topos 125 051 Photo: sebastiaan stam on Unsplash 1 From a mecca for opportunity and innovation to the largest city in the USA to file for bankruptcy - Detroit looks back on an eventful past.
052 topos 125 1940 1970 1960 2 Maps of residency in Detroit by race, created by the Racializing Space research team at Taubman College. Graphics: Courtesy of Taubman College at the University of Michigan z z Black residents White residents
poverty topos 125 053 Driving around many Detroit neighborhoods, it’s hard to believe that a century ago, this city was a mecca of opportunity and innovation. The reasons for the city’s great success – its auto-centric specialization and the efficiency of the assembly line – also contributed to its decline since its heyday during World War II. Ten years ago, Detroit became the largest U.S. city to enter bankruptcy, with an estimated $20 million in debt. Over the course of a year and a half, lawyers and judges negotiated a settlement that resolved the financial emergency and allowed the city to start on a path toward recovery. Today, approximately one third of the city’s 139 square miles is vacant and many urban corridors contain shuttered businesses. When the city’s population peaked at 1.5 million residents in the 1950s, 84% of its residents were white. In 2021, Detroit’s population had shrunk to 634,000, 78% of its residents were Black, and 32% lived beneath the poverty line. In the United States, homeownership is one of the primary ways that individuals and families build wealth. Access to this opportunity hasn’t been equally available, however. In a process that scholar Jessica Trounstine has called “segregation by design,” government policies from the federal to local levels, combined with racially discriminatory market practices, have restricted where African American families could live, where they could own property, and how easily they could borrow money to purchase a home. Racial discrimination in housing created largely segregated neighborhoods, and this segregation Today, many residents of Detroit talk about a “tale of two cities.” While redevelopment is occurring in the city’s central district, poverty anchors many residents in its neighborhoods. This stems in part from a history of policies that exploited African American residents in the housing market. New approaches to housing and homeownership are also central to the work of planners and politicians modeling what reparations might look like for the Motor City. in turn contributed to marked differences in the valuation of housing over time, with dwellings in predominantly white neighborhoods gaining value relative to those in mixed or predominantly Black neighborhoods. The ripple effects of these policies are multi-generational. For example, these policies have kept many Black families from benefiting financially from property appreciation, a key source of intergenerational wealth. In part, this explains why, in the United States in 2019, the average household wealth for a white family was $188,200 while the average household wealth for a Black family was $24,100. Residentialsegregation also compounded racial inequalities in other domains such as education, employment, and healthcare. The policy framework contributing to disparities in wealth included racial covenants, provisions in property deeds that prohibited African Americans from owning land or homes in some areas, and redlining, a process through which banks and other lenders withheld financing or charged inflated rates (or offered it only on disadvantageous terms, for purchases in predominantly Black neighborhoods.) Historian Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor has summed up these and similar mechanisms with the concept of predatory exclusion. She has also highlighted the ways that homeownership has sometimes been accessible to African Americans on disadvantageous terms – a complementary process she terms predatory inclusion. Programs such as the federal government’s Section 235 mortgage support program took advantage of historically excluded Black families, particularly single mothers, by drawing them into exploitative and risky ownership opportunities from which white property owners and real estate agents profited. Mapping race, housing, and wealth As a team of faculty and students at the University of Michigan’s Taubman College of Architecture and Urban Planning, we set out to understand how these policies and practices played out in Detroit and its suburbs, leading to a metropolitan area marked by pronounced racialsegregation and stark inequalities in wealth and property value. We used several large data setsto map the relationship between race, homeownership, policies, and property values over time. Correlating policies and practices with data on where individuals and households lived helped us connectspecific places and communities with larger historical patterns and processes. In the set of three maps on the left, we illustrate the shifting geography of what is often called the “color line”, the boundary between racially segregated areas. Over time, the color line in Detroit has shifted as development, economic changes, and policies reshaped the city’s residential geography. Each red dot represents 100 Black residents, and each yellow dot represents 100 white residents. In 1940, 91% of the city’s residents were white, and Black residents were segregated to a few specific areas. By 1960, Black residents lived throughout the city while the percentage of white residents dropped to
054 topos 125 71% in a process of “white flight” that would accelerate in the 1960s and 1970s. Despite the searingly painful impacts of Urban Renewal and the Federal Highways act, this period did see some modest gains for Black residents. By 1970, one in five Black adults in Detroit had a unionized job in the auto industry, and increasing prosperity meant they enjoyed increased housing mobility. However, by the 1970s there was a new color line that segregated Black and white residents. This line was no longer defined by Detroit neighborhoods but by the divide between the city and its suburbs. Wealthbuilding through property ownership flourished in suburban communities, benefiting their predominantly white residents, while properties within the city lost value. The primarily African American population of Detroit found itselfsaddled with high property taxes and exploitive lending practices that made homeownership more precarious. Geographer Joshua Akers sees these predatory inclusion practices as emblems of an active “production of decline” in Detroit and cities like it, and he has shown how the mortgage foreclosure crisis beginning in 2008 hit Black families especially hard. One of our most powerful findings illustrating how race and homeownership contribute to household wealth creation is displayed in the graph above. Along the bottom axis is the date starting with 1970 on the left and progressing to 2019 on the right while the vertical or y axis represents home values in dollars. Please note that the dollar values on this graph have been adjusted to reflect inflation (based on 2019 dollars). The blue bar represents Detroit, the red bar represents the rest of Wayne County, excluding the city, the green bar reflects Oakland Counts, and the purple corresponds to Macomb County. As you can see, in 1970, the median home value in Detroit was just over $100,000. By 2019, the average home in Detroit had declined to approximately $60,000. In 1970, the average home in nearby Oakland County cost $180,000. By 2019, the value of that same average home in Oakland County had risen to $250,000. Over the last 50 years, property in Detroit depreciated significantly while property in Oakland County appreciated. The problem continues. Andre Perry, in his 2020 book ‘Know Your Price: Valuing Black Lives and Property in America’s Black Cities’ documented that in the Detroit Metro Area, homes in Black majority neighborhoods are worth 37% less than comparable homes in white majority neighborhoods. Today, simply by living in a Black majority neighborhood, your home is worth $28,000 less. Toward a better future To understand how Black Detroiters navigated discriminatory housing policies and market practices, we examined materials from the Detroit Historical Museum and the University of Michigan’s Clements Library that tells the story of neighborhoods and local organizations that fought back. These voices are often omitted from the historical narrative. We learned of local efforts to challenge racial segregation in the Detroit areas of Conant Gardens, Royal Oak Township, and Eight-Mile and Wyoming. Today, as a whole, the city is considering how to redress the history of racial discrimination, as part of a national conversation about the economic and social framework for racial equity. A decade ago, the writer and journalist TaNehisi Coates published a widely read article, “The Case for Reparations”, that drew on examples of racial exclusion and inclusion in homeownership to re-assert the need for historical reckoning and future redress. In the decade since, work toward reparations has become broader, deeper, and more central to public discussions of policy and governance. 3 Average Median Home Value (Inflation Adjusted based on 2019’s buying power) *Note: Data for 1970 represents the average home values rather than median home values due to data availability limitations. z z z z Detroid Wayne (Exclude Detrois) Oakland Macomb
poverty topos 125 055 4 Maps of residency in Detroit and surrounding counties by race, created by the Racializing Space research team at Taubman College. Graphics: Courtesy of Taubman College at the University of Michigan z z z z Non-Hispanic Black People Non-Hispanic White People Hispanic People Non-Hispanic Asian People 1970 2019 z z z Non-Hispanic Black People Non-Hispanic White People Others
poverty 056 topos 125 Faculty,staff, and studentsfrom our university, for instance, are working with peers from across the country to understand how institutions of higher education can partner with their communities to “craft democratic futures” by repairing historical harms and current injustices imposed on African American and Native American communities. This group frames reparations as a multi-dimensional project encompassing not only directwealth transfers but also programs to address inequities in education, healthcare, and housing. Planners and scholars focused on Detroit are studying a range of measures for redressing the racial wealth gap and the disparities in opportunity exacerbated by inequitable access to housing and homeownership. These include measures such as restricting foreclosures and predatory lending practices, limiting speculative investment in the city’s housing stock, curtailing evictions and changing tax codes, modifying land use to allow for development that makes it easier to own or rent a home, and supporting homeowners in financing the purchase or improvement of a house. Some U.S. cities have experimented with guaranteed basic income programs, which aim to address housing insecurity and poverty by transferring money directly to poor individuals and families. Detroit, like many other cities across the U.S., is considering its own reparations program. A task force co-chaired by planner and Taubman College faculty member Lauren Hood is drawing on research, policy examples, and community input to develop recommendations for housing and economic programs that counter the historical patterns that have yielded such inequality of wealth and opportunity. In parallel, Hood’s Institute for Afro-Urbanism is engaging “Black artists, planners, developers, ritualists, historians, curators,storytellers, thinkers, dreamers, and doers” to write a Field Guide to Black Thriving that documents examples of radical positive change to guide action on the part of Detroit residents. Initiatives like these aim to turn the extremity of Detroit’s challenges into an opportunity for prototyping a more equitable, just, and sustainable future. While Detroit may never return to its zenith with 1.5 million residents, efforts to correct past harms, such as those embodied in discriminatory housing policy and practice, could demonstrate a new form of innovation worthy of attention. This project was a team effort, co-led by Prof. Emeritus Robert Fishman and Associate Professor Joshua Akers, with key contributions by graduate students Jasmine Simington, Areli Balderama, Tim Berke, Anthony Bui, Morgan Fett, Laura Melendez, Robert Pfaff, Joshua Powell, Meixin Yuan and Myles Zhang. 5 Ten years ago, Detroit became the largest U.S. city to enter bankruptcy. Photo: Creative Hina By.Quileen on Unsplash
Particulate pollution reduction Habitat for animals Retention Air quality management Energy generation THE CITY CAN BREATHE AGAIN. Green roof system solutions. Whether it be a mere roof seal or a complete system, extensive, intensive or green roof biotope: Bauder offers a large range of solutions with diverse architectural design options – economical, ecological and sustainable. www.bauder.de Bauder makes it possible. BAUDER CONGRATULATES TO 125 TOPOS MAGAZINE - ISSUES -
VICIOUS CIRCLES OF POVERTY LACK OF CRITICAL MASS FOR SERVICES AND INFRASTRUCTURE LOW RATE OF BUSINESS CREATION FEWER JOBS WORKERS MOVE AWAY LOW POPULATION DENSITY INSTITUTIONAL
LOW INCOME LOW ASSETS LOW EDUCATION LACK OF CAPITAL AND LACK OF NEEDED SKILLS LOWER CAPACITY TO GENERATE INCOME LOW SECURITY AGAINST ECONOMIC AND HEALTH RISKS IN DEBT AND FURTHER LOSS OF INCOME INDIVIDUAL
poverty 060 topos 125 PERIOD POVERTY IN BEIRUT LAURA PUTTKAMER
topos 125 061 Photo: Nuno Alberto on Unsplash 1 A significant lack of period supplies has a major impact on menstruating people’s health – both physically and mentally.
062 topos 125 Photo: Maria Arayssi on Unsplash 2 When trying to tackle period poverty, menstrual health awareness is a key first step. People who menstruate are encouraged to speak and learn about their periods in comfortable environments.
poverty topos 125 063 Imagine having your period and not being able to buy hygienic products to deal with the flow. This is an everyday occurrence for more than three quarters of women, girls and those who menstruate in Lebanon, according to a 2021 study by the NGOs Plan International and Fe-Male. The country is experiencing one of the world’s worst economic crises with skyrocketing prices, meaning that sanitary pads now cost 500 percent more than in 2019 – and that is if you are lucky enough to find them in a store. Taboos around menstruation further complicate the issue. Let’s take a closer look at period poverty. Poverty in cities can take many different, often hidden forms. One example of this is period poverty, where menstruating people do not have safe and affordable access to menstrual hygiene products such as pads, tampons, or menstrual cups. The United Nations Population Fund defines period poverty as “the struggle many low-income women and girls face while trying to afford menstrual products”. It is linked to available income, which due to the higher economic vulnerability of women and girls is often low. And apart from sanitary pads, tampons, or menstrual cups, menstrual supplies also include pain medication and hygienic material. Lack of supplies has a direct impact on the health of people who menstruate, drastically increasing the risk of infections, forcing girls to stay at home and miss school, or leading to child labour in order to secure money needed for period supplies. In Beirut, the capital of Lebanon with a population of around 2.5 million, period poverty affects most women. The country’s financial downfall began in late 2019. The local currency has lost about 90 percent of its value. Daily blackouts and empty pharmacy shelves have become part of the routine. In 2022, the UN estimated that more than three in four of Lebanon’s 6.8 million inhabitants are living in poverty, increasing drastically from 50 percent in 2020. Those who menstruate now face the extra burden of the price of sanitary pads, which can easily reach $60 a month. Many women have had to give up their regular brands and seek out sub-standard alternatives like rags, newspaper, or diapers. The heartbreaking reality of period poverty “In Beirut and Lebanon in general, periods are riddled with stigmas and taboos,” explains Meelie Pemberton, co-founder at the non-profit organisation WingWoman Lebanon. This organisation employs women from vulnerable communities in Lebanon to produce reusable period pads that are cost effective and environmentally friendly. “There is so much embarrassment, from asking for period products at the shop to asking your husband to buy them for you or harassment by male shopkeepers. We have also been hearing of the heartbreaking reality of period poverty in times of conflict, where women are asked why they are using water to wash their pad when it is a scarce resource. Just imagine, you are already mortified and then someone says that to you!” The combination of stigmatisation and economic vulnerability has led to a sharp increase in period poverty in Lebanon, which now stands at an estimated 76%. The worsening economic conditions since 2019 have hit women and girls particularly hard, with salaries and employment opportunities decreasing and the price of period products increasing. Sometimes, these products are simply not available in shops. On top of that, Lebanon does not offer a lot of public toilets that are accessible to women, meaning that for women who are out and about in a metropolis like Beirut, changing their period products during the day can be impossible. This further exacerbates period poverty. “Can you shower when you are on your period?” Organisations like WingWoman are stepping in as best as they can to address period poverty in Beirut and other cities in Lebanon. “We produce reusable period pads and diapers, selling them through NGO partners to reach those most in need and to maintain the livelihoods of the women
poverty 064 topos 125 working for us. As part of this activity, we realised the need for menstruation information in Lebanon – even at conferences, we had well-educated women coming up to us, asking things like ‘Can you shower when you are on your period?’,” Meelie Pemberton says. This shows that period poverty often does not differentiate between the level of education. So far, WingWoman has produced and distributed over 80,000 pads. “I see menstrual cups as an even more practical and environmentally friendly option, but this is culturally not well accepted in a country like Lebanon where there is very much a culture about protecting the hymen and about virginity.” To tackle period poverty, Meelie Pemberton suggests menstrual health awareness as a key first step. WingWoman runs menstrual health awareness courses where female trainers present the facts and create a safe space. “The women are trained to be non-judgmental and to respond to any kind of question without any form of judgement. This space is so important – it often feels like these women have never, ever had an opportunity to speak about their periods. They are very reluctant at first. We try our best to create a lovely, relaxed atmosphere where people laugh and giggle. We do role plays and practice conversations they might have with their daughters and sons about normal bodily processes.” So far, the organisation has trained around 500 women in Beirut, with many more workshops coming up. Other social enterprises are also stepping up. For example, Roof and Roots has been training and employing local women to manufacture and then distribute affordable products in both Tripoli and Beirut. In addition, the organisation facilitates discussion and educational workshops with women and girls to help break taboos around menstruation and reproductive health. By March 2022, the team had produced 13,500 products and sold them door-to-door. A percentage of the revenue was distributed to vulnerable women in the area. And the NGO Dawrati offers three different kinds of services for people who menstruate: a menstruation kit with monthly products, a maternity kit for women on their postpartum journey, and a first-time period kit for teens and pre-teens. Since its start in May 2020, Dawrati has helped more than 5,000 women across the country, including refugees, migrant workers, and members of the LGBT community. It has distributed millions of pads and conducted numerous campaigns to normalise conversations around periods. Reducing monthly stress through reusable period products When asked about recommendations for tackling period poverty in cities around the world, Meelie Pemberton points out the importance of the context:“In Beirut, you have to be more subtle with your campaign to not put people off. We try hard to not threaten people or challenge social norms too much. Periods are an issue for every level of society, but the topic is not normalised here.” In comparison, NGOs like Bloody Good Period in the UK are much more open with a website and campaigns that clearly show drops of blood, the colour red, and period products, which can work well in more open societies. “For now, our goal is to create a national change in the opinion of people,” explains Meelie Pemberton. “We would love to give more educational workshops and offer them for free. My personal motivation is to offer more jobs to women as what I see as the most dignified form of aid. We provide women with sewing machines so they can work from home and do other jobs, childcare, etc. We want to offer them flexibility. At the same time, we need to increase the amount of people who receive our products – especially given the instability of the current situation here, we are hoping to distribute more period products as a preventative measure.” Having accessto period products, even if they are not the preferred brand or kind of product, has been proven to drastically reduce stress every month. Organisations like WingWoman acknowledge that people who menstruate do still like to have access to disposable products: “We believe that a combination of reusable and disposable products is ideal. We want to provide something for when there is no other product available, to cover all bases, but we also want people to have a choice.” And while reusable period pads are also environmentally friendly, this is usually not the main concern for people experiencing period poverty. After all, if you are thinking about how to stop bleeding through your clothes, this is the most urgent concern.
topos 125 065 3 While in more open societies, campaigns about periods can just be open and direct, the ones in Lebanon have to be more subtle. Even though a great amount of people suffer from period poverty, the topic is stigmatized and avoided. Photo: Moham madi on Unsplash
poverty 066 topos 125 CAÑADA REAL GALIANA: LEARNING FROM REALITY RAMONA KRAXNER
topos 125 067 Map: schwarzplan.eu topos 125 067
068 topos 125 Around six to seven thousand people are still living in the illegal settlement of Cañada Real Galiana, a street in the south-eastern area of Spain’s capital Madrid, making it the biggest slum in Europe. More than fourteen kilometres in length, the original Cañada Real is not only a centuries-old historic route and therefore worth protecting, it’s also a sting in the flesh of society, the economy and politics. In Saudi Arabia, the planned city project THE LINE continues to baffle the whole planet. Across 170 kilometres, project development firm NEOM (a word made up of the Greek prefix neo- meaning new, and the letter M representing crown prince Mohammed bin Salman) wants to built a mirrored linear city for approximately nine million people, as they claim, without cars, streets – and, serving contemporary sustainability narratives – carbon emissions. The webpage lures potential buyers and investors with the fact that “40 percent of the world” is within 1 hour flight distance. Despite ubiquitous critique concerning environmental, ecological, human rights and economical issues of the megalomanic project, THE LINE is currently under construction. Target group to invest or to ultimately live there are wealthy people. 3,772 kilometres further west, Spain has somewhat approximated and yet inverted the principle of THE LINE: The Cañada Real Galiana, a linear settlement, full of poverty and cars, emerged dozens of years ago without any form of planning. Much like its evil twin, the Cañada Real is much more than simple housing: it’s a heterogenous, self-organised community with supermarkets and traffic signs. It too is a symbol of intertwined problems in our modern world full of regulations and politics for the shareholders. Cañadas Reales The Cañadas Reales, spanish for royal glens, are interconnected cattle roads used to drive animals from pasture to pasture when seasons change, mostly from north to south and vice versa. Their origin dates back to the thirteenth century. Today, around 125,000 kilometers of the Cañadas Reales still exist, albeit much narrower than the law of Alfonso X of Castle intended, when the paths had to be at least 90 ells in width (around 72.2 metres). Alongside cordeles and veredas, which are other types of livestock trails, Spain’s cañadas are seen as a cultural heritage worth preserving. The admission to UNESCO world heritage has been pending since 2007, when the Cañadas Reales made their way onto the tentative list. Since 1995, Spain hasit’s own protective laws to ensure their preservation. But one of the roads stands out in a different way: The Cañada Real Galiana near Madrid is not only culturally significant, but also politically. Taking the road more travelled Sixteen percent of Spain’s population have a migratory background (the EU average is at 12 percent). In the mid 20th century, while approximately 2 million Spaniards left their home country, people started to move towards bigger cities for work and to seek their luck during the economic boom. Together with those moving within the country, immigrants and outlaws came to search for better jobs, a better future, or simply affordable homes for themselves and their families. Some of them ended up near Madrid, where they built houses out of anything they could find, to cope with rising living costs and a precarious employment situation. Since the Cañadas Reales were historically important routes of travel, they still attract many different people affiliated with life on the road – whether deliberately, like hikers, or (partly) in-
poverty topos 125 069 voluntarily like refugees, workers or migrants –, at least if the route is as strategically well situated as the Cañada Real Galiana. It lies in the periphery of Madrid, starting at the eastern outskirts of the city, in Coslada, revolving around the city’s edge traveling south, through the districts of Madrid and Rivas Vaciamadrid, ending in the Getafe municipal area. The settlement is situated near a garbage dump and in parts tightly enclosed by highways. It’s length is approximately 14.3 kilometers, almost 79 percent of it belongs to the municipality of Madrid. As an ironic sidenote, the illegal dwellings snake through the landscape, with planned satellite towns all around it, some vacant, some freshly built. From poor to neglected The stream of migrants went on until the early 2000s due to the housing crisis in the 1990s. In the case of Cañada Real Galiana, the first illegal houses were erected in the 1950s and 60s by cattlemen using the cañada. Back then, the buildings were small and inconspicuous. Illegal building was common in Spain, writes Sophie Gonick in her 2015 paper on Urban Expansion, Race, and Place-Based Activisms in the slum. Most of the inhabitants were Roma from all over Europe as well as Moroccans; Roma people moved from the city to the rural area, where they were safe from persecution. And to this day, the Roma and North African migrants make up a disproportionate group of Cañada Real Galiana’s population compared to the surrounding districts. People who were unable to access legal housing kept coming here, building houses and fencing in property to live and work, for workshops and storage units. It’s a wildly growing formation of heterogeneous and uncontrolled building and social activity. As more people came and settled along the road, the dwellings became more conspicuous and widespread. Illegal activities such as the drug trade made Cañada Real Galiana a hotspot for criminals. Also, neo-colonialist and neoliberal “technologies of control” (such as conditional aid and cultural imperialism) worsen the precarioussituation forthe marginalised inhabitants of the settlement, as they are left behind economically, structurally neglected and socially excluded. Some of the residents paid real estate taxes and have home ownership certificates. With all savings spent on their houses, people find it too little of a compensation to be given a small flat somewhere instead. But the government insists that they make room for further development in the area as Madrid keeps expanding. Anatomy of the line Cañada Real Galiana passes through four municipalities on a total length of approximately fourteen kilometres. By establishing a Regional Pact of the participating governments and political groups in 2017, the General State Administration wanted to show a broad political will to take care of the illegal settlement. Due to the project’s goal of solving the housing problem, the line is now officially divided into six sectors, starting in the north with Sector 1, the last part of the settlement reaching Getafe being Sector 6. The government evaluated the different segments of the road with regard to housing and social structures worth preserving, the least desirable part being Sector 6. Many factors deteriorate from Sector 1 to Sector 6, such as overcrowded housing or standards of living conditions. On the official homepage of the Regional Pact, it’s emphasised that the sectors differ in “contrasts, diversity and its great multicultural wealth”.The fate of the shortest Sector 3, which lies between highways and train tracks, seemed already to be decided. But in 2023, the planned demolition still didn’t take place. To improve living conditions in the existing and preservable sectors, the public domain invested in infrastructures such as the postal service (which also included the numbering of plots and houses), roads, water supply, bus lines and the electrical network. Sector 6 was determined to be demolished and the families relocated. Every winter, the Cañada Real makes the news with inhabitants complaining about the lack of electricity and energy. By 2021, 130 families had already been rehoused. But some don’t want to move, calling the cañada their home and asking for another solution: They want their homes to be legalised and protected from demolition. Some say, criminal issues like marijuana plantations and drug dealing are a welcome excuse for politicians to argue for total demolition due to the severe and irreparable structural problems in the settlement. Easy answers for simple problems. How to untie the knot The situation of Cañada Real Galiana is a most problematic one. Because it stretches across four districts, responsibilities and jurisdiction are intertwined and dependent on each other. Also,
poverty 070 topos 125 politicians are looking for a solution where every substantial party feels somewhat satisfied and doesn't lose their face. But since there are so many different claimsinvolved, itresembles a Gordian knot more than ever. Also, a solution must be politically presentable to both party members and voters. Not all have sympathy for the occupants of the illegal housing. Cañada Real Galiana may be the largest illegal slum in Europe, but it’s not the only one in Spain. Therefore, if the population of the cañada were reimbursed, relocated to state property or favoured in another seemingly disproportional way, other groups could see this as an example for how they should be treated. It’s no wonder that local government is trying to avoid making a precedent. Kids In addition to a lack of electricity, proper infrastructure and a secure future, a huge issue is the 1,200 children that live in the neglected area of Sector 6 (as of 2017). They face problems in school such as exclusion because of poverty and their poor living conditions. While some of the former children of Cañada Real Galiana have already graduated from college, the next generation is ashamed of living in the settlement due to stigmatisation. Social activiststry to keep morals high, but the fact is that school attendance is at an all-time low. With the government cutting down the energy supply, the situation worsened. Children may have been given tablets by the schools, but without power at home, they are not able to do their homework. By winter 2023, Sector 6 will have gone three years without proper energy supply due to technical changes in the distribution system. The energy provider claims that there are hardly any customers in the sector who pay for electricity. Also, they say that illegal energy-intensive marijuana plantations have caused the overload and breakdown of the grid. Those inhabitants who are financially able to do so, have installed solar panels to gain independence from the unreliable power grid. People are taking measures into their own hands because they don’t feel heard by the government. In 2023, the electricity is still down, and the government plans to expand city boundaries beyond the Cañada Real Galiana, urging for the inhabitants to move out anyways. The argument that illegal housing should not be rewarded with legalisation or compensation, can be challenged with the fact that these people were simply trying to meet their basic housing needs, when they couldn’t afford rent or fell through the public safety nets because they belong to marginalised groups of Spain’s society. The upper hand The Regional Pact dealing with Cañada Real Galiana started back in 2017. Now, more than six years later, the settlement is still a hot case for politics, society and the media. The fate of Europe’s biggest slum is yet to be decided. Chances are that Sector 6 will be demolished as planned to make way for new and legal buildings,rendering the argument of preserving the historic cañada absurd. But then again, humankind seems to be very fond of absurdity concerning urban planning nowadays. Since Madrid, a popular tourist destination with its shiny stores and nice restaurants, is only a 30 minutes car drive away, this fact may soon be written on a website promoting the next construction project.
BECAUSE WE WANT A CHILD-FRIENDLY WORLD FOR TOMORROW Partnering with topos magazine to create the sustainable, philanthropic city of the future. BY RICHTER-SPIELGERAETE.DE TOPOS 125 – A JUBILEE
poverty 072 topos 125 INTERNATIONAL OLD-AGE INCOME POVERTY ANDREAS EBERT
topos 125 073 1 The risk of poverty increases with age. In extreme cases, this means a life on the streets for those affected. Photo: Max Böhme on Unsplash
074 topos 125 2 Becoming impoverished in old age is a reason for many of those affected to isolate themselves and become lonely as a result. Photo: Mihály Köles on Unsplash
poverty topos 125 075 Old-age income poverty is an international challenge. Some countries are more affected than others. Growing old carries an additional risk of becoming or remaining poor. Older people are more vulnerable to economic insecurity and poverty. Why is this the case, what are the effects on the countries affected and what could help? According to the United Nations, there are no international databases of all countriesto compare poverty in old ageworldwide.Astudy of OECD countries from 2021 is the most up-to-date study on international poverty in old age, but many countries, particularly in the Global South, are not represented. However, it is clear that the risk of poverty increases with age in most countries. In addition, access to social security in old age is closely linked to gender inequalities. Women are exposed to a greater risk of poverty. Old-age income poverty Old-age poverty can be defined in different ways. The findings and figures depend heavily on the definition and the underlying data basis. Usually, the proportion of the population over the age of 65 is considered. In science, it has become established that old-age poverty is defined as when the household income falls below the limit of 60 percent of the median income of the population. A 2021 OECD study takes 50 percent of the median household income of the entire population as the limit. These figures may vary depending on the year of the study and the specific country. Older people are among the most vulnerable groups in society. Worldwide, 80 percent live without protection for difficult situations or retirement age, and 48 percent of people of retirement age receive no payments at all. For many of the 52 percent, who do receive payments, the money is not enough. Social security in old-age depends heavily on functioning models that are linked to formal employment relationships. Many people are in informal work relationships and this is not associated with any old-age security. Women are affected more often The concept of retirement provision only works if you are able to save enough or accumulate assets during certain phases of life. The proportion of women worldwide who are in formal employment is significantly lower than that of men. According to the International Labor Organization (ILO), the proportion of women in informal employment in Sub-Saharan Africa is 74 percent. The figure for men is 61 percent. In Latin America and the Caribbean, the ratio is 54 percent for women and 48 percent for men. Accordingly, women are less likely to receive pension payments than men. In addition, women are less likely to be employed and have interrupted careers due to child bearing and rearing. In countries with pension systems, it is often the case that the systems are designed for men's careers and therefore often do not sufficiently take women's needs into account. Older women are therefore often dependent on their husband's income in old age and therefore in a direct situation of dependency. Particularly affected countries Exact figures are not available for many countries. Particularly affected by poverty in old age are countries with no social security systems and low economic power. According to the UN, two thirds of older people live in developing regions. In these regions, informal employment dominates and pension provision is barely available or non-existent. But even countries with a protection system face major challenges. Looking at theworld regions, there are major differences between countries. According to the UN, 90 percent of people in NorthAmerica and Europe receive a pension. In Latin America and the Caribbean it is 56 percent, in Asia and the Pacific it is 47 percent, in North Africa 37 percent and in the Middle East 30 percent. Sub-Saharan Africa has the lowest figure at 17 percent. A 2021 study of OECD countries shows that on average 14.1 percent of people live in relative income poverty. The figures for individual countries vary widely. In 16 of the 37 OECD countries, the old-age income poverty rate is lower than for the population as a whole. The figures in the study show that the relative poverty rates of people over 65 are highest in South Korea at 40 percent. This is followed by Estonia and Latvia with 30 percent. In Australia, Lithuania, Mexico and the USA, the rate is 20 percent. The Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Iceland, the Netherlands, Norway and Slovakia have the lowest poverty rates at under 5 percent. It is also evident that the “younger old” (66-75 years) are less poor than the “older old”. This is particularly visible in South Korea, Estonia and Latvia. In comparison, the “older old” in Austria, Chile, Germany, Hungary, Iceland and Poland are doing better than in their early retirement years. There are also major differences between the genders in the OECD
poverty 076 topos 125 countries. The highest differences between the genders can be found in the Baltic countries with 15 percent and South Korea with 11 percent. But there are also countries with very small differences. These include Brazil, Costa Rica, Denmark, France and the Netherlands with a difference of less than 2 percent. South Korea – A country of contrasts South Korea is the country with the greatest extremes when it comes to poverty in old age. South Korea has the 10th largest economy in the world and, according to an OECD study, 40 percent of people over the age of 65 are affected by poverty in old age. The country's demographic development also poses major challenges for the young pension system. The population in South Korea is getting older and older. The fertility rate is one of the lowest in the world and at the same time people's life expectancy is increasing. In 2014, the proportion of senior citizens over the age of 65 was 12.7 percent, in 2022 it was 17.5 percent and in 2040 it is expected to be over 30 percent. Life expectancy in 1980 was 66 years. Today it is over 82 years. The average age of the population was 25.9 years in 1980 and 43.9 years in 2022. This means that by 2050, there could be 1.5 people in employment for every senior citizen in need of financing. In 2005, there were eight working people for every pensioner. The fragile conditions are largely due to the young pension and social security system. The South Korean pension system has been in place since 1988. In comparison, the forerunners of pension insurance in Germany existed almost 100 years earlier from 1889. But there are also other reasons besides population development and the pension system. The traditional image of families is changing and the centuries-old tradition of providing for old age through children is declining. The National Pension System (NPS) is intended to help against this. The general pension fund, however, only covers 53 percent of employees. The self-employed, low earners and temporary workers are excluded. There are also various special pension schemes for specific groups of people such as government employees or members of the military. Consequences for society Those affected by poverty in old age often isolate themselves and become lonely. In South Korea, the suicide rate among older people is the highest compared to all other OECD countries. Young people, on the other hand, often have the problem of not being able to provide for their old age because they have educational debts, are affected by youth unemployment, have a high cost of living or are economically insecure. Planning and money for retirement are therefore often not an option. The effects on national societies are manifold and vary from country to country. Due to low birth rates and an ageing society, the traditional pension system, if it exists, is no longer sustainable. This causes insecurity within society, as financial security in old age can no longer be guaranteed. In many countries, poverty in old age leads to a burden on families, as they have to help out when women and men can no longer afford food, clothing or housing. This, in turn, places a financial burden on the young population, can lead to political instability and hinder a country's economic growth. As a result, a country's entire society can be affected by the consequences of poverty in old age. Possible solutions Pension systems must therefore be reformed where they exist. Many countries have recognized the problems of old-age poverty and are looking for solutions. According to the ILO report from 2014/15 on this topic, 86 governments are trying to make adjustments. Of these, 47 are in developing countries and 39 in high-income countries. Social and old-age protection have a strong positive impact against poverty in old age. Social protection is a key element of nationalstrategiesfor human development, political stability and inclusive growth. Many developing countries are trying to establish such systems. China, for example, has achieved nearly universal coverage of pensions and increased wages. Reforms and nationalization of pension systems are ways to improve. Many countries are trying to return their pension systems from private to national hands. These include Hungary, Kazakhstan, Poland and Lithuania. Around the world, many countries combine contributory and non-contributory models. Non-contributory schemes provide a basic level of income. Public pension schemes financed from contributionstypically provide higher benefits that ensure income security for large groups of the population, including the middle class. The vast majority of countries have created theirsocialsecurity systems through legislation, protecting benefits from the pressures that can arise from changes in political leadership or external shocks. National legislation often converts social security benefits into entitlements that create a legal right to social security. In this way, poverty in old age can be mitigated for many people. Nevertheless, it remains a major social challenge for which solutions urgently need to be found.
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poverty 078 topos 125 VOICES OF PRECARITY IN TAIPEI A-YONG CHU AND JEFFREY HOU
topos 125 079 Photo: DYAF 1 DYAF’s Stone Soup project provides opportunities for interaction between the homeless and volunteers.
080 topos 125 Precarity in the form of poverty has been an ever-present issue even in economically advanced East Asian metropolises. In these cities, however, overshadowed by the abundance of wealth and spaces of consumption, poverty tends to be rather obscure and invisible. In Taipei, the center of a technologically and economically advanced society in Taiwan, this invisibility reflects the persistent societal biases against poverty and the continued barriers facing those experiencing precarity. To overcome these biases and barriers, a movement has been growing in the city, forged by a network of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and community activists with a mission to bring the issues and challenges of poverty and precarity to greater awareness and public consciousness. DYAF Do You a Flavor (DYAF) is one of several social innovation organizations in Taipei leading the movement. The organization was founded after People living in poverty are often excluded and stigmatized in Asian societies. Especially in a glitzy and ultra-modern capital like Taipei, people living in poverty can sometimes be almost invisible. However, there are people who have taken up the cause of better understanding the challenges and needs of poor people and creating awareness. 2
topos 125 081 Photos: DYAF, Jeffrey Hou the Sunflower Movement in 2014 in which students and activists broke into the parliamentary chamber and occupied it for 24 consecutive days in protest against a free trade agreement with China. The protest succeeded in nullifying the agreement that would have jeopardized Taiwan’s economy and compromised its national security. The struggle has also led to a reawakening of political activism and a greater social consciousness among the younger generations toward social and political challenges facing society. New advocacy and social innovation organizations have proliferated since. Formed by a group of young people with diverse backgrounds in design, computer engineering, and business administration, DYAF developed a series of open-sourced initiatives including a hackathon-style workshop to rewrite the (Traditional Chinese) Wikipedia page on homelessness, redesigning merchandise for street vendors to improve their livelihood, and a program called “Stone Soup” that invites volunteers and solicit donations to provide meals for folks on the street. Through these early initiatives, DYAF became aware of prevalent biases against people experiencing precarity and their lack of voice in the public discourse. In Taiwan, decades of narrowly focused economic developmentalism have prioritized the generation of wealth over social equity and caring for those who struggle economically. The traditional social safety net based on family sup2 Words by a homeless person (left) and notes left by a visitor (right) at the 2020 “Poor in Taipei” exhibition. 3 A display in the “Poor in Taipei” exhibition in 2020 featured quotes from people experiencing homelessness about living in the city. 3
082 topos 125 4 A person experiencing homelessness resting under a billboard at the Taipei Main Station. 5 Away from the glittering facades of the city center, the contrast to structurally weaker districts in Taipei is stark. tiatives is an annual (biennial since 2021) event called “Poor in Taipei” that includes an exhibition, a forum series, and experiential activities. The event invites the public to learn about issues and challenges facing the poor. By highlighting the voices and perspectives of those experiencing precarity, including not only the homeless but also youths, urban indigenous people, people with mental illness, and other marginalized social groups, the event seeks to raise public awareness and shift the discourse and stigma against these communities. Furthermore, the event also allows marginalized groups to engage with each other, learn about their common struggles, and build camaraderie. By sharing their stories and realizing that they are not alone in society, the event became an empowering experience for people in poverty who Photos: DYAF, Markus Winkler on Unsplash port and informal social ties also does not apply to those without those bonds and connections. These coupled biases and barriers have exacerbated the predicament facing people in poverty. Faced with such predicaments, many choose to hide and even withdraw from society altogether, adding to their obscurity and isolation. “Learning from the Poor” Addressing such challenges must begin with a greater and more empathetic understanding of their challenges and predicaments, including how the population has been economically, culturally, and spatially excluded from society. In 2017, DYAF joined other homeless advocacy and social service organizations to form a coalition called “Learning from the Poor” (‘Coalition’ hereafter). One of the Coalition’s main ini4
topos 125 083 participated in the program. The preparation for the event and the co-creation of the exhibition also provided opportunities for exchanges and partnerships among the collaborating organizations as well as marginalized social groups. Through multiple iterations of the event since 2017, the coalition has also evolved into a dynamic network that facilitates further collaboration on a regular basis and in times of crisis. During the Covid-19 Pandemic, despite the country's overall success in containing the virus, large-scale outbreaks finally occurred in May 2021. Following the footsteps of many cities around the world, the most impoverished area in Taipei became the epicenter of the worst outbreak in Taiwan. With private businesses closed and public facilitiesshut down, many people lost their only sources of income and places where they could stay. With institutions slow to respond to the needs of the most vulnerable populations in the city, the Coalition took the lead in soliciting, collecting, and distributing donated food and supplies to those in need, including people experiencing homelessness and low-income, elderly populations in the area. Lessons Learned What precisely has been learned and uncovered through this work? First, we have learned that the challenges facing people in poverty are diverse, multifaceted, and often debilitating. For instance, many people with disabilities in Taiwan are often not able to find adequate, full-time jobs simply because workplace accessibility is limited. As such, street vending became one of the few options for them to make a living. Similarly, many institutional barriers continue to persist, including outdated forms of welfare support and cumbersome requirements for assistance. For instance, one can only receive welfare assistance from jurisdictionsthat hold the claimant's household registration. As a result, only a small percentage of people experiencing homelessness receive some form of welfare support. We have learned that despite their economic status, people experiencing poverty are important members of society. Yet, despite their economic contribution, the stigma against poverty remains strong. For instance, street recyclers or scavengers contribute 10 percent of the total amount of recycled waste in the country. However, they were seen as a source of infections and contamination during the Pandemic and were stigmatized as such. Similarly, indigenous 5
poverty 084 topos 125 Photo: DYAF 6 People experiencing homelessness also participated in mutual aid efforts during the pandemic. just recipients of outside support but are also sources of support for each other. Building on the new understanding of issues and challenges facing people in poverty, the Coalition is now working with lawmakers to amend laws and advocate for changes in the current social welfare system in Taiwan. They are developing new models such as work cooperatives to expand opportunities for social and economic well-being among people facing precarity. It is important to note that none of these initiatives would have been possible without first learning from and working alongside people in poverty. The movement in Taipei suggests that poverty is not only a social challenge to reckon with but also an opportunity to unlearn and relearn from the voices of diverse members of society. people constitute a substantial proportion of the workforce in the construction industry. Yet, their temporary living quarters at construction sites are considered a nuisance in urban areas. We have also learned about the power of camaraderie and the agency of people experiencing precarity. During the peak of Covid-19 outbreaks in Taipei, not only were social workers and non-governmental organizations mobilized to support people in poverty, but those who lost their jobs at the time were also actively involved in emergency responses, playing an important role in the sorting and distribution of goods and supplies to those in need. There was even a mutual aid network formed by individuals with mental illness who called to check on each other regularly in times of social isolation. Instances like this tell us that people in poverty are not 6
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086 topos 125 PICTURE SERIES: CONTRASTS
topos 125 087 poverty The Santa Fe district in Mexico City is considered the most modern district in the city, characterized by state-of-the-art high-rise buildings, restaurants and shopping centers. It is also a place of stark contrasts, where rich and poor sometimes live wall to wall.
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topos 125 089 poverty The leisure club Country Club El Bosque Sede Playa in the Peruvian capital Lima invites the wealthy to spend their time in style. Just across the road, separated by a sight protection wall, is the community of Punta Negra, which is not nearly as affluent.
090 topos 125 In Baltimore, Maryland, residents are not only struggling with extraordinary levels of poverty and violence. Inequality in the population is fueled by gentrification, while the building just across the street sits vacant and decaying.
topos 125 091 poverty
092 topos 125 The middle-class Johannesburg suburb of Primrose, with its pools and chic houses, is located in the immediate vicinity of the informal settlement of Makause, which lacks more than just paved roads and running water.
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poverty 094 topos 125 Photo: Teagan Cunniffe The photographer behind the pictures in this photo series is Johnny Miller. In his highly acclaimed project “Unequal Scenes”, he dares to take a look from an unusual perspective. Using drones and helicopters, he manages to see beyond the walls and borders that remain hidden to us on the ground, highlighting the sometimes shocking contrasts between rich and poor in the world's major cities. “Unequal Scenes” has met with great interest worldwide and has already been shown in many major publications. He is currently a Senior Fellow at Code For Africa, a Senior Atlantic Fellow for Social and Economic Equity at the London School of Economics, and a BMW Foundation Responsible Leader. Johnny continues to live his passion for photography and storytelling from his home bases in South Africa and the USA. unequalscenes.com millefoto.com
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poverty 096 topos 125 “DO EVERYTHING AS USUAL AND CHANGE EVERYTHING” JULIA TREICHEL
topos 125 97 1 Ben Unterkofler, Sebastian Stricker, Tobias Reiner and Iris Braun founded Share.eu in 2018. Photo: Gene Glover topos 125 097
098 topos 125 Photo: Share.eu 2 For every product sold, Share.eu donates an equivalent product or service to people in need.
poverty topos 125 099 “Share for a better world” – this was the slogan with which the company Share began selling nut bars, water and soap in German retail stores in 2018. Share's product range now includes well over 100 products, has more than 100 million shares and, according to Wirtschaftswoche magazine, the former start-up has become one of the ten most innovative SMEs in Germany. In just four years, a fixed idea has become an established brand. How did this success come about? And can a company that operates within the given power and market structures really save the world and fight poverty? The story of Share begins even before it was actually founded in 2018 and is closely linked to the career of Sebastian Stricker. The political scientist initially worked as a management consultant, then for the Clinton Foundation to fight against malaria and finally for the United Nations World Food Programme in Tanzania and West Africa. An idea emerged from his previous work. He wanted to finance aid and nutrition programmes elsewhere with small amounts of donations from private individuals. To this end, he developed an app in 2013 called “ShareTheMeal” together with Bernhard Kowatsch. The application allows users to donate money to people in need. The app not only won several awards, but also became the official donation app of the UN World Food Programme. The positive response laid the foundation for Stricker to set up another company. Together with his friends Iris Braun, Ben Unterkofler and Tobias Reiner, he wanted to expand the "Buy-One Give-One" principle and so they developed Share as a social brand.The concept behind it: every productsold includes a social donation.Instead of donating an identical product for each item sold, Stricker describes it as a "product of equivalent benefit" in an interview with Wirtschaftswoche at the end of 2019. Donations focus on the four basic needs of drinking water, food, hygiene and education. Any support donated is specifically tailored to the respective location and the needs of the local people. "Anything else would not make sense," says Stricker. From well construction to food rescue Right at the beginning, Share set itself an initial, fixed target: within the first ten days on the market, the start-up wanted to sell 50,000 water bottles in order to finance the construction of a well in Liberia from the proceeds. The market launch was a resounding success. Instead of the targeted 50,000 bottles, Share even recorded sales of more than 100,000 bottles in the specified period. And in addition to the first well project, many other programmes have been launched to date. For example, Share financed a food rescue project with Caritas Vienna as well as the construction of an education centre in Sumatra with Project Wings or the distribution of hygiene products and the implementation of training courses together with Save the Children in Uganda. Share always works together with established local organisations. In addition to those already mentioned, these include the United Nations World Food Programme, Berliner Tafel and Aktion gegen den Hunger. Through reputable partnerships, Share wants to guarantee that its corporate strategy actually has an impact. And that it is not just a marketing strategy. A social business model? The idea of cause-related marketing (CRM) is not new. Here, companies promise to do good when consumers buy their products. However, the social aspect usually takes a back seat. Companies are much more interested in improving their reputation and the brand image of their products. They often also increase their revenue as a result. And they often benefit significantly more than the social organisations they support. However, Share is above that kind of criticism. In contrast to traditional companies, giving is directly integrated into Share's business model and not just an optional social add-on. The 1+1 principle is directly linked to turnover. This means that Share cannot generate profits without first generating social benefits. Instead of being dependent on constant funding from outside, as is the case with organisations financed by donations, Share, as a company with a purely social business purpose, generates the
poverty 100 topos 125 funds it needs for the aid projects it aims to provide itself. In an interview with Jobverde in 2021, Stricker said that this model made it difficult to find investors, especially at the beginning. By now, Share can draw a promising balance. The number of products, retail and project partners has grown rapidly over the short period of time. The current 2022 annual report also presents a positive summary from a social perspective. In the four years since it was founded, Share has financed the equivalent of 30 million meals, 54 million days of drinking water, 30 million hygiene and sanitation services and 3.4 million lessons. So the impact is demonstrably there. Share is now well on the way to making social consumption a reality. But is such a thing even possible? The bigger picture A fundamental debate hinges on this question. After all, capitalist structures always promote inequality. Growth-orientated companies that are involved in global extraction, production and trade relations manifest the status quo to a certain extent. They create poverty by perpetuating fundamental power and market structures. Against the background of this problem, there are also critical voices about companies such as Share. Strictly speaking, they do nothing to tackle the causes of poverty and hunger. Furthermore, buy-one-give-one companies can pose a threat to regional value chains. In an interview with the newspaper Die Zeit, Stricker emphasises, "Yes, we are part of the market. But we are trying to contribute to a new system. We want to change something." For Share, the will to do things better is fundamental. Rather than a company with a vision, they see themselves as a vision with a company. The start-up as a means to an end, so to speak, when it comes to taking on social responsibility. It is perhaps precisely this tactic that makes the company so successful. "Do everything as usual and change everything", the company advertised last year. The campaign showed better than almost any other how Share understands the Western affluent society and knows how to mobilise it for its own purposes. The individual is given the promise of making a decisive difference with minimal effort. No sacrifice or great effort is required. Simply buying a Share nut bar instead of any other alternative product gives consumers the opportunity to make the world a better place. In other words, Share describes this process as an attitude that allows people who have been lucky in life to share with other people who may have been less fortunate. Through this approach, Share manifests existing mechanisms as described. The hierarchies of those helping and those in need, for example, remain clearly defined. And the general market power is not significantly questioned either. At the same time, consumer society would also consume without Share, but perhaps even more unethically. And the impact of the many projects run by local partners cannot be denied either: the similarity of all these aspects shows how complex the fight against poverty and the creation of equality is in reality. Many of these points are on Share's internal agenda. And as far as possible, the company endeavours to act in a socially responsible and sustainable manner. Replacing harmful consumption with helpful consumption is one of Share's guiding principles. In addition to the "Buy One, Give One" principle, the company is also committed to rethinking its production and supply chains. Sustainable within the realms of possibility Share itself is still in a continuous process. Partners, materials and packaging are selected with the utmost care. The company also endeavours to further reduce its own CO2 footprint. Nevertheless, the company is not yet sustainable in all respects. In an interview with Wirtschaftswoche, Stricker emphasises that this is a goal that can only be achieved over a long period of time. He also describes his own dilemma: "We had a big discussion internally about whether it is morally justifiable that we cannot always offer the maximum. And the conclusion was: as long as we are more sustainable than the alternative products on the market and the customer demands it, our product makes sense." For their approach, Share received B Corp certification. This international certificate, awarded by the non-profit organisation B Lab, recognises companies that meet high standards for social and environmental impact and work together for a fairer business world. The seal certifies that Share values employees, customers, the environment and the community at least as much as profit. It also means that the company's management upholds these values. Share sets itself high standards in everything it does. Because the company knowsthat even well-intentioned is not always good enough: "There are social interventions that have a destructive effect. And there are some that have extremely positive effects. We aim to belong to the second group," says the Managing Director. The start-up has come several steps closer to this goal since it was founded a good five years ago.