THE USES AND ABUSES OF NATIONAL STEREOTYPES

Scottish Affairs, no.20, summer 1997

THE USES AND ABUSES OF
NATIONAL STEREOTYPES

Isobel Lindsay

English is undoubtedly a shorthand for some complex and contradictory
terms. (Perhaps the reader should pause and ask what the term conjures
up to her or him.) Why has nationality been employed to make sense of
social change?
(David McCrone 1994)

Holland was ... a nation of flower-arranging pornographers. Danes were
depressives and Swedes racked with guilt; earnest souls with birch twigs.
Greeks were self-centred, Italians fancied their chances. Turks were sex-
crazed and the French were unspeakable bastards. There wasn't a decent
national stereotype left in the whole of fucking Europe.
(Janice Galloway 1995, p.55)

The importance of national stereotypes lies not in whether they reflect a
reality, past or present, but whether they are part of our consciousness and, as
such, may influence behaviour. This is obviously a significant issue in the
study of territorial politics. The dynamics of nationalist and regionalist
movements may originate in economic and social change but without some
perception of an historical, cultural or geographical identity which is
distinctive, political action could not take the same form. The study of the
construction and reinforcement of such identity has been a rather neglected
area in political sociology. It has been more characterised by theoretical
speculation than by research. This small study of Anglo-Scottish stereotypes
is a contribution to this and I would hope it might stimulate other projects so

Isobel Lindsay is a lecturer in sociology in the Department of Government,
Strathclyde University, 16 Richmond Street, Glasgow, G1 1XT.

The Uses and Abuses of National Stereotypes

that we could build up a more substantial body of material to inform our
analysis.

IDENTITY AND STEREOTYPES

Perceptions of identity can never be value-neutral. They are strongly value-
laden. In aspects of identity which have political implications, understanding
the values is part of understanding the politics. But the converse may also be
true; understanding the politics may be significant in understanding the
construction of identity. There is an inter-active process. Identities are not
principally 'invented' but they can be politicised and, perhaps, shaped by the
pursuit of ideological agendas. We don't know enough about the extent and
process of change but it may be that there is an appropriate analogy with
Marx's concept of a class in itself becoming a class for itself through the
heightening of consciousness.

It is not just national or regional identity in isolation which is important but
identity in relation to others. In discussing the Caribbean, Stuart Hall has
emphasised the importance of 'counter identities'. It was this which was
crucial in 'providing sources on which the important movements of
decolonisation, of independence, of nationalist consciousness in the region
have been founded' (Hall 1995). The identity we project onto the group from
which we seek to distinguish or assert ourselves is an important aspect of
defining 'us'. The relevance of this to Scotland is self-evident.

The stereotype is an essential component in the construction of identity. It is
a universal way of trying to find pattern and predictability in complex
experience. It is closely related to the sociological concept of role. While
stereotyping per se is universal not pathological behaviour, it can be used in
an infinite variety of ways, fair and foul. Walter Lippmann in his classic
1922 essay 'Public Opinion' presented a positive interpretation of the
stereotype:

A pattern of stereotypes is not neutral. It is not merely a way of
substituting order for the great, blooming, buzzing confusion of reality. It
is not merely a short-cut. It is all of these things and something more. It
is the guarantee of our self-respect, it is the projection upon the world of
our sense of our own value, our own position and our own rights. The
stereotypes are, therefore, highly charged with the feelings that are

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attached to them.
(Lippmann 1922, p.96)

The reverse side of this positive interpretation is, of course, the stereotype as
a source of exclusive, unjust and aggressive behaviour. Maryon McDonald,
examining aspects of regional identities in Europe, discusses this other side:

Stereotypes are deemed to be deeply implicated in the xenophobia and
racism from which so many evils, past and present, have stemmed.
(McDonald 1993)

Both of these interpretations are valid. The development, the use or the abuse
of the stereotype has to be assessed in its specific context.

There has been a long history of academic exploration of the stereotype,
most of it in social psychology rather than in other disciplines (O'Donnell
1977, chapter 2). One of the interesting conclusions is that stereotyping is
certainly not the preserve of the less educated or less sop(isticated. From the
earliest studies in the 1930s to the latest, highly-educated groups appear to be
able to conjure up national and other stereotypes with ease. In one sense this
should be surprising since there is so much about stereotypes which seems
irrational. We all know that there is an enormous variety of individuals and
groups in any society and this should make generalisations difficult. Yet
most people seem to generalise with ease. In a recent study Nico Wilterdink
(1994) examined the national stereotypes produced by a highly-educated,
cosmopolitan group studying at the European University Institute in
Florence, all of whom had worked in European Union institutions. There was
little difficulty in getting them to express views about the national
'personality' of the French, English, Germans, Italians and Dutch. The
predominant image they had of 'Englishness' was chauvinist, isolationist,
arrogant, reserved and cold. The French incidentally, were considered even
more chauvinist but they were seen also as highly cultured. So the
sophisticated work with a structure of stereotypes as do the less experienced
and less educated.

Sociological interest in identity and its construction has increased in recent
years, primarily in the context of post-modernist theories. The key points
may be summarised thus. The increasingly rapid rate of social change has
produced greater fluidity, variety and individualisation of identity. The
decline of those inter-related structures of work, social class, neighbourhood
and family associated with modernism has left people with a greater, more

The Uses and Abuses of National Stereotypes

fluid variety of identity choices - gender, age, race, ethnicity and nationality,
class, sexuality and consumption patterns.

The subject, previously experienced as having a unified and stable
identity, is becoming fragmented; composed not of a single but of
several, sometimes contradictory or unresolved identities ... This
produces the post-modern subject, conceptualised as having no fixed,
essential or permanent identity. Identity becomes a moveable feast,
formed and transformed continuously in relation to the ways we are
represented or addressed in the cultural system which surrounds us.
(Hall 1992, p.275)

The conclusion is that since rapid social change has made identity more
fluid, so it produces greater potential for the self-selection or the
manipulation of identity to achieve particular ends. In the political context,
movements and power bases may be built around gender or ethnicity or race
as readily as around social class. Therefore identity groups and their values
and objectives become a more important object of study. Political action
based, for example, on territorial identity needs to be understood through the
study of symbolism and imagery as well as explicit political programmes.

This is a highly ahistorical approach which greatly underestimates the
influence of non-social-class factors in political behaviour in the past and
underestimates the influence of social class in the present. In the Scottish
context, religion had a central political role and also urban/rural differences.
Recent evidence suggests that perceptions of social class divisions are
stronger than they were previously (Deer 1996). However, it is legitimate to
signpost areas of study which have been neglected in the past. The processes
of identity formation and reinforcement together with their role in political
behaviour is an important and underdeveloped subject.

Having a sense of different national identity has been a central factor in
Scottish politics for the last thirty years and a factor of some significance
since the last century. Part of the case for constitutional reform is that there is
a strong sense of Scottishness, and, indeed, there is much survey evidence to
support this (Brown et al 1996, chapter 9). This is certainly not the whole
case. There are arguments based on Scotland's different institutional
structures, on democracy and on subsidiarity. But without the identity factor,
the pressure for a Scottish Parliament would have lost much of its edge. A
sense of 'Scottishness', however, is not enough; there has also to be a

Scottish Affairs

perception of 'Englishness' to differentiate it. These identities do not need to
be perceived as mutually hostile but they need to be perceived as different.

NATIONALISM AND STEREOTYPES

Part of the nationalist strategy has been to use national stereotypes to project
certain messages. It has been, if not a construction, at least a cultivation of
aspects of identity. There have been three strong themes developed. One is
that the English are more prosperous and the Scots more deprived. There are
frequent references in nationalist political discourse to the wealthy South-
East and the money spent there in contrast to the fuel-poverty of the elderly
in the cold Scottish climate or the proportion of unemployed in Glasgow
housing estates or similar selective images. The second theme is that the
English have more right-wing values and the Scots more egalitarian values.
A standard refrain over the past eighteen years was 'the English Tory
government', always identifying the Conservatives with England. A third
element in the stereotype suggests that the English are ethnocentric and are
ill-informed or unconcerned about other nations. The lack of knowledge of
or interest in Scotland, the frequent use of English instead of British and the
insensitivity towards foreigners are used as examples to contrast an England
preoccupied with itself unlike Scots who mix well with people from other
countries. These images have not just been cultivated by political nationalists
but have been common in broadsheet and tabloid journalism.

The English have stirred up animosity for themselves everywhere. They
have offended and oppressed most of the countries of the world and
especially those of Europe.
(Dunnet 1996)

These stereotypes have a two-fold objective. They differentiate and they also
strengthen a specific political agenda. Scots are more deprived and,
therefore, would be better managing their own resources. Scots are different
in their politics and should have their own government to express this. Scots
are more internationalist, get on better with people in other countries and,
therefore, would benefit from an international role. But the stereotypes
cultivated by politicians and other activists may not be the same as those
which are held by most of the public. If we are to understand the interplay
between the political stereotype and the imagery of the wider public, we need
to have some information as to what the latter is. It is not disputed that Scots
have a strong sense of national identity. Indeed strong unionists like Michael

The Uses and Abuses of National Stereotypes

Forsyth have tried to indulge that identity with kilts and stones of destiny.
But information on the content of identity has tended to be anecdotal or
sourced from historical or literary references. The study of Anglo-Scottish
stereotypes reported here attempts to provide some stimulation for further
work in this area.

ANGLO-SCOTTISH STEREOTYPES

Research design and methods

The pioneering study of stereotypes was carried out by Daniel Katz and
Kenneth Braly in 1932 (Katz and Braly 1947). They used a technique which
has often been repeated (Buchanan 1951, pp.515-32). They asked 100
Princeton students to select adjectives from a prepared list which they
considered described most accurately 10 national and ethnic groups. They
found that respondents did have stereotypes of varying strengths and that you
could identify patterns.

Although this has become a standard technique, it has the disadvantage that,
even with a good pilot study, it does not allow people to use their own
language and does to some extent direct them. The advantage is that it
ensures that the processing of responses is simple and consistent. Since in the
present study there was only a two-group comparison with no attempt to
weight the relative importance attached to the characteristics, it was decided
that the questionnaire should be left unstructured.

The project had its origins in an exercise used for teaching purposes.
Students were presented with a blank sheet of paper and without any advance
warning were asked instantly to write down characteristics of Scottish people
and English people. The results were used as background to the discussion of
national identity issues. It was unusual for students to be unable or unwilling
to do this. It was decided to use this method on a larger scale to assess the
extent to which there were well-established patterns in Anglo-Scottish
stereotypes. The aim was to get an instant response in a relaxed setting where
respondents would not feel inhibited or feel they had to take the exercise too
seriously. We did not want the genuine stereotype to be modified by
imposing 'reason' and 'correctness' on gut reaction. The groups were selected
on grounds of accessibility by those working on the study. People were
presented with a paper on which there was one question: 'What
characteristics do you associate with English people and Scottish people?'

Scottish Affairs

There were two columns for each category to be filled in as respondents
chose. There was no other guidance except that they were asked orally to
write down whatever came to mind quickly. No information was taken on
personal details. At this stage the interest was in whether people would be
able to produce stereotypes readily and whether a clear pattern would
emerge. The answer to both these questions was clearly positive.

220 questionnaires were completed. Only six expressed an objection to the
idea of national characteristics or a view that the people of every country
were the same. This does not, of course, take account of those who avoided
participating. In the social settings in which questionnaires were distributed,
it was not easy to judge between those who did not want to be bothered and
those who were uncomfortable with the idea. The impression was that it was
the former reason which was much more common. The sites at which the
study was conducted are shown in table 1.

Table 1

Sites at which the study was conducted

Type of respondent Place Number

Mature students Ayrshire Further Education College 32
Borders rugby club 27
Pensioners' lunch club Lanarkshire 13
1st and 2nd year students Glasgow 46
Householders in street Ayrshire housing estate 21
Journalists
West End pub Glasgow 7
City Centre pub Glasgow 18
Ayrshire town pub 17
Students Union Glasgow 18
15 year old schoolgirls Lanarkshire 16

5

The Uses and Abuses of National Stereotypes

Table 2

Proportion of respondents listing particular characteristics of Scots

Percentage of Respondents Listing

Friendly/Warm/Kind-hearted 63
Patriotic/Nationalistic/Proud 29
Humourous/Good Fun 17
Direct/Down to Earth 12
Low Self-Esteem 11
Aggressive/Paranoid 10
Honest/Unpretentious
Political/Socialist/Anti-Tory 7
Rough/Brash 6
6

Table 3

Proportion of respondents listing particular characteristics of English

Arrogant/Snobbish/Stuck-Up Percentage of Respondents Listing
Lager Louts/Hooligans 66
Zenophobic/Racist/Insular 30
Reserved/Aloof/Unfriendly 17
Tory/Right-Wing 15
Individualistic/Egotistical 12
Northern England Different 10
Confident 9
Materialistic/Money-orientated 9
Opinionated/Prejudiced 8
Affluent 6
6

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Friendly 4

Results

There were some obviously jocular answers but overall a strong pattern
emerged. Tables 2 and 3 give a summary of the percentage of respondents
who listed each characteristic.

There was, of course, a wider variety of answers than those listed in tables 2
and 3 but the rest had only a few references. The following vignettes give
examples of individual responses.

1st Year Student Borders Rugby Player
Scots
Down-to-earth English Scots English
Friendly Arrogant
Unfriendly Proud Reserved

Deep sense of Self-centred
history

Nationalistic Inhibited Chip on shoulder Arrogant
Proud Prejudiced
Conceited Insular

Pensioner English Student English
Arrogant Scots Affluent
Scots Friendly
Mean Mean
Reserved but Outgoing Heavy drinkers Domineering
friendly Inventors
Like to be heard Superior
Helpful But there are good Reticent Impervious to
and bad in all Poor speakers feelings of others
Generous and walks of life
caring Sense of humour Good speakers

Sometimes dour

The English treat
us as second-class
citizens

The Border is a
dividing line in
more ways than
one

Mature F.E. Student Ayrshire Householder

The Uses and Abuses of National Stereotypes

Scots English Scots English
Friendly Friendly Confident
Unhealthy Inconsiderate Reserved Ignorant
Overweight Feel inferior Arrogant
Down to earth Arrogant Chip on shoulder Fast living
Funny Defensive Money-centred
Thin
Unconfident Harp on about Egotistical
Fit past battles
Under-achievers Slower pace of Insensitive
No sense of life
humour

Football
hooligans

Full of
themselves but
have no reason
to be

Kilmarnock Pub Customer Schoolgirl
Scots
Scots English Friendly English
Liked by other Big-headed
Generous Loud-mouthed countries No sense of humour
Not ignorant
Drunken Posh Can't take losing
Slag-off other countries
Friendly Hooligans
Unhealthy Racists
Proud Big-headed
Proud

City Centre Pub Customer Journalist

Scots English Scots English
Arrogance
Sociable Articulate Pride Insularity
Smugness
Humourous Resilient Passion Superiority

Self-effacing Ambitious Insecurity Will Carlingish

Helpful Courageous Maudling
tendency

Industrious Too verbal Self-pitying

Inventive Money-
orientated

Reliable Selfish

Open Loud

Football addicts Football addicts

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Hard drinkers Lager louts
Aggressive Devious

West-End Pub Customer Student
Scots
Friendly English

Community-based Arrogant Having lived in England, Wales and
Scotland, I find all racial stereotyping
offensive and the appeal to the narrow-
mindedness of such stereotypes is
distasteful.

Individualistic

Stereotypes of Scots

A very strong pattern of stereotyping emerged from the responses. The Scots
seemed fairly comfortable and positive about their identity as friendly, warm,
down to earth, patriotic, humourous people. The negative in their self-image
was a perceived element of paranoia and low self-esteem, but these were not
dominant. Having a positive national self-image is to be expected.
Stereotypes of one's own country have tended to be flattering rather than
critical as a post-war UNESCO study illustrated (Buchanan 1951).

Stereotypes of the English

When we turn to the image of England and Englishness, the characteristics
are particularly negative.

We can identify three principal elements in the English stereotype:
• Arrogant, Snobbish, Reserved, Confident, Affluent
• Lager louts, Hooligans, Racist, Xenophobic
• Tory, Individualistic, Materialistic

There was also a spontaneous reference by some that the North of England
was different, by implication more like Scotland.

There are obvious contradictions within the overall image. The first and
strongest part of the stereotype suggests a social class related image of
Englishness. From the Welsh viewpoint of his youth, Raymond Williams
described his 'learned perspective of England':

The Uses and Abuses of National Stereotypes

An amalgam of Neville Chamberlain, Sir Samual Hoare and Lord
Halifax, of Jubilee and Coronation, of London and the Home Counties.
... Anything that was not it had attractions.
(Williams 1989, p.65)

The Scottish perception (and perhaps that of the rest of the world) still has
strong elements of this middle/upper class image. This imagery has been
particularly fertile in the Scottish context because of the image of a
geopolitical relationship between a large and dominant group and a small and
dependent one. At the level of personal experience the fact that there has
been little inward migration by working-class English people into Scotland
but some significant migration by managerial and professional English
people will also have reinforced images.

But the current stereotype is interesting in that added to this rather
upper/middle class image is another strong element which is quite different -
that of a rather loutish, anti-foreigner working-class. So the image is not just
negative because 'Englishness' is perceived as representing a dominant,
affluent, elitist group. The working-class have come into the picture and they
appear to have jumped out of the pages of The Sun as the xenophobic,
aggressive children of Thatcher. This should sit rather uncomfortably with
the traditional upper-class image but most people in the study seemed able to
combine these two facets. The explicit ideological element in the stereotype -
the right-wing, individualistic, materialistic English - has a smaller number
of references but reinforces the two other negative components.

Change over time

Are there any grounds for thinking that these Anglo-Scottish stereotypes
have changed over time? We do not have comparable material to assess this.
One study in the sixties (Budge and Urwin 1966) into political behaviour
asked a sample in two Glasgow constituencies what qualities they admired in
the Scots and the English. These were different sample respondents and the
question differed but there is enough overlap to give a comparison some
relevance. Prominant then in the Scottish self-image and missing today is
work. References to the Scots as 'hard-working', 'proud of their industries'
were significant then but not now. In contrast the 'patriotic/nationalistic'
dimension is prominent now but was not then. It would appear that much of
the pride which was focused on industrial prowess has moved to pride in
country. Also interesting was that there were more references then to the
English as people who could enjoy themselves more easily than the Scots

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whereas in the present study there is a stronger element of the Scots as fun-
loving. This may be a sign of the demise of the Calvinist ethos or just a
reflection of the difference in respondents.

The 'lager-lout' element in the current English stereotype is clearly of recent
origin since it was in the 1980s that it came into prominence. It is striking
how strongly it has come into the image. From the Scottish perspective there
may be some element of self-satisfaction in this since in the past such an
image was more often associated with Scottishness. The Daily Mirror's
'Jock the Ripper' headline from 1977 after a Wembley game was typical of
the treatment in earlier periods (Moorhouse 1989). This picture of the
aggressive, drunken Scot as projected in the South was often resented. The
past decade has seen a reversal of the roles, with Scottish pride in the good
behaviour of the 'Tartan Army' in contrast to the deteriorating behaviour of
English fans.

Both of these changes - the apparent disappearance of the work element in
the Scottish stereotype and the emergence of the loutish element in that of
the English - illustrates how change can take place in comparatively short
periods. Stuart Hall referred to this fluidity in national identity:

Identity is not only a story, a narrative which we tell ourselves about
ourselves, it is stories which change with historical circumstances. And
identity shifts with the way in which we think and hear them and
experience them.
(Hall 1995)

This issue of the sources of continuity and change in stereotypes is one into
which further research input would be valuable.

Politics

We identified above aspects of Anglo/Scottish stereotypes which had been
used in nationalist political discourse. These were that the English were more
prosperous, that they were politically more Conservative and that they were
more ethnocentric. These elements certainly seem to be significant in the
popular stereotype and while this may be self-reinforcing because of their
prominance in political propaganda, it is more likely that politicians cultivate
attitudes which are already there rather than create them afresh. The explicit
political references are a small proportion of the total. 12% described the
English as 'Right-Wing/Tory' and 6% referred to the Scots as 'Socialist Anti-

The Uses and Abuses of National Stereotypes

Tory'. But there are implicit political messages in the main components of
the stereotypes which could be described as a political narrative. The
description of the Scots as patriotic was the second most frequently
mentioned characteristic and these references were generally in positive
language. This is an indicator of the importance of the national dimension in
Scottish politics.

The principal characteristics in the Scottish self-image, the friendly, down to
earth, kindly, good-humoured nation represent non-elitist virtues. There is
little sign of ambition or deference. Pride is not personal but pride in the
country. The view of England suggests an entirely different set of values,
linked to hierarchy and dominance. The patriotism of the Scots contrasts to
the insularity and xenophobia of the English. The Scottish stereotype
involves values of solidarity and sociability. The English are seen to be
concerned more with status and power.

CONCLUSIONS

What are the explanations for the very negative image of Englishness? The
smaller partner in any relationship has to assert itself more strongly to
maintain identity and that means emphasising differences. In so doing it also
involves selecting and rejecting values. The Scots have developed a strong
stereotype of Scottishness and Englishness. Some of this may relate to
experience but much of it is a construct, an ideal type which serves to protect
identity and to assert certain values which are felt to be threatened.

Despite the negative stereotype of the English, there is not much evidence of
widespread personalised hostility. This does not seem to be a substantial
issue. Englishness appears generally to be an abstraction which is used for
certain purposes and which can be distinguished from actual people.
Raymond Williams described this separation of stereotype and reality.

England ... was the dominant English class, these alien figures who ruled
us and disposed of us; but there all the time, when we went to visit or
live among them, were all those other incongruous, incompatible
English.
(Williams 1989)

But are there circumstances in which the stereotype could be personalised
and develop its own destructive dynamic? Could the abstraction take on an

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individual face? Stereotyping as such is not the same as prejudice. It is a
form of categorisation into types which may be positive, negative or mixed.
A UNESCO study in 1951 found that those people with lower educational
levels who were more likely to have greater hostility to some minorities were
less likely to have developed national stereotypes than the more highly
educated. It is not a simple relationship. Having a well-developed range of
stereotypes does not in itself imply an authoritarian, hostile personality. How
those stereotypes are used is the important factor.

There have been some tensions in certain rural communities in Scotland
where there have been high levels of in-migration. It is significant that two
small extremist organisations, Scottish Watch and Settler Watch, have arisen
in the rural south and the Highlands respectively. They have not attracted
much overt support but there is a problem associated with housing shortages
and cultural tensions in some small communities. There has been occasional
resentment about influential jobs going to people from England (McGinty
1996) on the grounds of undermining cultural identity but this has been
marginal. Overall the English in Scotland are not seen as a 'problem', quite
unlike the tensions which developed around the Irish in Scotland earlierthis
century. They are generally fairly integrated, but these comments have to be
qualified by the fact that this has not been tested by research.

Scotland is a stable society which even in the worst periods of urban violence
in England in the 1980s showed no signs of emulating that disruption. There
is a ready scapegoat available in the form of a dominant political entity at
Westminster which can be the focus of resentment. There is a strong liberal
civil society which is important in opinion formation and in channelling
protest. As we can see from the present study, the Scots like to think of
themselves as very friendly and tolerant. This may be a flattering image but
it is not entirely without foundation. But such negative stereotypes as we
have found do carry risks. Although, having survived the frustrations of four
Conservative governments which could be blamed on English votes, it is
difficult to envisage circumstances which would personalise hostility.

However, before the Scots (and perhaps others beyond our shores) can begin
to have a more favourable image of England, the English may need to tell
better stories about themselves. There are many good English stories but we
seldom hear them. What we do hear too often is about kings and queens,
admirals and empire, the triumphalism of the rich, the contempt for the
outsider. Now that England has decisively rejected the Conservatives in the
general election, we have a new Government with the potential to project

The Uses and Abuses of National Stereotypes

different values and symbols. There were few indications of this during the
election campaign, with the notorious bulldog and the Union flag to the fore.
But stereotypes, as we have seen, can be modified. If there are now some
new stories to be told about England, perhaps the Scots will be prepared to
listen.

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