NOTES TO PAGES 60–63187 of the essay, Michael Meister describes Renou’s study as practical information on the “process of building” and “techniques of construction” of shelters made for domestic and ritual purposes. Meister illustrates the essays with comparable eighteenth-century examples of dwellings in Bengal sketched by the Flemish artist Balthazar Solvyns. 28 Jaiswal, “Changing Concept of ‘Gṛhapati,’” 31. 29 See Bodewitz, “Atharvaveda Saṃhita.” 30 Atharvaveda Saṃhita, III.12, vol. 1, kandas 1–3, trans. Swami Satya Prakash Saravati (New Delhi: Veda Protishthana, 1992). 31 Max Müller sums up the content of the Gṛhya Sūtras: “Then (i.e. after the marriage) following the Samskaras, the rites to be performed at the conception of a child, at various periods before his birth, at the time of his birth, the ceremony of naming the child, of carrying him out to see the sun, of feeding him, of cutting his hair, and lastly of investing him as a student, and handing him to a Guru, under whose care he is to study the sacred writings.” The cycle is thus complete. See Hermann Oldenberg, trans., The Grihya-Sûtras, The Sacred Books of the East, vol. 30 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892), xxvi. 32 Brian Smith, “Unity of Ritual.” 33 Oldenberg, Grihya-Sûtras, xxv. 34 Ibid., xxvi. 35 Gobila Gṛhya Sūtra, I.3.18. 36 Ibid., IV.3.24. 37 Ibid., 7.15. 38 Hiraṅyakeśi Gṛhya Sūtra, I.8.3. 39 Ibid., 7. 40 Ibid., I.8.1. 41 Ibid., 2. 42 Atharvaveda Saṃhitā, III.20.1. 43 Hiraṅyakeśi Gṛhya Sūtra, I.310. 44 Ibid., 6. 45 Ibid., I.7.6. It is also known that sacred fire can be brought into being only following specific rites of producing it and through the use of certain kinds of wood. If the fire ran out—a certain calamity—it could not be lighted by any fire or fire from another hearth. The Gṛhya Sūtras describe how the hearth could be relighted, that is, made sacred again, by a special series of rites involving the production of a new fire. 46 See Martin P. Nilsson, Greek Popular Religion (New York: Columbia University Press, 1940), 73. An example of hearth as household is noted when Herodotus counts the number of families in a town by counting the hearths. 47 Numa Denis Fustel de Coulanges, The Ancient City (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980), 23. 48 Maringer, “Fire in Prehistoric Indo-European Europe,” 164. See also Agravala, “Fire in the Rig-Veda.” 49 Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 23. 50 The locus of fire provides a double-ended phenomenon: on the one hand, the fundamental aspect of fire is centeredness, from where other significances (culinary, sacrificial, familial, and sociological) radiate out, and on the other, fire/hearth presents a particular spatiality with a center inscribing an amorphously bounded territory.
188NOTES TO PAGES 63–68 51 Eliade, History of Religious Ideas, 1:201. Eliade describes how, in the Vedic imagination, ṛta is the order of the world, which is at once cosmic, liturgical, and moral. Ṛta rules both cosmic rhythm and moral conduct, and the seat of ṛta is in the highest sky or in the fire altar. 52 Panikkar, Vedic Experience, 288–290. 53 Aśvaghoṣa, Buddhacarita, 120. 54 The word āsura, often referring to ascetics, has an ambivalent meaning in Vedic literature. Āsura means “lord,” a personification of the forces of nature, a “divine being possessing creative vitality,” but in later Vedic literature, it takes on the meaning of “demon.” The word might have been derived from as, “to exist,” or asu, “breath of life.” In essence, the word suggests the ambivalent nature of supernatural forces or beings, benevolent and malevolent simultaneously. This is evident in the Persian Avestan name Ahura (the Vedic Asura) as god, and Daeva as a demon or antigod. In early Vedic literature, Varuna and Rudra are addressed as the great Asura, but gradually, and in most cases, the terminologies seem to have reversed, and āsura is characterized as ungodly and maleficent. See Margaret Stutley and James Stutley, Harper’s Dictionary of Hinduism (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1984). 55 Aśvaghoṣa, Buddhacarita, 68. 56 Ibid., canto V.40, 84. 57 Ibid., canto IX.51, 159. 58 Ibid., canto IX.77–78, 164. 59 This is mentioned in the Buddha’s first sermon in the Deer Park near Benares delivered to his five old ascetic companions with whom he had spent six years practicing various austerities. One of the ascetics, Kauṇḍinya, attained enlightenment on hearing the sermon on the abrogation of two extremes, that of pleasure seeking and strict asceticism. Following his attainment, Kauṇḍinya requested the preliminary ordination into monkhood called “going forth,” and the full ordination, or upasampada. This is supposedly the origin of the saṇgha, the Buddhist monastic system. See Prebish, Buddhist Monastic Discipline, 1. 60 G. P. Malalasekera and W. G. Weeraratne, eds., Encyclopaedia of Buddhism (Colombo: Government of Sri Lanka, 1992), 4:1. 61 Also in the Majjhima Nikāya, i, 172, trans. Sir Robert Chalmers, Further Dialogues of the Buddha (London: H. Milford, Oxford University Press, 1926–1927), 122. 62 Samaññaphala Sutta, 41, in the Dīgha Nikāya, 99. 63 Samaññaphala Sutta, 66, ibid., 101. 64 Samaññaphala Sutta, 87, ibid., 105. 65 Samaññaphala Sutta, 93, ibid., 106. 66 Samaññaphala Sutta, 98, ibid., 108. 67 Samaññaphala Sutta, 67, ibid., 101. 68 This is a common refrain in the Vinaya texts; see Chalmers, Further Dialogues of the Buddha, xvii. 69 Kloppenberg, Paccekabuddha; Norman, “Pratyēka -Buddha”; Reginald Ray, Buddhist Saints. 70 Buddhaghosa, Visuddhimagga, chap. 2.21, 65. 71 Aṅguttara Nikāya, II.26. 72 Ibid., 57.
NOTES TO PAGES 68–71189 73 Dutt, Buddhist Monks, 57. 74 Ibid. 75 Ibid. 76 Mahāvagga III has a lengthy discussion on the modalities of a rain retreat, the reason for the retreat, the duration of the rains, and offenses incurred at that time. One example is that of Udena’s offer to build dwellings: Udena, a lay follower in the Kosala country, offered to build a dwelling place for the Buddhist community. It was at the time of the rains, and the monks hesitated about going to see Udena. The Buddha, upon hearing this, ordained: “This is a case, monks, where a curved house for an Order comes to have been built by a lay-follower . . . a long house . . . a mansion . . . a cave . . . a cell . . . a porch . . . an attendance hall [upatthanasala] . . . a fire-hall . . . a hut for what is allowable [kappiyakuṭī] . . . a privy . . . a place for pacing up and down in [cankama] . . . a hall in the place for pacing up and down in [caṅkamasālā] . . . a bathroom . . . a hall in the bathroom . . . a lotus pond . . . a shed . . . a monastery [ārāma] . . . a site for a monastery comes to have been built by a lay-follower. If he should send a message to monks, saying: ‘Let the revered sirs come, I want to give a gift and to hear dhamma and to see the monks,’ you should go, monks, if you are sent for and if the business can be done in seven days, but not if you are not sent for. The return should be made in seven days.” 77 This is a rule still practiced by Buddhist monks in all Asian Buddhist countries; see Dutt, Buddhist Monks, 55. 78 Dutt pointed out that an āvāsa was by no means an organized monastery but only a colony of monks that constituted the seat of a saṇgha. It was so circumscribed by its sīma (limits) as to be completely independent and unitary. The rule for the settlement of sīma is that the limits should generally coincide with natural boundaries such as a mountain, a rock, a wood, a tree, a path, a hill, a river, or a body of water but must not extend beyond three yojanas (a Vedic measure of distance, interpreted as roughly 7 to 15 km), nor to the opposite bank of a river unless facilities existed for crossing over. Where no such limits could be fixed, the boundaries of the village or of the market town could serve the purpose. In a forest, the community of residence would extend to a distance of seven abbhantaras (roughly between 80 and 98 m). It was further laid down that the boundaries of two āvāsas must not overlap; an interstice must be left in between. Ibid., 57. 79 Ibid., 58–59. 80 Ibid., 59. See also Roth, Ārāma, 18–19, 21. 81 Vinaya, Pacittiya, rule 51. 82 Roth, Ārāma, 12. 83 Ibid., 8. Other terms related to ārāma of the time: āśrama, āvāsa, nivasa, vanāvāsa, vaṇa-saṇḍa, and vipina; ibid., 18. 84 King Bimbisāra gifted Venuvana, a bamboo grove belonging to the royal garden, to the Buddha himself through the ritual of pouring water from a golden jug. Ibid., 1–2. 85 Cullavagga, VI.1.7, records the problem of planning a dwelling with more than one room: “At that time, monks made an inside chamber in the middle, in a small dwelling place. There was no free space around. They told this matter to the Blessed One (who issued): I authorize, monks, to make
190NOTES TO PAGES 71–78 an inside chamber at one side in a small dwelling place, in a large dwelling place in the middle.” Generally, the accommodation comprised a senasena (bed and sitting area) and furniture of a simple kind such as a “board to recline on” (apassena-phalaka), a spittoon (khelamallaka), and a seat (pīṭha) with perhaps jointed legs. It is not clear from texts how the parivena was organized in a viharā. 86 For a study of sīma, see Petra Kieffer-Pülz, Die Sīmā: Vorschriften zur Regelung der buddhistischen Gemeindegrenze in älteren buddhistischen Texten (Berlin: Reimer, 1992). See also Roth, Ārāma, 55–56. 87 Mahāvagga, I.16.59, entitled “Bimbisārasamāgama-kathā,” quoted in Roth, Ārāma, 1. 88 Gustav Roth, Ārāma, 2. 89 Vinaya Texts, 1:105–106. 90 Mahāvagga, I.2. 91 Gregory Schopen has noted how the production of the Vinaya, its language and content, rests on an intricate and mutually supportive relationship between the monks/ascetics and the laity. See Schopen, “Cross-Dressing with the Dead: Asceticism, Ambivalence, and Institutional Values in an Indian Monastic Code,” in Cuevas and Stone, Buddhist Dead, 61–62. 92 Gregory Schopen, Figments and Fragments of Mahayana Buddhism in India: More Collected Papers (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2005). 93 Mentioned in Cullavagga, VI.1. 94 Also in the Milindapañha; see Horner’s Milinda’s Questions, 25. 95 Milindapañha, V, vol. 2, 1. 96 Ibid. 97 Ibid. 98 Ibid., 2. 99 The Sanskrit word used for “home” here is alaya. I. B. Horner, in his translation in the Milindapañha, explains that the primary meaning of alaya is “roosting place, perch, and so a place to settle in, abode,” while a secondary meaning is “hanging on, clinging.” 100 Romila Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1978), 70, 79. Thapar notes that there may be two phases in the development of asceticism: first, the premonastic, in which the element of protest is stronger, and the monastic, which is engaged in mediation with social normativity. 101 Romila Thapar, “Householder and Renouncer,” 274. CHAPTER 3: THE BUDDHA’S HOUSE 1 The sources of this architectural image are literary descriptions and commentaries, pictorial and three-dimensional representations, and ritual texts. The house starts to appear through a hermeneutical treatment of the materials, which also includes the so-called secondary literature, that is, comments and essays written in modern times. Although many of the essays significantly hint at the plan of the house, so to speak, none attempts to erect it in toto. I am aware of the discrepancies in accounts of the Buddhist past by which often literary accounts do not accord with archaeological or epigraphic ones, as Gregory Schopen demonstrates in his essays in Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks, on the one hand, while epigraphic
NOTES TO PAGES 78–83191 accounts are sometimes held to be unreliable, as noted in Maurizio Taddei, “Recent Archaeological Research in Gandhāra: The New Evidence,” in Pia Brancaccio and Kurt Behrendt, eds., Gandhāran Buddhism, 41–59, (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2006), on the other hand. My discussion does not participate in that debate since I am not writing with a focus on Buddhistic scholarship but as a historian of (architectural) ideas adopting certain interpretive latitudes with the materials. 2 The term “Buddha” has acquired multiple meanings in conjunction with the emergence of various sects, schools, and traditions (the principal traditions that have continued are the Theravāda and Mahāyāna). While the notion of the Buddha is not limited to the historical figure of Siddhārtha Gautama as it took on a universal aspect in most conceptualizations, the elaboration of the idea is still predicated upon the known life story of Siddhārtha. In expanding the idea of the Buddha, from a historically specific Buddha (Siddhārtha) to nonspecific buddhas, texts in all schools adopt various methods whereby legends and fables surround even the historical figure. 3 Rykwert, On Adam’s House. 4 Joseph Rykwert, The First Moderns (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1980), 299. 5 One reason for Jetavana’s prominence in visual and literary narratives is because of the well-known story of its building by the merchant Anathapindika, especially the laying of gold pieces on the ground as the price of the place. The narrative is found repeatedly in the Vinaya texts. 6 The description is ascribed to the Buddha in the Mahā-assapura Sutta, 39.12, in the Majjhima Nikāya. 7 For comments on various kinds of arboreal structures such as the kuṭī (plain hut of peasant or forest recluses), paṇṇa-sāla (leaf hut), nalāgāra (reed hut), see Ananda Coomaraswamy, “Early Indian Architecture: IV. Huts and Related Temple Types,” in Coomaraswamy, Essays in Early Indian Architecture, 105–108. 8 Mircea Eliade noted, “The Cosmic Tree is at the center of the world; it unites the three cosmic regions, for it sends its roots down into the underworld, and its top touches the sky”; see Eliade, History of Religious Ideas, 1:42. 9 Coomaraswamy, Essays in Early Indian Architecture, 19–29. 10 Ibid. Coomaraswamy’s essay includes numerous visual images of the bodhighara. 11 Zimmer, “Trees, Huts and Temples.” 12 Coomaraswamy, Yakṣas, 18–22, and Moti Chandra, “Some Aspects of the Yaksha Cult.” 13 Coomaraswamy, Yakṣas, 11. 14 Cited in the Dhammapada-aṭṭhakathā, noted in Coomaraswamy, Yakṣas, 22. See also Moti Chandra, “Some Aspects of the Yaksha Cult.” 15 The word caitya is possibly derived from the root ci, meaning “to build” or “heap up,” but by the time of the epics and Buddhist and Jaina literature, it came to mean any holy spot, altar, shrine grove, or temple. See Coomaraswamy, Yakṣas, 24. In some cases, caitya overlaps with the term “stupa.” 16 Pali traditions hold the view that every buddha was offered rice milk from
192NOTES TO PAGES 83–95 a maiden just before his enlightenment. In Siddhārtha’s case, he was offered it by Sujata, a woman from the nearby village of Uruvelā. See Dīgha Nikāya, II.135. 17 Coomaraswamy, Yakṣas, 23. 18 Ibid. 19 See Seckel, Before and Beyond the Image. Seckel notes that in the Divyāvadāna, the Buddha describes the bodhi tree as his “permanent residence,” and during his absence it may be planted as his representative. 20 Sir Robert Chalmers, Further Dialogues of the Buddha (London: H. Milford, Oxford University Press, 1926–1927), xvii. 21 In the Majjhima Nikāya, ibid. The Majjhima Nikāya is a text belonging to the Suttapiṭaka, one of the three components of the Pali Tripitaka. The Suttapiṭaka contains various teachings (sutta) attributed to the Buddha. 22 Roth, Ārāma, 71. Roth discusses how pleasure gardens (udāyana) were converted to monastic retreats (ārāmas) through certain simple rituals. 23 See Meister, “Early Architecture and Its Transformations.” 24 Dietrich Seckel has discussed the broad range of aniconic marks of the Buddha, where only a “cupola pavilion” (from Nagarjunikonda) is mentioned. See Seckel, Before and Beyond the Image, 35–36. 25 Jean Philippe Vogel, La sculpture de Mathura (Paris: Ars Asiatica, 1930), plate 14(a). 26 Ingholt, Gandhāran Art in Pakistan, plate 400. 27 Ibid., plate 84. 28 The gandhakuṭī is mentioned in numerous jātaka tales and other Buddhist texts such as Pali commentary literature and Sanskrit āvadanā. T. W. Rhys Davids and other scholars of the Pali school have held the view that the gandhakuṭī was a specific building in a particular monastery, referring especially to the one at Jetavana, whereas Eugène Burnouf, Monier MonierWilliams, and H. C. Norman held the opinion that the gandhakuṭī was not specific to a single monastery but referred to a house for the Buddha wherever he went. See Norman, “Gandhakuṭī”; Strong, “Gandhakuṭī”; and Gregory Schopen, “Buddha as an Owner of Property and Resident in Medieval Indian Monasteries,” in his Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks. Some texts mention the gandhakuṭī for buddhas other than Siddhārtha; see Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Dhammapada and the Aṅguttara Nikāya. 29 Schopen, citing epigraphic evidence, has observed that the gandhakuṭī referred to both the specific structure at Srāvastī and also various other monastic sites where a particular space was designated as a gandhakuṭī. See Schopen, “Buddha as an Owner of Property,” 268–269. 30 B. Barua and K. S. Sinha, Barhut Inscriptions (Calcutta: University of Calcutta 1926), 60. The term is found in inscriptions at Barhut, and the authors think that the term refers to a “perfumed cottage” and not to the placename Kausambi. The term is a Pali counterpart to the Sanskrit kausumbha, meaning “sweet scented” or, literally, “bearing the perfume of the kausumbha flower.” 31 Tatelman, Glorious Deeds, 143. 32 Ibid., 143–145. The Mahāvāstu mentions a mālāvihāra, translated as the “garland building” or “booth of festoons” put up over the relics of the Buddha; noted in Roth, Ārāma, 36.
NOTES TO PAGES 95–99193 33 Coomaraswamy, Yakṣas, 25, 28. The offering of flowers not uncommonly developed into a cluster of important notions in Buddhist narratives and practices and in Buddhist art. It is also not surprising that floral offerings were an important aspect of the yakṣa cult, a practice noted in many Buddhist texts. 34 Norman, “Gandhakuṭī.” There were other fragrant huts with different names and possibly with different characterizations. There was another hut at Jetavana for the residence of the Buddha that was called a kosambakuṭī, also meaning “perfumed hut.” 35 Noted in Coomaraswamy, “Early Indian Architecture: IV. Huts and Related Temple Types,” in Essays in Architectural Theory, 110. 36 Ibid. 37 Mahāvāstu, II.333.21, trans. J. J. Jones (London: Pali Text Society, 1973), noted in Roth, Ārāma, 36. The Mahāvāstu mentions the high purpose of the use of a “booth of festoons”: “After having made festoons at a vihāra (with a shrine inside), he shall turn his mind towards enlightenment.” 38 Buddhaghosa, in his Sumaṅgalavilāsinī, describes what is known to be the daily routine of the Buddha in and around the gandhakuṭī. Excerpts can be found in Henry Clarke Warren, Buddhism in Translations (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1896). 39 See Ingholt, Gandhāran Art in Pakistan, plate 188. A number of Gandhāra sculptures show the Buddha under such a canopy, where the fragrant moment is enhanced by the presence of spiritual or human figures offering or strewing flowers before the Buddha. There is one image in which a standing Buddha is seen under a suspended floral canopy with monks and worshippers around him while a devotee on his left is seen tossing flowers at him. The image is part of a larger composition in relief, being divided from the upper half by what appears to be some kind of arboreal or vegetal gateway or pavilion. 40 In Buddhaghosa, Dhammapada-aṭṭhakathā, noted in Strong, “Gandhakuṭī.” 41 There are images of a standing Buddha with a floral canopy or garland over him. See Ingholt, Gandhāran Art in Pakistan, plate 188, and W. Zwalf, A Catalogue of the Gandhāra Sculpture in the British Museum (London: British Museum Press, 1996), plates 117, 290. 42 Strong has noted that the theme of a floral pavilion, and thus the motif of a “new space,” occurs repeatedly throughout āvadanā literature. Āvadanās narrate the religious deeds of an individual with the intention of illustrating how karma works and why faith and devotion are important. 43 Strong, “Gandhakuṭī.” 44 Tatelman, Glorious Deeds, 183. For note on āvadanā, see note 45. 45 Ibid. 46 Ibid., 67–68. 47 Strong, “Gandhakuṭī,” 400. It seems that the practice of “sweeping the gandhakuṭī,” as if preparing a space for the arrival of the Buddha, was initiated by Anathapindika just after the death of the Buddha, which becomes one more aspect of the identity of the Buddha and his space. 48 Ibid., 398. 49 Ibid., 399. 50 Coomaraswamy, “Early Indian Architecture: IV. Huts and Related Temple Types,” in Essays in Architectural Theory, 112–113. Coomaraswamy men-
194NOTES TO PAGES 99–102 tions an inscription at the Bodh Gayā temple, describing it as “the great gandhakuṭī of the vajrāsana.” 51 Pūrṇāvadāna, trans. Tatelman as Glorious Deeds, 71. 52 Coomaraswamy, “Early Indian Architecture: IV. Huts and Related Temple Types,” in Essays in Architectural Theory, 109–110. This is consonant with Coomaraswamy’s important thesis of the original prototype of Indic temple architecture being the ascetic shrine, which itself was a derivation of the ascetic hut. 53 Gregory Schopen has noted in epigraphic and archaeological records the symbolic use of gandhakuṭī in tenth-century monasteries in which the Buddha was considered a “current resident” in terms of proprietorship; see his Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks, 270–271. 54 Ibid. 55 Although there was a tradition of making funerary mounds before the time of the Buddha, it was after his passing away that the construction of stupas as hemispherical relic or funerary mounds gained momentum within Buddhism. 56 The Ashrafpur Bronze Caitya (found in present-day Bangladesh), from the seventh century CE, shows the Buddha actually sitting inside a hut. For the image, see Eastern Indian School of Medieval Sculpture, published as The Archaeological Survey of India, vol. 40, no. 7 (1933). 57 The stupas at Sāñcī, Bhārhut, and Amarāvatī show the harmikā in the form of a simple enclosure of railings. There are more elaborate harmikās, as in certain stupas in interior caitya halls, votive stupas, and represented stupas in relief art. The one in Bhājā (date unknown) mentioned here is by far the most elaborate, showing a mansion of sorts with details like the caitya-arch windows. 58 Harmiya in Sanskrit means “dwelling” (Atharva Veda), “a beautiful palace”; see Coomaraswamy, “Indian Architectural Terms,” 80. The Divyāvadāna describes the harmikā simply as “a little structure on the stupa”; noted in Sarkar, Studies in Early Buddhist Architecture, 12. Sarkar also echoes the words of the fifth-century commentator Buddhaghosa in comparing the harmikā to the kuṭāgāra, a sort of sky room or lookout space on the top level of a multiterraced building. 59 J. Przyluski identified the harmikā as continuing the practice of Brahmanic square tombs; it may be noted that it was only the hermit who was given a befitting burial; see Przyluski, “Harmika and the Origin of Buddhist Stupas.” James Fergusson’s opinion was that the harmikā was the location of a physical relic of an arahan, either as coffin or vessel; see John Irwin, “The Axial Symbolism of the Early Stupa: An Exegesis,” in The Stupa: Its Religious, Historical, and Architectural Significance, ed. Anna Dallapiccola and Stephanie Zingel-Avé Lallemant, 12–37 (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1980). 60 Snodgrass, Symbolism of the Stupa, 254. Snodgrass cites the works of Anagarika Govinda, Stella Kramrisch, and James Fergusson. Snodgrass comments in particular on the correspondence between the harmikā and the āmalaka on the Hindu temple and the common theme of the “cosmic egg.” 61 The Mahāyāna text Lalita Vistara, chap. 7 (possibly from the third century CE), mentions that the pavilion occupied by the bodhisattva while in his mother’s womb is called a kuṭāgāra; noted in Coomaraswamy, “Indian Architectural Terms,” 86–87. However, Coomaraswamy also noted that
NOTES TO PAGES 102–107195 kuṭāgāra may ultimately suggest an “honorable building,” or simply “a house with a finial (or finials).” Coomaraswamy describes the kuṭāgāra as a room at the top, or something “soaring,” in “Early Indian Architecture: III. Palaces,” in Essays in Early Indian Architecture, 43–44. 62 Eliade, Yoga, 77. 63 In that sense, the harmikā is like the āmalaka, the fluted, melon-shaped object placed as a coping stone on the peak of northern Indian Hindu temples. The symbolism here, as in the harmikā and the āmalaka, is that of an egg, bringing up an association with the sun, the sun being Brahmā in Vedic symbolism, having been born from a “cosmic egg.” See Snodgrass, Symbolism of the Stupa, 254n75. 64 Sarkar, Studies in Early Buddhist Architecture, 12. 65 Mus, “Barabadur.” 66 Stella Kramrisch, The Hindu Temple (Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1946), 176. 67 Snodgrass, Symbolism of the Stupa, 256. 68 Ibid., 257. 69 Roth, Ārāma, 194. As Roth notes, in line with other commentators, the harmikā signifies the eightfold path in the “Stūpa-laksana” and marks the constituent of enlightenment known as “born on the fourth ground of meditation,” which results in not returning to this existence. This is based on a broader application of the identification of the stupa with the body of the Buddha, as mentioned in the Lalita Vistara; noted in Mireille Bénisti, Étude sur le stupa dans l’Inde ancienne, 51. 70 Lama Anagarika Govinda, Pyscho-Cosmic Symbolism of the Buddhist Stupa (Emeryville, CA: Dharma, 1976), 6. 71 S. Kramrisch, “Note on Uṣṇīṣa.” 72 Coomaraswamy, “Symbolism of the Dome,” 437. 73 Kramrisch, “Emblems of the Universal Being.” CHAPTER 4: THE TWO HOUSES 1 The verses found in the Dhammapada, 154, are the following: Gahakāraka diṭṭho’si [O, architect of this house, now I have seen you]/puna gehaṃ na kāhasi [you will not build this house again]/sabbā te phāsukā bhaggā [the rafters have crumbled]/gahakūṭaṃ visaṅkhitaṃ [the ridgepole is smashed]/visaṅkhāragataṃ cittaṃ [my mind disintegrated]/taṇhānaṃ khayaṃ ajjhagā [I have attained the destruction of desires]. I have rephrased the verses in English based on two sources: a translation by James Gray, The Dhammapada (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Co, 1887), and P. Lal, The Dhammapada (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1967). 2 The Dhammapada, verse 400, trans. Irving Babbitt (New York: Oxford University Press, 1936), 59. 3 Bryan J. Cuevas and Jacqueline I. Stone make this observation in reference to the work of Reiko Ohnuma in considering the sacrifice of the body in Buddhist practice as a “gift”; see Cuevas and Stone, Buddhist Dead, 18–19. 4 See Ananda Coomaraswamy, “An Indian Temple: Kandarya Mahadeo” (1947), in Selected Papers: Traditional Art and Symbolism, ed. Roger Lipsey (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977), 3–10. The human frame
196NOTES TO PAGES 108–118 has been a fundamental reference for the measure and conception of the universe; if the former is considered a microcosm and the latter macrocosmic, the two polar realms are mediated by the mesocosmic dimension of the structure. Coomaraswamy noted (5) that while there is a formal correspondence between the human body, human building, and the whole world, there is also a teleological correspondence whereby these constructions have as their practical function of sheltering the principle of moving from one state of being to another. 5 The Prātimokṣa (Pali Patimokkha) is set of monastic codes recited by Buddhist monks. Among the codes are sugata-span dimensions specified for dwellings, robes, rugs, and utensils. The Prātimokṣa warns that there is an offense if any measure is in excess of the sugata dimension, although the codes do not say why such dimensions are favored. See Prebish, Buddhist Monastic Discipline, 54. See also Bhikkhu, Buddhist Monastic Code, 123, 528; Upasak, Dictionary of Early Buddhist Monastic Terms, 238; and Prasad, Studies in Buddhist and Jaina Monachism, 136. 6 Bhikkhu, Buddhist Monastic Code, 528. 7 See Horner’s translation of Milindapañha, 1:52–53. 8 Majjhima Nikāya, I.322–323; cited in Snodgrass, Symbolism of the Stupa, 281. 9 The Lakkhaṇa Sutta, the thirtieth sutta in the Dīgha Nikāya, describes the signs or qualities of a “superman”; two options are open for a human attaining that quality: become a world ruler, a cakkavatti, by being a householder, or a Buddha by being an ascetic. See Kramrisch, “Emblems of the Universal Being.” There is also a discrepancy between the literary and visual depictions of the lakkhaṇas. Pratapaditya Pal has noted, “Although these marks of excellence were canonically prescribed—perhaps even before the appearance of the Buddha image—they were not always consistently followed”; see Light of Asia: Buddha Sakyamuni in Asian Art (Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1984), 149. 10 Foucher, L’art gréco-bouddhique, 129. 11 The coincidence of the Buddha figure and the caitya arch is a prominent motif in Gandhāra art; its use can also be seen in later centuries in the Buddhist art of Myanmar and Thailand. 12 See Coomaraswamy, “Indian Architectural Terms,” 76. Coomaraswamy notes the widespread presence of the caitya in the descriptions and representations of early Indian architecture. He also discusses the overlap and differentiation between caitya window, candraśālā, and gavāksa window. The so-called caitya profile is common to many buildings of this time in most parts of northern India, reaching from villages to urban settings. 13 Ibid., 31–33. 14 See Foucher, L’art gréco-bouddhique, fig. 217. 15 The significance of the uṣṇīṣa is polysemic, suggesting a number of interpretive possibilities, from early Buddhist descriptions to later multifarious representations both in India and beyond. A literary and sociological interpretation of a turban or diadem, or tuft of hair following a ritual tonsure, which may be closer to early Buddhist deliberations, often does not match with the representational implications of protuberance, “sky hole,” flame, sprouting tree, or an elaborate “coiffure” in the case of a ninthcentury sculpture of the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara from Indonesia, pres-
NOTES TO PAGES 118–125197 ently at the Asia Society in New York, that shows a small Buddha seated in what is more like an elongated stupa formation. For a description of the notion of uṣṇīṣa as hair, see Krishan, Buddha Image. See also Pratapaditya Pal, ed., Buddhist Art: Form and Meaning (Mumbai: Marg, 2007). 16 See Kramrisch, “Emblems of the Universal Being.” Following a late Tibetan yoga text, Kramrisch describes the phenomenon in psychophysiological terms in which the “moon-fluid” moves upward through the nerve centers. W. Y. Evans-Wentz, citing Tibetan texts, described the appearance of the protuberance on the body as “a swelling up of the flesh on the crown of the head (around the aperture of Brahma) and the issuing from there of blood and yellowish watery secretions; and the ability to pierce the swelling with a stalk of grass.” W. Y. Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Yoga and Secret Doctrines: Seven Books of Wisdom of the Great Path (1958; repr., New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 267. 17 There are extensive references in Vedic literature on the theme of the “sky hole,” much of which has been made accessible to the modern reader especially through Coomaraswamy’s interpretations. See his “Symbolism of the Dome,” “Uṣṇīṣa and Chatra,” and “Svayamātṛṇṇā.” Coomaraswamy places the uṣṇīṣa among a group of diverse but interrelated phenomena from the Vedic context: the idea of the “sky hole,” the symbolism of sun and sky, the symbolism of the perforated bricks in the upper layer of the Vedic fire altar, the metaphysical notion of kha, and the analogy of the skull and the kaṇṇika (roof plate) of the domed roof. Coomaraswamy presents a strong body-building relationship while reflecting on the kaṇṇika, the structural piece that holds the converging rafters of the dome together. Drawing upon various narratives, Coomaraswamy links the converging point of the kaṇṇika to the idea of the hole in the sky, which is identical to nothing less than the sun. The hole in the roof or sky also becomes an occasion for a movement upward. The Muṇḍakāya Upaniṣad, VI.30, is cited to suggest that the sky hole, by being a device of departing “high,” is a sign of liberation. Kaṇṇika is the portal of that liberative movement in which a vertical ascension is conceptualized. On the kaṇṇika, see Coomaraswamy, “Symbolism of the Dome.” 18 This is noted by Coomaraswamy in “Symbolism of the Dome,” in Lipsey, Selected Papers, 442. 19 Eliade, Yoga, 327. See also Coomaraswamy, “Svayamātṛṇṇā.” 20 Cited in Coomaraswamy, “Uṣṇīṣa and Chatra,” 5–6. 21 Ibid. Butterworth, in writing about the shamanic structure, mentions that the “central pillar not only holds up the sky; it passes through the roof and so goes beyond the sky.” See E. A. S. Butterworth, The Tree at the Navel of the Earth (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1970), 3. 22 Coomaraswamy, “Symbolism of the Dome.” 23 Kramrisch, “Note on Uṣṇīṣa.” 24 Oman, Mystics, 157. Also cited in Eliade, Yoga, 422–423. 25 Eliade, Yoga, 326. 26 See Lakshmi Kapani, “Notes on the Garbha-Upanishad,” in Fragments for a History of the Human Body, pt. 3, ed. Michel Feher (New York: Zone, 1989), 193nn35, 37. 27 An extensive literature is available on the interpretation of tāpas. For example, see Kaelber, Tapta-Mārga.
198NOTES TO PAGES 125–128 28 Coomaraswamy elaborates on the nature of this self-sacrifice in his essay “Atmayājña.” 29 Baudhāyana was a mathematician-priest from around the eighth century BCE. See Baudhāyana Śrauta Sūtra, 24.2:186.5, cited in Heesterman, Broken World of Sacrifice, 5. 30 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, II.2.2.8–20. Kauṣītaki Upanisad, II.5, noted in Coomaraswamy, “Atmayājña,” 133. 31 Coomaraswamy, “Atmayājña,” 133. Coomaraswamy writes that he is the “one who himself officiates as his own sacrificial priest, as distinguished from the devayaji, for whom the sacrifice is performed by another, notably by the god as missal priest: the Sacrificer’s immolation of himself, the ‘elemental self,’ is his ‘self-sacrifice.’” Eliade also noted this text as a compelling example of the homology of prānāyāma (breathing technique) with one of the most well-known Vedic sacrifices, the agnihotra. See Eliade, Yoga, 112. 32 Coomaraswamy, “Atmayājña,” 126–127. 33 Eliade described and elaborated on the equation of ascetic labor and Vedic sacrificial ritual in a number of works: “Cosmical Homology and Yoga”; Yoga, 111–114; and History of Religious Ideas, 1:231–234. In discussing “interiorizing the sacrifice,” while Eliade refers to a fourth century CE Brahmanical text, the Vaikhānasasmārtasūtra, the language evokes the earlier Upaniṣadic thought. That text describes prāṇagnihotra as “the oblation to fire accomplished by respiration,” thus equating yogic breathing with the original fire ritual; see Eliade, History of Religious Ideas, 1:234. Eliade also notes, “If in the Vedic cult the gods are offered soma, melted butter, and the sacred fire, in ascetic practice they are offered an ‘inner sacrifice,’ in which the physiological functions take the place of libations and ritual objects”; see Eliade, Yoga, 111. Also, Deussen, in analyzing Upaniṣadic texts, sees the sannāysin as someone who “does not offer [Yaga] (sacrifice), but still he may be said to be doing Prāṇāgnihotra (sacrifice to the fire of his own life),” “the sacrificial fire he takes up into the fire of his belly; the Gayatri into the fires of his speech,” the yajñopavīta (sacred thread) and sikha (sacred tuft of hair), the symbols of Aryan ritualism, are discarded, but “henceforth meditation alone is to serve as sacrificial cord and knowledge as the lock of hair—the timeless ātman is to be both sacred thread and lock of hair for him who has renounced the world.” See Paul Deussen, The Philosophy of the Upanishads (1906; repr., New York: Dover, 1966), 376–377. 34 Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, 50. Eliade, Yoga, 112. 35 Samyutta Nikāya, 1.169, noted in Coomaraswamy, “Atmayājña,” 133. 36 Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa, III.14.8, noted in Coomaraswamy, “Atmayājña,” 120. 37 Eliade, Images and Symbols, 78. 38 Coomaraswamy describes the epithet as “he whose roof has been opened up,” in What Is Civilisation? (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989), 176. 39 See Gregory Schopen, “Burial Ad Sanctos and the Physical Presence of the Buddha,” in Schopen, Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks. These small stupas containing anonymous bones and ashes of deceased monks, located around the more monumental relic stupas, are mistakenly called votive.
NOTES TO PAGES 129–136199 They are, according to Schopen, more accurately funerary in purpose or corporeal in significance. Such stupas abound at many important Buddhist sites, such as Bodh Gayā, Ratnagiri, Nālandā, and others. CHAPTER 5: ASCETICISM AND THE PRIMITIVE HUT 1 See Basham, History and Doctrines of the Ājīvikas. The Ājīvika sect was contem poraneous to the Buddhists. Like the Buddhists and Jains, the Ājīvikas rejected the polytheistic system and sacrificial rituals of the Aryans and the monistic ideology of the Upaniṣadic thinkers. They practiced a severe form of asceticism that often terminated in death by starvation. Makkali Gośāla is reputed to be the founder of the sect. 2 The focus here is on primitive methods, means, and applications. A more contentious issue is the interpretation of the so-called primitive mentality, and the question whether such a mentality registers some kind of development, or whether it is constant in the human. On this, see Ananda Coomaraswamy, “Primitive Mentality” (1939), in Selected Papers: Traditional Art and Symbolism, ed. Roger Lipsey (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977). 3 See Robert Goldwater, Primitivism in Modern Art (New York: Vintage, 1967). Goldwater’s assessment of the relationship of the primitive and primitivism in modern art is relevant here in an analogical way. He sees primitivistic art as a catalyst to a broader cultural framework of ideas in modernity. 4 For Kamo no Chōmei’s text, see Sadler, Ten Foot Square Hut. 5 Boas, Essays on Primitivism. 6 The description comes from the well-known hymn in the Rig Veda on the “longhaired one” discussed by Karel Werner in “The Longhaired Sage of Ṛg Veda 10, 136: A Shaman, a Mystic, or a Yogi?” in The Yogi and the Mystic: Studies in Indian and Comparative Mysticism (London: Curzon, 1989), 37. 7 Eliade, Yoga, 138. 8 Stella Kramrisch, Presence of Śiva. 9 Eliade, History of Religious Ideas, 1:213–214. 10 Boas, Essays on Primitivism, 3. 11 The poet John Milton, in Paradise Lost, describes how the very first bit of technology, that is, house making, occurs in Eden: with the first flush of sexual guilt and of feeling not at home in their bodies, Adam and Eve, “with what skill they had,” housed their shame in fig-leaved dress. Even more remarkably, Milton seems to sketch out the entire subsequent history of the conceptualization of home, from a concrete locus in a hut of some kind, built “with what skill” the quasi-historical moment had, to a fully metaphoric transformation. For Milton, the essence of the original, paradigmatic condition of being-and-feeling-at-home consisted in the unfallen matrimonial domicile where the relation between two persons generated a space and enclosure that superseded literal emplacement. John Hollander cites and describes this striking passage in his essay on home, “It All Depends,” in Home: A Place in the World, ed. Arien Mack, 27–45 (New York: New York University Press, 1993). 12 Boas, Essays on Primitivism. Adam originated the ideal condition of soul and body, his character being a model and his body a standard of corpo-
200NOTES TO PAGES 136–146 real beauty for later generations, being, as Philo of Alexandria wrote in the first century BCE, “unmixed and clean and pure, as well as supple and workable.” 13 Ibid., 5. The first couple, according to the Hellenistic Jewish philosopher Philo, devoid of vice and virtue, did not even have the feeling of their powers of reason or perception. Shame enters with the exercise of mind or perception. As Philo noted, there is nothing so shameful as to assume that I think or that I perceive. But so long as they are naked, the mind of thinking, sense of sensation, they are in no way shameful. Adam and Eve, therefore, were originally unthinking thought and unperceiving sense; they were in Aristotelian language “unexercised potencies,” and in this respect they were like children. 14 Thapar, “Image of the Barbarian in Early India.” 15 Boas, Essays on Primitivism, 136: “The savage people, whose savage way of living seemed admirable, were nonetheless problematic because they were not Christians, and above that, they persecuted and tormented certain Christians.” 16 As a Roman historian of the third century CE, Pseudo-Callisthenes is often shown as the medieval author or compiler of older stories of Alexander. This particular legend may have originated much earlier. 17 This particular text, translated by E. A. Wallis Budge in The Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great, is an Ethiopic text in which Alexander is represented as a Christian king and the Brahmins as Israelites who lived in the time of Elijah; cited in Boas, Essays on Primitivism, 140. 18 Ibid. 19 Ibid., 142. 20 Patrick Olivelle, “Pañcamāśrāmavidhāna.” The Pañcamāśrāmavidhāna is possibly a seventeenth-century collation of rites that go further back. 21 Mahāvagga, in Vinaya Texts, trans. Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, 190. 22 Baudhāyana Dharma Sūtra, II.6.11.19, noted in Olivelle, “Pañcamāśrā - mavidhāna.” 23 Ibid., 4. 24 Mahābhārata, II.68.9; noted in Srinivasan, Studies in the Rāma Story, 54. 25 Srinivasan, Studies in the Rāma Story, 53. 26 In Buddhism, this is ritualized in the upasampadā ceremony of entering the ascetic life with reciting the pāṭimokkha rules. 27 Rowland, Art and Architecture of India, 40. 28 Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture. Fergusson describes that the dwellings “were apparently constructed with strong wooden posts,” 25–26. 29 F. D. K. Bosch, The Golden Germ: An Introduction to Indian Symbolism (The Hague: Mouton, 1960), 22. 30 The structure is not quite like a regular stupa, which is literally a mound over the remains of a significant person or a relic object. Being hollow, with a spatial condition unlike regular stupas, the hut form inside Lomas Rishi can best be described as stupalike. 31 Snodgrass, Symbolism of the Stupa, 309. 32 Ibid., 315–317. 33 See Vidya Dehejia, Early Buddhist Rock Temples: A Chronology (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1972).
NOTES TO PAGES 146–154201 34 Attention has been given more to a morphological development, on the one hand, and the social and geographic impetus for the excavation of these caves, on the other. 35 Dehejia, Early Buddhist Rock Temples, 73. See also Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture. Dehejia is emphatic that the “horseshoeshaped” arch of Lomas Rishi is the prototype of the caitya window that characterizes the façade of Buddhist caitya halls. However, I do not fully agree with the description of the shape as a “horseshoe.” 36 Fergusson and Burgess, Cave Temples of India. The authors here note the similarity between Bhājā and Lomas Rishi. 37 Dehejia, Early Buddhist Rock Temples, 75. 38 Such as the caitya arches inside caitya IV at Aurangabad; see Dehejia, Early Buddhist Rock Temples, plate 37. 39 Ananda Coomaraswamy, “Early Indian Architecture: IV. Huts and Related Temple Types,” in Coomaraswamy, Essays in Early Indian Architecture. 40 A conversation between the architectural historians Joseph Rykwert and Michael Meister raises the issue of evidence of a cultic treatment of the hut itself in ancient India. It seems that Lomas Rishi and similar cave architecture in eastern India are a strong demonstration of such a phenomenon. For the conversation, see “Afterword: Adam’s House and Hermits’ Huts,” in Coomaraswamy, Essays in Early Indian Architecture, 125–131. 41 The well-known stupas such as Bhārhut and Sāñcī are dated prior to the cave architecture, although the latter are lithic translations of freestanding structures that may date earlier, but the records about them are scanty to nonexistent. 42 See the Gaṇḍavyūha Sūtra in the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, trans. Thomas Cleary as The Flower Ornament Scripture (Boston: Shambala, 1993). 43 The Udāna; or, The Solemn Utterances of the Buddha, trans. D. M. Strong (London: Luzac, 1902), VIII.3, 112. The Udāna is part of the Pali Khuddaka Nikāya texts. CHAPTER 6: A HUT WITH MANY MEANINGS 1 Nāndipāda, in this context, is a variation of the zodiacal sign of Taurus, the Bull, marking the month of the birth of the future Buddha. A simple form of the nāndipāda is a crescent over a point, while other, elaborate forms show a trisula, or trident. See Foucher, Beginnings of Buddhist Art, 18. 2 De la Vallée Poussin made a distinction between a stupa and caitya, the former being an object of veneration with a relic of the Buddha (Tathāgata) and the latter without the relic. Puranacaitya and abhinavacaitya refer to old and new edifices. The enigmatic term is gaha, a clear reference to home/ household as far as the literal meaning is concerned, but Poussin thought it may actually refer to the reliquary base of a stupa; see his “Staupikam.” 3 Gregory Schopen has pointed to some critical inscriptions from Sāñcī that imply that the stupa may also be considered as a “house of the teacher”; see his “Burial Ad Sanctos and the Physical Presence of the Buddha,” in Schopen, Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks, 129. 4 Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Figures of Speech or Figures of Thought? The Traditional View of Art, ed. William Wroth (Bloomington, IN: World Wisdom, 2007), 71.
202NOTES TO PAGES 156–163 5 From Norman, Theragāthā; attributed to Kuṭīviharin, verse 57. 6 Dhammapada, verse 400. 7 Rykwert, On Adam’s House, 23. Rykwert makes this observation in some early modern work that reflects a recurrent theme in architecture of resorting to a deliberate expression of a cruder form. 8 Michael W. Meister, introduction to Coomaraswamy, Essays in Architectural Theory. Meister also argues that Coomaraswamy in his critical observations about the significance of the primitive hut in the historical development of shrines and other elaborate architecture did not elaborate the distinction between sheltering a divinity and sheltering an ascetic. Whereas the principal role of shrines was to shelter an image of the divinity and thus proffered a higher kind of architectural elaboration, the role of the hermit’s hut providing a model for such shrines was designated with a pragmatic purpose of sheltering the ascetic. 9 Hirakawa Akira, A History of Indian Buddhism: From Śākyamuni to Early Buddhism, trans. and ed. Paul Groner (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1990), 30. 10 Radcliffe Squires, The Loyalties of Robinson Jeffers (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1956), 50. Jeffers’ idea refers to wide-ranging attitudes in modern philosophy, which may appear far removed from my focus on ancient ascetic thinking, but they share a concern: to raise humanity from a banal to an “authentic” existence. 11 Robinson Jeffers, The Double Axe, quoted in Arthur B. Coffin, Robinson Jeffers: The Poet of Inhumanism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1971), 242. 12 Sir Banister Fletcher, A History of Architecture for the Student, Craftsman, and Amateur: Being a Comparative View of the Historical Styles from the Earliest Period (London: Batsford, 1896), 1. 13 On the occasion of building a mountain village hut (yamazato-an) of four and a half mats under a pine tree at the rear of his garden, the sixteenthcentury musician-writer Toyohara Sumiaki composed the following poem: A place to escape to When one cannot ease one’s cares in the mountains. The hut beneath the pine within the city. See Murai Yasuhiko, “The Development of Chanoyu: Before Rikyū,” in Varley and Kumakura, Tea in Japan, 24. 14 Ibid., 26. Chanoyu, in its immediate sense, was particularly an urban cultural practice that resorted to glorifying retreat in the wilderness or mountains or even life in remote villages. The construction of “impoverished” structures such as a chashitsu in the city was seen as “bringing the mountain into the city.” 15 Ibid., 25. The practice also indicated dissolving social classes. 16 See note 23 in the introduction to the present volume. 17 Okakura, Book of Tea, 34. At yet another stage in its evolution, the nijiriguchi was installed in the middle of the roji before it was brought closer to the chashitsu and ultimately made integral to it. 18 See Kumakura Isao, “Sen no Rikyū: Inquiries into His Life and Tea,” trans. Paul Varley, in Varley and Kumakura, Tea in Japan, 33–69. Kumakura considers a number of sources for the nijiriguchi, that of a pass-through space
NOTES TO PAGES 163–174203 on a riverboat (that Rikyū himself might have experienced), a crawl space among rocks for some mountain religious ritual, and the “mouse wicket” entrance in theaters of that time. 19 Ibid., 54. 20 Ibid., 51. 21 Ibid., 54. 22 Ibid., 55. 23 The abundance of meanings of the triad have been addressed by many modern scholars, especially Ananda Coomaraswamy and Stella Kramrisch with a particular interest in architecture, and others, such as Mircea Eliade, with an interest in ritual practices. 24 Coomaraswamy saw the climbing operation as acquiring an elevated position where eventually one arrives at a point beyond the highest elevation; see his “Svayamātṛṇṇā.” 25 Eliade, Yoga, 327. See also Coomaraswamy, “Svayamātṛṇṇā.” 26 Stella Kramrisch, The Hindu Temple (Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1946). The “world-mountain” is a climactic location in a mythic geography that provides a cosmological ascent from earth to sky, that is, from a profane plane to a higher, sacred realm. Stupas, temples, sacred mountains, pyramids, and such monumental constructions may be interpreted as world-mountain structures. Kramrisch, in analyzing the developed Brahmanic temple, argues for such a structure for the temple, 175. 27 See Michael W. Meister, Form in the North Indian Temple: A Field Survey (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974). CHAPTER 7: THE END OF ARCHITECTURE 1 Attributed to Kuṭīviharin; literally, “hut dweller,” in verse 56; see Norman. Thera gāthā, 8. 2 Harpham, Ascetic Imperative. Harpham writes (xiv–xv) regarding Christian ascetics, “Through the discipline of self-denial, the self becomes at once self-aware, structured, knowable and valuable.” 3 Ibid., xiv: “The means of situating the self in systems that exceed the self is the production of symbolic forms.” 4 Ibid., xii. 5 Ibid.: “Asceticism, we could say, raises the issue of culture by structuring an opposition between culture and its opposite.” 6 Panikkar, Blessed Simplicity, 7–8. 7 Harpham, Ascetic Imperative, xi–xii. 8 Rykwert, On Adam’s House, 190. 9 Ibid., 18. 10 Marc-Antoine Laugier, Essai sur l’architecture, trans. Wolfgang and Anni Herrmann (Los Angeles: Hennessey & Ingalls, 1977), 11–12. 11 Laugier, Essai, 12. 12 John Hollander, “It All Depends,” in Home: A Place in the World, ed. Arien Mack, 27–45 (New York: New York University Press, 1993). 13 Ibid., 35.
205 Glossary agnicayana building up of the fire altar for Agni, fire or god of fire arahan (Skt. arahant) Buddhist elder or teacher, also the perfected human in the Buddhist Theravāda tradition ārāma secluded place such as a garden used for contemplative purposes atmayājña inner or self-sacrifice bhikkhu almsmen, a Buddhist term for a monk caitya (Pali cetiya) shrine or shrine object chashitsu room or structure created for the Japanese tea ceremony gandhakuṭī literally, “fragrant hut,” one built and designated for the use of the Buddha gaha (Skt. gṛhya) home, household, house gahapati householder; literally, “lord of the house” grāma village guha cave harmikā cubical structure at the apex of a stupa kuṭī hut mahāpuruṣa literally, “supernal human being,” or perfected ascetic Nikāya collection of doctrinal sutras in the Buddhist tradition
206GLOSSARY nissayas requisites for the proper functioning of a Buddhist monastic practice; there were four such requisites: dwelling, clothing, food, and medicine pabbaja “going forth,” from the life of a householder to the homeless life of a monk paṇṇa-sāla hut with a leaf roof, often depicted or described as lodging for a hermit in a forest space saṃnyās renunciation saṃnyāsin renouncer saṃsāra web of life as defined by the endless cycle of suffering caused by birth, death, and rebirth saṇgha Buddhist monastic organization śramaṇa (Pali samana) early (Buddhist) term for an ascetic sūtra (Pali sutta) literally, “thread”; sections or chapters in canonical texts tāpas heat, the fiery energy produced by yogic exercise udāyana pleasure garden for royalty or the wealthy class uṣṇīṣa protuberance depicted on the head of the Buddha as a mark of his status as a superman vana forest vānaprasthi forest dweller vihāra abode or residence Vinaya code of discipline for Buddhist monks and nuns yājña Vedic fire sacrifice yakṣa forest or water spirit popular during Vedic times
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217 Index Page numbers in boldface refer to figures abhinavacaitya, 154 Adam, the first man, 135 Adam’s house, 173 aḍḍhayoga, 41, 44, 74 āgāra, 55 agni (fire), in Vedic ritual, 62 Agni (god), 120 agnicayana, 120 Agni-Prajāpati, 121 āhavanīya fire, 60, 123 Ajaṇṭā, 50, 59 Ājīvika ascetics, 129, 139, 143, 144, 150, 151 Ajivikism, 34 Alexander, 137, 138 āmalaka, 166 Amarakośa, 45 anāgārika (“one without home”), 55, 65, 156 antimaśarīraṃ (the last body), 106, 156 Apsarās, 135 arahan (arahant), 25, 26, 28, 73, 135, 156 ārāma, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 79 āranya, 35, 70 “Araṇyakānda,” 141 Āraṇyakas, 125 arcana (“praise”), 30 artha, 32 Arthasāstra, 45, 57 āsana (posture), 120, 159 ascetical primitivism, 138–142 ascetic hut, paired with hermit, 11; spatial embodiment, 10 ascetic identity, 25–31; regulation on clothing, 139 asceticism as architectural project, 3, 10–11 asekha, 29 askesis, 24, 30, 143 Aśoka, 129 āśrama, 1, 17, 24, 30, 61, 64, 69 āsura, 64, 125, 136 Aśvaghoṣa, 53 Āśvalāyana Gṛhya Sūtra, 61 Atharva Veda, 45 Atharvaveda Saṃhita, 60, 62 ātman, 123, 138 Āvadāna, 98 āvāsa, 69, 70, 74 bālonmattapiśācavat, 140 Bapukuṭī, 17, 18 Barabar Hills, 129 Bashō, Matsuo, 66 Baudhāyana, 125 Benveniste, Émile, 56
218INDEX Bhājā, 145, 146 Bhārhut, 39, 83, 86, 87, 89, 91, 151, 153, 154 bhavanam, 83 bhikhhu, 24, 25, 42, 47 bhikkhuni, 75 bhūmi (earth), 110 bhūmisparśa mudrā (touching the earth as witness), 110 Bimbisāra, 71 Boas, George, 134 Bodh Gayā, 79 bodhighara, 91, 92, 112, 120 bodhimaṇḍa, 102 bodhisattva, 29, 30, 37, 95, 112 bodhi tree, 90 body and building equation, 1, 20, 22, 107–109, 164; dimensional proximity between ascetic and space, 100 Borobudur, 84, 151 brahmacārin (“mock renunciant”), 32, 34, 60 brāhman (the universal Self), 138 Brāhmanas, 30, 44 Brahmanical asceticism, 139 Brahmanical hermits, 11, 12, 39, 43, 100 Brahmanical shrines, 39 brahma-randhra, 121 Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad, 33, 34 Buddha as archascetic, 20; with Brahmanic ascetics, 11; non-anthropomorphic representation, 91; opinion on extreme asceticism, 46; seated, 6; signs, 153 Buddhacarita, 53 Buddhaghosa, 42, 44, 45, 68 Buddhas, as perfected beings, 28 Buddha’s house, as paradigm, 19; mirror of ascetic body, 78 Buddhist monastery, 18 Buddhist rock-cut architecture, 145; depictions, 83 caitya, 83, 86, 87, 90, 91, 94, 101, 153, 154; caitya arch, 6, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 111, 112, 113, 114; caitya hall, 44, 146, 147, 149, 150; caitya window, 145, 146, 149, 174; motif for Buddha, 111–112 caityapūjā (shrine devotion), 154 caitya-vrksa, 102 cāndanamālā (sandalwood pavilion), 95 celibacy, 34 Chaṇdaka, 50, 52 chanoyu, 161, 162 chashitsu, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 161, 162, 170 chatrākāra-śirāh, 120 chhatrāvali, 101 Christ, as model of the primitive, 136 Christian ascetics, 136 Conze, Edward, 29 Coomaraswamy, Ananda, 5, 45, 95, 100, 103, 120, 121, 149, 150, 154, 156 “cosmic hut,” 164, 165 Cosmic Tree, 82 Crusoe, Robinson, 134 Cullavagga, 45, 48, 73, 74, 76, 170; on monks’ housing, 157 daksinagni, 60 dama, 55, 56, 57, 58; damana, 56, 57; dāmpati (master of the house), 57 daṇḍa (shaft), 120 Dandaka forest, 135 dasyu, 136 De Coulanges, Fustel, 62 Deer Park sermon, 68 De Quincy, Quatremere, 173 Devasvāmin, 61 dhāman, 55 Dhammapada, 95, 105, 106, 123 Dhammapada-aṭṭhakathā, 95, 96 dharma, 31, 32, 53 dhātugarbha (“womb chamber”), 102 dhutaṇga practice, 1, 42, 47, 48, 67–68, 82 digambara ascetics, 135 Dīgha Nikāya, 66, 110 dīkṣā, 142 Diogenes the Cynic, 138, 139 distended lintel, 114, 117, 118, 169 Divyāvadāna, 120 domi-fori, 35 domus, 56–57, 58 “double-dome” shrine, 5 double-roofed building, 154 Duḥśāsana, 142 dukkha (suffering), 64 Dumont, Louis, 27 Dutt, Sukumar, 44, 68, 70, 126
INDEX219 Eliade, Mircea, 28, 63, 121, 126, 127, 135, 159 “emptied” house, 14 “emptiness,” 2 eremia, 38 “Fall,” idea of the, 134, 174 fire altar, 166 “fire temple,” Kaśyapa’s, 40, 94 First Council, 78 “first house,” 155, 172–173 Fletcher, Banister, 160 floral offerings, 95 flowery structures and pavilions, 95, 99 forest discourse, 161; first fire, 35; as space, 153; Uruvelā, 105 Foucault, Michel, 37 Foucher, Alfred, 5, 91, 111, 166 framing the Buddha, 111 gaha (gṛhya), 105, 106, 123–124, 127, 128, 151, 154, 156 gahapati (householder), 31, 73 gandhakuṭī (the fragrant hut), 2, 45, 94– 97, 99, 100, 101, 108, 112, 113, 157, 174 Gandhāra, 6, 11, 50, 73, 87, 89, 91, 111, 112, 154 Gāndharvas, 135 Gandhi, 12, 13, 17, 19; Gandhi’s house, 18–19 Gāṇgavatarana relief, 6 Garbha Upaniṣad, 123 gārhapatya fire, 58, 123 gārhapatyagni, 60 Garuda, 44 Gaya, 129 Ghaṇṭaśālā, 45 Gobila Gṛhya Sūtra, 1, 61 “going forth,” 49 grāma (town), 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37 Great Departure, 49, 51, 52 gṛhya, 32, 55, 56, 57, 58–67 gṛhyagni (“fire of the home”), 58 gṛhyapati (gahapati), 58, 60 Gṛhya Sūtra, 58–59, 60 gṛhysṭa (householder), 34, 36, 60, 67, 126 guhā (cave), 41, 43, 44, 74 Gunn, Giles, interpreting “otherness,” 38 Guṇṭupalli, 146, 148 gymnosophists, 137 hammiya (harmiya), 41, 45, 55, 74 harmikā, 90, 100–104, 101, 112, 118, 154, 161, 165, 166, 169; harmikā-yaṣṭi, 102 Harpham, Geoffrey Galt, 170, 171 heaven in Buddhism, 174 Hermes, 72 Hestia, 57, 72 heterotopias, 37, 38 Hināyāna Buddhism, 29 Hindu temples, 3, 6 Hirakawa, Akira, 158 Hiraṅyakeśi Gṛhya Sūtra, 61 Hollander, John, 174 home, and house, 55–58; as point of departure, 19 homelessness, 10, 55, 156; critique of gṛhya, 63–67 Horner, I. B., 29 immortality, Vedic notion of, 34 Indra, 52 Indus Valley, 25 “inhumanism,” 159 interiorization of sacrifice, 126, 166 Isao, Kumakura, 163 Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa, 127 Jains, 139; ascetics, 30; Jainism, 34, 82; rules on requisites, 47 Jaiswal , Suvira, 60 jātaka (Buddhist tale), 36, 50 Jeffers, Robinson, 159 Jetavana, 39, 53, 55, 79, 83, 84, 85, 89, 90, 94, 95, 98, 99, 112, 113 kaivalya, 109 kālamākara, 144 kalpaikatva (“unity of ritual”), 59 kāma, 32 Kamo no Chōmei, 16, 134 Kanganhalli, 83, 86 Kanheri, 146 kaṇṇika (roof plate), 165 Kaṇthaka, 50 Kapila, 50 Kapilavāstu, 1, 50, 53, 55, 63, 79, 157 karerimaṇḍalamālā (musk-rose pavilion), 95 Kārlī, 44, 145, 146 kathina, 70
220INDEX Kauravas, 140, 142 Kauṣitakī Brāhmaṇa, 127 Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad, 126 Kautilya, 45, 57 keśin, 26, 131, 135 khā (“roof hole”), 127 Kondāne, 146, 148 Kondivte, 146, 147 kosaṃbakuṭī (fragrant hut), 95 Kramrisch, Stella, 103, 118, 119, 121, 165 kūṭa (top of the skull), 120, 154 kuṭāgāra (“sky room”), 45, 102, 154; kuṭāgāra-śāla, 45 kuṭī, 38, 45, 55, 58; kuṭīka, 38, 39 Kuṭīviharin, 22, 169 Kyoto, 134, 162 lakkhaṇas (signs of perfectedness), 110, 118 Lakkhaṇa Sutta, 110 “last hut,” 20, 21–22, 106, 127, 128, 155–156, 168 Laugier, Abbé, 173 leṇa, 44 living at the root of a tree, 68 lohapāsāda, 45 lokottara, 119 Lomas Rishi, 129, 130, 134, 139, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 160, 161, 163 machiai, 162 Mahabalipuram, 39, 146, 154 Mahābhārata, 4, 37, 70, 140, 142 mahāpuruṣa (superman), 28, 77, 110, 111, 116, 118, 164, 171 mahāsamana (archascetic), 28, 77, 109, 110, 112 Mahāsāṃghikas, 108 Mahāvagga, 69, 139 Mahāvaṃsa, 45 Mahāvana forest, 45 Mahāvīra, 28, 29 Mahāyāna, 14 Majjhima Nikāya, 42, 109 mākara, 144 Makkali Gośāla, 28 Malamoud, Charles, 36 mālāvihāra (garland pavilion), 95 maṇḍala, 151, 161 maṇḍalamālā (circular pavilion), 98 Mathurā, 45, 83, 86, 87, 91 Maya, Queen, 91, 112 Meister, Michael, 158 mesocosmos, 107 Milinda (Menander), 75 Milindapañha, 47, 75, 109 mleccha, 136 mokṣa, 31, 109 monachos, 29 “mountain place into the city,” 162, 166 Mucalinda, serpent-king, 72, 73, 76 mukti, 128 muni, 25, 26, 33 Mus, Paul, 102 Nāgasena, 47, 75 nāndipāda, 153 nibbāna, 29, 46; nirvāṇa, 28, 103, 105, 106, 109, 121, 123, 124, 128, 168 nijiriguchi, 162, 163 nissayas (requisites for a monk), 46, 72, 73, 156; on dwellings, 47; nissaya rules, 139 Nyagrodhārāma, 53 oghatiṇna, 29 Okakura, Kakuzo, 14, 162 Olivelle, Patrick, 30, 35, 139, 140 open-air sacrificial space, 166 Otto, Rudolf, 37 pabbaja, 49, 55, 65, 67, 123, 156 paccekabuddhā, 28, 29, 67, 68, 157 Pagan, 84 pajjusana, 69 paṃsukūlacīvara (securing clothing by collecting rags), 46, 139 pañcaleṇani, 41, 42 pañcamāśrāmavidhāna, 139, 140 Pañcavaggiya monks, 46 Pāṇḍavas, 140, 142 Panikkar, Raimundo, 31, 63, 159, 170 pāṇipātrin (using the hand for eating), 140 paṇṇa-sāla (forest hut with a leaf roof), 5, 6, 39 paragata (gone beyond), 29 paramahamsa, 139 parivena, 71
INDEX221 parivrājaka (wanderer), 25, 26, 66, 69 pāsāda, 41, 44, 45, 74 pātimokkha (monastic guidelines), 70, 142 pavarana (atonement for any offense), 70 perfected ascetic, 137, 166; “perfected being,” 28 Philo, Jewish philosopher, 136 piṇḍiyālopabhojana (obtaining food by begging), 46 Pitalkhorā, 146 pradakśinā-patha (circumambulatory path), 151 Prasad, Nand, 47 Prātimokṣa Sūtra, 108 pratyēka, 29 primitive, paradigm of, 134–142; difference from primitiveness, 131, 132; relation with normative, 136 primitive hut, 145 primitivism, expression of, 155, 157–160; constructing of, 131; in Indic ascetic narratives, 135; nakedness as emblem, 139; primitivistic, 36 Pseudo-Callisthenes, 137 pūimuttabhesajja (urine as medicine), 46 Puṇṇa (Pūrṇa), 98 Puṇṇovāda-sutta-vaṇṇanā, 98 puranacaitya, 154 Pūrṇāvadanā, 99 puspamaṇḍapa (flower pavilion), 95 Rāhula, 50, 52, 53, 55, 73 Rājagaha, 74, 76 Rāma, 65, 131, 141 Rāmāyaṇa, 37, 140 ratha, 4, 5, 154 Renou, Louis, 59 renunciation and asceticism, 27 Rig Veda, 44, 45, 120 Rikyū, 14, 161, 162 Roth, Gustav, 70 Rowland, Benjamin, 143 ṛṣi, 17, 25, 26 rukkhamūlasenāsana (dwelling under a tree), 46 Rykwert, Joseph, 19, 172 sādhus, 131 Śākyamuni, 28, 78 sala, 55 “Salasuktām,” 60, 67 samādhi, 28, 102, 109 “Samannaphala Sutta,” 66, 67 Saṃhitās, 59 saṃnyās, 55, 64, 126; saṃnyāsin, 25, 26, 36, 123 saṃsāra, 34, 76, 79, 125, 127 Sāncī, 39, 83, 86, 87, 89, 151 saṇgha (Buddhist monastic system), 37, 49, 65, 66, 68, 69, 71, 73 saṇghārāma, 44, 70 Sankhyāna Āraṇyaka, 126 Sāriputta, 48 sārīra (body), 123 Sarkar, H., 44 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, 58, 125, 127 Sāvatthī (Srāvastī), 53, 76, 79, 98 Schopen, Gregory, 18, 100 Selkirk, Alexander, 134 “Senāsana Khandaka,” 48 shamans, 25, 134 Shūkō, 162 Siddhārtha, 52, 53, 63, 65, 72, 79, 83, 105, 127; early dwellings, 81; emaciated condition, 131; encounters with old age and death, 50; tonsure, 142 sikhā (topknot), 140 śikharā (finial), 121, 165, 166 sīma (boundaries), 71, 121 Śiva, wild features, 131 Smith, Brian K., 59 sōan (peasant’s hut), 162 śrama (labor), 24, 30, 31, 128, 143 śramana, 24, 25, 27, 30, 41, 67, 75, 83 Śrauta Sūtra, 58–59, 60 Srinivasan, S. A., 142 sthāna, 57 sthāpatyaṣilpa, 57 sthunā (central pillar of the house), 60 Strong, John S., 97, 99 stupa, 90, 101, 102, 103, 104, 144, 147, 149, 151, 154, 161 Sudāmā cave, 144, 146, 147, 149 Śuddhodana, 50, 53, 65 sugata dimension, 108 Sujata, 83, 89 Sumaṇgala-vilāsinī, 45 Śunaḥśepa, 30 śūnyata, 109
222INDEX Suttavibhaṅga, 127 svayamātṛṇṇā (naturally perforated brick), 121 taṇhā (desire), 64 tāpas (“austerity”), 30, 31, 125 tāpasvin, 25, 26 téjas, 121 Thapar, Romila, 26 Thoreau, Henry David, 134 toraṇa (gateway), 61, 84, 151 tree, as house, 82; spatial archetype, 41; tree at Gaya, 82; Tree of Wisdom, 82 “tree-root dweller’s practice,” 42 “trefoil arch,” 111, 113, 114 triratna (trident), 91, 93, 112 Udāna, 151 udarapātrin (eating from the ground like a cow), 140 Udāyana, 70, 71 Udayin, 65 Upaniṣads, 26, 34, 63, 125 Uruvelā, 81, 94, 127 uṣṇīṣa, 103, 104, 118–123, 119, 121, 122, 165, 166 Vaikhānasa Smārtasūtra, 135 vairāgi (dissenter), 26; vairāgya (renouncement), 27 Vaiśālī, 55 vana (forest), 31, 32, 34–38, 70 vanāvāsa, 64; vanavāsi, 73, 123; vānaprasthi, 25, 31, 38 vassa-āvāsa (rain residence), 43, 69 vāstu, 55, 56, 57, 58 Vāstuśāstra (Vāstuṣilpa), 57 Vedic fire altar, 9, 120 Vedic house, 33, 59; house-building rituals, 61 Vedic householder, obligations, 65; the Buddha’s comment on Vedic household, 66 Vedic marriage, 34, 61; role of wife, 61 Vedic sacrifice, 30, 53, 58, 120, 127 Vedic society, 25, 26, 32, 34 vedikā railings, 151 vegetal canopy, 111 Venuvana, 71 Vernant (Jean-Pierre), 72 Vesta, 57 Vico, Giambattista, 35 viharā, 41, 44, 55, 58, 70, 71, 83, 146, 164, 165 viharāti, 44 village, contrasted with forest, 36 Vimalakīrti, 14 vimānas, 4, 7 Vinayas, 41, 42, 44, 67, 68, 69, 83 Vishnu, 44 Visuddhimagga, 42, 47, 68, 139 viśvajyoti bricks, 121 Vitruvius, 35 vivaṭa-cchado, 127, 156 vratāpa, 25 vrātyas, 26 Walden, 134 Wardha, 17 yājña (sacrificial ritualism), 31, 127 yājñopavīta (sacrificial thread), 140 yakṣa, 4, 36, 37, 82–83, 136 yantra, 151, 161 Yasodharā, 52, 53, 55, 73 yaṣṭi, 101 yātis, 26 yoga, upright figure, 25; yogin, 13, 25, 26, 28, 159 Yoga Śāstras, 154 yogic labor, 165 yupa (post), 120 Zimmer, Heinrich, on the ascetic, 28; on the tree, 82;
About the Author Kazi Khaleed Ashraf teaches architecture at the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa. His publications include An Architecture of Independence: The Making of Modern South Asia (with James Belluardo); Sherebanglanagar: Louis Kahn and the Making of a Capital Complex (with Saif ul Haque); and the Architectural Design volume Made in India, which received the Pierre Vago Journalism Award from the International Committee of Architectural Critics (CICA).
Production Notes for Ashraf | The Hermit’s Hut Jacket design by Julie Matsuo-Chun Text Design by Integrated Composition Systems, Spokane, Washington, with text and display type in Minion Pro Composition by Integrated Composition Systems Printing and binding by Edwards Brothers Malloy Printed on 70 lb. EB Matte, 513 ppi.
ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM IN MODERN KOREA INHA JUNG 2013, est. 208 pages, color & b/w illus. Cloth ISBN: 978-0-8248-3585-9 “Inha Jung has written a fine volume, full of very well-informed accounts of events, insightful analyses of projects, and nuanced ideas about the unique flow of architectural and urban modernization in Korea.” —from the Foreword by Peter G. Rowe, Raymond Garbe Professor of Architecture and Urban Design and Harvard University Distinguished Service Professor CHINA’S CONTESTED CAPITAL ARCHITECTURE, RITUAL, AND RESPONSE IN NANJING CHARLES D. MUSGROVE 2013, 250 pages, illus. Cloth ISBN: 978-0-8248-3628-3 Until the Japanese invasion in 1937, Nanjing was the “model capital” of Nationalist China. Interesting parallels between China’s recent rise under the Post-Mao Chinese Communist Party and the Nationalist era have brought increasing scholarly attention to the Nanjing Decade (1927–1937); however, study of Nanjing itself has been neglected. Charles Musgrove brings the city back into the discussion of China’s modern development, focusing on how it was transformed from a factional capital with only regional influence into a symbol of nationhood—a city where newly forming ideals of citizenship were celebrated and contested on its streets and at its monuments. ORIGINAL COPIES ARCHITECTURAL MIMICRY IN CONTEMPORARY CHINA BIANCA BOSKER 2013, 176 pages, color & b/w illus. Paper ISBN: 978-0-8248-3606-1 “The postmodern predilection for ‘themed’ environments and simulacra has generally been interpreted, in a line that stretches from the Frankfurt School to Baudrillard and Eco, in terms of loss—loss of originality and loss of authenticity. Bianca Bosker turns this line of cultural criticism in a very different direction in a perceptive analysis of architectural mimicry in the cultural context of the ‘new China.’ ” —Christian Hubert, Parsons The New School for Design South Asian Architecture Jacket art front: The Buddha seated in a tiered-roof structure, Gandhāra (© the trustees of the british museum, london); back: Siddhārtha meditating below the jambu tree, Gandhāra, second to third centuries (© the norton simon foundation, pasadena, ca). Jacket design Julie Matsuo-Chun UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I PRESS HONOLULU, HAWAI‘I 96822-1888 Also in the series