AJSAHistoryVol4Iss1 March 2019

someone is telling how the Lord had healed him and another how the Lord had helped her in some
difficulty; their faith is simple. The one who testified that the Lord had healed him told how he
was trying to honour the Lord by giving just weights in his very small business. As I worship with
them my heart is touched and I think how the Lord Jesus would have found pleasure in being one
of a congregation of this description; of course He is, but invisible.

To take this walk on Sunday evening is a very unsavoury business ... the night carts tip
their contents into the river. Odour! Phew! … Well, as we near the Hall and see the Flag flying,
hear the drum beating and see a good crowd listening to the message, we feel it is worthwhile …
In the new state of the future all this [living conditions] is supposed to be wiped out and perfect
conditions reached – say in 50 years time. I wonder!”14

Photograph of the Chinese shoes and child’s tunic given by Eva
to her sister Mrs Lt-Col Jessie Bracegirdle (nee Wilkinson)15

Tumultuous Change Ahead

The Ludbrook family left Shanghai for India in December 1927 where Arthur was to serve as
Financial Secretary, located in Bombay. In 1928 the Ludbrooks were promoted to Major. Their
service in India lasted until their return to China on 29 November 1932. There was a time of furlough
during 1933 to both New Zealand and England. In 1934 Arthur was appointed General Secretary
China North and the couple was promoted to the rank of Brigadier.

The Japanese invasion of China which commenced on 7 July 1937 included the capture of
Shanghai, Beijing (Peking) and Nanjing. By December 1937 The Salvation Army in China was at
work with refugees trying to escape the advancing Japanese military. Brigadier Ludbrook wrote,

A scheme in which the co-operation of 200 police stations was secured in finding out the starving
in the city of Peiping. Registration of all who need aid has been made, every officer in the city
helping with this work.16
This was the beginning of the Second Sino-Japanese War which lasted until 9 September 1945. Arthur
was appointed to Chief Secretary, China North in 1940 and based again in Peking.

14 Typed letter, undated, attributed to Eva. Family records – Selwyn Bracegirdle.
15 The Salvation Army Heritage Centre & Archives, New Zealand.
16 “Swift relief for China, Salvation Army’s fine work”, News, (Adelaide, Friday 10 December 1937), 3.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 101

North China Territory motto for 1941
“If God be for us who can be against us?”17

By 1941 the Japanese had silenced The Salvation Army in parts of China and by 1943 foreigners
including European, Australian and New Zealand Salvationists were interned in camps. The Army’s
93 evangelistic centres across China were shut, along with the girl’s home, boy’s home, medical
centres such as hospital, clinic and sanatorium, men’s shelters, discharged prisoners aid department,
beggars’ camp and relief for foreign persons. Just prior to this occurring the Ludbrooks’ daughter
Myrtle was en-route to England to take advantage of a scholarship gained in China. Because of the
war situation she was diverted to Canada and while there took up the profession of nursing. It would
be over five years before she saw her parents again.

Arthur, Eva and son Allan were interned at the Lunghua Civil Assembly Centre until being
freed in 1945. In the New Zealand War cry of 24 November 1945 Eva related their experience of
freedom from internment based on a letter received by her sister Mrs Brigadier Jessie Bracegirdle.

On the 15 of October – exactly two months after the cessation of hostilities – the way opened up
for us to leave camp. Things have moved slowly here, and many people are still in camp, but the
Australian Government went ahead and opened a Hostel for its people, and also offered
accommodation to New Zealanders. So here we are!

How wonderful it is to be here, too, after camp. Nicely prepared meals, a room to ourselves,
and also a bathroom. Then it is central, and means a great deal from a business standpoint. Our
camp – Lunghua – was an hour’s motor ride from Shanghai, over a very rough road, and it was
exceedingly trying to undertake the journey to and fro.

Yesterday a New Zealand representative flew from Hong Kong and visited us here. He was
Brigadier Clifton (nephew of Lieut.-Commissioner Bladin), and he informed us that New
Zealanders were to be accorded the same privileges as Australians. We are here now on our own
merit as well as by the courtesy of the Australians. Tomorrow, therefore, I will be collecting £10
(which is a gift towards repatriation) whether leaving immediately or not. The Australian Red
Cross has also made gifts of clothing to all Allied internees. This has been very acceptable,
especially as everything was a very good quality and worth having.

We are fairly well but feeling the need of change and quiet. Major Su and other Chinese
Officers are anxious for Arthur to return north and pick up the threads again. This will be a great

17 Printed card for wall hanging. Original from family records – Selwyn Bracegirdle.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 102

privilege for him. The Chinese have carried on very courageously and preserved The Salvation
Army Work (on a smaller scale, of course) during these two and a half years. Up north the
situation is rather chaotic, and communications are disrupted. Travelling is difficult and railway
lines seem to be cut. Perhaps Arthur will be able to go by plane. Allan and I will probably stay
here until he returns from the north.18
By the time this report was published, The Salvation Army Flag was again flying from the
Headquarters building in Peking.

An officer, believed to be Arthur Ludbrook,
unfurling the Army Flag over the North China Headquarters, Peking after WWII19
Leadership and Troubles in China
In 1946 the Lubrooks left China for England. By the end of that year Arthur was appointed Territorial
Commander and Eva appointed in charge of women’s ministry for North China and returned to China
in 1947 to fulfil their roles. By 1948 Chinese Communist forces were exerting power within China
and coming closer to Peking. The Salvation Army in North China found it necessary to move the
Headquarters from Peking to Shanghai in the south of the country.
In 1949 the Communists had won their ‘War of Liberation’ and on 1 October 1949 Chairman
Mao Zedong proclaimed “The people of China have risen up!” This new government saw missionary
work in China as ‘driven’ by foreign powers and passed a law which affected all churches and
missions including The Salvation Army. The law stated that:
1. No foreigners could hold executive positions or any other positions.
2. There must be no connection with any foreign agencies.

18 Excerpt from “The Luxury of Liberation”, The war cry, (New Zealand, 24 November 1945), 7.
19 Reproduced from the booklet for The Salvation Army Fellowship of China Missionaries, Reunion 1978, (London:
The Salvation Army, 29 June 1978).

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3. Properties must be transferred to the China Christian Council, and its land belonged to the
People’s Government.20
This was an exceptionally difficult time for Arthur and Eva having to manoeuvre through the

ever-increasing strictness of Government requirements which included the ‘accusation meetings’, and
ultimately the obligation to hand over control to Chinese Officers and to severe connections with
International Headquarters (IHQ) of The Salvation Army – as no authority from IHQ and no
communication with them were permitted. Arthur and Eva felt the International Secretary at
International Headquarters, London had left them to sink or swim. By 1952, having completed all
they could for the Chinese Officers and Salvationists, the Ludbrooks left for England where they
arrived on 18 February 1952. They remained in service at the British National Headquarters until
retirement in England on 29 November 1954.

Colonels Eva and Arthur Ludbrook21
Eva was promoted to Glory on 26 October 1978 and Arthur on 8 September 1989. A private
Service of Remembrance and Thanksgiving for Eva was held at the home of her sister Lila Wilkinson
in Christchurch, NZ on Friday 17 November 1978. The final song was written by John Oxenham and
the words of the first verse make a fitting reflection:

In Christ there is no east or west
In him no south or north

But one great fellowship of love
Throughout the whole wide earth.22

20 Abridged from Check-Hung Yee, Good Morning China, The chronicle of The Salvation Army in China 1916 – 2000,
(Alexandria USA: Crest Book, The Salvation Army, 2005), 73.
21 Family photograph records – Selwyn Bracegirdle.
22 General of The Salvation Army, The Song Book of The Salvation Army, (2015), No. 1006.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 104

Colonel Robert and Coral Duck Chong1

1 Courtesy of The Salvation Army.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 105

TINGHA AND THE TINFIELDS OF NEW ENGLAND,
AUSTRALIA

AN EXAMPLE OF MULTICULTURAL MINISTRY
THE CHINESE POPULATION AND
THE SALVATION ARMY2

Robert (Bob) Broadbere3

Introduction

The Salvation Army in Hurstville, New South Wales (NSW) contains a large Chinese congregation,
mainly of first-generation Chinese Australians as well as students who will eventually return to their
home provinces in China. Generally, many Australians, including those of Chinese ancestry know
little of the history of the Chinese in Australia. Salvationists too know little of The Salvation Army’s
ministry to Chinese populations in Australia or about Chinese who became Salvationists. This paper
outlines some of this history and also that of the Chinese work of the Tingha and surrounding corps.
Furthermore, this paper could assist in the current understanding of The Salvation Army working in
a multicultural environment in the Australian context.

Chinese early impact on the Australian continent

Generations of Australians learnt from their school books that Australia was discovered by Captain
James Cook in 17704 and the colony of New South Wales was founded in 1788 by Governor Arthur
Phillip in a land declared terra nullius.5 In fact, European, Asian and Pacific Islander pioneers had
visited but not settled many years prior, while Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island people settled this
vast continent centuries before.

In his controversial book 1421: The year China discovered the world, Gavin Menzies claimed
the Chinese since the Sui dynasty (AD 589 – 618) were aware of Australia’s existence.6 Admiral
Zheng He (1371 – 1433) in his role of Admiral of the Chinese navy, credited his vice-admirals Hong
Bao and Zhou Man as discovering the continent of Australia. Menzies even claimed that Bao was
shipwrecked near Warrnambool, Victoria. Bao’s crew assimilated into the local Aboriginal people
while he “rode on horseback up the valleys of the Murray, Darling and Murrumbidgee Rivers to what
is now Cooktown” and led to the Toscanelli’s map of 1474.7 Responding to such claims, Peter Barber,
the head of the map collection at the British Library stated,

Reference citation of this paper
Robert (Bob) Broadbere, “Tinga and the tinfields of New England, Australia. An example of multicultural
ministry, The Chinese population and The Salvation Army”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History,
4, 1, 2019, 105 – 115.
2 This paper was first developed as Robert Broadbere, Tingha, The tin industry, Chinese workers and The Salvation
Army, (Sydney: Robert Broadbere, n.d.).
3 The Salvation Army Tingha history provided in this paper includes extracts from Salvationists whose work is in the
public arena, including Commissioner Heather Lang, Major David Woodbury, and Mrs Alison Briggs (nee Treffone).
4 An interesting fact is that Cook was a Lieutenant at the time and while he circumnavigated New Zealand, he was only
able to explore a section of the east coast of the Australia continent.
5 A Latin expression meaning “nobody’s land”, that is land that no body owns. This phrase is often misinterpreted by
post-colonial historians as a “land devoid of people” to try to argue an extreme case that all Europeans saw the different
peoples on the continent as non or sub-humane group.
6 Gavin Menzies, 1421: The year China discovered the world, (London, UK: Bantam Press, 2002), 202.
7 Menzies, 1421, 189.

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Menzies’ theories [are] potentially dangerous, as they seek to rewrite history from outside the
bounds of proper scrutiny and academic rigour. [There is] a distinction between Menzies and
academically trained populist historians, such as Simon Schama and David Starkey.8

Professor Luo Zongzheng, from the Nanjing Museum, reportedly told Menzies,

… there are too many theories about Zheng He, but there are no relics, no boats or anything
concrete. So the theories are not convincing.9

A more reputable study on all known contributors to Australia’s history of exploration was
conducted by Frank Welsh.10 When speaking of China’s interest in Australia, Welsh wrote, “imperial
China, convinced that its own land was the centre of the world, evinced only moderate interest in
distant regions, but accepted a regular supply of dried sea slugs”11 from northern Australia. Professor
Needham in the same publication backs the assumptions of Chinese visitors to this land. Therefore,
Asian and possibly more specifically Chinese traders knew more about Australian at this stage than
the Europeans who came later.

After the exploration of the east coast of Australia by Cook, it was decided to send convicts and
establish the colonies of New South Wales and Norfolk Island. What may not be known is that three
of the ships, Charlotte, Lady Penrhyn and Scarborough after leaving Sydney Cove headed for China.
In China, specifically Macau (a Portuguese Colony) and Whampoa (near Hong Kong) the ships
collected cargo for trade back in England. Naturally these ships in Chinese harbours would attract
interest and in turn transportation to Australia of ‘free’ men in the nature of Chinese immigrants
would not be too far away.

According to Geoffrey Blainey, the Chinese who arrived in Australia during the 19th Century
came in their thousands and were recorded in history as miners as well as market gardeners.
Unfortunately, history was more inclined to highlight their market gardening than their mining skills.
The Chinese immigrant miners were to be found as far afield as North West Tasmania, Northern
Queensland and Northern Western Australia. The Chinese people in these locations showed a
determined skill in working in harsh conditions and extracting a living from the earth.12

One of the areas where Chinese miners settled was in the New England region of New South
Wales where a series of tin mines were developed from Emmaville to Tingha and Bora Creek. As
this paper’s focus in on the Chinese workers, it is their activities which will receive the main
concentration. Although Europeans settled in the areas being examined, and Aboriginal miners were
also present,13 credit must be given to the Chinese settlers in the towns mentioned. Most were not
naturally familiar with western culture or religions but the history of The Salvation Army in Tingha
credits Chinese settlers as the main strength of the local corps. Pioneer Salvationists, European and
Chinese, worked as one for the Kingdom of God. Janis Wilton wrote about Chinese miners in this
area. She argued that the interest of the Chinese in The Salvation Army was,

8 Cited in Peter Fray, “It’s official: Admiral Zheng beat Cook to Australia”, The Age, (25 November 2002), ¶18,
https://www.theage.com.au/world/its-official-admiral-zheng-beat-cook-to-australia-20021125-gdutvo.html accessed 9
January 2019.
9 Fray, “It’s official”, ¶34.
10 Frank Welsh, Australia: A new History of the Great Southern Land (2nd Ed.), (USA: Overlook Press, 2008), 2, 3.
11 Welsh, Australia, n.p.
12 Geoffrey Blainey, The Rush that Never Ended: A history of Australian mining, (Parkville, Australia: Melbourne
University Press, 1963).
13 The Salvation Army in Tingha let the Mission to the Aboriginal people use the Army hall for Lantern services.
“Pioneering work”, The New South Wales Aborigines’ advocate, (Australia, 29 June, 1907), 3.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 107

… some ways, … a way of accommodating to this very different European environment, and
aiming to get some sort of acceptance, …14

Map locating Tingha, New South Wales, Australia15
The Chinese settlement in the Tingha area
The map above shows the New England District with Inverell as the primary centre. From Emmaville
to Tingha via Inverell is 115km, Inverell to Tingha is just over 31km while Tingha to Bora Creek is
about 100km (west of Tingha not shown on the map). All centres mentioned involve tin mining and
Chinese miners.

C. S. McGlew was a mining adventurer who, in 1871, travelled to the area in search of tin.
Blainey wrote, “McGlew started a rush to take up rich tinlands around Newstead and Tingha and
Inverell. The tin at Vegetable Creek16 was so rich that thousands of Australians and Chinese camped
in the creek and they churned 150 acres of flats….”17 By 1877 many Chinese were well established
in the area and also in businesses other than mining.18 In 1881 it was reported that hundreds of Chinese
from Hong Kong were arriving in the New England area to work in the tin mines.19
Mining towns of Emmaville, Bora Creek and Tingha

14 Richael Kohn and Janis Wilton, “Chinese in Australia”, The ark, (ABC Radio, Sunday 28 November 2004 3:45pm),
transcript, ¶42, https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/archived/ark/chinese-in-
australia/3430194?searchTerm=%22salvation%20army%22%20emmaville accessed 10 January 2019.
15 Developed from google maps.
16 Vegetable Creek would later be named Emmaville.
17 Blainey, The Rush that Never Ended, 130 – 131.
18 “The Chinese on the Tin mines”, The Queenslander, (Brisbane, Saturday 14 July 1877), 28.
19 “Chinese at the tin mines”, Kiama independent, and Shoalhaven advertiser, (NSW, Tuesday 24 May 1881), 4.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 108

As Tingha is of primary interest, Emmaville and Bora Creek will be examined first.

Emmaville

Emmaville was first known as Vegetable Creek and according to Emmaville’s mining museum, tin
was first discovered here in 1872 when the mining of tin was at its peak.20

It is believed the town’s original name, Vegetable Creek originated from the Chinese market
gardens in the district at the time. The name of the town was changed from Vegetable Creek to
Emmaville in honour of the Governor General’s wife, Emma, after a gentleman from the lands
department had visited the area.21 The visitor could not find mention of the mining claims in any
documentation and therefore the area needed to be gazetted and so it became Emmaville. The creek
still kept its name and therefore some information about tin mining can be found under the original
name for the area.

When tin mining started, the Chinese residents were in the ascendency as figures for 1880 show
900 European residents and 1,200 Chinese. By the 1900s the town had grown to 7,000 including a
Chinese population of 2,000.

A report on the Emmaville tin-mining district appeared in the Sydney Morning Herald of
December 1882. It outlined the different areas and different methods of mining between the Chinese
and European miner. The inspector of mines wrote in part,

… Nearly the whole of the shallow alluvial workings in the Vegetable Creek tinfield are in the
hands of the Chinese, whereas all the lode-mining, prospecting in basaltic country which requires
blasting, and deep or wet workings – wherever skill and strength is required – is in the hands of
European miners. The whole of the tinfield is in a prosperous condition.22

Emmaville Corps

To this industrial scene, The Salvation Army arrived in 1895 with the newspaper optimistically
reporting that “[a]ready there are indications of success in the work.”23 Little is known of the corps
and its work among the Chinese population of the town. What has been gathered is from newspapers
of close larger towns and are connected with reports mainly to do with fundraising. Captain Woodford
of the GBM (Grace Before Meat) held a fundraising visit to the corps in February 1902 and held a
coffee supper.24 In 1906 people in the town contributed £50 to the self-denial appeal, only £5 less
than what was raised at the larger town of Glen Innes.25 Brigadier Jago visited to conduct a lecture
on The Salvation Army’s social work.26 A commemoration of the sinking of the Titanic was featured
in a concert consisting of local talent in September 1912, with the funds going to the corps.27 By the
1920s as miners moved out of the area, the Army’s work at Emmaville was conducted by the Glen

20 For information on tin mining see George MacDonald Davies, Tin Ores, (London, UK: John Murray, 1919),
https://archive.org/details/tinoresgeorge00davirich/page/n5 accessed 10 January 2019.
21 “Vegetable Creek tin mines”, Maitland Mercury and Hunter River general advertiser, (NSW, Tuesday 17 December
1872), 2.
22 W. H. Slee, “The Emmaville tin-mining district”, Sydney Morning Herald, (NSW, Tuesday 5 December 1882), 10.
23 “Salvation Army” The Sydney morning herald, (NSW, Saturday 5 January 1895), 9.
24 “Salvation Army” Glen Innes examiner and general advertiser, (NSW, Tuesday 18 February 1902), 2.
25 “Salvation Army”, Glen Innes examiner and general advertiser, (NSW, Friday 2 November 1906), 4.
26 “Salvation Army”, Glen Innes examiner and general advertiser, (NSW, Friday 30 August 1907), 4.
27 “Emmaville”, Glen Innes examiner, (NSW, Monday 23 September 1912), 2.

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Innes Corps, most probably as an outpost. This work was only listed as an open-air meeting at 3:00pm
on Saturdays.28

Bora Creek

Bora Creek is west of Tingha and according to a survey report in The Sydney morning herald, it was
settled in about 1897. It was thought that the name Bora Creek was used as the area contained an
Aboriginal Bora ceremonial ground. This has not been corroborated as no further mentioned has been
found.29 Persons listed in this report give no indication of Chinese workers in the tin mines, possibly
because the extraction method was not one normally used by them. Bora Creek history is hard to find,
though it does get a mention in current flood mitigation material. Bora Creek flows into the Gwydir
River and onto the Copeton Dam which was built in 1976. The area is also not mentioned in Blainey’s
work. The size of the mining operations reported in the newspapers would suggest a larger operation
than historical publications suggest with shops and other services available.

Bora Creek Outpost

The Salvation Army work at Bora Creek was designated an ‘outpost’, meaning it was oversighted by
a parent corps, in this case Tingha Corps. The Salvationists at Tingha Corps conducted services there
and assisted in other local activities. Having in mind the road conditions of the 1900s from Tingha to
Bora Creek, the journey to conduct services would have been tiresome. It is a credit to early
Salvationists in their travels to present divine worship to outlying communities.

The photo below shows some of the comrades of Bora Creek Outpost of 1904. A number of the
people in the photo are related. They were the two Kennedy sisters, and “Dad Brice” (third from left
in back row), who was the father of Minnie Treffone and father-in-law of Dave Treffone, the couple
in the centre row. Alison Briggs, a descendant of this family stated that Dad Brice was “saved from
the demon rum”.30 It should be noted that a few people in the photo are holding instruments. Of this
band a local reporter wrote,

The only enlivenment to the town is the Salvation Army, whose band is progressing at a great
rate. Converts are fairly numerous, but principally women…31

28 “Religious – The Salvation Army”, Glen Innes examiner, (NSW, Thursday 7 April 1927), 4.
29 “Mining in New South Wales”, Sydney Morning Herald, (NSW, Wednesday 12 December 1900), 5.
30 Communication between author and Alison Briggs (nee Treffone). For more information on the Treffone family see,
Alison Briggs, “Bandmaster David Treffone”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 1, 2019, 116 –
127.
31 “Bora Creek notices.”, Bundarra and Tingha advocate, (NSW, Saturday 26 May 1904), 2.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 110

Bora Creek Comrades (Outpost of Tingha, N.S.W.), 1904
Back row (left to right) Bro. Glennie, Bro E. Smith, Dad William Brice, Sister Davis
Second row – Treasurer McDonald, Sergt-Major Dave Treffone, Sister Minnie Treffone, Sister Plumb.

Third row – Bro. Jas. McDonald, Sister A. Kennedy, Sister M. Kennedy.
Three comrades were not present when this photo was taken.32

Tingha

Tingha was founded in 1841 by Sydney Hudson Darby, but it was to be another 30 years before the
tin boom arrived. The first post office opened in Tingha during 1872 and the settlement was
proclaimed a town in 1885. Formal education however did not appear in the town until the Sisters of
St Joseph established a school in 1890. Yet, tin was the town’s life blood and so important was its
discovery that a memorial clock (below) was unveiled to commemorates 80 years of tin mining in the
Tingha district.

Tingha Tin Mining Memorial33
The discovery of tin could have come earlier, as Joseph Wills sent a sample to his brother-in-
law, Frederick Clar De V’ries in London to have it tested around 1865. De V’ries showed the sample
in Paris but neither Wills or Se V’ries did anything about it. In 1870 Wills sold of the tin to a man in
Inverell who took it to C. S. McGlew in Sydney. The company McGlew worked for then started
mining operations in Tingha area.34 Although Wills must be credited as being the founder of the tin
mining in the town of Tingha, his tombstone reads “he paved the way for other’s gain, and dies

32 Photograph courtesy of Alison Briggs.
33 Photograph courtesy of Glen Yeomans permission provided January 2019.
34 Jim Belshaw, “New England’s history – History revisited – Tingha’s tin a golden find.” (Wednesday 4 June 2014),
http://newenglandhistory.blogspot.com/2014/06/history-revisited-tinghas-tin-golden.html accessed 16 January 2019.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 111

neglected for his pains”.35 Notes on the memorial clock indicate that tin was first discovered in 1871
and between 1884 and 1950, over 70,000 tons of tin was extracted. To put this in context, The
Australian Year book of 1910 revealed some interesting production figures from Tingha and environs.
The Tingha area produced £117,600 of tin as compared to the New South Wales state total of
£205,447.36

As with other mining areas the population of Tingha fluctuated depending of the value of the
goods and work available. In the 1870s out of the 7,000 or 8,000 tin miners 25% were from China.
Of interest here was the fact that there were enough readily accessible surface deposits to make a
living without the use of machinery, allowing Chinese miners the easy access. As the population of
miners increased the percentage of Chinese miners appeared to remain constant. The record noted
that in the 1900s over 6,000 people arrived and again 25% of the miners were Chinese.37

Tingha Corps

The people of Tingha regarded The Salvation Army as part of its town whilst acknowledging its
principles and witness. The Salvationists of that time knew how to balance their witness without
compromise.

The corps history books, now in the Heritage Centre provide little clear information on corps
activities especially those first 50 years. The corps was Corps 232 (some past editors say Corps 23)
and was opened by Captain John Olson on 24 May 1888.38 It closed 4 December 1999 after some
valiant efforts to maintain a presence in the town.

Lang indicated that,

A large Chinese population lived in and around Tingha in the mining days and Christian missions
had many converts among the Chinese immigrants and their descendants. To assist in
evangelising these people, the Tingha Corps had Chinese Bibles printed.39

Like with many corps at the time Tingha Corps had a number of different sections including
the brass band and home league. Local historical records state that the last Chinese Joss House in
Tingha closed in 1936 giving some indication that Chinese influence had declined greatly.

35 “Vale Joe Wills”, Armidale express extra, (NSW, 28 April 2014), extra.
36 “Year book Australia, 1910, Australian Bureau of Statistics,
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/allprimarymainfeatures/85EE1C9FC70213CFCA2573CD00049896?ope
ndocumentaccessed 10 January 2019.
37 Helen Brown, Tin at Tingha: the history of Tingha, the greatest tin producing area of New South Wales, And the
story of its people, (Armidale, Australia: Helen Brown, 1982).
38 Ella Hanna, Tingha Corps centenary (1888 – 1988), (Tingha, Australia: The Salvation Army Tingha, 1988).
39 Heather Lang, “Inverell, the Army in nearby Tingha”, (The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 2016)
https://salvos.org.au/about-us/our-story/our-history/local-history/nnsw/inverell/the-army-in-nearby-tingha/ accessed 10
October 2018.

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Tingha Corps Band, 1926.
A number of bandsmen are Chinese40

Tingha Hall and Home League– no date41

Tingha Personalities

As the objective of this paper is the history of Chinese settlers, mention of other notable Tingha
personalities is limited.

Arthur McIlveen

The most well-known of Tingha’s Salvationists is Brigadier Sir Arthur McIlveen (1886 - 1979).
Though born in Inverell, his name is closely associated with Tingha. Major David Woodbury provides

40 Photograph courtesy of Alison Briggs.
41 Courtesy of The Salvation Army.

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a history of this battle field padre. His time in WWII with the Australian troops and his care for them
after they had returned saw him knighted by the Queen.42

Robert and Carol Duck Chong

Colonel Robert Duck-Chong is the best-known officer of Chinese parentage to come from Tingha.
Robert Duck Chong was born in 1901 (some reports 1900) to Charles Duck Chong (Chun Yow) and
Chun Susan (Gum Peng). His parents had come from China in the 1880s and married at Tingha in
1894. One biographer says

Robert visited China for a year with his mother, brothers and sisters in 1911. At age 13 he left
school and went to work to assist with the family income. He worked for a nephew, Thomas Pan
Kee, at Narrabri for a while, then he went to another Chinese store in Wee Waa before, at about
age 15, he joined the staff of a Chinese grocery store in Sydney. He returned to Tingha at about
age 18 where, for a short while, he worked at Wing Hing Long before joining the staff of Sam
Kee. His work in Tingha ended with his conversion to the Salvation Army in 1922. … In the
1980s, inspired by his youngest son, Robert Duck Chong paid visits to the ancestral village in
China. …43

The Salvation Army records his conversion under the ministry of Ensign Alfred Whittaker, becoming
a Salvation Army Officer in 1925. He married Coral Taylor in 1932 and they had six children.

The Suey family

Other members of the Tingha Salvation Army were the Suey family.
In Commissioner Heather Lang’s recollections of early Tingha Corps, she quoted Colonel Win

Williams. Williams stated; “From family sources I am led to believe that my great grandmother
Margaret (Bathesby) Suey, a widow, and her family of five children were among the first converts of
the Tingha corps.”44

Margaret Suey married Charles Lee Chue circa 1898. One of the six children of that union was
William, Win’s father. Win continued; “in 1930 my mother, Captain Edith Mary Gilbert was
appointed to Tingha…… [where] she left to marry my father William [Bill] Lee Chue.”45 The Tingha
advocate and north-western journal of 30 May 1932 reported the marriage.

SALVATION ARMY
WEDDING

Gilbert – Lee Chue
Last Saturday was a great day for the Salvationists, and others, of Tingha. Sister (late Captain)
Gilbert and W. Lee Chue were to be married at the Army hall, and it looked as if the whole district
intended to be present, Sister Gilbert was at one time stationed here, and she endeared herself
with all sections of the community with whom she came in contact, with her sincerity, and
earnestness.

The hall was filled to the doors an hour before the ceremony was to commence — 3 p.m.
— and anyone arriving after 2 p.m. had little chance of getting a seat. After squeezing, into the
hall, the first thing that caught the eye was the beautiful drawing-room effect that had been given

42 David Woodbury, “From bush camp to battlefield”, Pipeline, (Sydney, Vol. 18, Iss. 10, October 2014), 32 – 33.
43 “People Robert Duck Chong”,
http://hfrc.une.edu.au/heritagefutures/neimmigrants/frame.php?enterFlg=front&area=ppl&ID=P344&form=3&fileLette
r=P&userID=MMu633690229963 accessed 10 January 2019.
44 Lang, “Inverell, the Army in nearby Tingha”.
45 Lang, “Inverell, the Army in nearby Tingha”.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 114

to the stage. It was decorated with flowers, pot plants, etc., etc., which all go to give a most
pleasing effect. Major Smith officiated, and the ceremony was a full-uniform Salvation one. The
bride, who was dressed in regulation navy-blue, with white silk sash, with orange blossoms,
entered the hall on the arm of Brother Miles, of Narrabri, who gave her away; she was supported
by Sister Audrey Currey, of Narrabri, while the bridegroom was supported by Captain John
Layall. At the ceremony the Army Band played appropriate music, under Bandmaster Suey. After
the ceremony a reception was held at the future home of the couple, Major Smith being in the
chair. The usual toasts were honoured those taking part being Captain McComb, Captain Lyall.
Bandmaster Suey. and Bro. Miles. The bridegroom responded — as all bridegrooms do. At this
very popular wedding. Major Smith, at the end of the ceremony, told the crowded hall that if they
wanted to congratulate the happy couple, they could do so. At once the hand-clapping was
deafening, and if goodwill applause helps one along the road, then those two Salvationists ought
to feel that they have had a real good start.46

Members of the Suey family are recorded as playing in Tingha Corps Band and in other
Salvation Army bands where they were at any given time. Delma Ferguson (nee Suey) is a cousin to
Win Williams. Williams stated that when Ferguson entered The Salvation Army Training College,
another cadet from Tingha, who was not of Chinese origin was Mert Darby. Darby was The Salvation
Army’s Flying Padre who also worked within the drug and alcohol program. He now is retired and
lives on the Gold Coast.

North Sydney Corps Band, 1957
Bob Suey is in the cornet section47

What better way to conclude this paper on the history of Tingha Corps and its Chinese
Salvationists than a comment from Rodney Noonan on the Suey family. Noonan wrote,

The three Suey brothers formed the nucleus of the Tingha [rugby league team] forward pack for
several seasons, both Vivian and Namaan Suey played for the Northwest regional team against
Armidale on 25 August 1928. The Suey family was regarded as ‘the backbone of the Salvation
Army’ in Tingha, which conferred significant social standing. The Salvation Army had a vast
membership in Tingha and exerted ‘a big indirect influence on the whole tone of the town’ such
that its support was deemed necessary for any festival function or social event.48

46 “Salvation Army wedding”, The Tingha advocate and north-western journal, (NSW, Friday 20 May 1932), 2.
47 Photograph courtesy of the author.
48 Rodney Noonan, Trophies in the Window: Chinese department stores, Rugby League and the Great Depression in New
England, Sporting traditions Vol. 26, Iss 1, (Australia: Australian Society of Sports History. 2009).

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 115

David Treffone in his Salvation Army uniform, c 1920s1

1 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 116

BANDMASTER DAVID TREFFONE

Alison Briggs2

In the book of Acts is found the verse, “I have found in David ... a man after my own heart, he will
do everything I want him to do”.3

David (Dave) Triffone was born on 10 September 1874 at Hill End, NSW, Australia,4 the eldest
child of Peter Triffone and Adelaide (nee Millett). Hill End, where gold was found in the 1850s, is a
village situated on the Central Tablelands of NSW, 80kms north of Bathurst and 70kms south of
Mudgee. Gold mining here was a great deal of work for small gains; for example two mines at Hill
End in 1874 reported, “[a] crushing of thirty-seven tons of stone from Carroll and Beard’s mine has
yielded 233 ozs. 15 dwts. gold.”5

His mother Adelaide was the grand-daughter of convicts who were transported for life to
Australia from England and Ireland.

It is believed that David’s father’s name was “Peter Trifone Irsakovic”, and that on arrival in
Australia in approximately 1869, he discarded his last name. Peter was born in Kotor, Montenegro in
about 18456. David’s and his siblings’ births were registered as Triffone, Tryphone, Treffoni, and
Treffone. Other alternate spellings I have found include “Trefoni”, and “Trefonie”.

David’s surname at birth was registered as “Triffone”; he was married as “David Trefoni” and
died as “David Treffone”.

Dave’s father, Peter, was a gold miner and the family lived in Hill End for at least the 20 years
from 1873. In April 1874 it was announced that Peter and another miner had been injured while a
third had been killed in an accident at the mine.7

Little is known of the family’s life in Hill End; however, despite his religious denomination
being recorded as Wes[leyan] in the school records8, it was in Hill End that Dave was encouraged by
his father to attend The Salvation Army.9

Reference citation of this paper
Alison Briggs, “Bandmaster David Treffone”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 1, 2019, 116
– 127.
2 The author’s maiden name was Treffone, grand-daughter of David Treffone and Wilhelmina (nee Brice).
3 Acts 13:22, NIV.
4 NSW Registry BMD – registration No. 19534/1874 – birth David Triffone.
5 “Hill End”, Freeman’s journal, (Sydney, Saturday 17 January 1874), 2. This was approximately 6 – 7 kg of gold from
37.5 tonnes of stone.
6 Western Australia BMD – registry – ref. 564/1902 – death of Peter Treffone.
7 “Another fatal mining accident”, The Maitland mercury and Hunter River general advertiser, (NSW, Thursday 23
April 1874), 4.
8 Hill End Public School, Register of Admission, Progress and Withdrawal 1870 – 1901.
9 The musician, (Australia, 25 March 1967), 47.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 117

This building at Hill End was originally The Salvation Army’s citadel10

Dave’s whole family moved from Hill End to Hillgrove, another mining town just east of
Armidale, NSW, in either 1891 or 1892.

Although large-scale mining did not commence in Hillgrove until about 1880, it was the leading
gold-producing site in NSW from the late 1880s to the late 1890s. The town rapidly developed
reaching a population peak of some 3,000 in 1898. Gold mining ceased in 1921.

The Salvation Army opened a corps at Hillgrove, on 27 March 1890; however Salvationists
from Armidale may well have held meetings in Hillgrove before this date. The corps ceased to
function on 30 September 1917, the Hillgrove citadel building was demolished and the material used
to build the Army’s Young People’s Hall in Armidale.11

Dave Trefoni was converted in Hillgrove in 1892. Within three weeks he was playing the cornet
with The Salvation Army band and three years later was commissioned as Bandmaster. He held that
position for 6 years.12

It was at Hillgrove on 14 October 1895 that 21 year old Trefoni (Treffone), by this time a miner,
married 18 year old Wilhelmina Brice, a domestic, in “The Salvation Army Barracks, Hillgrove
according to the rights of the Salvation Army”13, with Staff Captain Harry Alfred Taylor officiating.

The Salvation Army’s War cry, reported the wedding like this –

David Trefoni and Wilhelmina Brice having decided that “two are better than one”, Staff Captain
Taylor was duly notified of this decision, and accordingly put in an appearance at Hillgrove for
the week-end, the wedding of the two above-mentioned comrades being arranged as a special
attraction for the Monday night meeting. To this meeting a small charge was made for admission,
which raised a nice sum, and this the D.O. kindly left for the benefit of the corps. The interesting
event passed off very satisfactorily, the ladies being, as usual, in the majority. Adjutant Walker
and the local treasurer were able to cheer the couple with good testimonies concerning married
life, the wedding of the latter being the first and only Salvation Army one conducted in Hillgrove
besides the one now under consideration. Poor old Dave and Minnie, as we call them, stood the
ordeal well. The soldiers prepared a grand wedding banquet, which was greatly enjoyed. May
God bless the happy pair. ….. Gold Dust.14

10 Photograph courtesy of author and taken in 2008.
11 Letter from T. Hubbard, Captain to University of New England dated 30 March 1978 and The Salvation Army’s
Corps in Armidale. The war cry, (Melbourne, 10 August 1918).; The war cry, (Melbourne, 3 August 1940), 5.
12 The local officer and bandsman, (Australia, 1 September 1942).
13 NSW BMD – registration No 7106/1895 – marriage Wilhelmina Brice to David Trefoni.
14 The war cry, (Melbourne, 23 November 1895), n.p.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 118

Wilhelmina Brice and David Treffone on their Wedding Day,
dressed in their Salvation Army uniforms – 14 October 189515

Wilhelmina (Minnie) Brice was born on 24 January 1877 at Inverell,16 the fifth child of William
(one of the first brick makers in Inverell) and Louisa Brice (nee Gent). Minnie’s father William was
converted in about 1889, and was a member of The Salvation Army in Hillgrove at the time of
Minnie’s and Dave’s marriage.17

Included in a poem describing the members of the Hillgrove Salvation Army Band, written by
“Captain Sarah Kells, Hillgrove”18 are these words about Treffone;

Bandmaster Dave must patience have with bandsmen one and all.
Indeed, he leads them nobly, and they’re ready at his call.

And about William Brice, Treffone’s father-in law she writes in the same poem;

… Well let me say, the twelfth man in the picture
For eight years now has been well saved from “blue-stone rum” etc

And proudly bears the Army flag, the yellow, red and blue,
None less than colour-sergeant Brice, here introduced to you …19

15 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.
16 NSW BMD – registration No 13621/1877 – birth Wilhelmina Brice.
17 Ref Poem “Our Band” by Captain S. Kells, Hillgrove about 1896 – 1897.
18 Sarah Kells was the corps officer of the Hillgrove Corps between 5 December 1896 and 29 July 1897. She married
Captain John Sampson, and their daughter Lily Kells Sampson is a well-known Australian Salvationist poet.
19 Poem “Our Band” by Captain S. Kells, Hillgrove.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 119

The Hillgrove Salvation Army Brass Band c1896 – 1897
David Treffone, back row, 3rd from right
William Brice, back row, left hand side20

Treffone recalled a visit to Hillgrove in 189521 by The Salvation Army’s Australasian Guards’
Band No. 1 which, in the 1890s marched from town to town holding meetings,

The band arrived at Hillgrove and the men were sent to their billets: to our home came John
Sampson and another. One of the first things he asked for was a clothes peg. He had the
misfortune to break one of his front teeth, and his ability to remain with the Solo cornet section
any longer looked dubious. But with the aid of a pocket knife he had fashioned a tooth before the
first meeting, and I remember that he played all through the series. Thus began a friendship which
lasted over fifty years.22

The cover of The Salvation Army’s “War Cry” 21 March 1896, showing details of the
Hillgrove Corps, including the town and the Salvation Army Hall23

20 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.
21 Armidale Express & New England General Advertiser, (NSW, Tuesday 22 October 1895), 5.
22 Extract from Chapter entitled “The Guards go North. Hard Travel”. Lily K. Sampson, Grassroots Army - Marching
Men 1890, (Erskineville, Australia: Star Printery, 1988), 42.
23 “A tour of the north with the colonel and Mrs. Estill”, War cry, (Melbourne, 21 March 1896), 1.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 120

The Treffone couple were blessed with 8 children; 2 sons and 6 daughters. Four of their
surnames were registered as “Treffone” and 4 as “Trefoni”.24 All members of the family were known
at various times as “Treffone” and “Trefoni”, but only the eldest, David Clifton (known as Clif),
retained the name Trefoni.

By 1902 Dave Treffone and his family had moved to Bora Creek (Howell) NSW, (near Tingha)
and 29 kms south of Inverell, where Treffone formed a Salvation Army band.25 No trace remains
today of Howell, established originally under the name of Bora Creek, which sprang up to support
the mining of silver, lead, copper and zinc at the Conrad and King Conrad Mines.26 It is believed that
Treffone was working at the mine as an Engine Driver.27

A photo in The Salvation Army’s War cry under the heading “A blood and fire lot” of the “Bora
Creek Comrades (Outpost of Tingha, NSW)” included “Sergt-Major Trefoni and Sister Trefoni” and
“Dad Brice”, (Minnie’s father, William Brice). 28

Bora Creek Comrades (Outpost of Tingha, N.S.W.), 1904
Back row (left to right) Bro. Glennie, Bro E. Smith, Dad William Brice, Sister Davis
Second row – Treasurer McDonald, Sergt-Major Dave Treffone, Sister Minnie Treffone, Sister Plumb.

Third row – Bro. Jas. McDonald, Sister A. Kennedy, Sister M. Kennedy.
Three comrades were not present when this photo was taken.29

24 NSW Registry births, deaths, marriages.
25 The local officer and bandsman, (Australia, 1 September 1942), n.p.
26 Bora Creek/ Howell was the location of the Conrad and King Conrad silver-lead-zinc mines. Ref. Australian town &
country journal, (Sydney, Wednesday 4 October 1905), 26.
27 Treffone passed an Engine Drivers’ Examination for “mining engine-drivers”, and for “Winding”. The Sydney
morning herald, (NSW, Tuesday 30 May 1905), n.p. During a shift, the Winding Engine Driver is responsible for the
safe and effective operation of the shaft winder for the haulage of ore, people and materials.
28 The war cry, (24 December, 1904), n.p.; The Tingha Corps’ Centenary Booklet.
29 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 121

Between 1910 and 1912 Treffone (now with the occupation of “Produce Merchant”) and his
family were living at Ross Hill in Inverell, which is located 675 kilometers north-west of Sydney,
NSW.30 The family lived in Inverell for about three or four years, attending The Salvation Army,
where Treffone was Deputy Bandmaster.31

Inverell Citadel with corps folk, c191732
In 1913 the family moved to Sydney,33 where in 1914 the family lived in Marrickville. Between
1916 and 1934 they lived in Newtown, another suburb of Sydney.34
Oral family history tells that Treffone worked on the building of the railway in the
Mittagong/Moss Vale area during this time.35
Whilst living in Sydney, the Treffone family attended The Salvation Army, first at Petersham
(1913 – 1928), where Dave played Repiano Cornet,36 and was a member of the Petersham Band
League which entitled the member “to free admission to all Musical Festivals given by” the band and
“also to an Hon. Members’ Tea annually”.37 In addition to this position, Treffone was also Corps
Sergeant-Major, Corps Secretary and Band Sergeant during his time at Petersham.38
One of the family mysteries is that Treffone appeared in the Tingha Corps Band photograph of
1926, yet he was living in Sydney during this time. No one knows why he appeared in the two corps
band photographs in the same year. Was he visiting the Tingha/ Inverell area at the time of the photo
and played in the band? Was the photograph taken for a visit to another corps and Treffone was
invited to take part and therefore photographed?

30 They had 14 ½ acres of land and “3 horses and 50 cattle”.
31 The Local Officer and Bandsman, (Australia, 1 September 1942), n.p.
32 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.
33 The war cry, (Melbourne, 25 March 1967), 47.
34 Various Australian Electoral Rolls and Sydney & NSW Sands Directories.
35 Documents show he was a Lodge member at Mittagong between at least 1917 and 1924; and a member of the Lodge
Petersham Temperance in 1927.
36 One B flat Repiano Cornet is the “roving middle line-backer” of the section. Often used as a solo voice or doubling
the Soprano Cornet in unison or at the octave. The Repiano is also used to add weight to the other cornet parts. “About
British brass bands”, (Austin Brass Band, n.d.), http://www.austinbrassband.com/britishbrass.html accessed 16
December 2018.
37 Petersham Salvation Army Band annual festival program, Saturday 30 June 1923.
38 The local officer and bandsman, (Australia, 1 September 1942), n.p.; The musician, (Australia, 25 March 1967), 47.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 122

Tingha Corps Band, 1926
David Treffone (Back row, second from left)39

Petersham Corps Band 1926
Dave Treffone back row, 3rd from right40
Speaking at a “Band Sunday” at the Petersham Salvation Army Corps more than 20 years later,
a former bandsman said:
One of the outstanding recollections I have of the band concerns Brother Treffone. I was a wild
young fellow in those days …. After I had missed a meeting or two Brother Treffone came to see
me. He had the most wonderful interview with me that it has ever been my lot to share in. He
dealt with me in a very understanding way, and did more to help me than he could ever know.
The impression he made upon me then has helped me many times since.41
Between 1928 and 1934 Treffone worshipped at Newtown Corps where he was Acting
Bandmaster. During his time at Newtown Salvation Army, a bandsman there wrote to him “Heaven
itself only will reveal what your life and example have meant to me.”

39 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.
40 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.
41 The musician, (Australia, 25 March 1967), 47.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 123

It was from the Newtown Corps that three of their daughters entered training to become
Salvation Army officers, and served until their respective retirements after many appointments
throughout New South Wales:42

• Ella entered The Salvation Army Training College in 1923 in the “Victory Session”, retiring
with the rank of Brigadier;

• Marguerite (Greta) entered The Salvation Army Training College in 1924 as a member of the
“Dauntless Session”, retiring with the rank of Lt. Colonel; and

• Norma entered The Salvation Army Training College in 1929 in the “Centenary Session”,
retiring with the rank of Brigadier.

Three of Dave’s and Minnie’s daughters became Salvation Army Officers.
(Left to Right): Greta (Marguerite), Ella and Norma Trefoni/Treffone (c1930s)43
When Dave retired from his employment in the NSW Railways in 1934, he and Minnie went
to Inverell where they farmed a small property, “Llandelf”,44 located off Auburn Vale Road”45, Ross
Hill, Inverell.

Inverell Corps Band 1936
David Treffone, Bandmaster, front row, centre46

42 The Salvation Army Heritage Centre, Bexley, NSW.
43 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.
44 Inverell Times, (NSW, 20 October 1937).
45 Inverell Council Electoral Roll sighted by Alison Briggs in 2009.
46 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 124

In Inverell they again worshiped at The Salvation Army where in 1935 Treffone once again
became Bandmaster. He led the band for 11 years, retiring in 1946.47 During this time the band not
only supported the corps’ indoor and open-air meetings, programs, harvest festivals, and other events,
but was active in the community; visiting the hospital, supporting the local churches, and providing
music for the ANZAC Day commemorations. At Treffone’s funeral service, Lieut-Colonel Walter
Gates said of this time: “Although well into his sixties, he would be the first at the place appointed
for the open-air meeting. I never knew him to miss a meeting.”48

The following extract is taken from an article in The Salvation Army’s Local officer and
bandsman newspaper which acknowledged Treffone’s 50th year in Band Service;

Honoured as one of the most faithful and hard-working of Bandmasters, Bandmaster Dave
Treffone, the man who wields the baton at Inverell, can look back on fifty years of happy, useful
banding. …….. To speak of the character of the Bandmaster is to refer to a lovable leader, who
is interested in all his men, encouraging them in their musical and spiritual progress. Always at
his post, the Bandmaster’s diligence and enthusiasm measure up to the highest standard. His
witness has the unquestioned authority of a holy life, and his loyalty to God and The Army adds
to his powerful influence and example.49

Bandmaster David Treffone in his Salvation Army Uniform,
taken at Inverell (c1940 – 1950)50

“Dear Comrade tried & true” is the salutation of a letter received by Treffone from his friend
Arthur McIlveen,51 whom he probably came to know when living in Tingha. McIlveen goes on to
write,

There are no glorious green hills & rolling valleys – king desert holds sway. I would not have
missed it for worlds. I’m happy in my work which abounds in opportunities of serving my Master.

47 Inverell Times, (NSW, 28 February 1951).
48 The musician, (Australia, 25 March 1967), 47.
49 Local officer and bandsman, (Australia, 1 September 1942), n.p.
50 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.
51 Later to be Brigadier Sir Arthur McIlveen O.F. famed for his work with The Salvation Army during the World War II
siege of Tobruk.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 125

I’ll admit a few difficulties & some dangers intrude – from above, & beyond & below. The
Religion of Christ is not a burden to carry – it uplifts sustains – God be with you & yours.
This was written in July 1941 from Egypt whilst McIlveen was serving as a Chaplain with the
Salvation Army Red Shield Services with the 18th Brigade, 9th Battalion, of the Australian Infantry
Forces.52
A report on The Salvation Army’s Divisional Congress held at Armidale in 1942, included this
paragraph,

Dramatic interlude was created on Sunday morning when, as the congregation rose for the first
hymn, the doors of the Town Hall were burst open and Inverell Citadel Band, led by Bandmaster
Treffone, marched in to a place below the platform. Bidding them welcome, the Commissioner
paid tribute to the devotion and zeal which led them, at their own expense, to make the eighty-
mile journey to assist the Congress Band. …53

Inverell Corps Band 1945
David Treffone is second from left in the back row54

In 1950 Minnie and Dave moved to Sydney. On their departure from Inverell, this tribute to
them was written in the Corps’ History Book. “9th (Oct) Farewell to Retired Bandmaster and Mrs
Treffoni who are moving to Sydney. These comrades have given very valuable service to the Corps
and have made a worthwhile contribution to town and district.”

On coming to Sydney, the couple built a house in Penshurst, and worshipped at The Salvation
Army, Hurstville. Here, whenever the opportunity arose, Treffone would rise from his seat in the
congregation to pray or give his personal testimony to the work of the Lord in his life. He played
cornet in the band there until he was 82 years old. He always attended the weekly prayer meeting
conducted for many years by several of the older members of the corps.55

Minnie died at their home in Penshurst on 11 July 1953, aged 76 years. She was buried in The
Salvation Army portion of the Woronora Cemetery, Sutherland,56 with Senior Captain F. Jennings,
the Hurstville Corps Officer, conducting the funeral.

52 Original letter donated to the Salvation Army Heritage Centre, Bexley by the author.
53 Inverell Times, (NSW, Friday 15 May 1942), 4.
54 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.
55 The musician, (Australia, 25 March 1967), 47.
56 Cemetery Ref Salv/1/0241/42.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 126

Dave continued to live at his home in Penshurst, and as they retired from their work as Salvation
Army Officers, his three single officer daughters (Ella, Greta and Norma), came to live with him
there.

During his last illness, the Hurstville Salvation Army Band came and played to Dave at his home.
He insisted that he be dressed in his uniform and taken to greet and thank the band.
He is pictured here supported by his son, Ron, c196657

Retired Bandmaster David Treffone was promoted to Glory from his home in Penshurst, NSW
on Thursday 19 January 1967, aged 92.58

Following are extracts of a tribute to Treffone printed in The Salvation Army’s The musician:
Promoted to Glory - Seventy-four years of Faithful Service Concludes.

Over 74 years of faithful Salvation soldiership lay behind RETIRED BANDMASTER
DAVID TREFFONE when he murmured to his daughter one morning: “When the roll is called
..., I'll be there.” Not long afterwards, he answered the heavenly summons, leaving behind him a
grand legacy of memories and influence…

… Much could be said of David Treffone as a musician. He loved music dearly, and
although he had not the opportunity for advanced studies, he bought books on the subject and
studied them diligently.

But he will be remembered best for his Christian qualities. Many tributes were paid in the
funeral and memorial service, but perhaps all could be summarised in the text quoted by his
daughter, Lieut-Colonel Marguerite Treffone (R): “And God said, I have found in David ... a man
after my own heart, who shall fulfil all my will [Acts 13:22, NIV.]”.59
Treffone’s funeral was conducted by Brigadier A. V. Boaden, and the internment by Captain
Charles B. Cross. He was buried with his wife in The Salvation Army Section, Woronora Cemetery,60
Sutherland, Sydney, NSW, Australia.

57 Photograph courtesy of the author’s family records.
58 NSW Registry BMD registration No. 13144/1967 – Death Certificate David Treffone.
59 The musician, (Australia, 25 March 1967), 47.
60 Salvation Army Section, Plot 0241.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 127

The Salvation Army in New Zealand: Bicultural Statement

Te Tiriti o Waitangi (The Treaty of Waitangi) is the foundation of bicultural partnership between
Māori and Tauiwi (non-Māori New Zealanders) in Aotearoa New Zealand. This partnership has had
a troubled pathway, with complex and often painful histories since the Treaty was signed in 1840.

The Salvation Army is firmly committed to honouring the principles of partnership, protection
and participation inherent in Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

• Partnership: New Zealand was founded on the basis of bicultural partnership. The
Salvation Army aims to work together with Māori in all its church and social service
settings, involving and supporting each other.

• Protection: The inequalities that exist between Māori and Tauiwi in New Zealand cause
Māori to face considerable challenges and hardships. The Salvation Army strives to see
Māori protected from the social and economic causes of inequality so they can achieve the
best possible outcomes for themselves in their own land.

• Participation: The Salvation Army greatly values the many Māori serving within The
Salvation Army as church leaders, staff and volunteers. These individuals enrich The
Salvation Army as a movement and strengthen its mission.

Te Ope Whakaora o Aotearoa, Whītī, & Tonga Roha: Tauākī Kākano-rua

Ko Te Tiriti o Waitangi te tūāpapa o te whakaaetanga o te kōtuinga tūturu i waenga i te iwi Māori me
Tauiwi i Aotearoa. Ko te ara i takahia ai i raro i te noho kōtui nei, he uaua. He matahuhua, he take
mamae nui hoki ētahi o ngā āhuatanga o ngā tau mai o te hainatanga o te Tiriti i te tau 1840.

E ū pūmau ana Te Ope Whakaora ki ngā kaupapa nunui o te noho kōtui tūturu, o te tiaki, me te
whāinga wāhi o tētahi, o tētahi, ka takea mai i Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

• Te Kōtuinga Tūturu: I whānau mai a Aotearoa i runga i ngā kaupapa o tētahi kōtuinga
kākano-rua tūturu. Ka mahi tahi Te Ope Whakaora me te iwi Māori i ngā mahi o te hāhi, i
ngā whakaratonga hauora katoa, mā te tuku wāhi a tētahi ki tōna hoa, me te tautoko tētahi i
tētahi.

• Te Tiaki: Nā ngā korenga e taurite o te noho o te Māori me Tauiwi i Aotearoa i uaua ai te
huarahi mō te iwi Māori i roto i āna mahi, me ngā āhuatanga o tōna noho. Ko tā Te Ope
Whakaora he whai kia tiakina te iwi Māori kei whiua e ngā take pāpori, ōhanga hoki o te
korenga e taurite, kia tupu ai te iwi Māori ki tō rātou tino teitei i tō rātou ake whenua.

• Te Āta Whai Wāhi atu: He mea tino nui ki Te Ope Whakaora te whai wāhi mai o ngāi
Māori hei mema o Te Ope Whakaora, otirā hei kaihautū, hei kaimahi, hei tūao anō
hoki. Mā te mahi nui o ēnei tāngata e piki ai ngā mahi o Te Ope Whakaora ki ngā taumata,
e pakari ai tōna kaupapa.1

1 The Salvation Army, “Treaty of Waitangi”, (New Zealand: The Salvation Army New Zealand, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa
Territory, 2019), http://salvationarmy.org.nz/about-us/the-salvation-army-and-the-treaty-of-waitangi accessed 15
February 2019.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 128

HOW CAN THE CHURCH IN NEW ZEALAND
RESPOND TO THE TREATY OF WAITANGI?

LESSONS FROM OUR PAST

Hana Seddon2

Introduction

Me huri whakamuri, ka titiro whakamua
Look to the past in order to plan for the future

This paper considers the relationship between the Christian church in New Zealand3 and the country’s
founding document, Te Tiriti o Waitangi (The Treaty of Waitangi), which was signed in 1840
between Māori and the British Crown. The paper looks at the way that four church missions
(Anglican, Catholic, Presbyterian & The Salvation Army) have responded to the Treaty, from the
time of their arrival in Aotearoa New Zealand until more recently. Themes will be drawn out, and the
failings as well as the progress made by each church will be discussed, suggesting a way forward.
Particular consideration will be given to The Salvation Army’s commitment to the Treaty and
suggestions offered as to how the Army might partner with Māori in mission into the future.

The Salvation Army4 has been committed to fighting poverty as well as social and spiritual
distress in Aotearoa New Zealand since 1883. With faith communities and social services serving
thousands of people across the country, the Army’s faith is foundational to its mission of “caring for
people, transforming lives and reforming society”.5

To undertake this mission appropriately, The Salvation Army is committed to strengthening the
response to its obligations under the Treaty of Waitangi.6 As a Christian mission and social services
provider, the Army also has a mandate to address Māori health and wellbeing and to improve health
outcomes for Māori. In order to do this meaningfully, lessons must be learned from the past so that
plans can be made for a future that enhances Māori wellbeing.

Reference citation of this paper
Hana Seddon, “How can the church in New Zealand respond to the Treaty of Waitangi? Lessons from our past”,
The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 1, 2019, 128 – 144.
2 This paper was originally prepared as an assignment by Captain Hana Seddon in July 2013 to satisfy the requirements
for a paper entitled ‘Specialist Readings’ as part of a Postgraduate Diploma in Public Health offered by Auckland
University of Technology. It was updated in 2019 for publication in this journal.
3 The terms ‘Aotearoa’, ‘Aotearoa New Zealand’ and ‘New Zealand’ are used interchangeably in New Zealand today.
Aotearoa is the original Māori name for New Zealand given by Kupe when he first discovered the land. Some say it
originally referred only to the North Island but since the late 19th century, has come to cover the whole country.
4 Also known by its Māori name Te Ope Whakaora – the Army that brings life.
5 The Salvation Army, Annual report: New Zealand, Fiji & Tonga Territory, (Wellington: Public Relations Director, The
Salvation Army, 2012).; The Salvation Army, “Mission Statement”, (New Zealand: The Salvation Army New Zealand,
Fiji, Tonga and Samoa Territory, 2019), http://salvationarmy.org.nz/about-us/mission-statement accessed 15 February
2019.
6 See The Salvation Army in New Zealand: Bicultural Statement as part of this paper and on the internet. The Salvation
Army, “Treaty of Waitangi”, (New Zealand: The Salvation Army New Zealand, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa Territory,
2019), http://salvationarmy.org.nz/about-us/the-salvation-army-and-the-treaty-of-waitangi accessed 15 February 2019.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 129

Setting the Scene

Te Tiriti o Waitangi - The Treaty of Waitangi

Signed on 6 February 1840, Te Tiriti o Waitangi/The Treaty of Waitangi was an agreement regulating
and defining the rights and relationship between tangata whenua (indigenous people) and tauiwi
(settlers). Drafted and signed by Captain William Hobson on behalf of the British Crown and 43
Māori chiefs in Waitangi (along with 500 chiefs later signing), the Treaty was a response to reports
on the situation in Aotearoa New Zealand. Largely, it was a response to the request from Māori chiefs
for protection from the “impact unmanaged colonisation was having on the indigenous Māori
population”.7 Rev. Marsden argues that its intentions were also based on notions of bicultural
development and partnership and the Treaty as intended to create a society8 in which “both Māori
and the new immigrant had equality of access to resources, power and justice”.9

Hobson’s treaty of five sections was translated from English into Māori by a Church Missionary
Society (CMS) missionary, Henry Williams and his son Edward in little more than a day, with two
versions recognised today. Te Tiriti o Waitangi is the indigenous language version, signed by the
majority of chiefs, with only 39 signing the English language version of the Treaty. The translation
was considered ‘pivotal’; for if Māori felt too much authority was given away they would have
refused to sign.10 There is debate as to how fully Māori understood what was being agreed to because
of poor translation of certain key words and the lack of explanation. In the English text ‘sovereignty’
was ceded yet this same word was poorly translated into a Māori word (kawanatanga) conveying the
concept of ‘governorship’. In signing the Māori text (Te Tiriti) Māori only anticipated Crown
management while retaining absolute control/tino rangatiratanga.11

At the time of the signing, Catholic Bishop Jean Baptiste Pompallier requested the addition of
a fourth article to the Māori text of the Treaty, ensuring equal protection of the several faiths of
England, of the Wesleyans, of Rome and also the protection of Māori customs.12 Even though this
freedom for cultural expression was assured, Martin laments the church’s historical failure to allow
a “Māori expression of Christian faith to develop within the parameters of the Church”.13 While the
majority of chiefs signed the Māori text, expecting their interests, and expressions of culture and faith,
to be protected by the Crown, this was not to be.14

Despite these obligations and expectations, there has been reluctance by the Crown to recognise
both the Māori and the English texts of the Treaty. Notably in 1877, less than 40 years after being
signed, Judge Prendergast described it as a “simple nullity” believing “Treaties entered into with

7 Te Kani Kingi, “The Treaty of Waitangi: A framework for Māori health development”, New Zealand journal of
occupational therapy, (Vol. 54, Iss. 1, 2007), 4 – 10, 5.
8 M. Marsden, “Prognosis for the socio-economic future of Māoridom”, in T. C. Royal (Ed.), The woven universe:
selected writings of Rev. Māori Marsden, (Ōtaki: Estate of Rev. Māori Marsden, 2003), 119-136.
9 L. Chile, “The historical context of community development in Aotearoa New Zealand”, Community Development
Journal, (Vol. 41, Iss. 4, 2006), 410.
10 K. Newman, Bible & Treaty: Missionaries among the Māori – A new perspective, (Auckland, New Zealand: Penguin
Books, 2010).
11 C. Orange, The Treaty of Waitangi, (Wellington, New Zealand: Port Nicholson Press, 1987).
12 Orange, Treaty of Waitangi.
13 L. Martin, One faith, two peoples: Communicating across cultures within the church, (Paraparaumu Beach, New
Zealand: Salt Company Publishers, 1991), 32.
14 M. H. Durie, Te Mana te Kawanatanga: The politics of Māori self-determination, (Melbourne, Australia: Oxford
University Press, 1998).

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 130

primitive barbarians lacked legal validity”.15 This idea that the Treaty was of little legal significance
continued as the dominant view, supported by the actions of successive governments and judges, for
nearly 100 years.16 The loss of culture, of land and of language and the general unwillingness of
Pākehā organisations (including the Church) to integrate Māori values has brought conflict since
1840. However, from the 1970s with calls for the revival of language, calls to honour the Treaty, and
in particular the Māori text, as well as strong demonstrations such as the 1975 land march,17 the place
of the Treaty has slowly been strengthened.18 With inclusion in legislation and social policy, there is
now a requirement on the government and wider society to consider new ways of responding to the
Treaty.

The influence of Christianity

The development of this founding document, a unique covenant in colonial history, is partly credited
to Christian influence and the gospel message.19 When considering how to respond to calls from
Māori for protection, British decision-makers were reminded of their previously devastating
colonising approach in other countries; approaches resulting in slavery and exploitation of indigenous
people, their land and resources.20 While many colonial settlers advocated for the opportunities and
potential profits by retaining that same regime, a more ethical approach was considered. This
approaches was earlier championed in the United Kingdom by the Clapham Sect, a small group of
Christian activists that included William Wilberforce, best known for lobbying the British Parliament
for the abolition of slavery, “awakening the conscience of the nation”.21 The legacy of the Clapham
Sect included the missionary movement and Church Missionary Society (CMS), the Aborigines
Protection Society and the significant presence of the Clapham Sect’s second generation in the
Colonial Office. They repeatedly raised concerns about settlers’ potential exploitation of Māori,
insisting Britain was responsible to protect Māori, watch over British subjects and provide self-
government for the settlers.22

A treaty was proposed to achieve these aims, endorsed in Aotearoa in particular by Henry
Williams, along with other CMS (Anglican), Catholic and Methodist missionaries, as a spiritual
covenant providing political protection and fostering care.23 This idea of a spiritual covenant added
another dimension and is seen by many as being signed in the presence of God, with each successive
generation bound to the agreement even if they did not personally sign the document.24

The relationship between missionaries and the Treaty has not always been positively portrayed
by historians. Their role has often been “‘ignored, minimised or demonised” and with good reason as
the church has played a major role in the colonisation of Aotearoa New Zealand and the significant

15 Wi Parata v Bishop of Wellington, (1877) 3 NZ Jur (NS), 72 (SC).
16 Durie, Te Mana te Kawanatanga.
17 Whina Cooper initiated a land march that included a large number of Māori and others who walked from the top of
the North Island to Wellington to protest Māori loss of land.
18 Chile, Historical context.
19 Newman, Bible & Treaty.
20 Newman, Bible & Treaty.
21 P. McKenzie, “Public Christianity and Te Tiriti o Waitangi: How the ‘Clapham Sect’ reached down under”, Stimulus,
(Vol. 18, Iss. 4, 2010), 24.
22 Newman, K. Bible & Treaty,
23 J. Bluck, Wai karekare = Turbulent waters: the Anglican bicultural journey, 1814 – 2014, (Auckland, New Zealand:
Anglican Church in Aotearoa, New Zealand and Polynesia, 2012).
24 Martin, One faith, two peoples.

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Māori land loss.25 However, Newman argues that the message of the gospel played a vital part in the
acceptance of this document as missionaries promoted it and helped collect signatures from Māori
chiefs around the country.26 Newman insists the Christian influence and relationship with Māori was
so important in the signing of the Treaty that if Henry Williams and other missionaries had not
promoted or supported it, and if he had not explained its significance in honouring their request for
protection, Māori would never have signed it.27 This was brought to the attention of Bishop Paul
Reeves at the 1981 Waitangi celebrations, when Sir James Henare again reminded him and by
implication reminded the church “you were largely responsible for the signing of the Treaty. It is up
to you to make it work”.28

Historical responses of the church

Several lessons can be learned from the journeys of four Christian missions responding to the Treaty
and to Māori. Firstly, the Anglican and Catholic missions that arrived before the signing of the Treaty
will be considered, followed by the Presbyterian and The Salvation Army’s post-treaty journey.

Anglican Mission

It is the mana of the Treaty of Waitangi that has caused the church
to set its own house in order…29

On Christmas Day 1814, at the invitation of Ngāpuhi chief Ruatara, Reverend Samuel Marsden
arrived Oihi in the Bay of Islands to preach the first gospel message in Aotearoa. Anglicanism began
at this time as a Māori church (Te Hāhi Mihinare) but after its first 40 years quickly became a Settler
Church, with the ‘Native Church’ being absorbed into the new structure.30 Over the next 130 years,
Bluck explains, the Native Church fought for and eventually won the right of equality and self-
determination in a church that has now restructured, under one Anglican umbrella,31 implementing
three equal Tikanga or cultural pathways – Māori, Pākehā and Pasifika.32 While the current structure
reflects some of the gains and concessions made over a long period of time, the Anglican Church
admits there have also been many mistakes made. Bluck acknowledges that from the start, “it has
been a struggle for dominance and the superiority of one culture over another” rather than allowing a
level playing field.33 This was evident in 1857 when, in spite of forty years of Māori mission and a
predominantly Māori membership, the leadership meeting to produce the church’s constitution was
not attended by Māori, nor was there one Māori signature in the founding document. This indicated

25 Newman, Bible & Treaty, 7.
26 Newman, Bible & Treaty.
27 Newman, Bible & Treaty.
28 Bluck, Wai karekare, 27.
29 Bluck, Wai karekare, 19.
30 Bluck, Wai karekare.
31 Today the church is known as ‘Te Hāhi Mihinare ki Aotearoa ki Niu Tireni, ki Ngā Moutere o te Moana Nui a Kiwa
– The Anglican Church in Aotearoa New Zealand and Polynesia’.
32 T. J. Wright, “The Treaty of Waitangi: Implications for Christian theological education in Aotearoa New Zealand”, in
de Souza et al. (eds.), International Handbook of the Religious, Moral and Spiritual Dimensions in Education,
(Netherlands: Springer, 2009), 525–545.
33 Bluck, Wai karekare, 11.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 132

a shift towards the growing Settler Church and the redirection of resources from Māori. The exclusion
of Māori voices from decision-making was to continue for many years.

Later, despite continued Māori calls for an indigenous suffragan bishop in Auckland, the
request was rejected on the basis that it would threaten the “oneness that exists between European
and Māori”.34 Further appeals for Māori representation in the General Synod35 were also bypassed in

1913. Hopes were raised in 1925, when the Anglicans responded to requests for more meaningful
Māori faith expressions by establishing a commission to explore these issues. The church
acknowledged it had not served Māori well, but there was still a reluctance to allow a parallel
structure, believing that Christian unity should supersede racial distinction.36 Protecting ‘unity’ was
sadly at the expense of repressing Māori identity. Rather than being ‘sameness’, true unity can only

be fully expressed when each genuinely knows and feels accepted in their identity by their other
partner.37

Progress looked possible when legislation for a Māori bishop was passed but it led to further
disappointment when this policy was not put into effect, as Māori and Pākehā were unable to agree
on the most appropriate way of moving forward with the role.38 When a Māori bishop was finally
appointed, Māori were challenged to fund the role themselves, yet support from the Auckland Māori
synod was blocked by those who opposed the idea of a Māori bishop.39 The newly appointed Māori
Bishop experienced several restrictions on his role, unable to minister to Māori in other areas without
the diocesan bishops’ agreement despite his national responsibility, further undermining indigenous
leadership. A breakthrough in 1978 saw full authority given to the Bishopric of Aotearoa,40 allowing
for full pastoral care and supervision of Māori in partnership with diocesan bishops and structural
changes to support this authority.41

These changes paved the way to the establishment of the Anglican Bicultural Commission in

1984, asked to consider how the Treaty of Waitangi and its principles could be incorporated into the
life and structures of the Anglican Church. These ‘principles’ were an attempt to bridge differences
between the English and Māori Treaty texts and to guide the application of the Treaty in different
situations. This desire to capture the ‘spirit of the Treaty’ has arguably denied the application of the
express terms of the Māori text.42 Definitions of the ‘principles’ have been wide-ranging; mostly

created and interpreted by the Crown, including the courts, the Waitangi Tribunal and written into

government policy. Around this time, the government established its own commission identifying
“partnership, protection and participation” as guiding principles.43 Wright argues the accepted

34 Bluck, Wai karekare, 43.
35 In the Catholic Church, a General Synod is a council or meeting of the bishops, with ‘synod’ being synonymous with
‘council’.
36 Bi-cultural Commission of the Anglican Church on the Treaty of Waitangi (N.Z.), Te Kaupapa Tikanga Rua: Bi-
cultural Development, (Christchurch, New Zealand: Provincial Secretary of the Church of the Province of New
Zealand, 1986).
37 Martin, One faith, two peoples.
38 Bluck, Wai karekare.
39 Bi-cultural Commission, Te Kaupapa Tikanga Rua: Bi-cultural Development.
40 This happened at the sixth commission, the sixth attempt to meet to find a way forward.
41 Bluck, Wai karekare.
42 D. Williams, “Unique treaty-based relationships remain elusive”, in M. Belgrave, M. Kawharu and D. Williams
(eds.), Waitangi Revisited: Perspectives on the Treaty of Waitangi, (Melbuorne, Australia: Oxford University Press,
2005), 366 – 387.
43 Royal Commission on Social Policy, (Wellington: New Zealand Government, The April Report, Volume II, 1988), 47
– 49.

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thinking and rhetoric of the 1970s/1980s led the Anglicans to adopt the two principles – ‘partnership’
and ‘bicultural development’.44

According to Wright, this notion of partnership - two peoples forming one nation - came first,
leading to ‘biculturalism’ as an “evolving reaction to the dominant monocultural (Pākehā) society”.45
This principle of partnership contains ideas of mutual respect and willingness of both parties to learn,
with space allowed for both Māori and Pākehā to explore and define their identity and meaningful
expressions of these. This is necessary in order to avoid separatism, but also to avoid the one-sided
version of partnership of the past.46

Biculturalism was a term that guided Anglican discussions but is often considered too vaguely
defined, meaning different things in different settings so it can be helpful to consider a bicultural
continuum. For example, ‘bicultural’ goals, structures and policy outcomes can range from soft to
moderate, inclusive, strong and finally a hard position on the spectrum. Structurally, the bicultural
range may begin with an unmodified ‘mainstream’ institution, to incorporating some tikanga Māori
(protocols) within the organisation, to a partnership approach that encourages Māori involvement, to
independent parallel Māori institutions, to Māori structures that are completely independent.47
Discussions of biculturalism draw out criticisms of multiculturalism being devalued but often this
argument is presented to mask the primary responsibility expressed in the Treaty of Waitangi. While
biculturalism is about the relationship between the founding cultures of New Zealand,
multiculturalism is about the acceptance of cultural difference in general. These are not mutually
exclusive and must be addressed in the correct order.48

Resulting from the Bicultural Commission, the landmark report Te Kaupapa Tikanga Rua: Bi-
cultural Development published in 1986, produced 18 recommendations including a revision of the
Anglican constitution. The entrenchment of the Treaty of Waitangi with the principles of partnership
and bicultural development within this rewritten constitution were also recommended. The report
called for structural changes ensuring the Bishop of Aotearoa and the rūnanga (board) were treated
in the same way as diocesan bishops and their synods.

The Anglicans were also part of the ecumenical body the Conference of churches in Aotearoa
New Zealand making an additional commitment in that forum to the goal of biculturalism and to “the
journey of learning and understanding on the part of Pākehā people”.49 This underscored the fact that
most Māori are already living biculturally in order to survive in New Zealand society whereas Pākehā
have generally only needed to learn their own culture and as such are usually monocultural. This
journey of “learning and understanding” therefore requires vulnerability and willingness to be an
outsider; being prepared to step out of the comfort zone for the sake of another.50

This willingness was reflected in the eventual revision of the Anglican constitution, enacting a
three tikanga self-governing structure, shared decision-making and shared resources from 1992.
These changes have been transformational and liberating, however there were gains and losses
throughout the process. Those accustomed to and preferring a monocultural, integrated church where

44 Wright, Treaty of Waitangi.
45 Wright, Treaty of Waitangi, 528.
46 Wright, Treaty of Waitangi.
47 M. H. Durie, Whaiora: Māori health development, (Auckland, New Zealand: Oxford University Press, 1994).
48 R. S. Hill, “Fitting Multiculturalism into Biculturalism: Māori-Pasifika Relations in New Zealand from the 1960s”,
Ethnohistory, (Vol. 57, Iss. 2, 2010), 291 – 319.
49 Bluck, Wai karekare, 60.
50 Martin, One faith, two peoples.

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Māori are expected to fit in have felt the losses more keenly.51 The changes have resulted in less
contact between Māori and Pākehā at local and regional levels so that ways to address this will need
to be considered. However, gains for Māori have been substantial, including greater equity,
representation and resourcing. With a more visible identity, Bluck explains that Tikanga Māori have
been freed to consider their own strategies and finally realise their vision as part of the wider church.52
For some Pākehā, the benefits have been a greater understanding of Treaty issues and the
distinctiveness of culture.

In addition to structural and constitutional changes, the Anglican Church has responded to the
Treaty in other proactive ways including appeals to government to remember their obligations to
Māori and for the protection of the Treaty of Waitangi in legislation. Media releases at different times
have seen the church publicly respond to issues such as the “Foreshore and Seabed” legislation53 and
Don Brash’s provocative speech at Orewa.54

Education has also been valued and the establishment of Anglican schools55 as “flagships for
the training of indigenous leadership, both in the church and in wider society” produced several
prominent leaders.56 Bicultural ‘theological’ development has also been addressed in recent years.
Firstly, under the umbrella of Te Whare Wananga o te Pihopatanga o Aotearoa (The House of
Learning of the Bishopric of Aotearoa), a Kaupapa Māori approach has been used to provide courses
for theology, ministry, pastoral care and iwi-hapu (tribal) studies.57 An alternative approach to
bicultural theological development has seen a partnership form between the University of Auckland’s
School of Theology and four church colleges.58 The School has committed to ‘‘the provision of
bicultural education expressive of the partnership with Māori in Aotearoa/New Zealand which derives
from the Treaty of Waitangi’.59 Several years on, the 1980s notions of partnership and bicultural
development still frames discussion around responding to the treaty.
Throughout their journey of ‘‘great ambition” and “endless contradiction”, the Anglican Church has
experienced struggle, failure and some progress towards being a Church that remains faithful to the
gospel of Jesus Christ while at the same time respecting the cultures of all involved.60

Catholic Mission

In the Treaty of Waitangi, we find the moral basis for our presence in Aotearoa New Zealand

51 Bluck, Wai karekare.
52 Bluck, Wai karekare.
53 Controversial legislation in 2004 concerning the ownership of the foreshore and seabed, later replaced by the Marine
and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) Act 2011.
54 D. Brash, “Nationhood”, (New Zealand, National Party Speech, 2004),
www.national.org.nz/files/OrewaRotaryClub_27Jan.pdf accessed 2013. In 2004, Brash was leader of New Zealand’s
National Party, the party being then in opposition in the House of Representatives.
55 Well known Anglican schools include Te Aute, Hukarere, St Stephens and Queen Victoria.
56 Bluck, Wai karekare, 32. These leaders include Apirana Ngata, Te Rangi Hiroa (Sir Peter Buck), Maui Pomare, Pita
Sharples, Mira Szaszy and Pare Hopa.
57 Wright, Treaty of Waitangi.
58 Four church colleges partnering with the University of Auckland - Anglican, Methodist, Catholic and Baptist.
59 Cited in Marian de Souza, Kathleen Engebretson, Gloria Durka, Robert Jackson and Andrew McGrady, (Eds.),
International handbook of religious, moral and spiritual dimensions in education, (Dordrecht, The Netherlands:
Springer, 2008), 539.
60 Bluck, Wai karekare, 10.

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and a vision that sets this country apart.61

Roman Catholicism was first brought to Aotearoa New Zealand by Catholic seamen, traders and
settlers and then with the 1838 arrival of Bishop Jean Baptiste Francois Pompallier in Hokianga, the
Catholic mission to Māori officially began.62 This was a late arrival compared with their Anglican
and Methodist ‘rivals’ yet Catholicism would still have a very important role to play in the signing of
the Treaty with Pompallier’s suggestion of a fourth article.63

The Catholic mission in Aotearoa New Zealand was initially focused on the indigenous
population and for many years Māori mission was effective. Pompallier was enlightened for his time,
showing openness to tikanga Māori in areas where he felt it was compatible with doctrine. Compared
with other denominations that saw Māori culture and Christianity as incompatible, Pompallier
encouraged a more gradual approach to mission, building on the good within Te Ao Māori.64

Sadly, the conflict of the New Zealand land wars from the 1860’s saw the Catholic missionaries
pulled away from their pastoral roles in Māori communities. This initiated a Catholic shift towards
the growing settler population with the limited financial and human resources being redirected to the
urban Pākehā instead of rural Māori, as it was also considered to be more cost-effective. The sense
of loss experienced by Māori at this time was furthered deepened when Catholic and other Christian
missionaries who had formerly built relationships in Māori communities returned as chaplains for the
British Army and were seen to be standing “behind enemy lines”, justifying the violent oppression of
Māori. This sense of betrayal left deep wounds and lingering memories as Māori questioned the
commitment of the Crown to Treaty promises and the covenant loyalty that the church had espoused,
as well as beginning to question the value of their Catholic faith.65

During this time Māori catechists played a major role in maintaining a Catholic presence,
Matthews describes them as ‘defenders of the faith’ as they continued the important Catholic religious
practices during the absence of Māori mission clergy.66 Lobbying for priests and resources during
this time, these indigenous catechists continued to voice concerns about the lack of investment of
financial and human resources into Māori work. Although training Māori leaders to take the gospel
to Māori had already proved to be an effective method, no structure was implemented at that time to
systematically train Māori as clergy or lay leaders. The leadership of the Catholic Church lacked
vision and were therefore unwilling to strategically and specifically invest in personnel and finances
for indigenous leadership development.67 This missed opportunity was made more obvious when, by
the end of the 1860s, the Anglicans had already trained 17 Māori ministers and the Catholics had yet
to train their first indigenous minister. While indigenous theological development was not an apparent
priority, the Catholic Church did however value the provision of secondary education for Māori and
three schools were opened that all went on to become historically significant. The first of these, St

61 “A Statement on the Treaty of Waitangi in Today's Perspective”, (New Zealand: New Zealand Catholic Bishops
Conference, 1 September 1995), ¶ 12, https://www.catholic.org.nz/about-us/bishops-statements/a-statement-on-the-
treaty-of-waitangi-in-todays-perspective/ accessed 15 February 2019.
62 M. Henare, “Māori Catholic Beginnings”, The Visit of His Holiness Pope John Paul II, New Zealand, November 22-
24, 1986, (Wellington: Papal Visit Aotearoa, 1986).
63 N. Matthews, “Kaikatikīhama: ‘Our most precious resource” in H. Morrison, L. Paterson, B. Knowles and M. Rae
(Eds.), Mana Māori and Christianity, (Wellington, New Zealand: Huia Publishers, 2012), 141 – 157.
64 Matthews, Kaikatikīhama.
65 Matthews, Kaikatikīhama.
66 Matthews, Kaikatikīhama.
67 Matthews, Kaikatikīhama.

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Joseph’s Māori Girls College in Napier, was established in 1867. Hato Petera College in Auckland
followed in 1928, and finally Hato Paora College in Feilding in 1948.68

Despite many setbacks and limitations, Matthews tells of an encouraging initiative in 1894
when Catholic Māori began to have regular hui (meetings) to discuss matters of faith, encouraging
Māori participation and ways of incorporating traditional cultural concepts and tikanga as expressions
of faith.69 Kaa also tells of the launch of Hui Aranga in 1946; annual Easter gatherings that included

cultural performances and expressions of faith. In a church that strongly reflected the values of
mainstream white middle-class society,70 Māori would have been prevented from full and meaningful
participation had these hui not been accessible.71 These times of fellowship brought encouragement
and a sense of belonging, and a sense of Māori self-determination, despite the lack of officially

recognised leadership roles.
As the Catholic Church leadership adopted ‘biculturalism’ throughout the 1980s, ‘Te Rūnanga

o te Hahi Katorika ki Aotearoa’ (National Catholic Māori Council of New Zealand) was set up to
guide the pastoral care and evangelisation of Māori.72 In addition, the rūnanga also lobbied for a
Māori bishop within an administrative structure specifically responsible for Māori. Although the
Catholic Church was not yet ready to concede a separate Māori structure, the appointment of the first
Māori bishop73 as the Auxiliary Bishop of Hamilton in 1988 was still considered a victory for Māori.

Further developing in their understanding of biculturalism, and commemorating the 150 year

anniversary of the signing of the Treaty in 1990, the Catholic Church released a statement
acknowledging that “this country was established as a bicultural state”.74 In the statement they boldly
asserted that “the right of the first occupants to land, and a social and political organization which

would allow them to preserve their cultural identity, while remaining open to others, must be
guaranteed”. The church called for constitutional supports to protect indigenous rights culturally,
socially and politically, as well supporting the Waitangi Tribunal’s role in assessing claims and

defining principles. They affirmed the importance of recognising diversity as well as building
community and solidarity, proposing “structures of grace” for Aotearoa. Finally, they committed to

establishing a Catholic Committee to promote bicultural relationships, further assisting the Church

with issues related to the Treaty of Waitangi, with inclusive membership reflective of the cultures in

the Church. This position was reaffirmed in a further statement in 1995, emphasising hope for a way
forward and calling people to meet the demands of justice and solidarity.75

68 “Catholic Māori”, (The Catholic Church in Aotearoa New Zealand: Te Hāhi Katorika ki Aotearoa, 2013),
http://www.catholic.org.nz/nzcbc/dsp-default.cfm?loadref=22 accessed 1 July 2013.
69 Matthews, Kaikatikīhama.
70 H. Kaa, “Ngā hāhi – Māori and Christian denominations - Catholic Church, Page 3 Catholic Church”, Te Ara - the
Encyclopedia of New Zealand, (New Zealand Government, 14 March 2017), http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/nga-hahi-
Māori-and-christian-denominations/page-3 accessed 15 February 2019.
71 Martin, One faith, two peoples.
72 Kaa, Ngā hāhi – Māori and Christian denominations - Catholic Church.
73 Max Takuira Matthew Mariu (Ngāti Tūwharetoa) served as Auxillary Bishop of Hamilton from 1988 until his death
in 2005.
74 “1990 - A Commemoration Year - He Tau Whakamaharatanga Mō Aotearoa”, (New Zealand: The Catholic Church
in Aotearoa New Zealand: Te Hāhi Katorika ki Aotearoa, 1 January 1990), https://www.catholic.org.nz/about-
us/bishops-statements/1990-a-commemoration-year-he-tau-whakamaharatanga-mo-aotearoa/ accessed 15 February
2019.
75 “A Statement on the Treaty of Waitangi in Today’s Perspective, 1995”, (New Zealand: The Catholic Church in
Aotearoa New Zealand: Te Hāhi Katorika ki Aotearoa, 1 September 1995), https://www.catholic.org.nz/about-
us/bishops-statements/a-statement-on-the-treaty-of-waitangi-in-todays-perspective/ accessed 15 February 2019.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 137

As a potential way forward, in 2001 the rūnanga again requested a Catholic Māori Diocese76
and the appointment of a Māori ordinary77 but these requests are both yet to be realised.78 The current
arrangement for the pastoral care of Catholic Māori is left to the leadership in each of the six dioceses.
While all priests, religious and lay workers in general are responsible for the care of Māori, some
areas also have a Vicar for Māori, while some areas provide Māori chaplaincy.

The Catholic Church has from the very beginning made bold statements about protecting Māori
expressions of faith while attempting to retain unity and solidarity. It remains to be seen whether
these Māori expressions will continue in the current structure or if a new structure will eventually
emerge.

Presbyterian Mission

Yes we have argued, debated and disagreed but we have also done some pretty amazing and special
things together and we will continue to do many more special things together.79

Arriving in late February 1840 after the signing of the Treaty, unlike the Anglican and Catholic
missions, the Presbyterians were initially focused on the settler population located in the urban areas,
with little initial effort to evangelise Māori in the rural areas.80 However eventually in 1843, word
was sent to Scotland that personnel were needed for mission to Māori. James Duncan was sent to
begin Māori mission in 1843, taking up the study of te reo Māori immediately.81 Duncan located
himself in Māori communities dedicating his time to understanding Māori culture and language as he
ministered, building strong relationships with Māori leaders. Often Māori identity and Christian faith
were presented as incompatible in other churches, yet when developed together the church had more
meaning and relevance for Māori.82

Te Kaawa explains however that over time, due to a lack of financial and human resources as
well as a lack of support from the majority of the Presbyterian Church there were limited results for
Māori mission in those early years.83 Lack of interest was glaringly obviously when an appeal for
local ministers’ support in 1856 went unheeded, despite an abundance of ministers in the Otago
region.84 Calls for financial support were also often unheeded with greater contributions were being
made to foreign mission than to indigenous mission.

A new wave of missionary energies near the turn of the twentieth century provided hope that
the Presbyterian Church could embrace and value Māori. The work had not been very successful until
1895 when progress was finally made by James Fletcher with the people of Ngāti Tūwharetoa around

76 A diocese is the territorial jurisdiction of a bishop and is also known as a ‘bishopric’.
77 An ordinary is a person possessing power & authority over a particular territory, such as the role of bishop.
78 D. O’Sullivan, and C. Piper, Turanga Ngatahi: The Catholic Diocese of Hamilton 1840–2005, (Palmerston North,
New Zealand: Dunmore, 2005).
79 W. Te Kaawa, “A gifted people: Māori and Pākehā Covenants within the Presbyterian Church”, in H. Morrison, L.
Paterson, B. Knowles & M. Rae (Eds.), Mana Māori and Christianity, (Wellington, New Zealand: Huia Publishers,
2012), 3 – 21.
80 H. Kaa, “Ngā hāhi – Māori and Christian denominations – Page 4. Presbyterian Church”. (New Zealand: Te Ara - the
Encyclopedia of New Zealand, New Zealand Governement, 14 March 2017), http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/nga-hahi-
Māori-and-christian-denominations/page-4 accessed 15 February 2019.
81 Te Kaawa, A gifted people.
82 Martin, One faith, two peoples.
83 Te Kaawa, A gifted people.
84 Te Kaawa, A gifted people.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 138

the Taupō region.85 This work began to extend into other areas leading to the ordination of the first
indigenous minister86 in 1931, almost a century after the arrival of their mission. It was realised by

the Presbyterians in the early twentieth century that compared with the other Christian missions they
had an obvious lack of developed indigenous Māori agents.87 A vital opportunity had been missed in
their mission to develop Māori leaders. The Wesleyans, Anglicans and Roman Catholics had trained
Māori catechists and this indigenous lay ministry allowed Māori to more effectively take the gospel
to their own. It wasn’t until 1908 that the Presbyterians realised the value of indigenous leadership
and finally began to ordain Māori lay leaders.88

The Presbyterians developed the ‘Foreign and Māori Mission’ in the 1860s, later known as the
‘Māori Missions Committee’, evolving into the Māori synod89 known today as ‘Te Aka Puaho’. In
1945, the first Māori moderator of Te Aka Puaho, Hēmi Pōtatau, called for the appointment of
indigenous leadership within the Presbyterian Church but it would prove to be a long wait.90 In the
meantime, Kaa tells that at Ōhope in 1947, Te Maungarongo Marae was opened as the home of Te
Aka Puaho and a base for Presbyterian Māori.91 A Māori Affairs conference was held in 1952 to
consider the Church’s lack of response to Māori and from these discussions came the proposals for a
Māori Synod as well as Māori Theological College.92 Despite setbacks in other areas, Māori were
able to celebrate the development of the 1955 Māori synod constitution, rewarding the perseverance
of those who had been part of the very difficult journey.93 It seemed that Māori would eventually be

able to move towards leadership and self-determination in their section of the church.
The proposal for a Māori Theological College resulted in ‘Te Wananga a Rangi’. This provided

the perspective of Māori theologians, defining and expressing faith from an indigenous perspective
to both Māori and Pākehā.94 The centre trained Māori for full time ministry from 1953 until 1970
although notably, while the majority of students were indigenous, none of the Māori Theological
College teaching staff were Māori.95 While ideally a Māori College should have Māori staff, Martin
argues that Pākehā have a powerful role in being able to help Māori to achieve their goals.96 In an act

of servant hood, by humbly providing expertise, skills and resources when there is a shortage of
trained Māori leaders, a new generation of Māori leaders can be developed. This move from a position
of historical dominance to purposeful servant hood eventually allows Māori-led congregations and
missions.97

This was evidenced in the Amorangi ministry, developed from 1980 as a way of training self-
supporting ministers to work within the pastorates of Te Aka Puaho. Sadly, while other ‘mainstream’

85 Kaa, Ngā hāhi – Māori and Christian denominations - Presbyterian Church.
86 Timu Teoke.
87 Te Kaawa, A gifted people.
88 Te Kaawa, A gifted people.
89 In Presbyterian governance, a synod is the level of administration between the local presbytery and the national
general assembly.
90 Kaa, Ngā hāhi – Māori and Christian denominations - Presbyterian Church.
91 Kaa, Ngā hāhi – Māori and Christian denominations - Presbyterian Church.
92 Presbyterian Church, “Background information regarding Te Wananga a Rangi”, (New Zealand: Presbyterian Church
of Aotearoa New Zealand, 2017), http://www.presbyterian.org.nz/background-information-regarding-te-wananga-a-
rangi accessed 15 February 2019.
93 Te Kaawa, A gifted people.
94 Martin, One faith, two peoples.
95 Presbyterian Church. Background information regarding Te Wananga a Rangi.
96 Martin, One faith, two peoples.
97 Martin, One faith, two peoples.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 139

Presbyterian ministry training was fully funded, the Amorangi training was not.98 Despite the lack of
financial support, many Māori still committed themselves to study and development. The
Presbyterian Church believes the Amorangi leadership model has worked well and Māori parishes
are finally beginning to flourish.99

The Salvation Army Mission

If we are to better the future we must disturb the present.100

Responding to a Pākehā (NZ European) request for a Christian presence, The Salvation Army began
its mission to the people of New Zealand as an urban movement with a focus on the settler population,
as Māori were still predominantly living in rural areas.101 As an expression of the Christian church
that had adopted an aggressive military metaphor, the Army ‘opened fire’ in Aotearoa New Zealand
in 1883.102

As with other church missions, the Army suffered a lack of resources and strategic leadership
in indigenising the Army. The first attempt at Māori mission, was led by Ernest Holdaway and his
unit originally named ‘Te Tauā Whakaora’ meaning ‘the war party/the Army that brings life’. This
led to the establishment of a Māori division,103 consisting of different camps from Taranaki through
to Otaki; the first attempt on a divisional level to create parallel Māori and Pākehā administrative
structures, similar to the Anglican’s current parallel structure.104 Cresswell explains that financial
support requested from Pākehā Corps for Māori mission was not entirely forthcoming.105 In addition
to this, those who knew the least about Māori culture made decisions about the ministry rather than
trusting the competence of ‘experts’ in the field of indigenous ministry.106 Consequently, in 1894 the
Army’s leadership abolished the Māori Division citing cost as the main reason and proposing urban
Pākehā Corps take responsibility for mission to Māori in their neighbouring areas.107 Sibley and
others assert that history reveals Pākehā tend to agree in principle with symbolic biculturalism and
the ideals of equal access to opportunities and outcomes for Māori, however they are often reluctant
to share the resources needed to bring about these equal outcomes. This is more likely to be reflective

98 Presbyterian Church, “Amorangi ministry takes root in Te Aka Puaho”, (New Zealand: Presbyterian Church of
Aotearoa New Zealand, 2017), http://presbyterian.org.nz/publications/spanz-magazine/2009/september-2009/amorangi-
ministry-takes-root-in-te-aka-puaho accessed 1 July 2013.
99 Presbyterian Church, Amorangi ministry.
100 Catherine Booth, cited in Doug Stringer, Leadership awakening: Foundational principles for lasting success, (UK:
Whitaker House, 2016), 27.
101 H. Hill, “Te Ope Whakaora, The Army that Brings Life: The Salvation Army and Māori”, in H. Morrison, L.
Paterson, B. Knowles and M. Rae (Eds.), Mana Māori and Christianity, (Wellington New Zealand: Huia Publishers,
2012), 23 – 42.
102 C. R. Bradwell, Fight the good fight: the story of The Salvation Army in New Zealand 1883-1893, (Wellington, New
Zealand: Reed, 1982).
103 A ‘division’ is the Salvation Army equivalent of a diocese and a ‘camp’ was comparable to the Methodist rural
circuit.
104 H. Hill, (ed.), Te Ope Whakaora: The Army that Brings Life: A Collection of documents on The Salvation Army &
Māori, 1884-2007, (Wellington, New Zealand: Flag Publications, 2007).
105 Cresswell, in Hill, Te Ope Whakaora.
106 Hill, Te Ope Whakaora.; Martin, One faith, two peoples.
107 Hill, Te Ope Whakaora.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 140

of a complex interaction of middle-class Pākehā societal values at work in the church rather than
being a purely theological response.108

With a new leader at the top, in 1896 the Army re-established the Māori Division with

Holdaway as divisional commander, who then established in Gisborne a leadership training program
for Māori officers. Sadly, with yet another change of Army leadership, the Māori Division was
abolished and Holdaway reappointed to Melbourne.109 Many of Holdaway’s Māori mission team
resigned from The Salvation Army and went into Māori mission in other churches including

Presbyterian, Methodist and Anglican. Some soldiered on amidst the frustrations of the sheer lack of
support expressed in the limited financial and human resource investment.110

The 1980s brought bicultural issues to the attention of The Salvation Army, requiring a more
considered response. Hill explains that part of the Army’s response in 1983 was to set up a
‘Commission on Racism’ which became the ‘Council on Race Relations’, eventually replaced by the
‘Cross Cultural Ministries Council’ in 1996.111 A bicultural advisory group was set up in 1996 and
later became the ‘Māori Strategy Council’, encouraging the building of community among Māori
Salvationists.112 As part of the ‘Conference of Churches of Aotearoa New Zealand’, the Army agreed

to its goal of bicultural partnership affirming this again in its own statements first in 1997 and again

in 2005.
While some Treaty workshops were held, and bilingual signage and Māori fellowships were

encouraged, this work has had limited success. Captain Wayne Moses, one of the first national Māori

Ministry leaders, argued that bold statements had previously been made but the serious lack of follow
through and resourcing resulted in the Army’s lack of credibility amongst Māori leaders. When
Wayne and Harriet Moses were finally given the national responsibility for leading Māori work there
were great gains achieved during this time, encouraging Māori fellowship and educating Pākehā
Salvationists. However, because of the dual roles they had as the country’s Māori leaders as well as

being local corps officers, the administrative structure required them to be accountable to a divisional
leader despite his national role, seen as a gesture disempowering Māori leadership.113 While

eventually being relieved of local Corps responsibilities and promoted to the rank of Major, Wayne

and Harriet Moses withdrew from officership in 2006 after citing health reasons.

Later that year new national leaders, Joe and Nan Patea, were chosen on a part-time voluntary
basis, later working fulltime and then warranted as auxiliary captains in 2008.114 Their work added to
the revival of taha Māori and te reo Māori and the increasing numbers of Māori Salvationists and
Māori officers joining the ranks in the following years. The passing of Auxiliary Captain Joe Patea
in 2011 was a huge loss to Māori Ministry and to the wider The Salvation Army. Despite her loss,

Auxiliary Captain Nan Patea faithfully continued in her leadership role until 2015 when a third season
of Māori leadership began with Lts. Tau and Trish Mataki In addition to territorial Māori leadership,
in 2014 The Salvation Army also established a divisional Māori Ministry leadership and advisory

role in the Northern Division of Aoteroa New Zealand. The Southern Division have also made their

108 C. G. Sibley, M. S. Wilson, and A. Robertson, “Differentiating the motivations and justifications underlying
individual differences in Pākehā opposition to bicultural policy: Replication and extension of a predictive model”, New
Zealand Journal of Psychology, (Vol. 36, Iss. 1, 2007), 25 – 33.
109 Hill, Te Ope Whakaora.
110 Cresswell, in Hill, Te Ope Whakaora
111 Hill, Te Ope Whakaora.
112 The Salvation Army, Many voices in mission: 25 years of the Salvation Army in New Zealand, Fiji and Tonga 1983–
2008, (Wellington, New Zealand: Flag Publications, 2008).
113 Hill, Te Ope Whakaora - The Salvation Army and Māori.
114 The Salvation Army. Many voices in mission.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 141

first divisional appointment in 2019, with Midland and Central Divisions actively seeking to appoint
the right people into their divisional teams.

While there is still much to be done, there is excitement as more local expressions of Māori
Ministry are being developed in many places across the country. For example, the incredible and
wide-ranging ministry of The Salvation Army in Whangarei currently has Māori leadership and
participation at every level and integrated across corps and social services.

Discussion

The Treaty ensures Māori access to the same outcomes as Pākehā yet this is not reflected in the
historical Māori experience of the wider Church. Māori membership of the church is often not
reflective of the population and Māori Christianity has not been allowed the same expression as
Pākehā members have often enjoyed. The pre-treaty arrival of the Anglican and Catholic Churches
and their initial focus on Māori has seen a loyalty that is still expressed in a Māori membership
comparatively higher than many other churches today.115 By contrast the Presbyterian Church and
The Salvation Army’s later post-treaty arrival and initial focus on the settler population reflect smaller
numbers of Māori membership.116

Nearly every major Christian denomination in Aotearoa New Zealand has attempted to establish
a Māori aspect to their ministry with mixed success over time, including the four presented in this
essay. In most cases and for many years, these Māori expressions have been denied autonomy, with
limited decision-making abilities and potential development hampered by a lack of human and
financial resources invested by the wider organisation.117 Often there has been fear that if autonomy
is given the group will move away from the policies of the parent body.118 This fear and lack of trust
can be compounded by a failure to identify or nurture indigenous abilities, not allowing Māori to
organise themselves in order to meet Māori need. The excuse of the ‘preservation of unity’ is often
used to mask these fears.

History has shown that despite the struggles experienced by Māori ministries across many
Christian denominations, growth still occurred at different times because of a number of factors.

First, when tikanga and te reo Māori are esteemed as a valid expression of cultural identity and
that distinctiveness is affirmed and honoured, rather than merely tolerated, growth is more likely.119
Truly affirming Māori identity requires a willingness of Pākehā to make space, to learn a new way
and to move beyond functioning monoculturally. Conversely, when their cultural identity is not
embraced, Māori experience marginalisation and many do not remain in relationship with the
church.120

Second, when Māori experience full participation, which moves beyond token gestures, and are
able to carry the message and ministry to their own people in their own indigenous ways, they are
more likely to be successful and more likely to remain connected to the Church.121 Māori would often

115 Statistics NZ 2013 show Māori made up 13% of the Anglican Church and 13% of the Catholic Church while Māori
represent 15% of the total population.
116 Statistics NZ 2013 show Māori made up 7% of the Presbyterian Church and 6% of The Salvation Army while Māori
represent 15% of the total population.
117 Martin, One faith, two peoples.
118 Bluck, Wai karekare.
119 Hill, Te Ope Whakaora - The Salvation Army and Māori.
120 Martin, One faith, two peoples.
121 Te Kaawa, A gifted people.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 142

respond as whānau or hapū (kinship group) rather than individually, so that large numbers would
respond to meaningful Māori ministry. In many cases, when a particular denomination was not
responsive to Māori, many gifted indigenous members and leaders left to engage with Christian
ministries that allowed them to fully participate.122

Third, the willingness to invest personnel and finances in the development of Māori leaders and
indigenous theologians proved absolutely vital in sustaining faith and engagement.123 While inclusion
in ‘mainstream’ leadership and theological training has been of great value, the reconsideration of
training delivery methods and the creation of Māori environments with indigenous training equipped
leaders who may not have otherwise been engaged by the Church. Many churches that did not invest
in strategically training Māori in earlier years are now suffering with a lack of representation and
indigenous leadership, without the capacity that other churches have intentionally developed.124

This also extends into a fourth consideration around authentic leadership and self-
determination, in that more freedom to make decisions and to self-organise has historically improved
the likelihood of Māori needs being addressed. Chile would argue that tino rangatiratanga and self-
determination cannot be attained without cultural identity, which depends on language. The revival
of te reo Māori therefore has been foundational in leadership development.125

Finally, growth in Māori mission and Treaty responsiveness has required the reconsideration
of administrative structures, Māori representation and the renegotiation of relationships of power and
authority. Responding to calls for Māori leadership, many churches have established commissions
and committees in order to work through these issues.126 As a result of these discussions, bold
statements, reports and recommendations were made. However, delays that lasted decades in some
cases, and a disappointing lack of commitment and follow through, have also hampered progress for
Māori.

Both the Anglican and the Presbyterian Churches have chosen parallel Māori and Pākehā
administrative structures, while the Catholic Church leadership has tried to encourage Māori
fellowship to remain within the wider structure despite calls for change. The Salvation Army had
initially attempted parallel development then shifted to an assimilationist model and in recent years
has attempted a middle way. In order to secure a future with Māori, The Salvation Army will need to
look for ways of intentional engagement that are satisfying to both Māori and Pākehā within the
Army.127

The way forward

In considering Māori ministry, Hill argues that the way forward must be in light of biblical and
theological reflection rather than simply employing pragmatic solutions. As part of the Body of
Christ, he challenges The Salvation Army to look even further than social and political ideology if
they are to remain aligned with their Christian foundation.128 Wright also explains that although these
principles of partnership and bicultural development are said to be aligned with the ‘Gospel of Jesus

122 Hill, Te Ope Whakaora - Collection of documents.
123 Bluck, Wai karekare.; Hill, Te Ope Whakaora - Collection of documents.; Martin, One faith, two peoples.; Te
Kaawa, A gifted people.
124 Martin, One faith, two peoples.
125 Chile, Historical context.
126 Bluck, Wai karekare.; Hill, Te Ope Whakaora - The Salvation Army and Māori.; Matthews, Kaikatikīhama.
127 Hill, Te Ope Whakaora - The Salvation Army and Māori.
128 Hill, Te Ope Whakaora - The Salvation Army and Māori.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 143

Christ’ there is a need for further exploration.129 While partnership is central to the Treaty of Waitangi,

it is also a notion that is biblically and theologically driven. Identifying key theological principles
such as equity, justice, forgiveness, restoration and reconciliation will help to find a way forward. A
fuller understanding of theological principles such as unity in Christ and the equal creation of
humanity under God, whilst addressing issues of brokenness, injustice, and racism will ensure a move
beyond the rhetoric of the 1980s.130

With a strong theological underpinning, The Salvation Army will be more able to move forward
addressing the issues raised in the journey of the four missions discussed. Their journeys show the
wisdom in allowing space for Māori identity and expression as well as encouraging Pākehā
willingness to better engage with their Treaty partners.131 There will be a need to encourage full
participation in all aspects of mission and ministry, developing indigenous agents by generously
investing in training and leadership development.132 A difficult but necessary step will be the
reconsideration of an appropriate administrative structure, with adequate funding, as well as

representation at all levels. This will require formal discussions in the appropriate forums, to develop
comprehensive strategies and policy statements that are then actioned without delay as an expression
of genuine commitment to Māori.133 Throughout this process a more appropriate expression of
Christian unity may be developed, securing The Salvation Army’s future with Māori.

Conclusion

…faith by itself, if it is not accompanied by action, is dead134

The Treaty of Waitangi is a spiritual covenant drawn together with the influence, promotion, blessing
and commitment of the Christian church. It assured Māori protection and tino rangatiratanga (self-

determination), but has been consistently breached, undermining notions of partnership and bicultural
development both in the church and in wider society. The churches varying approaches to Māori

involvement over the years has resulted in many disappointments but there have also been a number

of encouraging initiatives. At this point in the relationship between the church and the Treaty of

Waitangi, there is an advantage in being able to retrospectively analyse the actions of both Treaty

partners over the past 200 years.

History speaks clearly to those who will listen and it is hoped that the combined experiences of

the past two centuries will inform a cultural revolution within the ranks of The Salvation Army so
that Māori can bring added strength to its mission to “care for people, transform lives and reform
society”.

129 Wright, Treaty of Waitangi.
130 Wright, Treaty of Waitangi.
131 Matthews, Kaikatikīhama.
132 Te Kaawa, A gifted people.
133 Bluck, Wai karekare.
134 James 2:17, (NIV).

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 144

The Royal Albert Hall
facing towards the Great Exhibition Memorial

and the Zvi & Ofra Meitar Porch entrance1

1 Photograph courtesy of Garth R. Hentzschel. Photograph was taken July 2015.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 145

I’LL FIGHT UPDATE

Gordon Taylor

Further information about the supposed link between William Booth’s ‘I’ll Fight!’ speech and the
Royal Albert Hall came to light during my research for a two-volume biography of William Booth,
now awaiting publication. I discovered that in 1927 an evangelistic campaign took place in the United
States of America using the slogan “I’ll Fight”, and in her campaign manifesto, Commander
Evangeline Booth quoted the words:

WHILE women weep, as they do now, I’ll fight; while little children go hungry, as they do now,
I’ll fight; while men go to prison, in and out, in and out, I’ll fight; while there is a poor lost girl
upon the street, I’ll fight; while there yet remains one dark soul without the light of God, I’ll
fight—I’ll fight to the very end!

She says that these were “the words of our Founder—his last public utterances, spoken in the
Albert Hall, London.”2

Evangeline Booth was in the Royal Albert Hall in 19123, listening to her father’s address, but
when she wrote her campaign manifesto fifteen years later, she would have been relying on her
memory, or on some unknown record of what he had said. Three weeks after the publication of the
campaign manifesto, a poetical evocation of the ‘I’ll Fight’ speech, by Mrs Colonel Irene Arnold,
was published in the New York edition of The War Cry.4 The manifesto and the poem are therefore
the earliest sources linking ‘I’ll Fight’ with William Booth’s last speech in the Royal Albert Hall. A
few months later, another eye-witness, an anonymous London corps sergeant-major, writing in the
London edition of The War Cry, said that he had also heard these words on that memorable occasion.5
Evangeline Booth’s authority for making the statement would be stronger than an unnamed local
officer, but it still leaves a gap of almost fifteen years during which apparently nobody made the
connection.

I am not convinced by the suggestion that reports in 1912 omitted any reference to “I’ll fight”
because it was already well-known. Although a brief quotation from the speech, attributed to the
General, had appeared in a few publications between 1906 and 1910, alongside a poem by Charles
Coller, I don’t think that this alone would have made the quotation widely known. Other parts of
William Booth’s last speech were more familiar, as several times he had previously written or spoken
about what he might otherwise have done with his life.

The argument that his long speech was not fully reported is more convincing. Even the longest
reports would not contain the whole of his address, so he almost certainly said more than was reported.
However, one would not expect the final peroration (if that was what it was) to be omitted.

Reference citation of this paper
Gordon Taylor, “I’ll fight update”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 1, 2019, 145 – 147.
In an earlier issue of AJSAH, Major Woodward outlined some of the story connected with General William Booth’s
“I’ll fight” speech. Cecil (Cec) Woodward, “’I’ll fight’ – William Booth’s final address. Memory of myth?” The
Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2), 191 – 195.
2 The war cry, (New York, Saturday 1 January 1927), 9.
3 “1829 – Hallelujah – 1912”, The social gazette, (London, Saturday 18 May 1912), 1.; “The General’s birthday
address”, The social gazette, (London, Saturday 18 May 1912), 4.; “A birthday gathering”, The Hull daily mail, (UK,
Thursday 9 May 1912), 3.
4 The war cry (New York, Saturday 22 January 1927), 2.
5 The war cry, (London, Saturday 15 October 1927), 13.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 146

One mystery still to be explained is how the speech came to be remembered with such precision
if there was no written record of it until almost fifteen years after the event. Perhaps someone will
one day find an earlier account in some periodical between 1912 and 1927 to help bridge the gap.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 147

REQUEST FOR INFORMATION TO ASSIST WITH RESEARCH

The following researchers have asked for assistance from our readers. If you know of any
information or articles, have photographs, stories or artefacts, please contact them via their email
address as outlined below.

Garth Hentzschel – Theses, chapter of books and journal articles. For the continuation of the
‘Bibliography of Salvation Army Literature in English 1988 – Present’, Hentzschel is requesting any
information on theses, chapters of books and journal articles written about The Salvation Army.
Information on such works and possible copies of these documents, please contact Hentzschel at
[email protected]

Garth Hentzschel – History The Salvation Army in Brisbane pre-1885. Research has commenced
on the history of The Salvation Army activities in Queensland and specifically Brisbane prior to 1885.
Any information on this time period, please contact Hentzschel at [email protected]

Major Glenda Hentzschel – History of SAGALA (Life-Saving Guards and Scouts) with focus
on Australia. Research and preparations are well underway developing a book that presents a more
complete story of the Life-Saving and SAGALA movements. If you have any information pertaining
to the Life-Saving or SAGALA movements or are a former SAGALA member, please contact
Hentzschel at [email protected]

Dr Glenn Horridge – Orders and medals of The Salvation Army. Horridge would like to hear
of any variations or additions to the list presented in his articles (in previous issues of AJSAH). He
is looking to write a book on the orders and medals given out by The Salvation Army (or any clubs
or groups run by the Army, e.g. SAGALA, Scouts, Guards, young peoples’ work or services,
welfare work, emergency services etc.), as well as medals received by Salvationists. Please contact
him at [email protected]

Major Kingsley Sampson – The New Zealand Salvation Army’s Response to the Second
World War. The publication of Under Two Flags: the New Zealand Salvation Army’s Response to
the First World War invites a sequel, about the Second World War. At this stage, Kingsley is simply
gathering information about NZ Salvationists who enlisted in the Second World War, NZ SA
chaplains who served, Welfare Officers, Institutes in NZ military camps and service by both men
and women in the Army, Air Force and Navy both in New Zealand and overseas. He is also
interested in hearing about resources such as diaries, memorabilia, memoirs, photos or other
suitable material that relatives are willing to make available for this project. Please contact Kingsley
at [email protected]

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 148

REVIEWS, COMMENTS, FEEDBACK AND LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
ON

THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY ~
VOLUME 3, ISSUE 2.

Professor R. Gordon Moyles, University of Alberta in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada;
Many thanks for the great new issue of 'The Journal'. Just beginning to read what looks like an
exceptional lot of articles (and great illustrations). … Many blessings.

Major Michell Wheeler, Divisional Mission Enabler, Anglia Division, UK;
Thank you for sending me the pdf of the most recent issue of AJSAH. I enjoyed reading about
the symposium. Most helpful to me in my area of research (Salvation Army history and the
identity of a Salvationist) were Hentzschel’s article “History: A Collection of memories or a
collective myth?” and Norman Murdoch’s work. … Volume 3 part 1 … there is an article in that
edition by RG Moyles which looks interesting. I also enjoyed reading Hentzschel’s review of
Moyles book Exploring Salvation Army History ...

Gordon Taylor, Salvationist, historian and writer, London, UK;
Thank you for the latest journal, which I read with interest, particularly the article on 'I'll fight'. As
I found a little more information about it while researching for my Biography of William Booth,
I thought you might be interested in a short update and reflection on the question.
Editorial note:- We thank Gordon for his paper which is included in this issue.

Dianne Edwards, former Music Resources, The Salvation Army Creative Arts Department,
Australia;

Another great issue. Well done!

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2019. Page 149