The Jamaica Slave Rebellion of 1831 - Latin American Studies

THE JAMAICASLAVEREBELLIONOF 1831

ON TUESDAY, THE 27TH OF DECEMBER,I 83 I, A FIRE ON KENSINGTON

estate in St. James, one of the most importantsugar growingparishes
in Jamaica,markedthe outbreakof a slave rebellion which swept the
western parishes of the island. The rebellion was precipitated by
circumstances which comparison with negro slave rebellions in the
United States suggests were classic ingredients for revolt: political
excitement stirred by rumours of emancipation, economic stress,
a revolutionary philosophy circulating among the slaves and the
presence of a group of whites whom the slaves could idelltify as their
allies.l The Jamaicanrebellion, however, was characterizedby the
fact that the missions werethe source of the slaves'philosophy and the
missionaries themselves were cast in the role of the slaves' allies.
Further, a network of independent religious meetings which had
developed round the mission churches served the slaves as a ready
made political organizationand thus supplied an element for which
there is no parallelin American slave revolts.

Violent protest against slavery in the form of riot or rebellion had
been endemic in eighteenth-centuryJamaica;the outbreaksoccurred
on average every five years, and two such efforts, the Maroon wars
of I738 and I795, securedfreedom for small communities of ex-slaves
in the mountain districts. The abolition of the slave trade in I808
and the stabilization of areas of settlement produced more settled
conditions; the Negro villageswereno longer dominatedby immigrant
Africans and a creole slave society emerged. It was not until the
I820S, under the influence of the anti-slavery agitation in England,
that further disturbances took place. The most important was in
Demerarain I823; in Jamaicaitself slave conspiracieswere discovered
in I823 and I824.

The comparative quiescence of the slaves made no substantial
difference to the administration of the slave system. The white
ruling class, a dwindlingminorityof some 30,000 in a slave population
ten times greater, disciplined and degraded their slaves in the
traditionalmanner. The exclusion of slaves as witnesses in the
courts, for example, underlined the assumption that they were

1H. Aptheker,AmericanNegro Slave Revolts(ColumbiaU.P., I944), chaps.
iv and v. Apthekeralso specifiesan increasein the slave population,a point
irrelevantto Jamaicawhere the slavesformedan overwhelmingmajorityof the
population.

THE JAMAICASLAVE REBELLIONOF I 83 I IO9

creatures of inferior intelligence. Family life was discouraged to
demonstratethe intrinsically animal nature of the Negro. The whip
as an instrument of punishment and a badge of authoritysymbolized
the whole tenor of slavery,and cases of excessivelybrutalpunishments
came to the attention of the imperial government as long as the
system lasted. The imperialgovernment'sprogrammefor the reform
of slavery, suggested in I823, touched on all these features of the
system and won no effective support in the island.2

In such a society christian missions to the slaves were inevitably
regarded as a dangerous innovation and the missionariesthemselves
as agents of Wilberforce. Missions were only established in the
island through the good offices of individual whites, and expanded
under the indirect auspices of the imperial government which
promoted the activity of the established Anglican church among the
slaves as part of the amelioration programme. The missionaries,
mindful of their position, gearedtheir teaching to promote obedience,
but this did not prevent the slaves from seeing in the doctrine of
spiritual equality sanctions for political discontent. It is significant,
therefore,that the rebellion took place in the western parishes3where
the missions were most numerousand independent religious meetings
proliferated. The Baptists were particularlyinfluentialin St. James
where Thomas Burchell, a popular and enterprising missionary, had
been an charge of the Montego Bay station from its foundation in
I824 and had built up a number of flourishing out-stations. The

Wesleyans were also represented at Montego Bay and Lucea and the
Moravians were active in the parishes of Manchester, St. Elizabeth
and Westmoreland. The missions played a role in the slave rebellion
in some repects analogous to that of the Methodist churches in
working-class movements in England. In England, also, areas of
intense political activity coincided with areas of intense religious
activity: for example, the Wesleyan church and the Chartist move-
ment flourished simultaneously in the West Riding of Yorkshire.4
The ideal of christian obedience and rewards in heaven proved

2 The proposalsalsoincluded,the abolitionof Sundaymarkets,the removalof
obstaclesto manumission,the regulationof salesfor debt,the prohibitionof sales
separatingmembers of the same family and the institution of savings banks.
C[olonial]O[ffice]854/I, Circ. despatch,g July I823, pp. I60-4.

3 An independentconspiracywas formed among the head people on a small
group of estatesin Portland,and slavesfrom estatesin St. Thomas in the East
near Manchionealplannedto abscondto the bush where they built a hide-out
village: C.O., I371I85, CourtsMartialPortland,St. Thomas in the East.

4 E. J. Hobsbawm, "Methodismand the Threat of Revolution in Britain"
History Today, Feb. I957, pp. I20-I. E. P. Thompson, The AKlakinogf the
EnglzshWorkingClass(London, I963), discussesthe connectionin chapterxi.

IIO PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 40

unsatisfactoryto chattel-slave and wage-slave alike. The missions
therefore,unknownto the missionaries,providedboth inspirationand

indirectly-organization for a rebellion which exceeded in scale
and duration any American slave enterprise.

The currentof political excitement which sparkedoff the rebellion
derived from the campaign for the immediate abolition of slavery
launched in the House of Commons in April I83I. It was obvious
to the Colonial Office that this campaign was likely to create dis-
turbancesin the slave colonies and, in June I83I, the precautionwas
taken of supplying the West Indian governorswith a royal proclama-
tion to quiet signs of unrest. But the white population in Jamaica
showed no such prescience. Intent only on expressing their
unqualified opposition to abolition, they exacerbated the impact of
the campaignby holding a series of public protest meetings through-
out the island between July and November. Inflammatoryspeeches
were made and duly published in the newspapers. Armed revolt was
advocated and the possibility of securing assistancefrom the United
States was openly discussed.5 Plans were made to set up a new
governing body, independent of the crown, consisting of delegates
from the parish meetings to meet coTlcurrentlywith the Assembly in
November I83I. This scheme had no immediate results,6 but the
Assembly itself, meeting in November, marked its unrelenting
opposition to any mitigation of the slave system by refusing, almost
unanimously, to discuss a proposal to abolish flogging for women,
a reform introduced in the Crown colonies in I824. The governor,
the Earl of Belmore, commented that the parish meetings seemed
calculated "to disturb the minds of the slaves",7 but he made no
effort to restrainthem and the royal proclamationwas not published
until December by which time the rebellion had virtuallybegun.

The slaves were therefore exposed to the full effect of these events.
Comparativelyfew were able to understand the precise nature of
events in England and the colonists' response, but the gist of the
political situationwas translatedinto easilyrememberedand amended
anecdote, circulatedendlessly among the population. A well-known
St. James magistrateand attorney, James Grignon, was said to have

5Parl. Papers, House of Commons (hereafterreferredto as P.P.) I83I-2,
vol. xlvii, no. 285, DespatchesRelativeto the RecentRebellion,pp. 263, 266-8:
Petitionsof Freeholdersandothers. W. L. Burn,EmancipationandApprentice-
ship (London, I937), p. 9I.

8 Belmorewas advisedthat such a meetingwould only be unconstitutionalif
it had a seditiousintention. Belmoreavoidedany directactionby letting it be
knownthat if the Assemblycorrespondedwith the delegateshe would dissolve
the House. C.O., I371I79,Belmoreto Goderich,I7 Dec. I83I, no. I30.

7 P.P., I83I-2, V01. xlvii, no. 285, p. 263: Belmoreto Goderich)20 July I83I.

THE JAMAICASLAVE REBELLIONOF I 83 I III

told his fellowwhites:"The kingis goingto give blackpeoplefree:
but he hopesthat all his friendswill be of his mind and spill our
blood first". It was rumouredthat the whites in the House of
Assemblywereplanningto keepthe womenandchildrenin slavery,
whiletheytookoutthe menandsllotthemlikepigeons. Reportsof
theintentionsof the "highbuckra"wereconfirmedby the conductof
theirunderlings. Baptistmemberstold Knibb:"Whenbusha[i.e.
Overseera]nd book-keeperflog us they say we are goingto be free
and beforeit comestlley will get it out of us".8 The missionaries
reportedin July from Kingstonthat "the expectationof the slaves
hasbeenraisedto the veryhighestpointwithreferenceto freedom".
The samemonth,at the otherside of the island,KIlibbwrotefrom
Falmouth:"The slaves believe they are soon to be free, and are
anxiouslywaitingtill KingWilliamsendsthemtheirfreepaper".

Political awarenesswas sharpenedby economic distress. A
six-monthdroughtearlyin the year,followedby heavyrainsin May,
affectedthe harvestof groundprovisionsin manyareas. Smallpox
anddysenterywererife.9 Hardtimesmadethe existingsystemless
tolerablefor the slavesand the prospectof emancipationthe more

desirable.
Politicaldiscontentfoundexpressionin religiousgroupswhichhad

developedside by side with the mission churches. The groups
reflected primarilythe slaves' religious interests, and mingled
christianitywithtraditionaAl fricanreligiousformsto producea type
of worshipwhich satisfiedtheir emotionalneeds more completely
thandidmissionservices. But,in a societywherereligiousmeetings
werethe only form of organizedactivitypermitted,such meetings
becamethe naturalfocalpointfor all the slaves'interestsnot served
by estateorganization. Freedfiromthe supervisionof themissionary
andhis emphasison conformityand obedience,the slaveswerealso
ableto expresstheirpoliticalinterestsandto usereligionasa sanction

fortheirhopes.
The same process has been observedin Africa, both among

industrialworkersin SouthAfricasubjectedto the politicalrestric-
tionsof apartheidandin the CongoundertheBelgians. Throughout
these areas separatistchristiansects have proliferatedunderthe
leadershipof Africans,which combinereligiousfunctions,cleansing

8 H. Bleby, Death Struggles of Slavery (London, I853), pp. II2, II4;
J. H. Hinton, Meanoirof WilliamKnibb(London, I847), pp. II5, II3.

9MethodistMissionarySocietyarchives,lettersfrom missionariesin Jamaica
to the society in London (hereinafterreferredto as M.M.S. letters), Pennock
Kingston, II July I83I; Edney, GratefulHill, 22 Sept. I83I; Duncan,Kingston,
7 June, I83I.

II2 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 40

from sin and protecting from witchcraft, with political aspirations,
lookingforwardto the end of white domination.10 Evenin nineteenth-
century England, where church members could carry their concern
for justice into a range of political associations, brotherhoods and
unions, churches became political clubs. In Huddersfield the New
Connection Methodists were known as the Tom Paine Methodists
since they discussed Tom Paine at chapel meetings together with the
works of their founder, AlexanderKilham; and in Halifax a group of
Methodists purchasedtheir own chapel and ran it as a Jacobinchapel.
The Primitive Methodist sect identified their church so closely with
the trade-union movement as to makeit practicallya labour religion,
and the church supplied almost all the trade-union leaders for the
agriculturallabourers and the Durham and Northumberlandminers
throughout the century.ll

The religious groups among the slaves fell into three categories:
groups consisting chiefly of mission members meeting on the estates
and modelling themselves primarilyon the mission churches; groups
formed by mission converts, often church leaders, among slaves who
did not attend mission churches; and, thirdly, groups run by leaders
who were independent of the missions, or repudiatedthem outright,
while associatingthemselves with christianity these latter tending
to call themselves Baptists, "native" or "spirit" Baptists.

Each mission had a satellite of such groups. Slaves and coloured
people took up preaching and in some instances became known for
the influence they esercised over the slaves on a particular estate.
Politicalthinkingdevelopedto some extent alongracistlines. But the
slaves' overwhelmingpolitical concernwas not race but freedom, and
with the anti-slavery campaign in England reaching new heights,
political discontent overflowed from these groups into the mission
churches. Hope of a better life in the world to come became hope of
a better life in the world after abolition. In the last months of I83I
there was what the missionaries described as "a great outpouring of
the Spirit" in the North Coast parishes. The chapels were crowded
out with hearers, and membership figures rapidly expanded.12

10B. Davidson, The African Awakening (London, I955), pp. I56-6I;
M. Gluckman,"The Magic of Despair", TheListener,Apr. 29, I954, p. 725.

11E. P. Thompson, op. cit., pp. 44-5; Hobsbawm,art. cit., p. II8 and his
PrimitiveRebels(Manchester,I959), p. I38.

12 M.M.S. letters, Edney, Grateful Hill, 22 Sept. I83I, referringto Guys
Hill; Wood, St. Ann's Bay, I OCt. I 83 I . Revivals of this sort occurred
periodically;in I828 and I826 the mission churcheshad benefitedin a similar
way. Suchmovementsmightreflectanoutburstof purelyreligiousenthusiasm,
but thereseems no doubtthatthe revivalof I83I representedpoliticalinterests.
M.M.S. letters, Ratcliffe, Bellemont, IO Nov. I826; Orton, Montego Bay,
I3 JuIy I828.

THE JAMAICASLAX'EREBELLIONOF I 83 I II3

Afterthe rebellionit becameclearthat

many churches and congregationshad been swelled by a host anticipating
freedom, who, now that their hopes were disappointed,fell away. It was
commonfor a backsliderto answeran exhortationthus: "It is no use minister;
what can churchand prayersdo for we again? . .".13

Out of this politicalfermentemergedleaderswho directedthe
widespreadexcitementanddiscontentinto action,utilizingreligious
meetingsandthe authorityof the missionarietso promotethe cause
of freedom. The most outstandingrebel leaderwas Sam Sharpe,
a domesticslavewhoworkedin MontegoBayandwasa memberof
the Baptist church there. Sharpe was literate, intelligent and
ambitiousand, like many of his kind, he found an outlet and a
stimulantfor his ambitionin a missionchurch. As a convert,he
displayeda talentfor eloquentandpassionatepreachingwhichwon
hima positionasleader,entrustedwiththe spiritualcareof a classof
otherconverts. Sharpe,however,was not contentto servesimply
withinthe church;he built up an independentconnectionwith the
"native"Baptistsamongwhomhe figuredas a "daddy"or "ruler".
At the sametime he foundmissionteachingon obedienceunsatis-
factory. Fromhis own readingof the Bible he becameconvinced
thattheslaveswereentitledto freedom1. 4 Thisconvictionc, ombined
with the developmentof the emancipationcampaignin England,of
whichSharpekepthimselfwellinformed,led himto believethatthe
slaves must makea bid for freedom.. In recruitingaides, Sharpe
naturallyturnedto other Raptistslaves of whom GeorgeTaylor,
anotherchurchleader,Johnson,GeorgeGuthrie,ThomasDove and
RobertGardnerallbecameleadersin therebellion.l5

Sharpe,accordingto the accounthe gavethe Wesleyanmissionary,
HenryBleby,whohadseveralconversationws ithhimwhenhe wasin
jail,didnotplanarmedrebellion,butmasspassiveresistance. After
the Christmasholidayswhenthe caneharvestwasdue to begin,the
slaveswereto sit downandrefuseto workuntiltheirmastersacknow-
ledgedthattheywerefreemenandagreedto paythemwages. Sharpe
expectedthat the whites would try to intimidatethe strikersby
shootinghostagesas examples;but the slaveswerenot expectedto
fightback,simplyto continuepassiveresistance.l6

13 H. M. Waddell, Twenty-nineyears in the West Indiesand CentralAfrica
(London, I865), pp. 70-I.

4 Bleby, op. cit., p. II6.
15 p.p., I83I-2, vol. xlvii, no. 56I, Reportof the House of Assemblyon the
Slave Insurrectionp, . 2I4, confession of T. Dove; p. 2II, confession of Ed.
Morrice. Gardnerbelongedto Greenwichestate, on the bordersof St. James
and Westmoreland. In I825 it had been reportedto the Colonial Officethat
a negro preacherheld sway over the slavesthere.
16 Bleby, op. cit., p. II6.

II4 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 40

It became evident, however, that plans were also made for armed
revolt. Several leaders in the rebellion, including Gardner and
Dove, took military titles and led a slave regiment. They claimed
that Sharpe himself had planned armed rebellion and timed it for
Christmas so that, with the whites away in the towns, the slaves
could easily collect arms from the estates.l7 Possibly the intention
was that the majorityof the slaves should strikewhile some undertook
militaryaction to back up the passive resistance.

Thatever the case, plans for rebellionwere promulgatedat religious
meetings among mission members and among the "native" Baptists.
The usual practice was to hold a regularprayer meeting after which
a selected few were asked to remain behind; Sharpe's aide then
explained the plan and tried to persuade all present to swear on the
Bible not to workafterChristmas. Sharpehimself was a speakerwho
appearedto have "the feelings and passions of his hearerscompletely
at his command"; when he spoke againstslaverythey were "wrought
up almost to a state of madness''.l8 His language, a combination of
religious imageryand political message, was no doubt the languageof
radical Methodists in England. As one wrote of the pre-Reform
government:

Unequal laws and a partialadministrationplant a thorn in every breastand
spreadgloomin everycountenance.... It mayjustlybe saidof suchrulers,
Their vine is the vine of Sodom and the fields of Gommorrah;their grapes
arethe grapesof gall ....

And the oathsswornby the slaves were probablylike the oaths of their
English counterparts,based on the Bible: "Thus saith the Lord God:
remove the Diadem and take off the Crown . . . exalt him that is low
and abase him that is high. . .".19

The argumentsused to encouragethe slaves to take actionincluded
the notion, common to the Jamaicandisturbancesof December I823
and June I824, and the Demerara rebellion of I823, and to
several American slave disturbances, that freedom had already been
granted and was being withheld by the slave owners.20 Sharpe,
though too well-informed to hold the belief himself, was said to have
told his followers that the legislation had passed in March I83I.
As a natural extension of this idea, it was also said that the king's

17 p.p.5 I83I-2, vol. xlvii, no. s6r, p. 2I7, Confessionof R. Gardner;p. 2I0,
Confessionof J. Davis.

18 Bleby, Op.Cit.,pp. III-2, II5, quotingR. Gardner.
19Thompson, op. Cit., p. 393 quoting a minister of the Independent
Methodists; p. 392, the oathtakenin a Lancashireconspiracy,I80I.
20This belief was also current during slave disturbancesin Virginia, I830,
North CarolinaI825, AlabamaI840. For a full discussionsee H. Aptheker,
Op. Cit.

THE JAMAICASLAVE REBELLIONOF I 83 I II5

troopswouldnot fightthe slavessincethey wereonlyclaimingtlleir
rights,or even, that the king'stroopswould fight with the slaves.
During the rebellionsome of the slaves believedthat the "black
sand",or gunpowderl,andedfroma navalshipat Savannah-la-Mar,
wasfor theiruse.2l

The main body of arguments,however,relatedto religion,and
Christianitcyametoprovideapositivejustificatiofnoraction. Sharpe
and his aides proclaimedthe naturalequalityof men and, on the
authorityof the Bible,deniedthe rightof the whitemanto holdthe
black in bondage. The text, "No man can serve two masters",
persistentlyquotedby Sharpeb, ecameasloganamongtheslaves. To
protestagainstslaverywasa matterof "assistingtheirbrethrenin the
workoftheLord. . . thiswasnottheworkof manalone,buttheyhad
assistancefrom God".22 The authorityof the missionariesthem-
selveswasusedto sanctiontheprotest:it waswidelybelievedthatthe
missionariesfavouredfreedom for the slaves. Sharpe'spastor,
Burchell,of the Montego Bay Baptistmission, who had left for
Erlglandin MayI83I, wasmadein his absenceintoa politicalleader.
Messagesattributedto himcirculatedamongtheslaves:thathe would
be a pillarof ironto them,but they mustshedno blood,forlife was
sweet, easyto takeaway,but very hardto give. Slaveswho were
unconvincedthat freedomwas alreadylegally theirs, adoptedthe
pleasingand plausibleexpectationthat Burchell,who was due to
returnat ChristmasI83I, wouldbringthefreepaperwithhim.23

Preparationsfor the Christmasrebellionprobablystartedabout
AugustI83I, in the intervalbetweenthe arduousworkof caneholing
and the caneharvest,andwere a paralleldevelopmento the white
population'sparish meetings. Given the network of religious
meetingsanda ready-madefollowingamongthe slaves,Sharpeand
hisaideswereableduringthattime,to spreadtheirinfluencethrough
St. James,partsof Hanoverand Trelawnyand into Westmoreland,
St. ElizabethandA&anchestearn, areaof sixhundredsquaremiles.

It was not untilthe missionariesmet their congregationfsor the
Christmaservicesthattheylearntof the plansforrebellionandof the
politicalr61ewith which they had been endowed. Naturally,the
missionariesmadeeveryeffortto keeptheirconvertsfromanyform
of violenceor disobedience,and demonstratedby their arguments

'1 p.p., I83I-2, vol. xlvii, no. 56I, p. 2I5, Confessionof T. Dove; no. 285,
p. 286, Deposition of W. Anand.

92 Ibid., p. 2I8, Confession of R. Gardner; no. 285, p. 295, Deposition of
W. Anand. Bleby, op. cit., p. I I I.

'3 Ibid., no. 285, p. 286, Deposition of W. Anand; no. 56I, p. I88, Evidence
of H. R. Wallace. Bleby, op. cit., pp. 2-3.

I I6 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 40

thatthe slavesmustnotlookto themforsupport. The Presbyterian
missionaryG, eorgeBlyth,who hadjustreturnedto the islandfrom
a visit to England,stroveto assurehis congregationthathe was in
possessionofthelatestnews. Hearguedthecaseagainstrebellionon
groundsof principleandpolicy,describing

usothlfnaeavinbneslsiomuooribdrttyesahc,iatenirdoimn,nag.sn.,tae.hrtIeccih.ra..yl.als.ionbdedrientsyjcurbriybyteosdurtceohlitghmioeemnawnthshieocnhgwraeocauctolidumbnpetrtoohfbeatchboeinliswteyqaounfettnhocefe

Onthe 27thof December,at the openingof a new Baptistchapelat
SaltersHill, St. James,Knibbusedthe occasionto warnthe people:

aElweyIonwonlovetuagreralylefrdatraobnn.etytdeyJh.WoewwausthuihHcsnosaokeotCmeahtydrhateoovrmmwuiebseeihtcge,n,kalit.Iivveoeedlevonrepbvemieeletire,goysnbinooounutenotysr,lghtdstooaooivutyshoelosefpuy.alepo-rlrsumseyruoI-iwanuwdiosbefortaduukelyrilsalodsedsu,natutotoshshtuitHashatteeolct.llhshlleeaycIkpoaKfiuenynilno,admgublfaeihrhekiaaneefsvnooimerttd.asaltenhiddnyIee

A Wesleyanmeeting at Ramble on the 26th of Decemberwas
conductedin the sametone: the day-longservicesadmonishedthe
peoplethatreligionmeantloveto Godandmen.24

The slaves' reactionto such advice, however,reflectedtheir
profounddisappointmentW. henit becameclearthatthemissionaries
weresolely concernedwith law and order,they becamesullen,and
osonmlyedoipsaenplpyoainngterdyb.uAt tofHfeanmdpedd"enw,Bithlythhim's c. onAgtreSgaaltteiornswHaisll"tnhoet
Baptistcongregationwas:

psthueecrmhfe,caatlpnyedfrutihlrorioueusasteenantneeddrptworoitsuaekl.d.e..rneovteTlnisghteeeuynpatoocn.ctu.hs.eedmdits.h2s5ueiarsimoninsifsrtoemrs engaging in
of deserting

Fromthe outset of the rebellionit was clearthat the preparations
Sharpeand the other conspiratorshad made were inadequatefor
atshunecucgmeosbvsee. rroInnfmfatehlnseetoafnilrasgrtmupaslwradhc.eic,AhthseewrreveeebkdtebolelpifoounrtpethrCeohpwrehirsiwttmeapsaosppthrueelrsaaetigwoenadasbnayd
labourdisputeon SaltSpringestatenearMontegoBay:the St.James
magistratesent for troopsfromFalmouthas a precautiona, ndthe
governor,Belmore,on the 22nd of Decembersent warshipsto
MontegoBayandBlackRiverandbelatedlyissuedthe proclamation

tMtAoh2c2ii5a4csssSosiSsiu.colSManon.nMtta.t)Sdpri,.s..iS,(he2K.sMM9)A,;,iniasMgMnrss.ait.oaIrMo8nrr3nca2a.,,hSrtiJ.yvISpal8epe3omo.2tcf,taie9erir8cte,spyac,.ae,MIOnnI98Itud83,e,3rPv)rBehBanliyyll(tya,thsMhtnceh,otroF,hnenraFinntoleaemapcglfmitootceReuBodrfetuvahgrtiyei,ths2,fht,eIetJOr2hrar(eMehnJdBe.aaIrnta8reo3.p.i2n.tII8a8ia3s3s2f2t.t;MNerarisBersfraieoaprnttriiivesnedt

THE JAMAICASLAVE REBELLIONOF I 83 I II7

received from Englandthe previous June. On the 23rd of December
in Trelawny, the trash house was fired on one estate, and on two
others the slaves went on strike. Receiving this news on the 28th of
December, the governorin council decided to send troopsto Montego
Bay. These troops were readyto embarkwhen news of the rebellion
reached Spanish Town and martial law was immediately declared.26

The firing of the trash house on Kensington estate, St. James on
the evening of the 27th of December, I83I, which served as a signal
for the rebellion, was symptomatic of confusion among the slaves.
The destructionof propertyformed no part of Sharpe'soriginalplan
and may have been startedaccidentally;on the other hand, the owner
of Kensington estate was warned by a neighbour on the morning of
the 27th of December that the slaves planned to burn the estate that
evening. It was said that the properties to be fired were numbered
and Kensington was first because, set on a hill, it served as a beacon.27
In the event, the rebellion comprised all forms of protest action:
armed rebellion, withdrawalof labour, destruction of property, while
amid the confusion some slaves simply stuck to estate routine.

The rebels' military core was the Black Regiment, about one
hundred and fifty strong with fifty guns among them.28 The Black
Regiment, under the commandof Colonel Johnson of Retrieve estate,
fought a successful action on the 28th of December I83I against the
Western Interior militia, which had retreated from its barracksin
the interior to Old Montpelier estate, near Montego Bay. From
there, the Black Regiment forced a further retreat to Montego Bay
and put the country between Montego Bay, Lucea and Savannah-la-
Mar in rebel hands. The BlackRegiment then carriedrebellion into
the hills, invading estates and inviting recruits, burning propertieson
the borderof St. Jamesand setting off a trail of firesthroughthe Great
River Valley in Westmoreland and St. Elizabeth. Its commanders,
"Colonels" Dove and Gardner, set up headquartersat Greenwich,
Gardner's estate on the border of Hanover and Westmoreland,and
from there a sketchy organization held sway over the surrounding
estates. The slaves were organizedinto companies, each responsible
for guarding its estate boundaries and holding allegiance to Gardner
and Dove at Greenwich. This sort of activity was carried on by
a number of rebel leaders, also Baptist members, notably Captain
Dehany operatingin the Salters Hill area, and Captain Tharp in the

26 p.p., I83I-2, vol. xlvii, no. 285, pp. 272-3, Belmore to Goderich, 6 Jan.

I 832.

)7Ibid.,no. 56I, p. 200, Evidenceof J. H. Morris. Bleby, Op. Cit., p. II6.
29 C.O., I371I85, CourtsMartial, St. James,vol. i, f. 42, Evidence of Arlgus
McNeil. Bleby, op. Cit., p. I I.

II8 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 40

vhsswtdcabibeTcoTynlloaxpyeaoaaafihpThtlprst.dvmpvvleehcieaieohiioeecr.yoterencsiehsasi.ishuiientghotnn,r,bclesdiihssberaledantkesugleten.esrdrigd2hinarrbgdocreajrg9oephooinnylgmrroemdlumptyagoenen,tTipimnieestachtemcsnheedasshrdhrraelaglx.eiaruovseanenybdpnsWweaivirdst,redetsdeToehshssltarfisie,ito,wsownhuwt,ttioscwhwtewtwglleeleheloloeneyyrtihesmeeeatrhoyecerhndovrtkbetaepwcoofgeilnenrtutanoietrnweeehttidoodrfgmh,trdeadue,aloteefereitmsowpisnkorarkgasjuosoegiehnusuuhisgnnlrwtlibudiaudantheoloetthepgvhmipirarnsepnnlmoroeedtrpsauoionmtryboenelgoruthariesrnptegyuftonaenmhteyetaap,petrvfhadebBna.imyrooeoemmarriiiltnrlyrnnmdonlemlh.taleitwo3ogbrpauneeystfluoiyoiidn,gwcnooarotns:noffihdtantiabttm-eoetty-hrrsondhyiaefuoamapsetdtainspnonhstenirkhdhule.redieei3einnrmceatl.dwt0alioittr,nwasriihaoayebmToylMahempcltu.nnvahn.hetip.teoadidrn.eevtostirrmasihhnoiwnsatretteneocooeyinescnneonnvtSsgonpcehgooegtiesnodaxeeslfrmtd.usoott.,showesa.iistnit.eeenefedhcehardtnngsetlaerssefestry-s
tTJTfwastaSsehhistnactrthrersueerconmdemttinegiukroalukataalesatweayfehterewsritrhe,n;dieasfnymreaoratrr,eyhrrfmcCeeo,geoetbtshirqeuyfhtoedaruieblndneitrmafseexigoeltidalsbtmnrwtyoehmcegnalfaealvpiopslpssrtiete.lomawiserfani.e,se3dTilftuwnrlt2fhohbheeaaedwecyedrsyetaePtivtasvpwhhtrillheriieaeeednltemvsryumlgmbeeyawsyattdlototolgioihreytsinhgrbbespaiatyuetaoarCnrasnawfgineanrmtzaedereetnersleihdotsntegotseofdohn.inio.pfdneonrryeetBaoescywtbrsypeeaoyieeottvtm,lrhueRseft,elrewytdee"hfvoheiswer.ra,oamsWrabtpitennu.lwadautvtsdoenart.TewdudhdkhemeeenIleidyrn"ln,
atslSaipoluolrnrfencgupegcemamaeiadssebnsseifectvAureienlss. trgsoretsfirskiewosesnthtaagaenctrtenceiseuo,twncahl,ineethuhdocstiowthoneepfvvrheesorertvtlr,peeidkddoeeifkmmliaesapsafneoedddwseseritdabsh,iltedehweetBsooraicboknolri-dengoagapanenpwridrzaioetthsliwiwofientodhrroeaee-f-

v*33M3ePIccIiB10WC812i.als9CoPS3,aIl.JtOriI.l8aeft,atsi-.a.a3,tfh2bm.cst2r.d,nhei;aEyiodoe.b4Id,te,3Sldnope6iis7gadozovf1laB-.elIa7cpo.cr,w8gs,eib,5ilny.:uelt.,hcemot.tnx,iitry.tthslpoi5.evAaC,,r.6aailImperin,Ion,oc.t8duandhfo.5prnao6i.aTtv-mG.7tso2e.h2IMCnoms88a,,da5rBaLuetp,rCranrept;iditiioec.thavufinh2leoopo,f,8nlSenea.I4wset6si;.bssteiiatJieMorJa,thaenaetfmaaeonffhjl,of..feobauRosI3rde8n,f-7.t3vGdwt2-GFoa.4eielrua0n.neagr,in.nn,dhDtOLcefrnt..igiunessa2RrorceG0lo.me,oooaahbfefErauedDotnvtrhnsfitdedseeohtMoerhnrann,peeontGcmpbonye.iet.oBnetl5fogegl-BPele6ommara.hBdHpioaaletrkiiyripelse-sl;-t

THE JAMAICASLAVE REBELLIONOF I 83 I

II9

headman,or one of the driverson each plantation,with weeksof
carefulinstructionforallthe slaveson the preciseformthe strikewas
to take,wouldhavebeennecessaryforthereto be anyhopeof success.
In the circumstancetshe authoritiesi,nsteadof beingconfrontedby
thousandsof slavesover a wide arearefusingto work,had to deal
only with isolatedgroups;and pacificationconsistedof forcingthe
slavesto choosebetweenmartyrdomand submission. On Georgia
estate, Trelawny,wherethe slavesput up a determinedand well

disciplinedopposition,the negrovillagewassubjectedto a daybreak
attackby the militiausing a fieldpiece;when they still refusedto
move,theyweredraggedout,oneby one,andonemanwasshotasan
example.33Sharpehad warnedhis followersthatthe whiteswould
tryto intimidatethemby shootinghostages;but onlythe conscious-

ness of beingpartof a solid strikeresistancei,nvolvinghundredsof
estates, could have given the slaves the confidenceto accept the
necessity for such martyrs. In the circumstancesthey were
intimidatedandreturnedto work.

Mostof theestatesinvolvedin therebellionwereneitherpartof the
rebels'rudimentarymilitaryorganizationn, or organizedfor passive

resistance. Their rebellionconsistedchieflyin the destructionof
whitepropertya, nda briefheadydisregardforroutinecombinedwith
assertionsof freedom. Someindulgedin isolatedacts of defiance:
one womanput downher washingat the watertankto toss a fire
stick into the trashhouse as the militiapassedthe estate. Many,
caughtupin the excitementt,ooktheopportunityto killandcookthe
estatehogs, or hamstringthe estatecows. The headdriverof one
estatealloweda partyof rebelsto burnthe greathouseandcelebrated
his new-foundindependenceby gallopingroundthe propertyon his
owner'shorse wearinghis owner'shat.34 In some cases, faction
developedbetweenthe law-abidingslaves and those who claimed
theirfreedom. Judgingbythetestimoniesof witnessesatthe Courts
Martial,this split often occurredalongclasslines: wherethe head
driverandthe skilledworkerswereforthe rebellion,the fieldslaves
stood by "buckra",and vice-versa. On Burnt Groundpenn, St.
James,for example,the head drivertried to preventthe buildings
beingburnt,but an obstreperoufsieldslave,one HenryJames,who
had recentlyserveda three month workhousesentence,prevailed
on the slavesto firethem. At MoorPark,however,the slaveswho

33 C.O.5 I37/I85, CourtsMartial,Trelawny,ff. I2-I5 trialof EdmundGrant.
34 Ibid., Courts Martial, St. James, vol. iii, f. 5I, trial of Jinnyevol. i, f. 6
trial of James Guy; vol. ii, ff. 20-I, trial of Thomas Linton; vol. i, ff. I7-I8,
trial of Alick Gordon.

I20 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 40

wantedto protectthe master'spropertyfromthe rebelswerepreven-

ted fromdoingso by the headdriver.35

On estateswherethe rebelcausehadno representativec,onfusion

reigned. The slaves were intimidatedby the fires and by the

appearanceof rebel bandswantingto loot and burnthe property.

Someleft theirhomesand went into hidingin the woods. Others

kepttheirnerveandorganizedguardsto keepout the rioters;andin

some cases,as on the estatesobservedby a missionaryin Hanover,

theycarriedon withthecaneharvest,"makingsugarandrumasgood

as they usuallydo withoutanywhitesupervision".36

The failure of the rebellionleft the slaves exposed to white

vengeance. The militaryauthoritiesr,epresentedby SirWilloughby

Cotton,the commander-in-chiewf,ere concernedsimplyto restore

orderand combinedretributionagainstslavescaughtin rebellious

acts with free pardonfor all who returnedto workon the estates.

A proclamationto this effectwasissuedby Cottonon his arrivalin

MontegoBay,anda hundredof the rebelprisonerswerereleasedto

circulateit on the estates.37 But for the overseersand attorneys-

turned-militiamenp,acificationinvolvednot onlyrestoringorder,but

vengeancefor theirlossesandhumiliation. Afterthe defeatat Old

Montpelier,the militiahad been pinnedin MontegoBay until the

militaryarrived-watchingestatesgoupinflamesa, nxiouslypatrolling

the streetsfor fear of rebel incursion,their women and children

stowedawayfor safetyon ships in the harbour. Pacificationtook

placeamidthe charredandblackenedruinsof a countrysidewhich

a fewdaysbeforehadbeenripeforharvest. It wasestimatedthatthe

damagein St. James alone amountedto six hundredthousand

pounds.38 The militiawere bent on vengeanceand amongthem

35 Ibid.,vol., ii, ff. 35-6, trialof HenryJames;vol. i, ff. I7-I8.
36 S.M.S.,MarchI832, pp. I98-9, Watson,Lucea,7 Feb. I832.
37 P.P.t I83I-2, vol. xlvii, no. 285, p. 288, proclamation 2 Jan. I832:
"Negroes, You have taken up arms againstyour masters.... Some wicked
persons have told you the King has made you free .... In the name of the
King I come amongst you to tell you that you are misled.... All who are
found with the rebels will be put to death without mercy. You cannot resist
the King's troop.... All who yield themselves up provided they are not
principalsand chiefs in the burningsthat have been committedwill receiveHis
Majesty'sgraciouspardon,all who hold out will meet with certaindeath".
38 p.p., I83I-2, vol. xlvii, no. 56I. Sum total of losses in the rebellion in
Jamaicancurrency:
St. James: ?606,250
Hanover: ?425,8I 8
Westmoreland: ?47,0s2
St. Elizabeth: ?22nI46
Trelawny: ?4,960
Machester:
Portland: ?46,270

?772
St. Thomas in the East: ?I,280

THE JAMAICASLAVEREBELLIONOF I 83 I I2I

were individualswhose political rancourapproachedinsantity. They
raided andburnt negrovillages on rebel estates, driving neighbouring
slaves to take refuge in the woods for fear it was their turn next.39
Suspected ring-leaders and knowIl troublemakerswere shot out of
hand, despite the proclamation. In one case all the slaves on an
estate in Trelawny had been pardonedby Cotton in person when, an
hour later, a militia detachment under the command of the estate's
attorney,John Gunn, arrived. The slaves were again called out and
the attorney-turned-lieutenantorderedthe second driver of the gang
to be shot. On this occasion the attorney was court-martialled,
and acquitted; the court martial was unique, such executions not
unusual. The Wesleyan missionary, Bleby, watched the militia
arriveat an estate where the slaves, in accordancewith the proclama-
tion, were at work. Two men, a boy and a woman, were taken from
their work and sent for trial in Montego Bay where the men were
condemned and shot.40 Cases such as this cast grave doubt on the
officialfigure for slaves killed in tlle rebellion: 207, comparedwith I4
whites. As a Presbyterianmissionary commented, "In the rage for
making examples [the colony] lost many able hands it could ill
spare" 41

The Courts Martial hastily constituted of militia men on the
warrant of the commander-in-chief42were equally ruthless. At
Montego Bay, ninety-nine slaves were tried of whom eighty-olle were
executed; at the Slave Courts, instituted when martiallaw was lifted,
eighty-one were tried of whom thirty-nine were executed; in all 626
slaves were tried of whom 3I2 were executed.43 The trials at
Montego Bay,wherethe greatestnumberof slavesweretried, followed
a regular pattern: it was established that the slaves on a particular
estate were rebellious, the prisonerwas proved to belong to this estate
and a witness found to claim the prisoner had been seen to commit an
offence which could be considered a rebellious act, or even to have
heard him claim to have committed one. Witnesses were, from time
to time, condemned by interested attorneys and owners as "great
rascals", "liars", "notorious rrtnaways",and the trial records suggest
they often had private grievancesto pay off, or were turning witness

39 Waddell,Op. Cit., p. 6I.
40C.O., I371I85, Courts Martial, Trelawny, ff. I3I-6, trial of Lieut. John
Gunn. Bleby, Op. Cit., pp. 48-54, I7.
41 Waddell, Op. Cit., p. 66.
4 The Courts Martialat Montego Bay were orderedby Col. George McF.
Lawsonof the St. JamesRegimentof Foot Militia on Sir WilloughbyCotton's
warrant. It is not clear exactly by what authoritythey sat. C.O., I37/I85,
Abstractof the CourtsMartialat Montego Bay, p. I.
43 C.O. I37/I85, ParishReturns. See table, p. I22 below.

I22 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER40

Parish Total Total
Hanover Courts Martial tried executed
Hanover Civil Courts
Trelawny Courts Martial 58 27
St. James Courts Martial
St. James Civil Courts 82 60
Westmoreland Courts Martial 24
Westmoreland Civil Courts 7? 8I
St. Elizabeth Courts Martial 99
Portland Courts Martial 39
Portland Civil Courts 8I
St. Thomas in the Vale Courts Martial 26 I2
Manchester Courts Martial 20
Manchester Civil Courts 52 I4
St. Thomas in the East Courts Martial
St. Thomas in the East Civil Courts 73 7
5
TOTALS 23
I3
5 7
g I
2
I5
I6 3 I2

I2

5

626

to keep themselves out of the dock. Prisoners were condemned for
trivial offences; one man, arrested while cooking one of the estate
hogs, was executed for this; another, accused of ham-stringinga cow
and having said he had snapped a gun Eve times, was hanged. The
courts made no attempt to assess the degree of guilt, or even to
distinguish between prisoners who had taken some sort of leading
role in estate disturbances and those merely caught up in events.
Cases were personally known to the missionaries where slaves had
acted under provocation, or were condemned apparently to settle
privategrievances. The Presbyterianmissionary,Blyth, felt justified
in exerting himself on behalf of a Presbyteriancandidatefor member-
ship who had complained bitterly to him before the rebellion of the
harsh conduct of the overseer; he was follnd guilty of helping to cut
a bridge and breaking into the estate stores, and executed. The
Wesleyan missionary, Murray, saw a slave who was a leader in the
Wesleyan church executed condemned, Murraybelieved, because
his religious convictions made him "obnoxious to those over him".44

The executionsbore finalwitness to white vengeance. In Montego

Bay

wlbT[eTrhistehseheeoztgheuie,atbxnbetoeicclttulchtureitpeorheenae,cnetrtwecs]d,oeruwidernuothurthiulmndengagpratuthsaibcaetellinodchdnaacysqed,a.ufoalparrrdTeomdhvieaneirdn.teybhdoe.wd.ceaiaeeennsnkodtstrr.heewemroiGtafhibetnnhaeheetdicrshtaoslktlwyionfnffifefoenwvuiianrcss,etgivmsseeeinrslldd..oo.tthhmmee

44 C.O., I37/I85, Courts Martial, St. James, vol. i, f. 6, trial of James Guy;
ff. 20-I, trial of Thomas Linton. S.M.S. April p. I49, Blyth,
vol. ii, I832. M.M.S. letters, Murray, Montego Bay, 28 I832,
IO Jan. I832.
May

THE JAMAICASLAVEREBELLIONOF I 8 3 I I23

ropes by which the poor creatureswere suspended and let them fall to the
ground. Othervictims would then be . . . suspendedin their place and cut
down in their turn . . . the whole heap of bodies remainingjust as they fell
until the workhousenegroes came in the evening with carts, and took them
away,to castthem into a pit dug for the purpose,a little distanceout of town.

At Lucea,the condemnedmen wereput into an ox-cart,theirarms
pinioned,a roperoundtheirneckanda whitecapontheirheads.

In this way they were carriedup under a strong guardinto the midst of the
burned properties,distancesof twelve to thirty miles and the sentence was
carriedinto effect on the estates as they successivelyarrivedat them. On
each of the melancholyoccasions,the unfortunatemen met their death,with
a fortitudeand cool deliberationthat astonishedall who beheld them.45

The rebellion,thoughunsuccessfuld, emonstratedsomedegreeof
politicalmaturityamongthe slaves. They had createda protest
movement,partly inspiredby christianityand organizedthrough
religious meetirlgs,in which religion had been subordinatedto
political aims. A predominantlyreligious protest would have
produceda millenarianmovementin which the leadersregarded
themselvesasprophetsannouncingthewillof Godandtheirfollowers
expectedanewworldtobeestablished"bydivinerevelation." TheNat
Turnerrebellionof I83I in Virginiawastingedwithmillenarianism:
Turnersaw himselfas a prophet"ordainedfor somegreatpurpose
in the handsof the Almighty",and raisedrebellionin responseto
signsfromheaven,firstdivulginghisintentionto otherslavesafteran
eclipseof the sun in FebruaryI83I. The originaldatefor the out-
break,the 4th of July, was chosenfor politicalreasons,but when
Turnerfell sickon thatdaythe conspiratorws aitedfor anothersign
fromheavenandfoundit manifestedon the I3th of August,I83I, in
the greenishblue colourof the sun. Turner'srebellionstartedas
a crusadet,he prophetleadingsix disciples,4w6 hichapparentlyaimed
to carryvengeances, anctionedby heaven,againstthe whitepopula-
tion;a vengeancethatTurnerinauguratedby firstkillinghis master's
family. In the Jamaicanprotest movement,the most important
leader, Sam Sharpe, made extensive use of the Bible, but he
seemsto haveregardedhimselfmoreas a politicalleaderthan as a
prophet. The movementhe organizeddid not aim to establish
a new world,but to makespecificandlimitedchangesin Jamaican
society:the slaveswereto establishtheirrightto selltheirlabourfor
wages.

Theslaves'activitiesintherebellionweregearedto theachievement

4 Bleby, op. cit., pp. 26-7; Waddell, op. cit., p. 66, quoting letter from
Watson,Lucea,8 May I832.
Hobsbawm,46 Rebels,pp. 58-9. Aptheker,Op. Cit., pp. 296-8.
Primitive

PAASTND PRESENT NUMBE40R

I24

ffarootostHMaccwoperohtHotooefnrcffrhahtemifrtfbeetnnolahomeehereimilaertttdvtwsprpipedtihrerl,eeatespfeiesoetooeniaaotolndjhddbeetrairywlmsotvturoaoei.ostsaue.trTeyisttgnpThm,irttimiarloc,hnhehatiltefh,ttaaeepyhdovgtlehaoetaessdlpeeroiho.kvtete.ir4somerohforAene'ept7rnlntserrexdhsiitrahilvowonmwhPwrtay.iiteeuTiusmieetmrhhoismaporesgrhteene,asnmTttwhphsnaseulrasnecbmiolnhmrohamptttgeroosyehdhiuoii,ntioneentteeunosutitheetnwyfinotafnggrtsiriwagdwnhtdehdtidswthtmthoahreteliheioetatseenentairoheoacosvhtytrmpscfehtlekjeorte,aecerosysehwnadnbireirhrrsirkuioemlhenaewcnisneayerptelrritotfdaldayhahoipreuuiwnodttonunaoaebeogwseneeerncdolraeafenoxgadvohtem.fardbtf4ipelneiaiaytotienvld8d.ornttdcnhwoonaeah,esirdvfgeontsgcreeaiTaThbdttmwkaordtnwhwiehehpsehSniteteeeetnheiemiaeod,tgoirnttsd:sre.gphoebhtaseadfteowoEwutuaohssrii.vfhtitmlpfcalktefnnhaeieowttsrmzevsrEttteshreadeiwohisetlbeo;ovawihnebulewmehnfledceoladoelhaeowndniy,dhro.st4tinnre9tethlfheieihtoodnceattnhssiafafheredvgttbevietueert,e,naGheypoabcsautsisehobngseeritctwlnwouhealomtweaclfteipgirnreieiohhvonnioeriesidrlnnentaordesneerteeysto-t.s,r
sItaBBettuuTMsanentrdheecteeemshivnasesoeiclla,bnnylfnauowlyisiftcarortsm,tfheoifeetgillhxcuelseeopcrlnnateeeafcvcdiwtrlegueisthuadhdtorneoeesteotentlwhueaaabmartrturnsresirinntueevhgqtcaoehulfitnihwBtcpheoaaptehnpseaedmtdceiustxJowtcpavotmiemeftwchmiatspaesieasacdinorantpnltno.iooaatrlrmeiehytbniee,cetnBrailatrlulielaorddlnncyohfnccrweouielruaelmc,snduiecontmnihmtntoe-g:.
eaTdfTietTfomhfxihhtrhcTepseeeaeuolhlrcnaasmemewtBevcimndaciehaarporsa,ttpieayhtmhcnbtFetooeiciwespsonofilstplwalncbtiiiatchlaso.eluutianenltiadalmoydrbtecnBieweodooWvdulcnniitotxasht.ehlthtmrthsaoielcttebTnpedhhtyu,ahhemaatiweegpenriidnhesedraslmobnesiwainelodwinelolsdnesgdsredidaairkraoretepentcinleceherdodsatsgoeulewryavpfsliofetedetriterrrdsenosoe,oaatyoinwcitlhnmenhhlseevydietmran,awcermlggaeouehsedbnbbiaoessiotrebnmasilolonilttiloeutfeiuoineltgopetyonnahhnrcirmteonaEaiotpeniuoncfttsadhgyatggsrahemllaiiacntaeninphnsuvdedlaidepaetnfiirhnfsgodtiyltenodnry.s.,.

47 BP.Pnl.e,ob.y4I,583o,Ipe-.2n,ccliotv.s,oinlp.g.xRl4v3ei.tiu, nrCno..oO2f.,8p5e,rI3ps7o./In28s83k,6i,lldeMedp:uotlosgitrtaailovonefotwfoWhGit.eoAdcnaesrauincadhl.t,iIe4s,ID4.ec.

48

I832,
49 Waddell,op. Cit., p. 66.

THE JAMAICASLAVEREBELLIONOF I 83 I

attributed their presence in England to "the over-ruling hand of I25

Providence, which had turned the intoleranceof the [slave] system to

its own destruction";50but credit was more directly due to the rebel

slaves. Further, the missionalies' testimony against the slave

system was vitally influenced by their experiences in the rebellion.

As public speakers and as witnesses before the Parliamentary

committees on slavery,they not only expressedtheir confidencein the

Negro population and supported its claim to freedom, but also

threatened that delay could only promote further rebellion.5l The

precise impact of this threat on government circles and on public

opinion has yet to be established; but certainly it convinced no less

a person than the parliamentary Under Secretary to the Colonial

Office, Lord Howick, of the need for immediate action. His plan

for emancipation, considered by the Cabinet in January I833

provided for complete abolition of slavery from I January I835.52

The slaves had demonstratedto some at least of those in authority

that it could prove more dangerousand expensive to maintainthe old

system than to abolish it.

The I83I revolt was the last substantial rebellion in Jamaican

history. Emancipation was celebrated with religious services and

holiday festivities; the hardships of apprenticeship provoked no

protest and the final transition to wage labour in I838 took place

without incident. In I865, in a period of actute depression, a riot

in one of the parishes became known as a rebellion, but the label

reflected the scale of the government'sreprisalsand the potential for

violence in the desperate condition of the people ratherthan the size

of the popular movement. Discontent in the twentieth century has,

so far, been manifested in the "backto Africa movement" started by

Marcus Garvey, or been channelled into trade unionism and party

politics. Constitutionalpolitics have achievedpoliticalindependence

for the island; it remains to be seen whether these means can also

achievethe economic and social reconstructionwhich are as necessary

for the mass ofthe people now as in I83I.

UniversiotfyAlbertaE,dmonton MaryReckord

50 T. F. Buxton, Memoirs,ed. Chas. Buxton (London, I849), pp. 305-6.
51 The House of Lords select committeeon the laws and usagesof the West
Indian colonies in relationto the slave populationand the House of Commons
select committeeon the extinctionof slaverythroughoutthe Britishdominions,
met from May to August I832. P.P., I83I-2, vol. cccvi, pp. 430-I, 636-8,
668- vol. xx, pp. 75, II7, II2.
52 D. J. Murray,The WestIndiesandtheDevelopmenotf ColonialGovernment,
I80I-34 (Oxford, I965), pp. I94-5.