I knew
to be sinful, but make restitution, so far as I had the ability, for any wrong I had done to others
before I could find peace with God.

The entrance to the Heavenly Kingdom was closed against me by an evil act of the past
which required restitution. In a boyish trading affair I had managed to make a profit out of my
companions, whilst giving them to suppose that what I did was all in the way of a generous
fellowship. As a testimonial of their gratitude they had given me a silver pencil-case. Merely to
return their gift would have been comparatively easy, but to confess the deception I had practised
upon them was a humiliation to which for some days I could not bring myself.

I remember, as if it were but yesterday, the spot in the corner of a room under the chapel,
the hour, the resolution to end the matter, the rising up and rushing forth, the finding of the young
fellow I had chiefly wronged, the acknowledgment of my sin, the return of the pencil-case ‒ the
instant rolling away from my heart of the guilty burden, the peace that came in its place, and the
going forth to serve my God and my generation from that hour.

It was in the open street that this great change passed over me, and if I could only have
possessed the flagstone on which I stood at that happy moment, the sight of it occasionally might
have been as useful to me as the stones carried up long ago from the bed of the Jordan were to the
Israelites who had passed over them dry-shod.

Since that night, for it was near upon eleven o’clock when the happy change was realised,
the business of my life has been not only to make a holy character but to live a life of loving
activity in the service of God and man.32

This is clearly the incident that happened in Goose Gate, as it bears the same crucial
characteristics as in the “Day in my native town” account. But here we have more details about the
problem that was troubling Booth, when he had “injured a Companion”. It concerned “a boyish
trading affair”, in which his companions had given him a “silver pencil-case” in thanks. He believed
that he had acted dishonestly in the deed, and now needed, not only to confess it, but to make
restitution, which he did. In other words, he repented.

We also need to note Booth’s comment, “It was in the open street that this great change passed
over me.” It was a “great change”, so great that he almost desired to have a physical memorial to
remind him of it. It does sound like a conversion experience or at least part of it. And this was in a
street, not a church building.

Synthesis

William Booth began life in a family that seems to have been nominally Church of England, but he
claimed to have had an “instinctive belief in God … in common with [his] fellow-creatures.” He also
said that he began to attend a Methodist Chapel at the age of thirteen and was converted about two
years later.

32 Railton, General Booth, 9 ‒ 11.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 16

One main area of confusion concerning Booth’s conversion is the influence of others upon him.
He gave contradictory comments about this. He said in “How we began”, “There was nothing very
remarkable about the measures that led up to my conversion. I had the advantage of hearing some
faithful preaching, and came, in my new associations [among the Methodists], under the influence of
some godly friends”. Yet, according to “A day in my native town”, at the time of his conversion he
said that he had been “imperfectly taught”. That phrase does not sit well with “hearing some faithful
preaching” and being influenced by “some godly friends”. While it could be fairly argued that human
teaching may be true and helpful, yet in some respects imperfect, Booth’s phrase seems to say more
than that. He sounds as though he was saying that there was an important factor missing in the
teaching he had received. While it is not certain what that missing factor was, going by what William
Booth said and what he became, it may have been that, in his opinion, the Methodist preaching he
heard lacked an emphasis upon evangelism, individual conversion or repentance. In Railton’s record,
Booth said, “I cannot recollect that any individual pressed me in the direction of personal surrender
to God.”

There is little to guide us to confirm or deny that lack. The membership of Wesleyan Methodism
in Nottingham in the early 1840s remained rather static, with small increases in some years and small
decreases in others. It was not until the year 1846 ‒ 1847 that the membership showed a large increase,
with nearly 400 added,33 but that rise followed the arrival of the American evangelist James Caughey.
However, it would be unfair to deduce from these figures that the Nottingham Wesleyans lacked an
emphasis upon evangelism, conversion and repentance.

Booth also said, “I was wrought upon quite independently of human effort by the Holy Ghost,
who created within me a great thirst for a new life”, and it was “the inward light” that led him to
repent. But inward light tends to reflect outside influence, and there can be little doubt that the
“faithful preaching” of the Methodist ministers and local preachers were the source of that. It sounds
as though the teaching Booth received was not so imperfect. Then the Holy Spirit applied the lessons
of that faithful preaching.

In his memory, forty years later, Booth narrowed the culmination of his long spiritual struggle
down to dealing with an act of deceit that he had played on some friends. However, that struggle may
have been about more than that originally. In this crucial issue he had deceived these friends
sufficiently to gain their thanks and a gift of a pencil-case. It was this, he thought, that barred his way
to “the Heavenly Kingdom”. It was “an evil act … which required restitution.” He seems to have
come to that conclusion while sitting in a class meeting in a room under Wesley Chapel, and it was,
perhaps, triggered by some comments from his fellow class members, though it may also have been
influenced by the memory of Isaac Marsden’s comment, “A soul dies every minute”. He rose, rushed
forth, found “the young fellow [he] had chiefly wronged”, and confessed his sin and returned the
pencil case. Then the “guilty burden” rolled away and, he said, that he went “forth to serve my God
and my generation from that hour.”

Then later he “made the first full surrender of” his soul. It is unclear how that experience is to
be understood, but it does seem distinct from his conversion, and may have included the thought that
“God should have all there was” of him.

I do speculate in my book The general, that Booth’s wording in these accounts, which
emphasise human decision in Christian conversion, may reflect Booth’s later thinking, rather than his

33 Harwood, History of Wesleyan, 173, 177 ‒ 178, 180, 189, 194.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 17

thinking at the time of his conversion. These accounts were all spoken or written long after the event,
and may have owed much to his later thinking, perhaps influenced by Charles Finney.34

In the end much is left unsaid because much is unknown. But the important thing to note is that
the world would be a much poorer place if William Booth had not become a Christian. Thank God
that William Booth was converted.

William Booth in later years as General of The Salvation Army35

34 Bennett, The general, 1:39 ‒ 40.
35 Courtesy of the New Zealand Salvation Army Archives, Upper Hutt.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 18

A-TISHOO! A-TISHOO!, WE ALL FALL DOWN:
MURWILLUMBAH’S SALVATION ARMY EMERGENCY HOSPITAL
A RESPONSE TO THE 1918 – 1920 PNEUMONIC INFLUENZA PANDEMIC1

Garth R. Hentzschel

Around December 2019, a coronavirus appeared in the Hubei Province, China. The novel coronavirus
soon became known as COVID-19 and was to spread to 213 countries.2 As early as Thursday 12

March 2020, with infections increasing, the Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison made a rare
live televised ‘address to the nation’ which set out goals for his country’s response to the virus.3 On

the six-month anniversary of the announcement of the infection, the World Health Organization
(WHO) “recorded 10,021,401 ‘official’ cases of COVID-19, with 499,913 deaths globally.”4

Through the initial six months of the COVID-19 pandemic, The Salvation Army in Australia too had

been impacted; corps meetings ceased or went online, publications such as Warcry ceased paper print

runs, and social services changed formats. The economic impact saw an increased need for the
Army’s work in “delivering financial relief and support for Australians coping with the consequences
of poverty.”5 The success of the Prime Minister’s goals, the changes made by The Salvation Army,

and work the Army conducted during this pandemic will be evaluated by future historians.
The Australian media at first used the word ‘unprecedented’ to describe the unfolding COVID-

19 crises, reaching its peak in usage at the commencement of March 2020. The use of the word began
to decline after historians pointed out that a century earlier the world was hit by the 1918 – 1920
pneumonic influenza epidemic.6 COVID-19 then became described as a “one in a hundred-year
event.”7 Like the 2020 pandemic, although often forgotten, the earlier epidemic impacted Australia

Reference citation of this paper; Garth R. Hentzschel, “A-tishoo! A-tishoo!, we all fall down: Murwillumbah’s
Salvation Army Emergency Hospital; a response to the 1918 – 1920 pneumonic influenza pandemic”, The
Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 19 – 47.
1 The first line of the heading is borrowed from one version of the rhyme “Ring-a-ring-a-roses”, once attributed to the
great plague, but now this assertion has been questioned by Winick. Also, the years of the epidemic are disputed, for
example, Hoppe had 1918 – 1920, while Trilla, Trilla, and Dear had 1918 – 1919; this paper has used the wider
parameter to signify the length of the epidemic internationally. Trevor Hoppe, “‘Spanish flu’: When infectious disease
names blur origins and stigmatize those infected,” AJPH, 108, 11, (November 2018), 1462-1464.; Antoni Trilla,
Guillem Trilla, and Carolyn Daer, “The 1918 ‘Spanish flu’ in Spain,” Clinical Infectious Diseases, 47, 5, (1 September
2008), 668-673.; Stephen Winick, “Ring around the rosie: Metafolklore, rhyme and reason,” (Library of Congress, 24
July 2014), https://blogs.loc.gov/folklife/2014/07/ring-around-the-rosie-metafolklore-rhyme-and-reason/ accessed 26
July 2020.
2 “COVID-19 Coronavirus pandemic,” (Worldometer, 16 July 2020), https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/
accessed 16 July 2020.
3 Cited in Rob Harris, “Australia ‘well-prepared and well-equipped’ to cope with coronavirus, Scott Morrison says,”
The Sydney morning herald, (Australia, Thursday 12 March 2020), ¶ 5,
https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/australia-well-prepared-and-well-equipped-to-cope-with-coronavirus-scott-
morrison-says-20200312-p549kn.html accessed 15 March 2020.
4 Peter Doherty, “Lessons learned from the first six months of COVID-19 – part one,” (Doherty Institute, 6 July 2020),
¶1, https://www.doherty.edu.au/news-events/setting-it-straight/lessons-learned-from-the-first-six-months-of-covid-19-
part-1 accessed 25 July 2020.
5 “Coronavirus response: March 24, 2020,” (The Salvation Army Australia, 2020), ¶ 5,
https://www.salvationarmy.org.au/about-us/news-and-stories/media-newsroom/coronavirus-response-march-24-
2020/?utm_source=Facebook&utm_medium=organic-social&utm_campaign=covid-19&utm_content=media+release
accessed 28 June 2020.
6 Chris Pash, “Flattening the unprecedented pandemic buzzword pivot,” (adnews, 15 July 2020),
https://www.adnews.com.au/news/flattening-the-unprecedented-pandemic-buzzword-pivot accessed 26 July 2020.
7 See for example, Josh Frydenberg, “Josh Frydenberg warns of economic shock ‘Australia’s never seen before’”,
(2GB, 20 July 2020), https://www.2gb.com/josh-frydenberg-warns-of-economic-shock-australias-never-seen-before/
accessed 26 July 2020.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 19

The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital
operated for four weeks in 1919 at the former Primary School

Murwillumbah, New South Wales, Australia8

8 Two views of the Murwillumbah Primary School, Bent Street. The students are gathered on the grass bank in front of
the school buildings. (Top image) Photograph taken in 1905. Image courtesy of the State Library of Queensland,
negative number 63675. (Bottom image) Image courtesy the Tweed Regional Museum.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 20

as both a medical and financial emergency, then as now, The Salvation Army attempted to assist the
wider population. This paper investigates the earlier epidemic and a ministry of one Australian
Salvation Army corps: the Murwillumbah Corps. From newspaper reports of the time, the difficulties
in establishing The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital will be discussed. The paper will also outline
the work of Salvationists in the hospital and evaluate the corps’ efforts to support some victims of the
pneumonic influenza during 1919. Although listed in some local history research, no previous in-
depth study has been located on this ministry.9 Operating for a noticeably short time, it will be shown
that The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital attracted both criticism and praise; praise that would
turn into support and assisted the Army in the locality.

The 1918 – 1920 pneumonic influenza epidemic

To society’s detriment, much in history is forgotten and therefore not able to be used to evaluate
behaviour to assist in future action. In 1980, Greenwell in the conclusion to her paper on the
pneumonic influenza epidemic in New South Wales lamented,

… today it is a virtually forgotten incident in our history. Perhaps this is because of the almost
science-fictional speed with which the disease came and went. Except for those who had lost
family members, life quickly returned to normal. There were no significant after-effects, no
maimed or injured people left as a reminder of the horrors which had passed. The restrictions and
dislocations were coupled in memory with the wartime prohibitions, until many came to think of
the epidemic as merely an appendage of World War I. But although as an historical and even as
a medical phenomenon the influenza epidemic tends to be ignored, the fact remains … in 1919 a
devastating illness swept the country, causing a greater loss in life and in economic and personal
liberty than any single event in the history of our nation.10

Like other events in history, the true commencement of the pneumonic influenza epidemic is
shrouded by time and overlapping historical events. Spain reported the first cases in mid-1918, by the
end of June London reported cases, in July thousands in Germany were infected, and by August the
’flu was lapping at the shores of America.11 Internationally, the final death toll of the 1918 – 1920
pneumonic influenza epidemic has been estimated to be between 20 to 50 million. Yet researchers
like Bruzgulis reported the death toll could have been as high as 100 million.12

As Spain was the first to openly report on the epidemic, the illness became commonly known
as ‘Spanish Flu’ or sometimes ‘Spanish Lady’.13 Trilla, Trilla, and Daer, argued that as the allied and
axis countries were engaged in World War One, news was censored. Censorship hid much of the
information about the commencement and growth of the influenza. The introduction of the influenza
strain into humans is still contested. Contemporary researches have tracked the infections from British

9 Longhurst and Bruzgulis stated Murwillumbah had an emergency hospital but did not state it was run by The
Salvation Army. Robert Longhurst, The Influenza Epidemic 1919, Tweed Heads Historical Society’s Log Book Issue
No.77 (Tweed Heads, Australia: Tweed Heads Historical Society, 2006), 9.; Maris Bruzgulis, “1919 Influenza
Pandemic,” Timelines, 7, 4 (April 2019), 1.
10 Jennifer Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919 in New South Wales with special reference to
Newcastle, (Newcastle, Australia: University of Newcastle, 1980), 20.
11 “Mysterious malady,” The Australasian, (Melbourne, Saturday 1 June 1918), 24.; “Mysterious disease in Spain,” The
Hamilton spectator, (Victoria, Thursday 6 June 1918), 6.; “Spanish influenza,” The age, (Melbourne, Wednesday 26
June 1918), 7.; “The ‘Spanish Influenza,’” The Ballarat star, (Victoria, Monday 15 July 1918), 1.; “Fatal ‘Flu’,” The
journal, (Adelaide, Thursday 15 August 1918), 1.
12 Hoppe, “‘Spanish flu’”.; Trilla, Trilla, and Daer, “The 1918 ‘Spanish flu’ in Spain”.; Maris Bruzgulis, “The 1919
Influenza Pandemic,” Timelines, 8, 1 (July 2019), 1.
13 See discussions on the matter of naming pandemics. Hoppe, “‘Spanish flu’”.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 21

Military Camps in 1916 and even from the United States of America.14 There were some hints of the
pandemic on the Western Front impacting Australian soldiers as early as May 1918; reports to
Australia stated soldiers were, “admitted to hospital suffering from trench fever and influenza”.15 The
war therefore hid the actual place and time patient zero became infected.

The pneumonic influenza epidemic in New South Wales

In Australia, the ‘Spanish Flu’ was also known as the pneumonic influenza epidemic; although it got
off to a false start, the influenza was to impact the continent as it had done in other countries.

One of the first reported large scale outbreaks of ’flu in Australia occurred in August 1918. It
was reported the A.I.F. training camp at Broadmeadows, New South Wales (NSW), hospitalised 200
soldiers. In the camp, to stop the spread of the influenza, the huts of The Salvation Army and other
philanthropic agencies were closed and soldiers were removed from base every afternoon so the
barracks could be cleaned.16 In September 1918, it was said, “[t]he inflenza [sic] epidemic … is
sweeping over Sydney just now.”17 This however appeared not to be the ‘real thing’. One observer
noted,

That the ’flu is knocking out many old residents – and not a few young ones, too.
That if this is the common variety of influenza, we don’t want a visitation of the Spanish

brand of the disease.
That the Spanish ’flu is deadly in its effects, and no respector [sic] of persons.18

The illnesses subsided in Australia; however, the pneumonic influenza epidemic was still on its
deadly march throughout the world.

As Australia is isolated, it was one of the last countries to receive the epidemic, but the news
from other countries had Australian governments concerned.19 From September 1918, reports reached
Australia of the epidemic’s outbreak in South Africa.20 The illness also made headway in New
Zealand where from 1 October to 31 December 1918 a total of 5,959 people had died from its sting.21
Such outcomes of the epidemic saw parliamentarians begin to take “every precaution by examining
all incoming passengers, and in other ways, to try to prevent Spanish influenza from coming into
Australia.”22

In November 1918, the NSW State Government decided to take preventative action and ships
were checked and passengers suffering from pneumonic influenza were quarantined to a station at
North Head, Sydney. Governments decided that local boards and committees should be established
and a vigorous program of inoculations commenced, in the belief it would immunise the population

14 Trilla, Trilla, and Daer, “The 1918 ‘Spanish flu’ in Spain”.
15 “News of soldiers,” The Bendigonian, (Bendigo, Thursday 2 May 1918), 25.
16 “Influenza epidemic,” The North Western advocate and the Emu Bay times, (Tasmania, Saturday 24 August 1918), 7.
17 “Influenza epidemic,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 21 September 1918), 6.
18 “What people say,” The Shoalhaven news, (NSW, Saturday 19 October 1918), 1.
19 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 14.; “Combating influenza,” The Newcastle morning herald
and miners’ advocate, (NSW, Wednesday 23 October 1918), 4.
20 “Influenza epidemic,” The argus, (Melbourne, Monday 30 September 1918), 6.; “ Spanish flu,” The evening news,
(Sydney, Saturday 12 October 1918), 3.; “Spanish influenza,” The Hamilton spectator, (Victoria, Thursday 17 October
1918), 6.
21 The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 12 March 1919), 3. This number, as with many death rates linked with
the epidemic are contested, see for example “The 1918 influenza pandemic” (NZ History, n.d.),
https://nzhistory.govt.nz/culture/1918-influenza-pandemic/death-rates accessed 5 August 2020.
22 “Spanish influenza,” The argus, (Melbourne, Thursday 10 October 1918), 5.

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against the influenza.23 The New Year passed and it was hoped Australia had avoided the suffering
faced by other countries.

As occurred in 2020, Australia was keeping the influenza out of the country through strict
quarantine measures, but Victoria became the weak point of entry. On 25 January 1919, it was
confirmed that an outbreak of pneumonic influenza had occurred in Melbourne. It was clear that the
NSW Government blamed the actions, or lack of actions, of authorities in Melbourne for the spread
of the illness. One report stated, “[t]here appears to be indisputable evidence that the State infection
is directly due to a laxness in Melbourne.” The Victorian authorities were accused of telling the public
there was no need of concern, that they were unaware of the influenza in Melbourne as they had not
“been officially notified”.24 From Melbourne the influenza spread. Greenwell wrote,

Medical examinations of Victorian train passengers travelling to N.S.W. were conducted at
Albury, while a host of holiday-makers rushed home from the stricken state, bringing with them
the very illness from which they were fleeing… By January 28th., four cases of pheumonic [sic]
influenza were reported in Sydney, each having been contracted in Melbourne.25

Unlike Victoria, the NSW Government acted swiftly and imposed preventative restrictions in
Sydney. The state borders were closed and “New South Wales was accused of causing serious trade
and commercial dislocation and aggravating severe shortages of food and fuel.”26 Businesses,
schools, public entertainment, cinemas, and churches were all closed; in some areas the wearing of
masks became compulsory, wharf workers refused to unload ships that had been infected and
unemployment numbers rose. Greenwell claimed some churches argued that they should not be part
of the closures, they were not a business nor public entertainment.27

The social distancing restrictions appeared to have worked. On 10 February 1919, only 105
influenza cases had been recorded in NSW, with one death from the disease. The restrictions began
to lift at the beginning of March. Unfortunately, with the lifting of restrictions, Sydney and Newcastle
experienced a rapid rise in cases of influenza. By 27 March, the hospitals were becoming
overcrowded, the Royal Easter Show was abandoned, the restrictions of gatherings were again
implemented, and emergency hospitals were established in major centres. The epidemic raged
through June and the state of NSW only started to show signs of abatement in late July. Greenwell
stated, by the end of the epidemic,

In New South Wales a total of six thousand, three hundred and five deaths had occurred, although
it is thought that large numbers died of related causes, but whose deaths were not recorded as
being directly attributed to the influenza. …

The influenza epidemic … caused massive financial losses and disrupted everyday life of
the individual to an extent unprecedented.28

The preparation for the pneumonic influenza epidemic in Murwillumbah

Murwillumbah is located on the Tweed River, on NSW’s far North Coast in the Tweed/border region.
It is nestled near the base of the North Coast’s tallest mountain, Mt Warning and is 848 kms north-

23 Greenwell, The Pneumonic influenza epidemic of 1919, 14.
24 The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 1 February 1919), 4.
25 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 14.
26 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 15.
27 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 15-16.
28 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 20. Bruzgulis had number of deaths in New South Wales
from 5,783 to 6,387. Bruzgulis, “The 1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 1.

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east of Sydney, 13 kms south of the Queensland border and 132 kms south of Brisbane. Although the
town’s name is of aboriginal heritage, the compounding of words has made the original meaning of
the name confused, so it either means ‘camping place’ or ‘big opossum’.

Map of Tweed district and border region, showing Murwillumbah

International news of the pneumonic influenza epidemic created some panic. When the annual
’flu season hit the Tweed region in 1918, The Tweed daily reported the first influenza case “appears
to be part of a worldwide invasion.”29 Although the region had avoided a large scale infection in 1918,
the local authorities began to prepare. Greenwell evaluated local responses to the epidemic and noted
that, local committees, instead of giving clear and accurate advice from regional information, caused
confusion and suffered from mismanagement.30 However, Murwillumbah’s local response suffered
more from petty jealousy, power play and professional rivalry than from mismanagement.

The NSW Government requested local authorities to commence and operate their own “Joint
Local Influenza Committee” to guide responses to the epidemic. In Murwillumbah this became
known as the “Murwillumbah Pneumonic Influenza Administrative Committee” or some shorter
version of the name. This new committee needed to communicate and work with or navigate its way
around pre-existing committees including the “… District Hospital Committee”31 and “Municipal
Council Committees”. It was not clear who had the overall authority, which caused issues.

On Wednesday 11 December 1918, the District Hospital Committee received a letter from the
NSW Government’s Public Health Department. The letter requested the committee cooperate with
the Municipal Council in relation to the influenza epidemic, if it were to reach the area.32 On Thursday
12 December, the health committee of the council met to make plans. This committee appears to have
been the embryonic version of the Murwillumbah Pneumonic Influenza Administrative Committee.
Two people who attended the Council’s meeting, Dr Joseph Albert Goldsmid, and Dr John Joseph
Stuart McEvoy were to play major roles in the coming events that created the emergency hospital.

29 “Influenza epidemic,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 21 September 1918), 6.
30 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919.
31 What is now the Murwillumbah District Hospital was “[o]riginally called the Tweed Cottage Hospital when the first
patient was admitted in June 1904 and renamed Tweed District Hospital in March 1910, it became Murwillumbah
District Hospital after opening of Tweed Heads District Hospital in 1972.” To not confuse the reader, the hospital will
be referred to only at the District Hospital. Di Millar, “Changing role of Mur-Bah Hospital,” The Tweed daily news, (3
November 2009), ¶2, https://www.questia.com/newspaper/1G1-210973429/changing-role-of-mur-bah-
hospital#:~:text=Originally%20called%20the%20Tweed%20Cottage,Heads%20District%20Hospital%20in%201972
accessed 3 August 2020.
32 “Tweed District Hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 12 December 1918), 2.

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Goldsmid was described as a pioneer and one of the stabilising influences in many of the
organisations in the Tweed region.33 When he first arrived in Murwillumbah, he was the only doctor;
later he would help establish the District Hospital.34 During World War One, Goldsmid was senior
medical officer to a troopship, then served as Captain in the Medical Corps.35 At the time of the
influenza epidemic, Goldsmid was the NSW Government Medical Officer for the region and
Murwillumbah’s Municipal Medical Officer. During the epidemic he would also chair the
Murwillumbah Influenza Administrative Committee.36

Dr Joseph Albert Goldsmid37
Dr John Joseph Stuart McEvoy was intelligent, well-connected, but appeared to be less
community minded than Goldsmid. McEvoy was described as a “prince of banter and raconteur”.38
He entered university at 16 and was a doctor by age 21. He served as a general practitioner in rural
Queensland and before arriving in Murwillumbah was the Assistant Superintendent of the Woogaroo
Lunatic Asylum, Goodna, Queensland. During his time at the asylum there was an inquiry that found
deficiencies in the institution. One of the major problems was that the medical staff were more
interested in their private practices than in the roles they were paid to do at the asylum. McEvoy was
specifically mentioned by the inquest for being “a general practitioner, who ‘struggled with alcoholic
difficulties’.”39 The newspapers at the time painted him has being somewhat smug, as although he
was embroiled in a scandal, McEvoy was always seen with a grin on his face. He was only in
Murwillumbah a short time when the epidemic struck but had a great deal to say. Ironically, McEvoy
later died in December 1929 from pneumonia.40

33 “Dr. Goldsmid,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 23 May 1927), 2.
34 “Town council,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 28 May 1914), 2.
35 “Dr. Goldsmid,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 October 1916), 4.
36 The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 March 1940), 4.
37 Courtesy of the New South Wales State Archives and Records. Digital ID: NRS9873_2_719_242.
38 “Obituary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 16 December 1929), 2.
39 Johnathan Richards, Going up the line to Goodna: A history of Woogaroo Lunatics Asylum, Goodna Mental Hospital
and Wolston Park Hospital, 1865-2015, (Brisbane, Australia: West Moreton Hospital and Health Service (5 October
2017), n.p.
40 “Obituary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 16 December 1929), 2.

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A caricature of Dr John Joseph Stuart McEvoy
Drawn in the middle of controversy at Goodna41

A hint of an emergency hospital

The meeting of the council’s health committee on 12 December 1918 made seven recommendations.
The recommendations covered the inoculation program, recruitment for volunteers, processes for
deep cleaning of infected properties, and to seek respirators and additional information on procedures
for contact with victims. The third recommendation was to become the most contested and therefore
the most dishevelled of the recommendations. This point covered the housing of patients; it was
recommended the first cases would be isolated at the District Hospital, however upon greater numbers
the public school and show pavilion would be used, and beds were to be acquired from the local
hotels.42 As this point led to the establishment of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital, it needs
to be followed in an attempt to unravel what Bruzgulis described as “differences of opinion”.43

None of the recommendations were acted upon immediately; an air of complacency appeared
to settle on the region. As the process of quarantine was working and no cases of community
transmission were recorded in Australia at the time, hope rose and The Tweed daily announced the
pneumonic influenza epidemic “will disappear before long.”44 As a result of this feeling, few citizens
of the area attended the council meeting convened by the Mayor, Alderman Connor on Thursday 30
January 1919, which was specifically called to discuss the potential outbreak of the epidemic. The

41 “Dr McEvoy,” The truth, (Brisbane, Sunday 3 October 1915), 4.
42 “Precautions in Murwillumbah,” Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 13 December 1918), 3.
43 The impact the pneumonic influenza epidemic had on the social, cultural, economic and health of the Tweed region
have been investigated by other historians. See for example, Longhurst, The Influenza Epidemic 1919, Bruzgulis, “1919
Influenza Pandemic”.; Bruzgulis, “The 1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 4.
44 “News summary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 30 December 1918), 2.

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lack of attendance infuriated the Mayor and the newspaper reported, “the people of Murwillumbah
are serenely apathetic as to their own welfare.”45

Despite the lack of public interest, the 30 January council meeting went ahead. Although it
appears this was the first meeting since 12 December, there had been changes to recommendation
three, concerning the housing of patients. The initial recommendation was that the District Hospital
would house the influenza patients before they were moved to another location. However, in this
meeting Goldsmid presented a vastly different recommendation. Goldsmid recommended, in case of
an influenza outbreak, the District Hospital would be moved to the public school and the hospital
would be used purely for the influenza cases. If patients exceeded the bed capacity of the District
Hospital, tents would be erected in the grounds to house the additional cases. Mr Wray, manager of
Condong Mill, said the mill could supply 50 tents to be erected on the hospital grounds if needed. To
this changed recommendation, Mr Gill, the President of the District Hospital Committee, pointed out
the change; but it was accepted without further question. This meeting also discussed inoculations,
the production and distribution of information pamphlets, the purchasing of face masks, and a call for
volunteers.46

Why Goldsmid made such a change to the recommendation was not indicated, nor at first
obvious. It was later seen that Goldsmid had surveyed the resources at the District Hospital and read
information on cases from the southern capital cities to make up his mind.47 He however had not
made this information available to others in the meetings; if he had done so, he may have avoided
problems that would later occur and plague (no pun intended) the emergency hospital. At the end of
the 30 January meeting the new recommendation for the housing of patients had been settled, at least
in Goldsmid’s mind. It would soon be obvious however not all were in favour of his plan. While there
were still ideas not yet fully formed, or completely organised, the program of inoculation had been
decided upon as the advertisement for this process appeared in the newspapers two days later.48 After
all, at least in the understanding of the time, the inoculations were of paramount importance.

Notice for the inoculations in Murwillumbah49

The instigation and organisation of the inoculation program ran smoothly in Murwillumbah.
This program, although run from the local committee, was part of an extensive campaign across

45 “Yesterday’s meeting, plague threatens, but people apathetic,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 31 January
1919), 3. A similar report appeared “Local arrangements,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 1 February
1919), 5.
46 “Yesterday’s meeting,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 31 January 1919), 3.
47 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 11 February 1919), 2.
48 “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 1 February 1919), 1.
49 A similar advertisement appeared for Saturday 22 February. “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah,
Saturday 1 February 1919), 1.; “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 21 February 1919), 3.

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Australia and had been used overseas.50 It was later noted that the people of Murwillumbah rushed to
be inoculated, on 3 February, a total of 244 persons received their injections from Dr Goldsmid and
Nurse Meany.51 At the time, there was controversy over its effectiveness and later medical opinion
of the 1970s suggested the vaccine had no “immunological value whatsoever”, although there were
some psychological benefits.52 As Greenwell would later show, the fact was that “the so called experts
really knew next to-nothing about the epidemic and certainly they devised no means of effectively
combating it.”53 This is true of any new disease, ‘experts’ can only advise from the information that
is currently available; as more research is conducted advice needs to change. Such actions are now
often referred to as evidenced-based practice. Without a successful vaccine, the stage was set for the
outbreak of an epidemic.

People held several differing views about the inoculation program and the reason the
pneumonic influenza epidemic struck. Some people believed a direct side effect of the inoculation
was an increased attendance at church; others believed it caused recipients to repay debt.54 If true,
both could be positive side effects. Greenwell also claimed some ministers pushed the idea that the
influenza was sent upon the world as a punishment from God for the years of war, but humans had
punished themselves enough.55 The Salvation Army took a different approach. One of the local
Murwillumbah Salvationists, Walter R. Waters wrote about the different responses when the citizens
heard the epidemic had reached Sydney,

The townspeople met to form themselves into committees, etc., and The Salvation Army began
to pray, and bring before God the needs of the people, in the hope that we might be spared the
terrible ravages of the epidemic. For a month before the outbreak we held knee-drill every
morning, at seven, and God, in a truly marvellous manner, answered our prayers.56

At the first council meeting of February, the matter of the housing of patients again appeared
in the discussions. A letter from the District Hospital Committee was tabled and reiterated the opinion
Mr Gill expressed in the council’s public meeting of 30 January. In part, it stated the District Hospital
Committee believed it was “undesirable” to move the hospital and suggested the showground pavilion
would be best suited for an emergency hospital. The mayor agreed with the proposal, yet Alderman
Eyles went further and stated the idea of making the hospital move, “was the most absurd thing ever
put before the public.” Eyles showed some regional biases as he also wanted to protest infected people
from Tweed Heads being transferred to Murwillumbah; some of these people may have come in
through the port, or even had been Queenslanders stuck at the border once it had been closed.57 There
was also some conflict of interest and political allegiances, Gill was not only a member of the District
Hospital Committee, he was also an alderman and would have links with Eyles and the Mayor. As
with many small matters of opinion in the government realm, the location of a potential emergency
hospital became political and personal.

50 See for example, “The value of vaccines,” The register, (Adelaide, Tuesday 22 October 1918), 5.
51 “Looking back: Killer flu halts all business,” Tweed daily news, (13 November 2013),
https://www.tweeddailynews.com.au/news/killer-flu-halts-all-business/2078154/ accessed 5 July 2020.
52 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 14.
53 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 18.
54 “News summary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 10 February 1919), 2.
55 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919.
56 W. R. W. [Walter R. Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 6
September 1919), 8.
57 “Municipal council,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 6 February 1919), 2.

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Monday 10 February 1919 became the official date the pneumonic influenza appeared in
Murwillumbah.58 On the same day the first meeting of the “Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic
Committee” was held. The meeting consisted of “Local Medical Practitioners, Members of the
[District] Hospital Committee, and Members of the Council”. The meeting was called to make
“definite arrangements as to hospital accommodation concerning the threatened Influenza
epidemic.”59 Despite the public concern of Gill and the letter to the council from the District Hospital
Committee, it appeared the matter of the hospital accommodation had not been resolved. Could the
new Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic Committee reach an agreeable outcome for all parties on where
to house patients? In this meeting, Goldsmid again attempted to argue for the use of the District
Hospital to house the potential influenza patients. He argued that other locations lacked sleeping,
eating, and bathing accommodation for the nurses. In Goldsmid’s opinion the accessibility of other
locations were also problematic. He had done a survey of the hospital and spoken with the nurses and
other medical professionals. There were few patients in the District Hospital, and all could be nursed
with little treatment, whereas influenza patients, if a severe strain appeared, could need as much
medical treatment and equipment as the hospital could provide. Gill however, still argued against
Goldsmid’s proposal. Gill claimed the showground would be the most suitable location for the
emergency hospital and stated that other health officials supported the idea of the pavilion. When
pushed however, Gill stated that he would only listen to the Matron of the hospital, not medical men.
The committee decided in favour of Goldsmid’s point of view, the pavilion was ruled out and the
District Hospital was to house the first cases of influenza.60

Soon after the 10 February gathering of the Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic Committee, the
District Hospital Committee held their meeting. Among others who attended were Gill, Eyles,
McEvoy and Goldsmid. The first three named were clearly ready to attack Goldsmid and others. Eyles
claimed the Mayor had overstepped his authority in calling medical meetings. McEvoy “objected to
the use of the District Hospital for pneumonic influenza cases at all.” This is the strangest stand. Why
would a doctor deny the use of a hospital to sick patients? McEvoy however also did not side with
the others on the District Hospital Committee as “He would not dream of utilising the show ground
for anything at all, either influenza or ordinary cases.” McEvoy then put forward his plan, he “would
suggest the [new] school.” Why McEvoy became fixated on the school is never made clear, but he
would never let it go; he denied all other plans but his. Goldsmid then went on the attack; and
questioned whether the hospital had the power to refuse cases of influenza. Then, Goldsmid explained
the government may not pay for the expenses of patients away from the hospital and common sense
would show it would be better to have patients needing less attention housed away from the hospital.
None of the others responded to Goldsmid’s points. Goldsmid then, unlike Gill, Eyles and McEvoy
showed he was open to compromise. Goldsmid stated,

…he objected to the use of the show ground pavilion, but he was not opposed to anything
but the hospital. He did not see any reason for not having true influenza cases in the
hospital, but at the same time he was willing to fall in with any other satisfactory
arrangement.

58 “Pneumonic Influenza (Spanish Flu), 1919,” (NSW Government, State Archived & Records, n.d.),
https://www.records.nsw.gov.au/archives/collections-and-research/guides-and-indexes/stories/pneumonic-influenza-
1919 accessed 29 July 2020.
59 “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 10 February 1919), 4. See information about difficulties at
the border in Longhurst, The Influenza Epidemic 1919.
60 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 11 February 1919), 2.

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Many of the doctors had their own opinion as to where the influenza patients should be housed. It
was finally agreed that initially the District Hospital’s isolation block would house the patients and
then tents in the grounds would cater for the overflow. However,

The question as to which would be the most convenient, the hospital or the school, for the
treatment of cases should the isolation block be filled was allowed to remain over until the first
case occurs.61

Despite the objections from a number on the committee, the District Hospital Committee had ratified
the decision of the Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic Committee. However, they still could not decide
where the emergency hospital would be located if a major outbreak occurred. The newspaper summed
up the indecisive stance of the meeting; in part it stated,

For the meantime the disagreement as to where pneumonic influenza patients are to be treated in
Murwillumbah had been settled by the Hospital Committee granting the use of the isolation
block… In the event of the epidemic being of any size in Murwillumbah, which it is to be hoped
it will not be, the local authorities will have to consider what other accommodation can be
procured. Thus the main question had been shelved until the first few cases occur.62

In April, another local general practitioner, Dr Dick diagnosed cases of pneumonic influenza in
Murwillumbah. An inquiry however found his diagnoses as inconclusive, but the people were treated
as infected just in case.63 Despite the earlier arrangements, in May the District Hospital Committee
refused to take patients who were diagnosed with having influenza.64 Yet at the May meeting of the
Murwillumbah Influenza Administrative Committee a different story appeared. The Mayor, Ald
Connor was away, and Mr F. E. Nicholl, president of the District Hospital Committee occupied the
chair. The committee sent information to the NSW Government’s Country Influenza Committee
stating, “the hospital is overtaxed with influenza patients [and] cannot use tents on account of weather
conditions.” Eyles seconded the motion. In addition to this, McEvoy’s desire to see all influenza
patients placed in the new school was coming to fruition as the Department of Education was
approached, requesting the use of the new Public School for an emergency hospital.65 Why Goldsmid
did not speak at this meeting was not made clear; however there is a possibility that he was away with
the Mayor.

On Friday 6 June 1919, it was reported,

It is now very evident that influenza is epidemic in Murwillumbah and the surrounding district.
During the last few days there have been quite a number of people down with the illness.
Fortunately, it seems to be of a mild nature, and no one has been very greatly alarmed. The miracle
is that the district has so far escaped when the infection was present on every hand in the districts
adjoining.66

Goldsmid must have still been away from the area as McEvoy, as the acting Municipal Health
Officer reported that 40 cases of influenza had been diagnosed in Murwillumbah between 4 – 5 June.67
As the cases declined in other regions, nurses were transferred into the town in preparation for more

61 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 13 February 1919), 2.
62 “Current topics,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 14 February 1919), 2.
63 “The Murwillumbah suspects,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 17 April 1919), 5.
64 “District Hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 8 May 1919), 3.
65 “Influenza committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 17 May 1919), 5.
66 “Epidemic in progress,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 6 June 1919), 3.
67 “Epidemic in progress,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 6 June 1919), 3.

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illness; nurses O’Keefe and Dickinson were at the Tyalgum Emergency Hospital and as it had closed,
they were posted to Murwillumbah.68 The cases in Murwillumbah gradually increased, then a spike
hit; in the 24 hour period to Friday 13 June, there were 52 new cases of influenza recorded.69

The need for an emergency hospital in Murwillumbah

Bruzgulis, declared, “[t]he closing of the New South Wales and Queensland border to facilitate
quarantine has been described extensively. While not as notable, the preparations for an emergency
hospital in Murwillumbah … became matters that fostered differences of opinion.”70 Although
Bruzgulis outlined some of the “differences of opinion”, the matter of the emergency hospital
however became more like personal and professional attacks.71 On the afternoon of Friday 13 June
1919, a special meeting of the Murwillumbah Influenza Administrative Committee was called. With
the rapid increase of influenza cases in Murwillumbah, Goldsmid declared,

… he thought the stage had now been reached when they should apply for the use of the old school
as an emergency hospital. Captain Hamilton, of the Salvation Army, had approached him and
offered the services of the Army to run this hospital as a separate unit, and he thought it an
excellent offer.72

When or by what means Ensign James Hamilton approached Goldsmid is not identified,
however Salvationist Waters wrote later about the motivation of the officer to make such an offer.
Waters wrote,

Our Officer in charge, who never loses a chance to bring The Army into operation in helping the
needy and blessing the people, informed the local authorities that we would do our best to assist
them when the need should arise, which offer they gladly accepted.73

In another report it was clear that Hamilton was “anxious to do whatever was possible in the direction
of relief, [and] offered to staff a hospital with comrades of the local corps.”74

In the Influenza Committee meeting, it was suggested that the old school buildings would
accommodate 20 patients and could be “fitted up with beds and put in operation within 36 hours.”75
McEvoy, Ald. Davidson and Rev Lomas however wished for the new school to be used for the
emergency hospital because it was larger, cleaner and the teachers could be redeployed as VAD
(Voluntary Aid Detachment) nurses. However, Goldsmid was concerned that the government would
not fund the treatment of the influenza patients away from the District Hospital, the closure of the
school would bring more restrictions, and the new school was too large for the staff available to them.
Some of these concerns were already being realised with the government, not seeing Murwillumbah
at a high level of risk would only subsidise half the costs of an emergency hospital.76 Goldsmid moved
and Eyles seconded the motion that

68 “The Tyalgum epidemic,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 7 June 1919), 5.
69 “Deaths from influenza,” The daily telegraph, (Sydney, Saturday 14 June 1919), 12.
70 Bruzgulis, “The 1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 3.
71 Bruzgulis, “The 1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 4.
72 “Administrative Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 June 1919), 4.
73 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
74 “The epidemic at Murwillumbah, N.S.W.,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 August 1919), 2.
75 “Administrative Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 June 1919), 4.
76 “Administrative Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 June 1919), 4.

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Dr. Goldsmid, as Municipal Health Officer, be authoised [sic] to establish an emergency hospital
at the old school and to equip same; also that he be authorised to accept the offer of the Salvation
Army to run same. – Carried.

There were however still areas of discontent. McEvoy wanted all the influenza cases away from
the District Hospital. He claimed, “one nurse alone was looking after 12 patients and the general
ward”; the inclusion of influenza patients in the District Hospital caused friction, so they all needed
to be moved.77 Goldsmid reminded McEvoy that a VAD had been placed in the hospital to assist, that
the government was not going to finance the full cost of patients taken from the hospital, and “[i]f
there was friction at the institution the [District Hospital] committee knew how to deal with it.”
McEvoy would not be swayed; he wanted all cases out of the hospital. A heated discussion continued
between him and Goldsmid about the workloads of nurses. To appease McEvoy, a second motion
was carried; to approach the new school and place it on notice if need arose for a second emergency
hospital.78 The war between Goldsmid and McEvoy was not over and The Salvation Army would
soon be caught in the middle.

The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital, Murwillumbah

When the influenza hit Australia, it was no respecter of rich or poor, yet The Salvation Army
continued to carry out its ministry. It must be remembered when the disease began to show effect,
The Salvation Army was still stretched, conducting welfare work with soldiers on both the battle and
home fronts.79 As the influenza first hit Melbourne, Salvation Army institutions such as the maternity
home at Brunswick reported to have “numerous cases” of influenza.80 This did not stop the Army
from taking on yet more responsibility. It was noted that Lieut.-Colonel McKenzie, who had recently
received fame due to his work as a war Chaplain, was reportedly now “fighting the ‘flu” and preparing
The Salvation Army to go into battle against the invisible enemy. He organised Salvationists as “First
Aid assistants and Patrols among the sick.” One female Salvation Army officer rode in a side car and
visited 30 sick people in a day.81 Murwillumbah was not the only place in NSW to establish
emergency hospitals.82 One was at Murrumburrah, where “the lady Salvation Army Captain”, who
assisted the patients, became unwell.83

Local Murwillumbah Salvationists, both officers and soldiers, conducted indoor and outdoor
evangelical meetings, practices, and cottage meetings, but in 1919 they had not yet built for
themselves a citadel.84 The corps had a League of Mercy team who visited the sick and elderly both
in their homes and at hospital, so were not unfamiliar with the basic health care needs of the wider
population. In addition to this, with influenza cases increasing, the Murwillumbah Corps commenced

77 “Administrative Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 June 1919), 4.
78 “Administrative Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 June 1919), 4.
79 See for example, C. M. M., “Comforts, etc.,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 11 January 1919), 3.
80 “Influenza,” The telegraph, (Brisbane, Thursday 6 February 1919), 5.
81 “Fighting Mac in a new role,” The Armidale chronicle, (NSW, Wednesday 14 May 1919), 2.
82 For example, large places like Melbourne and small like Uki had emergency hospitals established. “Victoria’s
minister for health reviews the position,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 6 February 1919), 3.;
“Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 20 June 1919), 3.
83 “The ‘flu at Murrumburrah,” The young witness, (NSW, 27 June 1919), 2.
84 See for example, “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 11 January 1919), 3.; “Advertising,” The
Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 23 April 1919), 2.; “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah,
Wednesday 14 May 1919), 2.

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a free Sunday breakfast in June in response to increased needs in the town.85 The local Salvation
Army informed Goldsmid that they were ready and willing to assist if needed during the epidemic.

There is a firsthand account of The Salvation Army’s notification and preparation to establish
the emergency hospital. Salvationist Waters wrote to The war cry,

On a memorable Sunday morning the S.O.S. call was heard, and the time for action had arrived.
During the previous twenty-four hours the deadly peril had laid its grip on our town, and the
mayor and Government medical officer enquired of Ensign Hamilton whether we could staff and
run an emergency hospital. It appeared a tremendous undertaking to commence, but the Ensign
consulted with his local officers, and it was decided that we would do it. So on that Sunday, while
our Salvation Sisters were carrying on an open-air and holiness meeting, a dozen or more male
Salvationists could be seen, armed with brooms, scrubbers and fire hoses, wending their way to
the old Public School, which had been chosen as the scene of operations.

What a task was the cleaning of these neglected and discarded buildings; but the comrades
did their work wholeheartedly, and they were pronounced by the doctor as clean and fit for
hospital wards.

Soon motor lorries began arriving with great stacks of mattresses, bedding, blankets and
pillows, and business commenced in earnest.

Everything was now ready, and the stricken persons commenced to arrive, and with them
The Salvation Army League of Mercy Sisters, who were in constant attendance with the
suffering.86
It would appear the “memorable Sunday” was Sunday 15 June. The information also appears
to suggest that Hamilton gave only a general offer of assistance, not an offer to run an emergency
hospital. Therefore, it was not until the Influenza Administrative Committee met on Friday 13 June
that it was agreed for Goldsmid to approach The Salvation Army about running the emergency
hospital. If this was the case, it is a surprise to see how quickly the emergency hospital was in
operation. It was good to see the Army officer first met with the local leadership of the corps before
deciding to accept the “tremendous undertaking”. Of interest is that evangelical work of the Army
was not impacted by this social service which they were about to engage as the open-air and indoor
meetings continued.

Some of the Murwillumbah Salvationists who would have assisted with the Emergency Hospital
Bandsman Mapp, Corps-Cadet Mapp and Corps-Cadet Gladys Waters87

85 “Armidale and Army deeds,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 21 June 1919), 7.
86 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
87 A. Hamilton, “A trio from Murwillumbah,” The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 18 January 1919), 8.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 33

Former school buildings that became The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital88

Bruzgulis stated that the building used was “the ‘Cooking School’”; however, no documents
cited for this paper suggested this name. All sources called the building the “Old School” or “Old
Primary School”.89 There is also no indication it had been used as anything after the school left;
Waters described the scene as, “these neglected and discarded buildings”, others inferred they were
near derelict and had broken windows and a draft blowing through the structures.

The cleaning must have been a task as the school was erected in 1885, but by 1911 when
enrolment numbers swelled to 285 students it became overcrowded. The school had been replaced by
the ‘new public school’ in 1912 and remained empty until Salvationists arrived in 1919 to clean the
building in preparation for The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital.

On the weekend The Salvation Army prepared the old school to become the emergency
hospital, the effect of the influenza was increasing. Murwillumbah saw an average of fifty to sixty
new daily cases of influenza.90 Individuals who contracted ’flu quickly succumbed to its symptoms.
Waters, the Salvationist who reported on the emergency hospital stated, “[a] brother who helped in
the cleaning of the building was himself a patient next afternoon, while several other comrades
followed him later.”91

The establishment of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital was formally announced in The
Tweed daily on Monday 16 June 1919 and opened the same day.92 The Army had cleaned and
prepared the old school for use as a hospital within 24 hours from being first requested. The Tweed
district now had about 70 active cases of pneumonic influenza and so the Emergency Hospital was

88 Image courtesy the Tweed Regional Museum.
89 Bruzgulis, “1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 1.
90 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 16 June 1919), 2.
91 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
92 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 16 June 1919), 2.

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quickly occupied. The report in The Tweed daily announcing the opening of the hospital included the
following information,

…Nine beds have been established in the main ward for men, and five of these were filled a few
hours after the opening. In the ward for women one patient was admitted within the same time,
and three beds had been set up. Nurse Markey, of the District Hospital, at present in charge of the
emergency hospital, reports that there is still space available for a considerable number of beds,
and that 50 stretchers received from the C.S.R., Condong, will be all used up in fitting the new
wards in another section of the school building. Nurse Reid will be in charge during the day and
the Salvation Army has undertaken to provide V.A.D.’s [League of Mercy workers] for the
general work. Mrs. Hamilton, wife of Capt. Hamilton, of the Salvation Army, has volunteered her
services as cook if the executive decide to establish a kitchen in connection with the hospital, and
this is probable, as the stove and suitable out-house are already on the premises.93

The Tweed daily noted that the hospital was to be staffed by “Salvation Army V.A.D.’s. under
the supervision of a trained nurse.”94 The stated “Salvation Army V.A.D.’s” is not completely
accurate. At first it was staffed only by Salvationists working under the authorisation of the
Government Medical Officer (G.M.O.), Goldsmid. A War cry reported, “[t]he Murwillumbah
‘Bethesda’95 is working with … twenty-eight patients, under the direction of the G.M.O., and manned
by the League of Mercy, and other Salvation sisters.”96 The Salvation Army’s League of Mercy,

…is a volunteer service made up of Salvation Army members of all ages who reach out to comfort
the needy, patients in hospitals, seniors who are alone and people in shelters. The service also
offers practical help in the daily lives of those who require support for physical and mental
problems.97

Therefore, the League of Mercy was well designed for roles within the emergency hospital. However,
Hamilton later reported that “the V.A.Ds. … came to our assistance when our own staff was stricken
down, and helped to carry on until they were well enough for duty again.”98 The VAD offered their
services in hospitals, especially through World War One. The VADs assisted in “menial but essential
tasks - scrubbing floors, sweeping, dusting and cleaning bathrooms and other areas, dealing with
bedpans, and washing patients” and therefore had a similar but higher profile than the League of
Mercy.99 It was easy for non-Salvationists to get the two confused.

Salvationists were prepared to cater for all the needs of the patients except the medical, which
was seen to by Nurse Markey and other visiting doctors and nurses. Yet the patients had barely rested
their heads on their pillow before criticism had been laid upon the hospital, and The Salvation Army
was dragged into the political storm raging about the location of the emergency hospital.

93 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 17 June 1919), 3.
94 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 16 June 1919), 2.
95 Bethesda was a name used by The Salvation Army for several of its hospitals. The name is biblical, from the Pool
of Bethesda in Jerusalem known for miraculously healing as seen in John 5.
96 “The epidemic at Murwillumbah, N.S.W.,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 August 1919), 2.
97 “The League of Mercy/Community Care Ministries,” The new frontier chronicle, (America, 11 October 2006), ¶1,
https://www.newfrontierchronicle.org/the-league-of-mercycommunity-care-ministries/ accessed 28 July 2020.
98 A. Hamil[t]on, “Open column,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 17 July 1919), 2.
99 Anon, “Voluntary Aid Detachments,” (Australian War Memorial, 2 December 2019), ¶1,
https://www.awm.gov.au/articles/encyclopedia/vad accessed 28 July 2020.

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The pen is mightier than the sword

McEvoy put ink to paper and wrote a scathing letter against The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital
to the editor of The Tweed daily. The letter made it clear that McEvoy was still angry that his idea of
using the new school as the emergency hospital was not carried through. As with many letters written
in anger, it failed to note the author’s biases and failings. The letter failed to show it was his action
of removing influenza cases from the grounds of the District Hospital that partly necessitated the need
for an emergency hospital; it failed to list the unnecessary disruptions closing the new school would
cause; it failed to discuss the additional costs to the community his decisions were having; and it
failed to highlight where he was incorrect.

McEvoy’s letter was incorrect in a few areas. The letter gave the wrong commencement date
of the Influenza Administrative Committee; he missed the date by about three months. McEvoy
inferred that no plans had been put in place to house the influenza cases, so the general ward of the
District Hospital needed to take infectious patients; yet this was the plan, after which additional
patients would be housed elsewhere. He also claimed that at the meeting where it was decided to open
the emergency hospital in the old school, “[a]t the same time it was decided to open the new
school”;100 yet this was clearly not decided upon.

McEvoy then attacked The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital and the volunteers, he wrote,

The old school is at present occupied by about 11 males in one room, sleeping neck to neck in a
vile atmosphere, but at the same time pervaded by draught and lighted by one hurricane lamp. To
staff the [emergency] hospital it is necessary to use the services of Nurses Markey and Reid, of
the General [District] Hospital. In spite of the fact that these nurses are used, the isolation
[emergency] hospital (to-night, Tuesday), is staffed by girls who are all V.A.D.s [League of
Mercy], who are unable to take a temperature or make a poultice. The taking away from [District]
hospital of Nurses Markey and Reid means that to-night (Tuesday), the general ward of the
General [District] hospital, with about thirteen patients, is without a nurse in charge…101

McEvoy concluded his letter by again reiterating that his idea to house the emergency hospital at the
new school would have been superior and would not have created the staffing issues. He called the
current arrangement, “a public scandal” that “a public meeting should deal with without delay.”102
Goldsmid had already pointed out that using the larger new school would have led to the need of
more staff than the old school. McEvoy believed the smaller old school did not have enough staff,
however claimed his idea would have seen “staff of at least eleven” and the district hospital “would
also be adequately staffed for normal work”.103 From where the additional staff would materialise he
did not say; either he made a deal with District Hospital staff, or perhaps he was delusional with
anger.

McEvoy’s letter led to a public meeting, but not the outcome for which he hoped. A meeting of
the Influenza Administrative Committee was called, specifically to deal with McEvoy’s letter
“dealing with the Salvation Army emergency hospital.” Goldsmid declared, “[h]e considered it was
a slur on himself and the Salvation Army.” Goldsmid went through McEvoy’s letter to outline each
statement that was incorrect. Goldsmid continued,

100 J.J.S. McEvoy, “Is it a scandal,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 18 June 1919), 2.
101 McEvoy, “Is it a scandal,” 2.
102 McEvoy, “Is it a scandal,” 2.
103 McEvoy, “Is it a scandal,” 2.

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He had gone to the emergency hospital that morning and asked each patient for complaints and
in each case they had said no. This pulling to pieces of the work done by the Army, and throwing
dirt at the workers was scandalous. … The wards in the school Dr. Goldsmid continued were in
excellent rooms and he recommended that the committee go up there and make an examination….
He thought that the Army was deserving of every thanks of the committee for their assistance.104

McEvoy tried to defend his letter and continued to attack Goldsmid, who it appeared was the
centre of McEvoy and other’s persecution. McEvoy did not wish to tackle The Salvation Army, even
attempting to use his alleged support for the Army against Goldsmid. McEvoy stated,

… he in no way wished to cast any slur on the Army. He gave the Army every credit for the work
already done, and to substantiate his opinion of their work he had made them a donation of £5 for
its furtherance, an example which he hoped Dr. Goldsmid would follow.

It was clear that while McEvoy wished to criticise, he was not prepared to do the work
associated with the epidemic. It was revealed that while Goldsmid was away from Murwillumbah,
McEvoy acted in his position and failed to do any of the necessary preparations for the coming
pneumonic influenza epidemic. To this McEvoy stated, “he was not after that kind of advertisement”;
yet, it was likely McEvoy acted as he had done in Goodna and focused on his own practice. Rev
Lomas, the minister of the Church of England and member of the District Hospital Committee, joined
McEvoy’s attack on Goldsmid and stated that Goldsmid had caused the disgraceful conditions of a
patient in the District Hospital. Goldsmid rightly pointed out that this was the responsibility of the
District Hospital Committee. Lomas and McEvoy continued to attack Goldsmid, so Goldsmid called
for an “expression of confidence from the committee.” At this, McEvoy left the meeting. Lomas
displayed some inter-faith jealousy and demanded that the committee scrutinise The Salvation Army
Emergency Hospital and attempted to make a motion. Mr Trevitt and Mr Proudfoot moved a different
motion, “That in connection with the emergency hospital Dr. Goldsmid had done his best in the
circumstances” and this was carried. After other business, Lomas again attempted to get a motion
passed that three men be appointed to examine The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital; although
the motion was seconded, there were not three persons present willing to form the committee. The
motion was again dropped. There appeared to be more people for Goldsmid and The Salvation Army
Emergency Hospital than against them.

There was another who raced to write a letter to criticise The Salvation Army Emergency
Hospital. Unlike McEvoy this author hid behind the false name “X”. “X” questioned who and what
made up the Murwillumbah Influenza Administration Committee. Then argued that the committee
had “handicapped” the District Hospital. “X” let it be known that the Matron was on holiday and as
other nurses attended to “the alleged emergency hospital”, it had stripped the District Hospital of the
expertise needed. The poor state of the building was also explored in the letter. “X” wrote,

…the emergency hospital! Good Lord; have you visited it, sir. I understand that fresh air is a
necessary adjunct to the treatment of influenza, but here, at the treatment of influenza sanatorium
on the hill, the wind whistles through broken windows to an extent that is (From a layman’s point
of view) most alarming. Are we influenza-stricken of Murwillumbah and district having
arrangements carried out to our best advantage? Will someone tell me whether I am unduly scared
or not?105

104 “Local administration Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 19 June 1919), 3.
105 X, “Emergency hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 18 June 1919), 3.

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It could have been surmised that the opponents of Goldsmid were at play here. One of the first
questions “X” should have asked was why the District Hospital Committee allowed the matron to go
on holiday during an epidemic. This question was however not asked in any of the correspondence
nor in the following meetings.

First to respond to “X” was in a letter to the editor of The Tweed daily by Salvationist Waters.
Waters dealt with the letters from both “X” and McEvoy. Clearly, £5 could not pay off the
Salvationists. Waters called the two letters “very facetious, if not sarcastic.”106 Then Waters set to put
the public right,

I simply wish firstly, to place before the public the position of the Salvation Army in regard to
the emergency hospital. We are there, simply to do as we are told, from instructions of the
Government Medical Officer, or the nurse in charge… Secondly, from a citizens point of view,
when any public body take up work for community good, they, or their work, must be prepared
for misrepresentation at the hands of someone. In this case misrepresentations are considerable.107

Waters outlined and then corrected each of the misrepresentations made by both McEvoy and
“X”. Waters noted that The Salvation Army had also sent for another qualified nurse who would be
arriving in Murwillumbah soon after the letter was written. Finally, he made the observation, “Seeing
Dr. McEvoy has sent patients to the emergency hospital, surely he is not consistent to his views as
expressed, or why did he send his patients to a place unsuitable.”108

Another letter written by “Digger”, also set out to correct the assumptions made by “X”. The
letter not only put forward facts about the building, to show it was fit for service, but also attacked
“X”. Digger wrote, “[n]o doubt Mr. ‘X’ is one of the far too numerous so-called citizens who are
always only too ready to burst forth and criticise the work of others, and in this particular case, the
noble work of the Salvation Army.”109

It was clear that The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital’s premises were fit for purpose and
even if they were not, the service the Army gave to Murwillumbah meant the citizens were better
catered for than other locations. In Tweed Heads those affected with the influenza needed to remain
at home and school boys were organised to patrol the town, and emergency kitchens organised food
for entire households that were effected.110 Boy Scouts were used in places to deliver food to homes
and Tyalgum could not secure enough V.A.D.s to run an emergency hospital.111

Running of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital

By 21 June 1919, it was claimed that 50% of the population of Murwillumbah had become victims
of the ‘flu and “several deaths have occurred there in the past few days.”112 Two days later it was
reported The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital had 23 patients and ironically, the minister of All
Saints Church, Rev Lomas had to cancel his services as he had come down with influenza. Some
more superstitious may have thought it was something of a recompense for the way he had treated
Goldsmid and The Salvation Army’s efforts at the emergency hospital.113

106 Walter R. Waters, “To the editor,” (Murwillumbah, Thursday 19 June 1919), 3.
107 Waters, “To the editor,” 3.
108 Waters, “To the editor,” 3.
109 Digger, “To the editor,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 20 June 1919), 3.
110 “The ‘influenza’ position,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 18 June 1919), 2.
111 “The Tyalgum position,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 23 May 1919), 3.
112 The Grafton argus and Clarence River general advertiser, (NSW, Wednesday 25 June 1919), 3.
113 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 23 June 1919), 3.

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Although illness and death were around The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital, there were
times of good humour. It was recorded that a youth presented themselves to the Emergency Hospital
and the story continued,

“The nurse asked him, “Have you got pyjamas?”
“No, doctor,” said he, “I’ve got the ‘flu’!” 114
But it was stated, “This youth has reason to bless God, and the willing staff, for the care and
attention that pulled him through.”115

On Tuesday 24 June, Goldsmid announced that no more influenza cases were to enter The
Salvation Army Emergency Hospital. It appeared the emergency hospital had reached its limit with
28 patients. The influenza was still spreading in Murwillumbah and several shops and the bank were
still closed on account of staff being unwell.116

Notice of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital
no longer receiving patients117

The arrangements announced on Tuesday 24 June remained in place until Friday 27 June when
Goldsmid changed the process of receiving influenza cases. There must have been some strong
political wrangling, or the NSW Government pulled rank on the local situation; Goldsmid had “been
given control of both hospitals.” He hoped to “relieve the strain on the respective nursing staffs by
alternately diverting the stream of ’flu patients from one hospital to the other.”118 Goldsmid’s control
over both The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital as well as the District Hospital must have
infuriated the District Hospital Committee and McEvoy. On 27 June Goldsmid reopened The
Salvation Army Emergency Hospital to influenza patients, with the surprising development; it was
given the title of “the No. 1 Emergency Hospital”.119 Why it became “No. 1” is not clear. Could it
have been as a recognition for service and willingness to assist in the town’s hour of need? The
District Hospital would have been left with the No. 2 spot, although this was not cited in the
newspapers. There had clearly been resistance at the District Hospital to receive any influenza patients
and later it was discovered that if tents had have been erected in the grounds, to house additional
patients, the doctors planned to refuse to work in them.120 To add insult to injury Goldsmid, now in

114 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
115 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8. A similar account appeared in “News summary,” The
Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 20 June 1919), 7.
116 “In the district,” The northern star, (Lismore, Friday 27 June 1919), 5.; “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily,
(Murwillumbah, Wednesday 25 June 1919), 3.
117 “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 24 June 1919), 3.
118 “The hospitals,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 2.
119 “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 3.
120 “District hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday20 June 1919), 2.

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charge of both hospitals, had doctors from the District Hospital work at The Salvation Army No.1
Emergency Hospital; the doctors included none other than McEvoy.121

Advertisement notifying influenza cases to go to
The Salvation Army No. 1 Emergency Hospital122

On Tuesday 1 July, The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital admitted one influenza patient
and discharged two with the total of 30 patients in the ward.123 It is clear the pneumonic influenza
was still impacting the town and even the emergency hospital. The emergency hospital was full and
the Nurse, “Miss Argue (who, with Miss White, had charge of the hospital last week) is herself now
laid up with influenza.”124 On Friday 4 July, five patients were discharged and with no new
admissions the hospital had 25 patients. The same day however Murwillumbah recorded 55 new cases
of infection.125

A special meeting of the Murwillumbah Pneumonic Influenza Administrative Committee was
also called on Friday 4 July. However, the lack of attendance due to the number of people unwell in
the town meant the meeting could not be held ‘officially’, as there was no quorum. The meeting was
to discuss the finances of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital. As explained by Goldsmid on
several occasions, the government would not fully fund the hospital and therefore it was now running
almost exclusively on donations. To this The Tweed daily lamented the lack of funds was “an
embarrassing situation”. Hamilton described some of the issues informally with the few people who
were able to attend and a solution was discussed.126 As the discussions were informal, no information
was recorded and therefore we cannot know what the solution was to the situation. Something must
have been agreed to as the emergency hospital continued to function, and bills were paid.

On Tuesday 8 July, The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital admitted one new patient and
discharged two with 26 remaining.127 The following day, Wednesday 9 July, six were discharged with
20 remaining, but 32 new cases were announced in the town.128 It is clear that the emergency hospital
was a real medical facility and not just a ‘lying in hospital’ for people slightly unwell. Not all patients
who contracted the influenza were admitted to hospital. On Thursday 10 July, two more patients were
discharged leaving 18 people in the emergency hospital.129

121 “Return thanks,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 2 July 1919), 2.
122 “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 3.
123 “Emergency hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 2 July 1919), 3.
124 “The ’flu,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 3 July 1919), 2.
125 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 5 July 1919), 7.
126 “Administrative committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 5 July 1919), 7.
127 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 9 July 1919), 3.
128 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 10 July 1919), 3.
129 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 11 July 1919), 3.

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Supporting The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital

The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital did not exist in a vacuum and as the government did not
fully subsidise the hospital, The Salvation Army needed to partner with others to fulfil its ministry.

Such support was not a given, as already stated, other towns could not muster up enough volunteers
to sustain an emergency hospital; “the appeal for help from V.A.D. members and others willing to
assist fell on deaf ears”130

In Murwillumbah, the Army was supported by a variety of groups from the community. Under

the direction of Goldsmid, medical staff of both doctors and nurses visited and organised the clinical
side of the emergency hospital. As Salvationists became unwell, members of the VAD filled the roles
of the League of Mercy and Boy Scouts acted as orderlies.131 The general public too assisted; when
the Army requested that oranges and lemons and old linen be donated to the hospital, individuals
answered the call.132

Name Items donated

Mrs Young, Mrs McDonohue, Mrs Norton, Mr J. Eggs
Flannery, Mrs V. M. Boxsell

Mrs Harris, Mr Grant Poultry

Mr John Brown, Mr Bryant, Mr Gill, A McGregor, Oranges and lemons
Mrs Norton, Red Cross, Mr J. Flannery, Mr Quirk,
A. J. Carter, Mrs Buttenshow, Mrs McDiarmid,

Franks Bros., Mrs Wright, A. Willis. Mrs V. Gibson,
J. Mills, Mrs V. M. Boxsell, Mrs G. Mann, Mrs
White, Mrs O’Neill

Mrs Eglington, Miss Jay, Mrs Johnson, Mrs J. Linen
Storman, ‘A friend’, Mrs Owens, Mrs White Groceries

Mrs F. O’Shea, Mrs Holston, Mrs O’Shea, Mr O.
Ore, Mr P.S. Harry

G. C. Keppie, X.Y.Z., Mrs C., Mr H. Sherwood, Mrs Cash
Raphael, F.C. Wulff, Soldier Friend

Red Cross Collect old linen if needed

Miss Johns Towels

Mrs D. Campbell, Mrs Burch, H. E. Hartmann Jelly

Red Cross Pyjamas

Mrs Went Flowers

F. Nobbs Tin kerosene

Mrs Plummer Soap and soda

Mr J. A. Jay, Mr Jay, Mr Higgins. Mrs Benson, Mrs Fish & meat
Murray, P. C. Smith, L. Griffin, J. Went, L/ White

Mr Eglinton Milk

130 “The Tyalgum position,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 23 May 1919), 3.
131 “To close,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 8 July 1919), 2.
132 “Oranges and lemons,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 17 June 1919), 3.; “Old linen urgently needed,”
The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 30 June 1919), 2.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 41

Mrs Jeffries, Mrs G. Mann Jam and Junket

Mr and Mrs Waters Fruit cake

Mr. England Wood
Table: List of gifts to The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital133

Of the donations from the community, Salvationist Waters wrote,

The public appreciated The Army’s effort greatly, and many cheques up to £5 were received to

carry on the work. Bags of oranges and lemons, dressed poultry, cases of groceries, and all kinds
of dainties were sent along in plenteous supplies.134

The events of 4 July clearly indicated that without the help and donations from medical professionals,
community organisations and the public, The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital could not have
continued.

The ending of “four long, dark weeks” 135

A meeting of the Murwillumbah Influenza Administrative Committee was held on Friday afternoon
11 July. As the epidemic was wearing itself out, Goldsmid believed the District Hospital could now
carry the patient load and recommended that The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital be closed,
“after the cases at present being treated have recovered. No fresh cases will now be admitted.”136

Despite the downturn in cases The daily examiner from Grafton incorrectly reported the
pneumonic influenza was “still holding sway at Murwillumbah” and there was talk of opening a
second emergency hospital in the School of Arts. To curb the number of infected people going to The

Salvation Army Emergency Hospital several hotels and several private homes were quarantined to
keep patients indoors.137 The story was picked up and carried in other regional newspapers, much to
the amusement of The Tweed daily which stated, “The paragraph evidently refers to another town as
it does not apply in one particular to Murwillumbah, where the ’flu is now practically non-existent.”138

The article was clearly about the events in Mullumbimby not Murwillumbah and showed a lack of
fact checking.

On Saturday 12 July, due to the decline in severe cases, The Tweed daily announced that no
future influenza cases would be admitted to The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital.

133 Information from “Red Cross,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 3 February 1919), 2.; “Red Cross
kitchen,” Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, 19 June 1919), 3.; “The Red Cross kitchen,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah,
Saturday 21 June 1919), 4.; “Red Cross Emergency Kitchen,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 25 June
1919), 3.; “Salvation Army Emergency Hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 2.;
“Epidemic in Australia,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 2.; “Donations to emergency
hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 1 July 1919), 2.; “Emergency hospital,” The Tweed daily,
(Murwillumbah, Wednesday 2 July 1919), 3.; “Salvation Army Emergency Hospital,” The Tweed daily,

(Murwillumbah, Saturday 5 July 1919), 7.
134 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
135 The description of the time by one of the Salvationists. [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
136 “Closing the emergency hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 12 July 1919), 4.
137 “Murwillumbah,” The daily examiner, (Grafton, Monday, 14 July 1919), 2.
138 “Miscellaneous,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 15 July 1919), 2.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 42

The notification effectively announcing the closure of
The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital139

On the last Sunday of operation, Sunday 13 July, The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital
opened to the local corps who focused on the spiritual health of the remaining patients. Waters wrote
about this Sunday,

On the final Sunday afternoon the Band and comrades (to the number of thirty-five) held a short
open-air meeting at the Tweed District Hospital, and then, proceeding to The Salvation Army
Emergency Hospital, held another rousing outdoor meeting. Three sisters came from the wards
and sang, “I Must Have the Saviour With Me,” and “Life’s Morn Will Soon Be Waning,” and so
the salvation message, in all its beauty, rang out clearly. 140

Ensign and Mrs Hamilton, Doctors, Nurses and Salvation Army comrades
who assisted in the Murwillumbah Emergency Hospital141

Throughout the weekend, several patients had left the emergency hospital, and on Monday 14
July, two more were discharged. Only six infected patients were still recuperating in the hospital.142
Tuesday 15 July saw two additional patients discharged; one was transferred to the District Hospital
and the three remaining patients were discharged on Wednesday 16 July, thus ending the need for
The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital.143 The Salvation Army officer, Hamilton wrote to the
editor of The Tweed daily,

139 “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 12 July 1919), 5.
140 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
141 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
142 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 15 July 1919), 5.
143 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 16 July 1919), 3.; “Pneumonic influenza,”
The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 17 July 1919), 2.

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Sir, - Now that the influenza epidemic has passed over and the emergency hospital closed to-day,
would you kindly grant me a little of your valuable space to thank all friends who unceasingly
sent along from time to time such valuable gifts which were very much appreciated by the
inmates, also our sincere gratitude to the V.A.Ds., who came to our assistance when our own staff
was stricken down, and helped to carry on until they were well enough for duty again. Also the
doctors and Nurses Markey, Furby, McEwan, Pass and Reid, who rendered unceasing attention
to over 80 patients who passed through the insitution [sic]. – Yours, etc.,

A. HAMILON [sic],
Ensign Salvation Army144

The Murwillumbah Influenza Administration Committee also prepared to fold and the
secretary, John D. Kay requested that all who needed to claim finances or settle accounts needed to
do so before 2 August 1919.145 The head nurse of the emergency hospital, Nurse Markey left
Murwillumbah in November after assisting at both The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital and
Mullumbimby Emergency Hospital. She was to go to West Australia for a holiday before going to
Queensland. “The value of Nurse Markey’s assistance during the recent influenza epidemic cannot
be overestimated. With no thought of self, she worked untiringly to relieve pain and give comfort to
those who were distressed. Her work will long be remembered by the people of Murwillumbah and
Mullumbimby.”146

Evaluation of the work

Soon after the event, both hospitals in Murwillumbah had some reviews written about the work
undertaken during the pneumonic influenza epidemic.

While initially aggressively opposed to taking influenza patients, the District Hospital gave
some evaluation of the nurses and assistance given through the epidemic. The report on the District
Hospital stated,

The strain upon the Nursing Staff during the past year has been exceptionally severe; in fact, in
no previous period of the Hospital has there been such an experience. The Nurses themselves
have not only had a full year of work, but during the period of the influenza epidemic they carried
on under most difficult conditions. They met the demand with an unflinching sense of duty,
however, and carried out cheerfully the work which was allotted to them, with our any regard to
their own risk and hardship. The whole of the Nursing Staff was detailed for special services in
connection with the epidemic, and all, with one exception, were in this manner infected with the
disease. The Committee highly appreciates the loyalty and the sense of duty of the staff
throughout …

We also wish to record the high appreciation felt at the encouraging response made by
V.A.D.’s during the epidemic. The full list of the names of those who responded would be too
great for publication in the report, and it is hoped that this general statement will be accepted by
each V.A.D. as a personal reference to herself.147

While the report stated that the workload saw two nurses resign: Miss A. F. See, the Matron
and Miss Kennedy, the head nurse; it failed to investigate several relationships and weaknesses of the
District Hospital or its committee. The report contained no information about The Salvation Army
Emergency Hospital and its relationship to the District Hospital; such an evaluation could have

144 A. Hamil[t]on, “Open column,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 17 July 1919), 2.
145 “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 29 August 1919), 3.
146 “Farewell service,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 1 November 1919), 4.
147 “Tweed District Hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 7 February 1920), 7.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 44

assisted the District Hospital to better understand connections with outside agencies and developed
relationships with allied health organisations. There were no discussions on the committee’s approval
of the Matron’s holiday during an epidemic, which could have investigated the mismanagement of
staff by the committee. There was no discussion on why the District Hospital refused to take influenza
patients and its doctors refused to work in tents during the epidemic;148 such an investigation may
have shown biases and low levels of apathy of the hospital staff and committee members. The report
praised the efforts of the staff for working through the epidemic but failed to state that much of this
needed to be forced on them by the Government’s Medical Officer, Goldsmid. A fuller investigation
may have shown individual biases of committee members such as Eyles against people outside of
Murwillumbah; and self-protective behaviours of doctors such as McEvoy who previously put his
private practice above his civic responsibility.

The Salvation Army’s report too was somewhat self-promoting. Starting from its title, “The
Army’s Noble Enterprise”, there is little evidence of deeper evaluation of methods of practice.149 The
report in part stated,

What a lot could be said about the way these [Salvation Army] sisters tackled the problem of
ministering to the stricken souls, and with what brave hearts they fulfilled their duties, unpleasant
though some of them were.

Wonderful were the opportunities that presented themselves, in comforting the sick, and
tending the dying, and great was the influence shed abroad by our comrades…

And so through four long, dark weeks this work was carried on, every comrade of the Corps
assisting in some way or another. When the night of gloom had passed we could look back upon
the glorious achievement of eighty persons nursed and cared for, and only four deaths. Those who
succumbed were practically hopeless cases when admitted to the institution.150

The evaluation of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital by the Army itself was not full of
facts, but full of faith and of course glowing. Some faith actions were listed such as,

“Shall we wear masks?” asked one sister. “No!” replied another. “Have faith in God!”
One sister wavering, donned a mask, and fell a victim to the epidemic.151

What the report did not state was that influenza impacted the Salvationists to such an extent that the
V.A.D.s and Boy Scouts were needed to replace Salvationists who became unwell. The report also
failed to discuss the opposition to the emergency hospital faced from Lomas or McEvoy. This is
unusual as The Salvation Army was familiar with such persecution and usually highlighted such
adversity. It also failed to evaluate the service delivered or feedback from the patients.

One area that was included that has not been discussed by other historians were the number of
deaths in The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital. It must be stated however that there were
difficulties in recording deaths. In the North Coast Health Division of NSW, of which Murwillumbah
is a part, there were together 225 or 229 deaths.152 Also, although Waters wrote of 80 persons nursed
and four deaths; Bruzgulis claimed The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital had 84 nursed and no
deaths, although Bruzgulis’s paper did state that Gertrude Gottle died “at the emergency hospital”.153
Bruzgulis found that as elsewhere the official records of number of deaths are under-reported.154

148 “District hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday20 June 1919), 2.
149 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
150 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
151 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
152 Bruzgulis, “1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 1.; Bruzgulis, “The 1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 1.
153 Bruzgulis, “1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 1.
154 Bruzgulis, “1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 3, 5.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 45

Waters could have been more correct than Bruzgulis as Waters was at the emergency hospital and
also The Tweed daily contained five obituaries that listed the person who died in an “emergency
hospital”; Mr T. Denison, Mr J. F. Kachler, Mr J. F. Kaehler, Miss Gertrude Gottle, and Mr Denson.
However they failed to state which emergency hospital; one or more could have died in Uki’s
emergency hospital for example.155

Another supported statement was that The Salvation Army benefited from the work of its
emergency hospital. Brigadier Orames, the Divisional Commander of The Salvation Army Armidale
Division wrote, The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital “has been a god-send to many. The medical
men made good use of it, and, while it meant a big strain on Mrs Hamilton and the women-workers
of the Corps, it has raised The Army in the prestige of all.”156 During the first week of running the
emergency hospital the officers collected about £500 for the new citadel that was planned to be built
in Murwillumbah. In the open-air meeting on the final Sunday another £2 was collected for the new
building. In addition to this, Hamilton had secured the support of the returned soldiers who promised
to run a “Salvation Army Day” to raise more funds for the new hall.157 The brick citadel and young
peoples’ hall was opened in 1920 from the support of the local people. The Mayoress of the town
opened the citadel in the presence of Salvation Army officers from Divisional Headquarters Brigadier
Orames, Adjutant Atkins, Corps officers’ Ensigns and Mrs Hamilton and local Salvationists.158
Although no longer belonging to The Salvation Army, the hall still stands today.

The former Salvation Army Citadel in Murwillumbah, 2016159

The epidemic and the community’s response also impacted individuals. The additional work of
running The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital placed strain on Hamilton. Throughout October
and November 1919 there were notices that Hamilton became unwell.160 The relationship between
Goldsmid and McEvoy was reconciled, in 1927 when Goldsmid left Murwillumbah, McEvoy was
one of many who “expressed admiration for the doctor and appreciation of the part he had played in
public affairs.”161 To this Goldsmid admitted, “in his long sojourn on the Tweed he has taken part in

155 “Obituary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 23 June 1919), 2.; “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily,
(Murwillumbah, Wednesday 25 June 1919), 3.; “Return thanks,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 2 July
1919), 2.; “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 4 July 1919), 2.; “Return thanks,” The Tweed
daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 5 July 1919), 4.
156 “The epidemic at Murwillumbah, N.S.W.,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 August 1919), 2.
157 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
158 W. R. W. [Waters], “New hall at Murwillumbah,” The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 29 May 1919), 6.
159 Photograph courtesy of Google maps https://www.google.com.au/maps/@-
28.3262056,153.3993033,3a,75y,1.44h,101.13t/data=!3m6!1e1!3m4!1sD58kQZ1RYDr4Oamx3VpGcw!2e0!7i13312!8
i6656 accessed 4 August 2020.
160 “The commissioner at Lismore,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 18 October 1919), 4.; “Murwillumbah and Lismore
visited,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 November 1919), 5.
161 “Dr. Goldsmid,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 23 May 1927), 2.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 46

many public functions and controversies. In all such he had never exhibited any personal bitterness,
but had always attacked principles, not individuals.” 162

Of the remaining narrative of the 1918 – 1920 pneumonic influenza epidemic, by 10 July 1919
Murwillumbah and others centres such as Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne, Grafton, and Lismore were
reporting a decrease in cases. All areas acted independently as the numbers of cases in Casino and
Mullumbimby did increase for a time.163 It wasn’t until almost the end of 1919 that the epidemic ran
itself out and Australia became free of the scourge that claimed many lives.164 There were concerns
in 1920 of another epidemic as pneumonic influenza cases reoccurred.165 The Tweed region still had
deaths from the strain into 1929, but thankfully these did not have the impact of the 1919 season.166
The Salvation Army report concluded with a good statement for Salvationists, even relevant for the
current COVID-19 international crises, “Comrades, when the need arises, do something for God and
The Army that will help dying souls for time and eternity.”167 This was the aim of Salvationists who
worked in The Murwillumbah Salvation Army Emergency Hospital, a work which received
appreciation from the people of the town.

An advertisement to acknowledge donations received for
The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital168

162 “Dr. Goldsmid,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 23 May 1927), 2.
163 “Pneumonic Influenza,” The Mullumbimby star, (NSW, Thursday 10 July 1919), 2.
164 “Looking back: Killer flu halts all business,” Tweed daily news, (13 November 2013).
165 “Statement by Minister for Health,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 11 February 1920), 3.
166 See for example the passing of Samuel Ernest Shambrook. “Obituary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday
29 July 1914), 4.
167 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.
168 “The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 2.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 47

Lindsay Cox with a bi-unial projector1

1 Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 48

THE SALVATION ARMY
AND THE MAGIC LANTERN IN AUSTRALIA

Lindsay Cox

Dr. Elizabeth Hartrick, of the School of Historical and Philosophical Studies, The University of
Melbourne evaluated The Salvation Army’s Limelight Department in the following manner,

The Limelight Department reached and influenced a wider audience, geographically and socially
than any other contemporary lantern practice in the Australasian colonies could.2
In 1891 The Salvation Army mounted an advertising campaign using a magic lantern to project
images on glass slides promoting General William Booth’s first visit to Australia. This promotion
was conceived after Major Alfred Barritt’s inspection of the Ballarat Prison-Gate Brigade Home
earlier in 1891 where he witnessed Captain Joseph Perry’s successful use of lantern shows in fund-
raising, using commercially available slides supplemented by Perry’s own productions.

William Booth on a glass slide to promote his first visit to Australia3
The success of the lantern promotion of Booth’s tour led to the establishment of the Limelight
Brigade in Melbourne. Barritt was in charge and Perry was lanternist and photographer, with Staff-
Captain John Hendy assisting. The Brigade’s name was derived from the light source for the lantern,
ie, limelight. Lantern and glass slide technology was at its zenith at that time, having been widely
used since the 1840s in entertainment and education, and continuing in use, albeit decreasingly so,
into the 1950s.

Reference citation of this paper; Lindsay Cox, “The Salvation Army and the magic lantern in Australia”, The
Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 48 – 61.
2 Elizabeth Hartrick, “Consuming illusions: The magic lantern in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand 1850-1910,”
(PhD Thesis, The University of Melbourne, 2003), 15.
3 Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 49

The Limelight Brigade’s first public exhibition was on Boxing Night 1891 at South Melbourne
with Commissioner Thomas Coombs introducing a series of slide-portraits of well-known officers,
including slides produced locally by Perry. Imported slides from the Darkest England lecture set
followed, and then a song accompanied by the Guards Band as lantern-slides displayed the words
across the screen. The tone became more sombre when slides of the late Catherine Booth lit up the
screen. The final sequence was a sermon whilst the screen was lit by “a beautiful representative of
the thorn-crowned head of our Redeemer.”4

“The thorn-crown head of our Redeemer”5
The Limelight Brigade’s successful launch was immediately followed by the Brigade travelling
to Sydney to present a Darkest England limelight demonstration on New Year’s night. Following on
from tours to Queensland, Victoria and South Australia, Barritt reported that he and Perry had given
43 exhibitions, and said,
The limelight exhibition is fully justifying its inauguration, and the Commissioner’s prophecy,
that it should be made a means of not only educating and instructing the people, but also of getting
souls converted, is being fulfilled.6
The Limelight Brigade used imported slide sets illustrating moral and sentimental melodramas.
Although portrayed in typically English settings, these heart-tugging melodramas were popularly
received by Australasian audiences and worked well in promoting The Salvation Army’s social cause.
An occasional slide produced by Perry augmented the narrative.
A substantial collection of commercially available hymn and song slides ensured that an
important criterion of every Salvation Army gathering was met, and every Limelight presentation
included singing and always concluded with a song. The services of local Salvation Army music
sections were harnessed at each tour destination, and Limelight Brigade performances often bettered
the best contemporary commercial operators. Hartrick noted,

4 The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 January 1892), 6.
5 Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.
6 The war cry, (Melbourne, 13 February 1892), 13.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 50