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Published by ranahritika, 2019-10-20 07:17:31

SFS_External Review

SFS_External Review copy

External Review of Motorable Local Roads
Building Program [MLRBP III]

Gender and Social Inclusion Assessment

Hritika Rana

20th October 2019

Gender and Social Inclusion Assessment Study Team Lead

Field Researchers Trained and Selected by:
Hritika Rana, PhD

Social Anthropologist


The team is thankful towards M/LRBP staff at central and provincial level for the coordination support
provided during fieldwork as well as for providing secondary sources of data for the study. The team is

also grateful towards the hospitality of the host households and focal household at each study site.

Photo credit

The photos have been gathered from each team. Hence, irrespective of individual contribution, the
entire study team, with focus on selected study sites are to be credited.

Table of Contents

List of Tables ............................................................................................................................................... i

List of Boxes ................................................................................................................................................ i

List of Figures .............................................................................................................................................ii

Abbreviations ...........................................................................................................................................iii

Glossary of Terms ....................................................................................................................................iv

Preface ....................................................................................................................................................... v

Executive Summary

I. OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY.................................................................................................................... 1
1.1 STUDY SITE.........................................................................................................................................................1
1.2 SAMPLE SELECTION............................................................................................................................................2
1.3 DATA ANALYSIS AND PRESENTATION ...............................................................................................................5

II. CONTEXTUALIZING MLRBP INTERVENTION..................................................................................... 7
2.1 RURAL LIVELIHOOD AND INCOME-EARNING OPPORTUNITIES ..........................................................................9
2.2 EMPLOYMENT AND CASH-EARNING OPPORTUNITIES IN CONSTRUCTION.....................................................12
2.3 MOBILITY PATTERNS AND ACCESS TO RESOURCES.........................................................................................18
2.3.1 USE AND CONDITION OF PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION ..................................................................................30
2.4 DECISION-MAKING AND LEADERSHIP ROLE AT COMMUNITY LEVEL..............................................................33

III. MLRBP SPECIFIC INTERVENTIONS ............................................................................................. 44

IV. CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................. 50

V. RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................................................................................... 50

Annex 1: Details of Host Household
Annex 2: Details of Focal Host Households
Annex 3: Areas of Inquiry
Annex 4: Development indicator timelines
Annex 5: Livelihood and occupation diversity opportunities in the study site
Annex 6: Social and resources map
Annex 7: Venn diagrams
Annex 8: Mobility maps
Annex 9: Field researchers in each study site
Annex 10: List of reviewed documents

List of Tables

Table 1: Site-specific detail of bridge and road condition
Table 2: Various outside interventions before and after the Bridge
Table 3: Gender, occupation and age related mobility detail from Accham
Table 4: Gender, occupation and age related mobility detail from Dadeldhura
Table 5: Gender, occupation and age related mobility detail from Chitwan
Table 6: Gender, occupation and age related mobility detail from Sankhuwasabha
Table 7: Market schedule in Sankhuwasabha
Table 8: Caste/ ethnicity of privately owned public transport system
Table 9: Details of vehicle movement and availability of public transportation

List of Boxes

Box 1: Construction related labour work in Sankhuwasabha
Box 2: Construction related work in Accham
Box 3: Construction related work in Dadeldhura
Box 4: Construction related work in Chitwan
Box 5: A Case of Bridge Users Committee in Budhi Rapti, Chitwan
Box 6: A Case of Chitre Budhi Ganga, Accham
Box 7: A Case of Puntura gad, Dadeldhura


List of Figures

Figure 1 Host Household and Focal Host Households
Figure 2: Caste/ethnicity and location of selected host household sample
Figure 3: Sample characteristics for each data collection tool
Figure 4: Interview with Focal Host Household in Raley, Accham
Figure 5: Timeline of various developmental interventions in Puntura Gad, Dadeldhura
Figure 6: Collection and distribution of money through Savings and Loan Cooperative in

Archaley, Sankhuwasabha
Figure 7: Pillar for gate near the bridge
Figure 8: Monthly employees
Figure 9: Excavation work
Figure 10: Fixing electricity grid line
Figure 11: Chitre Budhi Ganga Bridge Construction Site, Accham
Figure 12: Puntura Gad Bridge site
Figure 13: User Committee member showing the bridge construction site in Chitwan
Figure 14: Social and Resource Map of Chitre, Accham
Figure 15: Women and children in nearby public water tap in Raley, Accham
Figure 16: School going children
Figure 17: Use of personal motorbike using Sabha Khola bridge, Sankhuwasabha
Figure 18: Mobility Map of male agricultural trader from Lingling, Sankhuwasabha
Figure 19: Mobility map of women leader from Lingling, Sankhuwasabha
Figure 20: Conversation with female teacher in Accham
Figure 21: Condition of gabion-box in Puntura, Dadeldhura
Figure 22: Interaction with Tharu women in Chitwan
Figure 23: Major settlements connected by Sabha Khola bridge, Sankhuwasabha



AM/am Ante meridiem [before midday]
DAGs Disadvantaged Groups
DDC District Development Committee
DEPROSC Development Project Service Nepal
DIT Development Indicator Tool
GESI Gender and Social Inclusion
FGD Focused Group Discussion
FHH Focal Host Household
FR Field Researcher
HH Household
HHH Host Household
Hr/s Hours
KII Key Informant Interview
Mins Minutes
MLRBP Motorable Local Roads Bridges Programme
NI Narrative Interviews
PMEP Prime Minister Employment Program
PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal
SDC Swiss Development Corporation
UC User’s Committee
WFD Work Force Diversity
ZOI Zone of Influence


Glossary of Terms

Adhiya Sharecropping practice
Alaichi Black Cardamom
Amaa Samuha Mother’s Group
Ashad June/July in English calendar
Bari Agricultural land that is usually closer to the house,
and may not require extensive irrigation
Chauppadi A cultural practice in western region of Nepal where
girls and women are kept separately [outside home]
Chautara during their monthly menstruation cycle
Chimeki An open space where people usually gather
Dana Neighbour
Dashain A Piece of something
Hindu festival celebrated in the month of
Dhan khet September-October
Paddy cultivated agricultural land, usually with
Dhikki irrigation facility, unlike Bari.
a traditional Nepalese cereal beater made of wood
Doko and stone
Garibi Niwaran Bamboo basket usually carried on the head
Gramin Mahila Bikash Samiti Poverty Alleviation
Haat Rural Women’s Development Committee
Jatoo Open-air market used for trading of goods
Khanepani Indigenous grinder made of stone
Mistri Drinking water
Mukhdaar Master craftsman in any field
In traders language, rudrakshya starting from eight
Nanglo mukhi onwards are mukhdaar, and are highly valued
Nari Sachetana Bamboo tray
Pachmukhi Women’s awareness
Parma Five faces of Rudhrakshya
Rudraksha Practice of Exchange labour
Seed used as a prayer beads; Botanically known as
Samiti Elaeocarpus Ganitrus
Samudayik Bipat Bebasthapan Committee
Sana Kishan Community Disaster Management
Sarsafai Small Farmer
Swarojgar Cleanliness
Thekka Self-employ
Tol Contract
Ukkhu Area or locality
Upabhokta samiti Sugarcane
Utthansil Samajik Bikash Kendra User’s Committee
Social Upliftment and Development Centre



This study includes of gender and social inclusion assessment of the Motorable Local Roads Bridges
Programme, PHASE III (MLRBP III, 2017–2020), which aims to improve the living conditions of the local
people by facilitating all-weather motorable roads that will eventually improve mobility of diverse
population living within the proximity of the project area. The study has specifically explored on how the
project has helped in increasing the socio-economic activities due to improved access and mobility in the
district/locality, especially the Zone of Influence (ZOI), and how has the project benefited disadvantaged
groups (DAGs, including of gender lens), from the newly created opportunities of skill development and
employment in bridge construction.

Specific objective of the study were as follows:
 To what extent LRBP applies the approaches and crosscutting theme of SDC such as GESI in
programme implementation?
 To what extent LRBP has implemented the national policy on equal pay for equal works applied in
all cases (contractor managed contracts or User’s committee managed contracts, ensured women
workers safety and security?
 To what extent LRBP has involved women and discriminated groups in decision-making roles of
different committees? To what extent the involved women and discriminated groups are influencing
the decisions of the committees or those involved in training and capacity building interventions
have benefited from LRBP in terms of their economic and social empowerment?
 Capture success and failure stories on how change in GESI has been achieved, negotiated,
challenged or disregarded during and after the course of project implementation;

In order to evaluate the project, research methodology included of qualitative approach, mainly immersion
in the field which comprised of specific areas of inquiry, along with broad topics for interviews/narrative
interviews, household data collection questionnaire survey, specific PRA tools namely social and resource
mapping, development indicators timeline, mobility mapping, venn diagram, and group meeting timesheet,
and task based division of labour sheet. Most of the tools were used to collect qualitative data, and meaning-
making of the information provided to include participants in the interpretation of their own views,
opinions, and lived-experiences. All the information was collected as part of the immersion study where
twelve researchers lived in each site for a period of 5-7 days, with the host households falling under the area
of zone of influence. Field researchers were trained for two whole days [August 29-30] on what data has to
be collected and how to collect using each research tool.

Four sites were selected for the study. Accham [Hill] and Dadeldhura [Hill] were selected from province 7,
Chitwan [Terai] from Province 3, and Sankhuwasabha [Mountain] from Province 1. Accham was selected
as a control group as bridge in this site is under-construction. Chitwan was selected to include an area that
has User Committee and as a representation of Terai region. Other two regions were selected to ensure
inclusiveness from geographical perspective, and also to ensure cross-comparison between two hilly regions
[Accham (Under construction site as Control group) and Dadeldhura (Bridge completed site)].

The field data [September 1-8] has been consolidated during debriefing session of two whole days
[September 13-14], followed by further cross-analysis of the collected data. Triangulation of collected data
at household and community level, among individuals from various caste, ethnicity, gender, economic
background, and geographical position has been done to ensure inclusiveness of voice. The analysis of the
project intervention has been further situated within the broader developmental context in order to separate
direct impact of the project with that of the parallel interventions made by various stakeholders, as well as
progressive changes in individuals’ life over time.

The limitation of the study has been the constraint of data collection influenced by limited stay in the field
[only 5-7 days for a qualitative study], difficulty in reaching out to various cluster of people living within
the ZOI, and challenge in finding the direct economic beneficiaries [people who could work in bridge
construction/river-dyke construction, and those who received semi-skills and skills trainings] of the project


Executive Summary

Gender and Social Inclusion assessment of Motorable Local Roads Building Program
incorporates a qualitative approach to data collection, which is assisted by a questionnaire
survey to get a glimpse on household and individual characteristics. The information collected
through survey has been used to support the narratives, PRA tools, and conversations that
were noted on a daily basis by coding each individual within the household. The study thus
largely relies on qualitative representation of the findings by analyzing the data through cross-
comparison among different sites and individual from various caste/ethnicity, gender, and
economic background. It also includes of within case analysis where people from same sites,
and same households are compared. Meaning making of the comparison is done through
interpretation provided by the participants themselves, such as the local meaning making of
certain issues like women’s late entry in wage labour as a result of their engagement at
household in Sankhuwasabha, or women’s wage rate being less in Accham compared to men as
such practice had been in place historically.

Although the research questions mostly starts with “to what extent”, it should be noted that
the use of qualitative tools does not answer ‘the extent’ of something that has changed or
remained unchanged in the study site. Instead, the study provides a birds eye view of the
developmental changes in the zone of influence sites. It is within this broader change, that the
study has contextualized the findings related to four broad research questions — i) work force
diversity, ii) work opportunities in bridge construction along with transfer of skills through
trainings, iii) issue of equal wage rate, and iv) decision-making and leadership. Additionally, the
findings also include of increased mobility of people, transportation of goods and improved
access to various services. The study shows that due to connectivity of motorable roads after
bridge construction, local people, especially elderly, pregnant women and children in
Dadeldhura have been able to access health services during emergencies.

The study findings suggest that there is an overrepresentation of men over women at project
staff level as well as at construction sites. Extensive lists of tasks were developed during pre-
field visit period but the work done by locals was limited, as was found after the field visit.
Work conducted by women labourers mostly included of tasks such as gabion-box filling,
concrete mixing, material carrying, stone collection, stone breaking, mixing concrete, carrying
sand, and portering. While, men were also involved in these works, mostly the skilled work was
exclusively held by men of all caste/ethnicity. Men held all skilled work, locally known as
‘mistri’, and other occupations such as drivers, excavator drivers and any large vehicle drivers,
conductors, transportation investors/owners. Dalit, Janajati, Tharu, Brahmin and Chettri men
all were involved in every work. The extent of involvement by different caste/ethnicity is
however not available in this study. Wage rate related findings show discrepancies in Accham
and Sankhuwasabha, whereas men and women earned equal wage in Chitwan and Dadeldhura.
Most challenging aspect of the study was in terms of analyzing the Involvement of
disadvantaged group in decision-making and leadership, since only one study site had a user’s
committee, which was established moreover in the final year of bridge completion. Hence, the
study presents how various existing groups, committees, and networks of mothers groups, dalit
groups, local farmers group or any established group could play a role in influencing decisions
as in the case of Chitwan where the locals advocated for the construction of bridge. Finally, the
study presents three recommendations, related to enhancing the participation of DAGs in
unskilled work, skilled work, and decision-making and leadership at community level.


I. Overview of the Study
1.1 Study Site

The four sites selected for the immersion study of gender and social inclusion analysis
included of Chitre Budi Ganga bridge site in Accham, Punturagad bridge in Dadeldhura,
Budi Rapti bridge in Chitwan, and Sabha khola bridge in Sankhuwasabha.

Table 1: Site-specific detail of bridge and road condition

Districts/ Time taken by or to reach destination Condition of road [along
Villages/ bridge/study site]
Bridge Municipality/Main towns/Markets

Accham [2013 – under construction]

Raley 30mins/ Mangalsen-3 2hrs/ No pitch; muddy road;
red mud, slippery; off
Chitrey 10mins/ Mangalsen-3 3hrs/ road; hard stones
Sanfebagar 2:30hrs/
Dadeldhura [2013-2015] No Pitch, Gravel road,
Parsuram-12, 1 hr 45 mins/ Muddy, No drainage,
Kuiyapani 15mins/ 45mins/ [Bridge] No sidewalk, riverbeds
Parsuram-12, 1hr30 mins/
Puntura 15 mins/ 30mins/ Combination of concrete,
10 mins/ pitched & gravel road,
Parshuram 1hr 30mins/ bumpy
45mins/ Khairahani 5-10 mins/
Combination of gravel
Chitwan [2011-2015] and pitched road. Easy to
travel for all types of
Phaserni 10 mins/ vehicle
Black top smooth road
Bachhauli 25 mins/ Khairahani 25 mins/ from Bashyauli to Belsi;
then combination of
Sankhuwasabha [2012-2018] gravel & pitched road

Ling ling 1hrs20mins/ Wana 45 mins-1 hrs/ No pitch, muddy road,
Khadbari 3hrs/ [Bridge] red mud, slippery, off
2hrs30mins/ Archaley- Chainpur [1hrs+/ ] [2- road, hard stones

3/ & 3-4/ ]

Syabun 2hrs/ Wana 1-1:30 hrs/

4hrs/ Khadbari 4hrs/ [Bridge]

Source: GESI field study, 2019 (* Hrs=Hours, mins=Minutes to refer time taken)

Table 1 shows the towns and villages included from four different locations, with total
of 9 separate settlement areas that have been mainly covered by the study. Each


settlement area is distinct in terms of geographical location, condition of road, distance
from the bridge site, and distance from municipality, major towns, and market areas.
Out of these four sites, Chitwan is better off in terms of road condition, and proximity
to the market; followed by Dadeldhura and Sankhuwasabha, and finally Accham with
no bridge completion, worst road condition, and market/major towns being furthest
from the selected settlement area.

1.2 Sample selection

The field researchers (FRs) stayed in 12 host households (HHHs) in total, out of which 5
host households were from Sankhuwasabha, 3 each in Chitwan and Dadeldhura, and 1
in Accham1. Mostly the researchers lived in households near road corridor as these
areas were more accessible compared to other settlement areas where there was
uncertainties regarding the availability of households ready to become a host
household. Given the limited number of days allocated for field stay, the researchers
were oriented not to spend too much time finding a host household, however
researchers have included focal households (FHHs) that are 1-2 hours further by walk
from the road corridor as focal host households. In case of Chitwan, the FRs also hired a
taxi to travel to areas under ZOI [Bokaha, Deybauli, Padhariya and Phasera] that are 1-2
hours away by vehicle.

Figure 2: Host Household and Focal Host Households

Live with Host

Source: GESI field study, 2019

Host households are those households that provide a living space for field researchers
to spend number of days in their own household. Given that the FR’s spend several

1 Due to road condition and landslide on the way to the study site, the FR’s in Accham district could not reach the
study site as planned. Furthermore, the spatial distribution of households in the study site along with FRs being
accompanied by the project staff led FR’s to live in 1 host household rather than staying in 3 different households as
earlier planned.


days in one household, FR’s are better able to understand the way of life of the HHH by
daily interaction and much better opportunity for observation of the day-to-day
lifestyle of that household. While living with the HHH, the FRs are able to interact with
FHHs, but the interaction may not be as engaged as with the hose household, since the
time spent with FHH is less than that of HHH. Detail information of host households
and focal host households are provided in Annex 1 and Annex 2 respectively.

Figure 2: Caste/ethnicity and location of selected host household sample

Raley [1]

Puntura [3]

Bashyauli [1] Lingling [3]
Pharseni [2] Syabun [2]

13 3 5 Total 12

Chaudhary/ Chettri [1]
Tharu [3] Brahmin [1]
Rai [1]
Newar [1]
Magar [1]

Chettri [2]
Brahmin [1]

Chettri [1] Chitwan Sankhuwasabha

Accham Dadeldhura

Source: GESI field study, 2019

Despite FRs open mindedness to include heterogeneous host households as sample
from as diverse categories as possible, the FRs could not live with the Dalit households.
This could be because HHHs are selected impromptu, rather than by using a pre-
selected list of households. Likewise, the FRs are not accustomed to the study area and
settlement patterns immediately on arrival, which also results in non-selection of
certain households. In addition, the FRs select the HHH on the very first day of arrival in
the study site, hence late arrival in the study site [i.e. in the late afternoon or evening]
may result in FRs to accommodate themselves with convenience sampling procedures,
as in the case of Sankhuwasabha. Despite non-selection of dalits as HHH, altogether 14
Dalit households have participated in the study as FHHs. Total of 15 Janajati, 9 Newar,
47 Tharu, 39 Chettri, 17 Brahmin, have been included as FHHs as shown in Figure 3. The
number of Brahmin, Chettri and Tharu FHHs are higher as they are the predominant
groups in each settlement areas.


Figure 3: Sample characteristics for each data collection tool
Chettri [22], Dalit [1]

Chettri [15] Newar [9], Rai [7]
Bhramin [10] Magar [3], Tamang
Dalit [13] [4], Brahmin [7],
Chettri [2], Other
Chaudhari/T Janajati [1]
haru [47]


123 38 47 33 Total 143

Key 6M/3F 1M/1F/1FGD 8M/4F Total 26
Informants 2M/1F [17M/9F]

Mobility 8M/4F 5M/7F 5M/4F 6M/8F Total 47
map [24M/23F]

Narrative 3M/0F 6M/5F 1M/2F 7M/5F Total 29
Interview [17M/12F]

Accham Dadeldhura Chitwan Sankhuwasabha

Source: GESI field study, 2019

Altogether 26 key informants were interviewed. The key informants included of head
female teacher, Tol chairman, and male School Physical trainer in Accham. Chitwan
interviewee included of one male market trader and wife of market trader with 1 FGD
including of five Tharu, 1 Newar and 1 Brahmin of Bridge Users committee. Two male
market trader, three male teachers, one female leader of mothers group, one male
municipality engineer, one male community forest chairperson, and one female red
cross community disaster management staff were interviewed in Dadeldhura. In
Sanhuwasabha, the key informants included of one male and one female teacher, 2


male politicians, one health worker, two male driver, 2 male local trader, one female
leader, one male entrepreneur, one male labourer, and one female health worker.

1.3 Data Analysis and Presentation

In order to collect data from the field, the study had developed six areas of inquiry (See
Annex 3) — i) tangible change and development to capture broader change perspective
of the study site, ii) employability and income to cover livelihood related information,
iii) Mobility and access to understand the impact of bridge construction and
transportation changes, iv) decision-making and leadership to explore how
disadvantaged groups have been engaged in various aspects of development, including
bridge construction; v) safety and security aspects related to bridge construction; and
finally vi) gender and social inclusion related perceptions, norms and values that has
changed and are still prevalent in the study site. The current report has been organized
in line with the areas of inquiry,

The first section includes of the overview of the study that presents information on
study site, sample selection and data analysis and presentation. Section II includes of
the overall developmental changes in the study site, including of when the bridge was
constructed, and other outside interventions influencing change. Broad development
changes related information’ are supported by Development Indicator Tool (DIT), which
is often known as timeline (See IICA, 2008 for all PRA tools). This tool supports in
collecting the information regarding certain phenomena or changes in certain
phenomena over time. This section also presents various employment opportunities
and cash earning opportunities available in the study site along with changes in rural
livelihood in agriculture and non-agriculture. This section also presents data on task-
based division of labour and wage rate. It also includes of mobility patterns that
presents data mostly collected by using mobility-mapping tool, which is supported by
social and resource map. Followed by the section that includes of decision-making and
leadership, whereby the data presented includes of analysis of venn diagram and
group meetings chart. This section also includes of analysis of the User’s committee
from Chitwan study site. It also includes of a brief analysis on household gender
dynamics. Then a small part of the report includes of third section that covers safety
and security issues, along with information regarding various project relevant
interventions as identified by the field study. The section attempts to link the
objectives of the evaluation with that of the data collected from the field that has not
been previously covered. Finally, the fourth section which is written as a form of
conclusion of the study, draws specific information relevant to gender and social
inclusion. Besides, specific research tools mentioned in each of the section, all of the
section includes of information collected from key informant interviews (KII), host
household (HHH) and focal host households (FHH) interviews, and narrative interviews
(NI). The final section includes of few recommendations generated from the current


Figure 4: Interview with Focal Host Household in Raley, Accham

Source: GESI field study, 2019

Triangulation of the data has been conducted at various levels, starting from the field
site where each FR reflected back on the data collected individually to debriefing
session, data archiving, data analysis and final presentation of the data. At field level,
since each researcher had the opportunity to interact with different members of the
same household, various members of the society, people from different
caste/ethnicity, age group, and occupational background, researchers got the
opportunity to crosscheck information gathered from various respondents. FRs could
use multiple informants as a way to ensure reliability and validity of the information
collected. Similarly, use of various data collection tool such as participant observation
and interviews along with PRA tools provided with an opportunity to validate
information provided orally. Although all information could not be validated by
participant observation, such observation has provided insights on what actually exists
and what people reflect back as a normal practice. Likewise, experiential learning of
each researcher in the field has provided an opportunity to double check the
information gathered for reliability and validity. Phone based conversation with
respondents from all four sites was also conducted to further inquire, elaborate, and
understand the collected data and to make sense out of the data for analysis. Finally, in
order to make sense out of the raw data, at times the SDC staffs were also inquired, to
avoid misinterpretation of the data.


II. Contextualizing MLRBP intervention

This section includes of various developmental progress made in each study site, with
specific emphasis given to the start year of bridge construction and completion of the
bridge. In line with the argument that overall changes of any settlement area happens
independently from a single project intervention, with certain interventions and its
impact being only a ‘small’ part of the broader changes, this section locates the
significance of MLRBP within the larger contextual background of the study site. Since,
the main objective of the study is to specifically look at gender equality and social
inclusion perspective of MLRBP project, it is necessary to understand when2 other
social interventions, related to disadvantaged groups have been implemented in each

Figure 5: Timeline of various developmental interventions in Puntura Gad, Dadeldhura

Source: GESI field study, 2019

Figure 5 demonstrates the original timeline developed in consultation with men and
women from the community in Puntura gad, Dadeldhura, mostly the participants
included of teachers, politicians, farmers, and members of various committees.

2 It is not possible to delve deeper into how and what other interventions within such projects to understand their
work within a short period of field time. Hence, the analysis is limited to when any interventions were made, and its
likely significance in the changes brought about, if any, within the study area. Further implications of such outside
interventions as has been repeatedly pointed out by the respondents would be mentioned in the following sections.


Table 2: Various outside interventions before and after the Bridge Ye
Before the Bridge C

Community Forest program in 1984/5, Land Survey in 1988/9, Women’s [201
savings cooperative and Chitre Trail bridge in 1990s, Mothers group and
Accham campus established after 1990; Schools, water taps developed; Road
constructed from Mangalsen to Chitre around 2009/10; Poverty Alleviation
Fund in 2010/11;

Primary & secondary school, health post operated before 1980s; Nepal Bank, D
Forest office & Campus operated around 1984/5; Solar project & motorable [2
roads in 1991; Higher secondary school established in 1996/7; Disability
education program in 1992; Community female health worker program in [2
1994/5; Rural Development Bank operated in 1996; Animal husbandry
program & Agricultural Development Bank in 1996; Dalit organization San
established in 2006; Tailoring training for women in 2005; Poverty Alleviation [2
in 2008/9; Women’s agricultural cooperative in 2011;
Police station established in 1967/8; Health Post in 1975; School in 1983; Seti
Churot Factory established in 1991; First bike in community 1993/4; Foreign
employment trend started in 1998; Started building Concrete houses from 2003;
Women’s awareness program started from 2005; Delegation of bridge by locals
as part of community advocacy [towards local government] started from 2008;
Church, electricity and telecom started from 2008;

Khaptuwa Secondary School established in1955; Lingling market area
developed since 1985; Nepal telecom operated from1993; Community
Forestry in 1995; Health post in 1996; Trail bridge developed in 2001;
Electricity since 2005; Motorable road tracks opened since 2006;
Women’s saving & credit cooperative operated since 2006; Mothers
group since 2007; Public water spout constructed with pipes in 2012;

Source: Development Indicators Timeline, 2019/ Field Study, 2019

ear of Bridge After the Bridge [construction started]
Completion Bridge construction started on 2013; Provided Agricultural training
and Training for pregnant women by Poliohouse, Mangalsen in
Accham 2014/5; Triveni Cooperative started its activity; DEPROSC Nepal
13 onwards] started working in 2014/5; Electricity supply from 2016/17; Seripal
trail bridge developed in 2016/17; Mushroom farming training in
Dadeldhura Mangalsen by Polio-house; Nirdhan bank operation in Mangalsen;
Mothers group established in 2013; Nepal Adhivasi Janajati
Mahasangh started being active in 2014; Shree puntura Community
Disaster Management committee and multi-purpose social
development center established in 2017; Defecation free zone
announced in 2017; CTEVT operated Diploma course in 2018;
Construction of park in 2019

Chitwan Construction of bridge started with Swiss support from 2011;
2011-2015] Chimeki group/Swarojgar program started operating from 2014;
Bridge building use committee formed in 2014/2015; Bridge
nkhuwasabha completion in 2015; Biscuit factory established in Seti Cigarette
2012-2018] factory in 2016; Meeting hall was built, easy wi-fi access from
2017/8 onwards;

Old age network established in 2013; Defecation free zone
announced in 2012/3; Children’s club established in 2014/5;
New ward office established in 2017; IME operated since
2017/8; Prime Minister Employment Program 2019


Figure 6: Collection and distribution of money through
Savings and Loan Cooperative in Archaley, Sankhuwasabha

Table 2 provides more detailed

information on various interventions

before and after the bridge. The

information in the given table has

been extracted from the

development indicators timeline

developed during immersion study.

According to Table 3, various

community groups including of

community forest group, mothers

groups, women’s cooperative, had

already been established prior to

bridge construction. Outside

intervention [apart from MLRBP]

Source: GESI Field Study, 2019 influencing change related to gender

and social inclusion, and special

programs for disadvantaged groups included of poverty alleviation fund, credit

programs for women, disability program, employment generation programs, and

operation of dalit organizations. Each study site however varies in terms of various

interventions as well as their own [memory] recollection of the past interventions.

Mostly the participants tend to refer to a timeline and the intervention that has been

deeply rooted in their memory, that they have participated in, and those that have

been quite visible in terms of their activity. Besides activities prior the bridge

construction, there are many other changes in the study site since the construction of

the bridge as shown in Table 2 [See Annex 4 for more detail], but those changes are

independent of the MLRBP intervention. Any specific connection of the socio-cultural,

economic and mobility related changes in the study site with that of bridge

construction would be discussed in the following sections.

2.1 Rural livelihood and income-earning opportunities

In all four sites, most households are multiple-occupation holders, with household
members mostly involved in agriculture that includes of cereal crop production,
vegetables, livestock, and other cash crops. Along with agriculture, other occupations
included of non-agricultural work such as retail shopkeeper, tea-shop owner, clothes
shop owner, hotel, health worker, tailoring, teacher, driver, transportation owner,
carpenter, government employee, employee in private sector, cooperative staff, other
businesses, trading, construction worker, stationery shop owner, mobile shops, and
others. Besides, there are many households that work as labourers in agriculture as
well as non-agriculture sector. Many households in all study sites have migrants in their


household. Mostly people from Chitwan (50 percent of the total 50 HHs) and
Dadeldhura (48.78 percent of the total 41 HHs) seem to have migrated to Kathmandu
and foreign countries as compared to Accham (34.78 percent of the total 24 HHs) and
Sankhuwasabha (30 percent of the total 40 HHs). In case of farm labour, in Accham and
Dadeldhura mostly, Parma or exchange labour was the dominant practice, whereas in
Sankhuwasabha the practice of adhiya or sharecropping was also common, and in
Chitwan the large landholders rented out [Thekka] their land for certain predetermined

Unlike other areas, study areas in Sankhuwasabha such as Lingling, Archaley and

Syabun were famous for production of Rudrakhsha dana, which are used as prayer

beads. Most common Rudrakhasa dana included of Cash crop farming
Paachmukhi and Chamukhi dana that cost Rs.10 per piece,

and was sold in bulk during the last days of harvesting “Dana could
season. But people in the study site were not particularly immediately change
anticipating the harvest season to sell the common dana’s, one’s life. It does not
their concern and hope was regarding the precious dana need lot of effort, like
known as mukhdaar dana which were unique and Alaichi and Ukkhu, or
production of such dana were rare. Hence the price for other cereal crops but
such dana could be sold at the market for Rs, 3000 to Rs the return is much
15000, Rs 25000 up to a Crore for the most rare dana.
Therefore, major occupation of the households in these higher. We have
areas included of being a Rudrakhsa farmer, rudrakhsha around 200 trees in
trader and labourer during rudrakhsha harvest. Labourers our orchard. During
used during the harvest season mostly included of young Dashain, everyone
boys who were lean and agile, with courage to reach the will be busy in harvest
top of the tree and use a heavy stick to hit the fruit off and processing of the
towards the ground or handpick the fruit as required. dana. I have already
These tasks were not considered easy, as one had to be started booking the
careful enough not to break the tree branches as well as
one’s own physical body. The price for labourer included trees from few
of Rs 700 as minimum rate to up to the bargaining skill of households around
the labourer who could convince the trader to pay them this area” –Young
sufficient amount for picking expensive danas. For male market trader,

Newar, aged 24

processing of dana, those who come from 7:00am would [He left his work as a
be given Rs. 700-800 with lunch, and those who come at health worker to
eleven are given Rs. 400-500 per day without food.
become a trader. He

Besides, Rudraskha, Sankhuwasabha is also suitable for now helps his father
production of black cardamom, broom grass, sugarcane, who is also a trader]

and many cash crop vegetables. In addition, there was

local market with around 30-40 stores in Lingling, and about 30 minutes walk towards


Archaley there was another four to five small shops. There were few shops and

restaurant near the bridge location in Sabha khola as well. Although there were many

households that still had migrants, and many who complained about lack of

employment opportunities and limited prospects for wage labour work, the reason for

lower percentage of migrants from this area could be

Migration as a major because there are still many income-earning
source of Livelihood opportunities in the study site itself that were mostly
related to diversifying cash crop farming.

“Mostly entire family or Except for few migrants who went to Malaysia, almost all
at least one person migrants from Accham and Dadeldhura went to India.
Migrants from Chitwan and Sankhuwasabha mostly went
from the family goes to to golf countries (Saudi, Dubai, Qatar), and some to Japan
India for work. That is and Malaysia. Few households from Chitwan also
the main source of our migrated to Sauraha, Belsi and Kathmandu, and few from
cash income. Otherwise Sankhuwasabha also migrated to Dharan and
we all depend upon Kathmandu.
dhan-khet farming for
living” Key informant, Although, the percentage of total migrants from Accham
Tol chairperson, male, is lower than other study sites, the emphasis given to


“For seventeen years migration as a source of income is much higher than in
we lived in India. other areas.3 Looking at multiple occupation holding
households, besides few households in service sector, the
Recently we came back households in Accham are mostly involved in agriculture
from India and settled with variation in terms of their involvement in animal
in Dadeldhura. We are husbandry besides cereal crop production. Most
originally from Accham” households had cows, buffaloes, ox, goats and chickens,
Dalit man, Ironsmith, unlike households in Chitwan where livestock rearing
specially in terms of large livestock were rare. Mostly

households in Chitwan had chickens, and goats with pigs. Even in Sankhuwasabha,

many households who had other occupation such as shops, and service-orientation did

not have large livestock but would still raise chickens, goats and pigs. All households

use livestock as opposed to cereal crops as an occasional income-earning source.

In Accham, even basic retail shops were few. Only about 3-4 shops were found in the
area that had basic essential goods such as sugar, oil, salt, and other such goods. In

3 An inference can be drawn stating that multiple income-earning households with income source from
non-agriculture sector results in out-migration especially to golf countries [case of Chitwan and
Dadeldhura], while higher income from agriculture sector results in individuals staying back in their own
locality [case of Sankhuwasabha]. Whereby, Accham could be the case where low employment
opportunity has resulted in migration but at the same time lower cash earning opportunities has
constrained decision-making regarding migration.


contrast, many households had a shop in Puntura-Dadeldhura and Lingling-
Sankhuwasabha. In Dadeldhura, the shops mostly included of retail store, clothes,
tailor, cosmetics, hotels, pharmacy, meat shop, electronic shop and many others. In
Phaserni and Bachhyauli in Chitwan there were 3-4 teashops, cold store, tailor and
some basic retail store. Other sources of income in Chitwan study site included of
export of vegetables and fruits, wielding, drivers, carpenters, work in biscuit factory
among others. In Chitwan, works such as wielding, and carpentry was paid Rs 10,000-
20,000 per month. These works were mostly salaried, unlike in other areas where these
works were self-employed and earned daily wage. Carpenters earned Rs 800 per day in
Sankhuwasabha. There were no female carpenters. In Sankhuwasabha, there were
many shops including of pharmacy, motel, tailor, cosmetic shop, clothes shop,
stationery shop and many more. Investing in shops was one of the major income-
earning sources in Dadeldhura and Sankhuwasabha, besides non-agricultural
occupations. Few shops [owned by both men and women from various caste/ethnicity]
in Sankhuwasabha and Dadeldhura has started operating after bridge, but mostly
people suggested that they invested in shops after the roads had been built and when
it was easier for them to get loan from cooperative. More detailed information on
livelihood diversification and occupation opportunities is given in Annex 5.

2.2 Employment and cash-earning opportunities in construction

Construction of a physical infrastructure is not new to any of the selected study site.
Such construction mainly included of i) labourers being hired from outside through
contractors or builders [local or otherwise] as wage labourers, ii) labourers being
mobilized from within the local site as wage labourers, and often times as iii) local
contribution in construction of a physical infrastructure through physical labour as non-
paid work. During such non-paid work some people in the community could contribute
money while other may contribute their labour as opposed to cash. All of these three
forms of labour use were found in Sankhuwasabha, with ambiguous narratives from
the FRs from other study sites. In other sites, only two types of labour practice were
suggested, i) use of outside wage labourers, and ii) use of local wage labourers.

Box 1: Construction related labour work in Sankhuwasabha

Labourers being hired from outside through contractors or builders
FRs could observe under construction work near Sabha Khola bridge. The labourers were
working on the structure of the gate with two iron-rod pillars. The contractor was from
Khadbari. Currently, the work was being looked after by ‘mistri’, master-craftsman who was a
male worked as supervisor and four other male labourers from Khadbari. Labourers were paid
around Rs 700-Rs 800 per day, while the mistri earned Rs. 1500 per day.


 Two boys [ages 16-17] provided loading

and unloading services in Lingling were

monthly salaried employees of a

construction contractor. Their work

included of doing any work that the

contractor suggested, which mainly

included of portering market products,

loading and unloading sacks of

products, carrying stones, concrete, Figure 7: Pillar for gate near the bridge
sand for construction. And often times

giving their labour in other construction

work. They were paid Rs 15000 per month. These boys came from Chainpur area.

 Men who worked as skilled worker from Khadbari, were seen using the excavators for

mining and clearing up the soil from the road in Sabha Khola road junction to Khadbari.

 Men were observed being engaged in fixing the electricity pole and grid lines.

 Men and women brought by the contractor mostly worked in Sabha khola bridge

construction. The locals suggested that the contractor brought many labourers from

outside, but they could not provide detail on the type of labourers and where the

labourers came from.

Figure 8: Monthly Figure 9: Excavation work Figure 10: Fixing electricity grid line

Labourers being mobilized from within the local site as wage labourers
The practice of hiring wage labourers from the village was found in Archaley, where around 25
labourers from different areas of Wana-Ward 5 had come to dig the drainage near the road.
Only 3 people from the study site had however participated during the construction work. This
activity was part of Prime Minister Employment Program 2019. One individual provided around
two weeks of labour and were given Rs 500 per day. Recently dug drainage could be observed,
but the work had already been completed.
People recalled that few local men and women had worked in Sabha khola bridge. But none of
the economic beneficiaries were found during the field study.

 According to locals, men were paid Rs. 700-800 for unskilled work [included of any
work done by women, and some work related to iron, and carrying more load], and Rs
1500 for skilled work [mostly related to iron work], whereas works mostly done by
women were Paid Rs 400-500.

Such works included of carrying load, breaking stones, sand sifting, and mixing concrete. The
locals who worked in bridge construction were however not found. When the FRs tried to find


out more about the local labourers in order to interact with them, the locals could not pinpoint
who the labourers were, unlike members of a certain committee or position-holders who they
could easily recall.

Non-paid local labour contribution in construction of a physical infrastructure
One-time maintenance of roadside by filling gabion-box, especially that which had been
affected by rain induced landslides, had been conducted by locals [both men and women from
all caste] with cash and labour contribution.

 Already weaved gabions were brought from the market, and labourers would fill the
gabion box with stones. However, such practices were not common, and had been
done only once by the locals.

Many sections of the road were still landslide prone. Even the gabion-box used to prevent soil
erosion had been falling, and stones were loosely held within the wielded wire cage. Many
people complained that the unnecessary expansion of road, which was not supported by
activities that minimized risks, and vulnerabilities of the community had resulted in worsening
the situation for locals. Many feeder roads in the study site had never been used.

Source: GESI Field study, 2019

Men did all of the construction work that was Lack of income earning opportunities
observed in Sankhuwasabha. However, as per in Accham has resulted in
the local participants, women are also involved
in construction related works but their work is migration…And many seek ways to
mostly limited to that of non-skilled work of earn cash income, but there are
digging, breaking stones, carrying soil, sand and hardly any prospects. If such
stones. Women also did the work of mixing
concrete, which may need knowledge of how opportunities arise, then there will be
much of water to add, and how to make the many families, men, women, Dalit,
mixture. However, mixing concrete was not Chettri, Brahmin, and people from all
considered as skilled work. background who can contribute their
labour for daily wage” -Repeatedly
Box 2: Construction related work in Accham
mentioned by many people in Raley,

Unskilled Physical Labor
People who came from Payal4 were involved in physical labor work (unskilled work), such as
brick work, preparing concrete mixture, portering, breaking and collecting hard and soft
stones, mortar preparation and manual work using picks and shovels. Women were much
more involved than men in these construction works. Females usually received Rs. 400-500
and males received Rs. 600-700 for 8 hours of work per day. Most of the locals of Rale,
Mangalsen -3 were aware of the existing wage difference between male and female. In terms
of work in the Chitre Khola bridge, people in Rale and Chitre stated that if they were made
aware about the bridge construction work, then they would have worked, as there are less
employment opportunities in the area. However, according to the locals, the contractor
handles the work on bridge construction, and locals are hardly aware of when the work is

4 The locals from Chitre and Rale suggested that locals from Payal had worked as labourers during bridge
construction. However, the FRs could not get 1st hand information from the labourers who actually worked.


going to start. Even when the work starts, the locals complained that the work started during
the agricultural peak season of transplanting Paddy in Ashad [June/July], hence the locals
would not be able to join labour market by leaving behind their agricultural household work.
Skilled labour work
Most of the skilled workers are usually brought from India or Terai. Skilled work mostly
included of works such as wielding, steel and ironwork, pipelines, plumbing etc. For such works,
labourers earned Rs. 1000- 1500 for 8 hours of work per day.

Source: GESI Field study, 2019

Figure 11: Chitre Budhi Ganga Bridge Construction Site, Accham

Source: GESI field study, 2019

Construction work in Chitre Bridge, Accham could not be observed by FRs although the
FRs observed the bridge location (See Figure 11) which was still under-construction, as
the work for the current year had been halted during monsoon. Some of the locals also
suggested that earlier the contractor usually started the work during plantation season
of paddy although the timing is not well suited for two reasons – i) start of rainy
season, and ii) locals willing to work in construction are busy in plantation of their own
agricultural field. Hence, locals would not prioritize income-earning opportunities when
their household food security could be questioned. Therefore, people in Accham
suggested that the construction work, which provides employment opportunities,
should be arranged without overlapping the work with local agricultural work cycle.
Box 3: Construction related work in Dadeldhura
Labourers being hired from outside through contractors or builders
Contractors brought all skilled workers from Terai. Mostly skilled work included of
operation of heavy equipments. Many unskilled workers were also brought from Terai,
who were mainly from Tharu community. Since outsiders did such works, the locals
weren’t certain about the wage rate provided by the contractors to the labourers.


Labourers being mobilized from the local site as wage earners “I was interested
to work in bridge
Locals were mobilized to work in the bridge. Especially, locals construction…,
did unskilled work like carrying stones, gravel, and breaking
stones. Even women were involved in such works. Men did even few cash
excavation using the excavator. Women mostly collected sands would have been
and did sand silting; The contractors mobilized the locals to helpful. But I didn’t
work along side other workers that they had brought from know anything
Terai. All mistri were from outside. Rs. 300 per day was given for
unskilled work. Skilled workers were paid Rs. 600-700 while about
working in the bridge. At present, the rate has increased to Rs construction.
800 per day. But none from the village were given the Never worked
opportunity to work as skilled labourer. For works related to before. So, I wasn’t
gabion box filling, individuals who worked were paid Rs 360. given the work”
Both male and female workers were involved in building gabion Dalit women aged
59, Widow
Source: GESI Field study, 2019

Figure 12: Puntura Gad Bridge site

Source: GESI field study, 2019 In Dadeldhura, although FRs met two
labourers who had worked in bridge
construction, there were still many locals
who suggested that they would have
worked in construction if they were given
the chance. Men and women from all
caste and ethnicity showed interest for
work and disappointment regarding
unavailability of work, and unwillingness
of contractor to mobilize local human
resources. None of the study participants
could provide any information on skill-
based trainings related to bridge
construction, river banking,
bioengineering, or painting, that the
project had provided to the locals.
Although locals worked during gabion
filling, even those who had worked were
not given any training.

The case of Chitwan is also not very different from other study areas, as locals were
mostly involved in manual labour work, while the more skilled works were conducted
by the labourers brought from outside. The current daily wage is Rs 600, Rs 800 and Rs
1000 for those working in agricultural field, construction related work, and skilled
‘mistri’ work respectively.


Box 4: Construction related work in Chitwan Figure 13: User Committee member
showing the bridge construction site in
Labourers being hired from outside through Chitwan
contractors or builders

Skilled work and work related to using
equipments and vehicles were all done by men
who were brought by the contractors.

Local residents were not given any training
related to bridge construction or bioengineering
as suggested by members of Users committee.
[The reports and documents related to training
provisions however shows a different reality]

Work considered as skilled or that involved mistri Source: GESI field study, 2019
was paid Rs 700 during bridge construction.
Currently the rate has increased to Rs 1000 for
skilled work.

Labourers being mobilized from within the local

site as wage labourers

Local residents of Phaserni were actively involved
in gabion-box filling, concrete mixing, material
carrying, stone collection and stone breaking,
during bridge construction. They received a daily
wage of Rs 500 for unskilled manual labour. In
Phaserni area, where households lived closer to
the bridge site, one person from each household
contributed in bridge construction.
Source: GESI field study, 2019

Economically disadvantaged group, including of both men and women from all caste
and ethnicity showed interest in giving their labour in construction work. However,
given that the bridge location was further away from the settlement areas especially in
Accham and Sankhuwasabha as compared to Dadeldhura and Chitwan, it was difficult
for FRs to spot economic beneficiaries from those two locations. The immersion in
Accham mainly included of participants from Raley, but there weren’t any individual
who had worked in the construction of bridge from this site. However, people in these
villages suggested that locals from Payal [45-60 minutes walk from the bridge] area
might have worked during construction. It would take 3-4hours of walk for FRs to reach
another settlement area in Accham, which resulted in FRs not being able to cover
another site. In Sankhuwasabha, the FRs however travelled to Archaley, Lingling,
Badreni, and Syabun, but still could not find any direct economic beneficiaries who had
been involved in Sabha Khola bridge construction. Hence, it was only in Chitwan and
Dadeldhura that few of the economic beneficiaries of the bridge construction project
could be found.


2.3 Mobility patterns and access to resources

Absenteeism in School due to Every study location had an alternative means of
inconvenience in travel travel through trail bridges, where the present
motorable bridge had been built or where the bridge
“Absent rate in the school has is under-construction (in case of Accham). Before
decreased after bridge [trail] construction of the motorable bridge, Trail Bridge
construction. There were cases was the only way of travel from and towards the
of many school-going children other side of the river. When asked to narrate their
being swept by the river while life before the ‘motorable’ bridge had been
going to school. Every year 1- constructed, most people recalled the condition of
2 students would lose their life their travel even before construction of ‘trail’ bridges.

while crossing the river. Many people from all study location pointed out the
Hence, there was high rate of worse situation that they had to face when there was
no means of travel, besides crossing the river-way on
absenteeism during foot by themselves. However, different types of
monsoon…My house on the temporary bridges were made with woods, and
other hand is only 10 minutes bamboo, until a stronger iron based trail-bridge was
away from the school, so I built, to ease travel during monsoon season. People
never faced any problem while also pointed out the risk of livestock being swept
going to the school.” Ram away by the river before the motorable bridge was
Bahadur BK, 32 years, school constructed.

teacher, Dadeldhura

The main impact of motorable bridge on the lives of locals has been in terms of
enhancing access to various services and market locations [all location, except
Accham], and increased number of public transportation services [especially in
Sankhuwasabha and Dadeldhura]. In case of Chitwan, although movement of public
transportation through the bridge could be observed, there wasn’t any route specific
transportation service available that provided commuting serving on a daily basis. Most
people travelled through the bridge in Chitwan by using their own personal bicycle,
scooter, motorbike, car, and tractor or book a taxi, auto, jeep as required. On the other
hand, in Dadeldhura, around 18 new jeeps started operating after motorable bridge
was constructed. Thus, enhancing self-employment and entrepreneurship for vehicle
owners and employment opportunities for drivers and conductors. Even in
Sankhuwasabha, around 5 privately owned jeep operated on a daily basis at a regular
time [which often did not come on time due to condition of the road]. Locals normally
kept contact number of Bolero drivers and owner, and would book the seat if they
needed a vehicle to travel. Some people would wait for vehicle in the ‘chautara’ or an
open-space with shed [like a Gajebo], and pay for the seat at the ticket counter nearby.
Those who travel in-between without purchasing the ticket could still get on the


vehicle, for which the driver would keep the amount, instead of giving it to the
transportation samiti which was active in the area. Most of the better off households
had personal two-wheelers for everyday use. All the drivers as well as the riders of two-
wheelers were men and boys. Except for one women bike rider, which was observed in
Puntura, Dadeldhura, and few bicycle and scooter riders in Chitwan, and Dadeldhura,
most of those who used private vehicles were men. Detail on the use of bridge and
travel made by different individual is given in Table 3, Table 4, Table 5, and Table 6.

Figure 14: Social and Resource Map of Chitre, Accham

Source: GESI Field study, 2019

People from Raley in Accham, mostly travelled to nearby areas or went to Chitre khola
for fishing and for bath, or went to Dhangadi and Nepalgunj, but they hardly crossed
the river to go to the other side. Only one out of 12 person crossed the river using trail
bridge to go to Sanfebagar. Otherwise, most people would rather travel to Mangalsen
to seek services, and to make their market needs met. Almost everyone preferred to
walk rather than use vehicle. People in Accham considered walking for 4-5 hours a day
to reach certain destination as normal, for which they would not require a vehicle that
they considered to be expensive. There seemed to be confusion in terms of booking
the vehicle as well. Since people would not book vehicle that often, they would not call
the vehicle operator directly but would rather ask their relative to book the vehicle and
arrange it for them. Since construction of bridge is still underway, the locals in the
study area could not anticipate what changes would be made by the bridge. Their hope
was in terms of expansion of market, and opportunities to operate shops in their
locality once vehicle route would be open. However, they had been anticipating for the
completion of the bridge for a long time, and were not certain when the bridge would
be completed and how they could take advantage of the motorable road connectivity.
Places that locals could go using the bridge site includes of Sanfebagar, Payal and Las,
there are few shops on the other side of the river as well, but people hardly travelled to
the other side of the river. Rather than people from Rale, people from Payal and other


places would rather come towards Rale to travel to Mangalsen (See Figure 14: Social
and Resource Map-Accham).

Table 3: Gender, occupation and age related mobility detail from Accham

Participants Places visited Places visited without using the Mobility information
Using bridge bridge

M_Farmer_4 Not used -Nepalgunj for check-up Mostly walk; use
0_Rale Market in Mangalsen vehicle to go to Nepalgunj
-Go to farm and for cattle grazing near
the bridge in Chitre
-Go to collect water twice a day in Rale

M_Shopkeep -Go to Kailash khola for bathing and Mostly walk
er_21_Rale swimming
-Take cattle for grazing Mostly Walk but use
M_Returnee Chitre river for -Local shop [self-owned] vehicle for long
Migrant _23_ fishing -Market and hospital in Mangalsen distance
Rale -India for work
-Payal, gajra, Jaigadh, Kamal bazaar for Mostly walk but use
M_Farmer_2 Mela vehicle for long
7_ Rale -Mangalsen fir market, citizenship distance
work in municipality
F_Student_17 Chitre for -India for work Mostly walk but use
-Kailali to visit relative vehicle for long
_ Rale fishing -Mangalsen for market, health check distance
up and collect rent
M_private -Local shops for entertainment and Mostly use personal
job_28_ playing cards vehicle (Bike)
Sannikot -Mangalsen for school, hospital,
market Mostly walk but use
F_Student_20 -Baijanatra for test vehicle for long
_ Mangalsen distance
-Rale to pick and drop sister
M_Returnee -kailash river to bathe Mostly walk but use
migrant _39_ -Dhangadi from work vehicle for long
Rale -Sanfebagar from work distance
-Mangalsen for hospital, school, Use vehicle for long
F_Schoolteac market distance
her_32_ -Nepalgunj for hospital
Mangalsen Mostly walk but use
-Mangalsen for market and hospital vehicle for long
M_Farmer_3 -India during holidays distance
3_Rale -Around the local area

-To Rale for school work
-Sanfebagar for market and family visit
-Ramaroshan to visit relatives
-Nepalgunj to visit family and market;
-Kathmandu for hospital, market
-Mangalsen for hospital, market visits
-Kailash khola for bathing
-Tikapur for relative visit
-Dhangadi for market, hospital
India for hospital, market and work


F_Schoolteac -Badrinath, India for pilgrimage Mostly walk but use
her_23_Rale -Ramaroshan to visit Maiti vehicle for long
-Mangalsen for hospital, market, distance
M_Farmer_5 Sanfebagar for festivals
-Forest for animal grazing fodder, and Mostly walk but use
0_Rale market firewood vehicle for long
Mangalsen for hospital, market distance
India for Market and family visit
Nepalgunj for hospital

Source: Extracted from mobility map, 2019

As presented in table 3, although men are Figure 15: Women and children in nearby public
engaged in collecting water from the water tap in Raley, Accham
public water tap, the FR’s mostly
observed women in and around the Tap. Source: GESI field study, 2019
Especially, in Accham, women, girls and
children, with few men involvement,
conducted the work of collecting water
for day-to-day use. The water tap was
usually less than 15-20 minutes away
from the house for most households.
Altogether at least five public taps were
accessible to the people living in Raley.
According to Figure 5, the resources
available in the study site in Accham
includes of one school, open public space
or Chautara usually used for gatherings
and meetings, one local shop, community
forest area, among other resources that
are further away from the study site.

Table 4: Gender, occupation and age related mobility detail from Dadeldhura

Participants Places visited Places visited without using Mobility information
M_Student Using bridge the bridge
_13_Puntura Small market in Khuyapani Mostly walk; Use
-School, health post in vehicle to go to
F_Housewife_19 Khuyapani -Forest in Khuyapani Municipality area
_Puntura -Big market and -Travel to Mahendranagar
hospital in Parshuram Mostly walk; Use
M_Labourer_50_ municipality -Travel to Mahendranagar vehicle to go to
Puntura Forest, health post in Municipality area and
Khuyapani other long distances
Hospital, Big market,
Municipality office, Mostly walk; Use
Hospital, in Parshuram vehicle to travel long
Go to Dhangadi distances
-Health post in
-Travel Dhangadi
-Market, hospital and
work in Parshuram


F_Housewife_36 -School, health post in -Small market and forest in
_Puntura Khuyapani -Travel to Mahendranagar Mostly walk; Use
vehicle to travel long
-Go to Dhangadi distances

-Municipality, big

market, electricity

office, hospital in


M_Student_9_Pu -Travel to -Health post, School, Bridge,
Community forest, in Puntura
ntura Mahendranagar, -Market, Municipality, Mostly walk through
Hospital, Bank in Parshuram trail bridge; Use
Dhangadi vehicle to travel long
-School, market, community distances
F_Housewife_30 -Travel to forest, bridge in Puntura;
_Puntura Mahendranagar, - Market, Municipality, Mostly walk through
Dhangadi Hospital, bank in Parshuram trail bridge; Use
vehicle to travel long
F_Shopkeeper_3 -Travel to -School, market, community distances
0_Puntura Mahendranagar, forest, bridge in Puntura;
Dhangadi - Market, Municipality, Mostly walk through
Hospital, bank in Parshuram trail bridge; Use
M_Student_15_P -Travel to vehicle to travel long
-School, market, community distances
untura Mahendranagar, forest, bridge in Puntura;
- Market, Municipality, Mostly walk through
Dhangadi Hospital, bank in Parshuram trail bridge; Use
vehicle to travel long
M_ Hotel -Travel to Dhangadi -Bank, hospital, municipality, distances
market in Parshuram
business_68_Pun municipality Walk to travel within
-To go to India Puntura area, but take
tura_Husband -Drinking water users group
committee meeting, temple, vehicle to travel to
F_Farmer_56_Pu -Travel to Dhangadi community forest, Khet/bari Parshuram and other long
ntura_Wife -Hospital, municipality, distances
market in Parshuram
M_Accountant_2 -Travel to Dhangadi municipality Walk to travel within
9_Puntura_Son -To go to India Puntura area, but take
-Public tap, temple,
F_Cooperative_2 -Travel to Dhangadi community forest, mothers vehicle to travel to
7_Daughter-in- group, Khet/bari Parshuram and other long
law -Cooperative, hospital, distances
municipality, market in
Source: GESI field study, 2019 Parshuram municipality Walk within Puntura
-To go to India area, but use motorbike
-Temple, Khet/bari
to travel to
-Hospital, municipality, Parshuram and use
market, Dadeldhura market public vehicle for other
area, school, cooperative in long distance travel
Parshuram municipality
-To go to India Walk to travel within
-Public tap, temple, mothers Puntura area, and places
group, Khet/bari in Parshuram that is 5-10
minutes walk; otherwise
use public transport
to travel long distances


Participants from Dadeldhura used the bridge

to go to various key locations such as Life after the bridge
Khuyapani locality, Parshuram municipality and

to go to Mahendranagar and Dhangadi (See “Because of bridge out lives has
Annex 6, Social and Resource Map- been easier. More transportation

Dadeldhura). People from Puntura mostly facilities are available, with increase
walked to travel to nearby places but used bus in day to day vehicle movement”,
or jeep to travel to long distances. Although Local chettri male, 48 years,
vehicle was available for Rs 40 –Rs 50 per travel Puntura, Dadeldhura

to Parshuram municipality, most people walked “Every facilities like market,

for almost 1:30 to 2:00 hours to reach the schools, hospitals have become near

municipality area. One reason for walking was because of the bridge” Suntali Saud,
due to the unreliability of the arrival of the Single mother, 40 years, Puntura

vehicle. Although vehicle usually came within “Now, basic good like sugar comes
1/1hour, waiting for the vehicle was considered to out own home. We don’t have to
as a waste of time, hence people preferred to
walk. Despite of motorable bridge construction, travel far away, crossing the

dangerous river stream to get goods.

many people still used trail bridges to go to the Life has become easier. We are very
other side to seek various services. Especially, happy because of bridge
school-going children, who did not have cycle
would still use trail bridges, but those with construction” 28 years old man,
cycle would rather use motorable bridge to go shopkeeper and market-oriented

farmer, Puntura

to school. Earlier it took about 1-1:30 hours to

reach school. Now because of the bridge most students either use public vehicle or use

bicycle, and can reach school within 20-25 minutes. Similarly, those with private

transportation used the new bridge. Although Table 3 and 4 shows that only one

person used personal motorbike in Accham and Dadeldhura, according to FRs

observation, the use of motorbike was more frequent in Dadeldhura, while personal

vehicle was rare in Accham.

Figure 16: School going children “For students coming from other areas,
Source: GESI field study, 2019 the situation is however still the same.

Like in Puntura, there is a need of
bridge in many other areas. Children
from other areas are still facing the
risks that students in Puntura used to
face” Kohar Singh Badhaila, School

teacher, Male


Other such areas include of Simal khet, Sirshe, Rajauda, Sadani, Chadani, Lamajada
Sideni, Ghumte garda Sideni, Japhati, Hatwani, Gaibaje, Beldangi, Balisirse.

Many people also suggested that the newly constructed bridge had brought safety in
the lives of people from the community, mainly for school going children, pregnant
women, and those people who seek hospital services. Locals recalled past events and
shared that even at night if someone is sick, then it’s easier to travel through the newly
constructed motorable bridge. They asserted that the risk of life especially during such
difficult times had decreased in Puntura, Dadeldhura. Mobility of people had also
increased after the bridge with increase in public transportation facility. Shopkeepers
and customers often suggested that people usually don’t have to walk faraway to get
basic goods because vehicles are used for transportation of goods, and also because
many shops have started operation at different locations. Hence, businesses have also
improved since bridge construction. However, during winter large trucks come with
goods but in monsoon fewer goods are loaded due to road condition. Hence, there is a
need for improvement of road. Another positive changes in the study site in
Dadeldhura as expressed by the locals were in terms of the changes in land price that
had increased in few years time which the locals related with motorable bridge
construction. In terms of changes in the prices of goods, the locals believed that the
road and connectivity has not decreased the prices of goods; instead some also felt
that the increase in price of goods in recent years might be associated with road
network. The shop owners who had been engaged in buying and selling of goods,
suggested that the profit margin for them is still the same whether it may be before the
bridge or after. The only benefit for shop owners has been in terms of their enhanced
ability to stock goods, unlike in earlier days where relying on porters or portering by
themselves made it difficult to carry more products.

Table 5: Gender, occupation and age related mobility detail from Chitwan

Participants Places visited Places visited without using the Mobility information
Using bridge bridge
M_Job_30_PPa Not used Mostly travel by Cycle;
dhariya -Visit family and official work in use bus to travel
M_Labourer_4 -Go to Belsi -Market in Parsa, Tadi and long distance
2_Phaserni everyday Chitrasari
-Go to biscuit -Library in Parsa Mostly travel by
M_Footballer_ factory thrice a -Office personal bike
21_Bokhana week -Bharatpur hospital
-Tadi school
-Tadi hospital
-Bharatpur hospital

-Go to parda, Tadi, Kathmandu, Use personal
Debauli, for various purpose motorbike or travel by Bus


F_Shop_38_Kh -Kathmandu to visit -Ward meeting [chairperson]
-Belsi, Taadi, Parsa for various
airani relatives purposes Nearby places are
-Travel to Janakpur travelled by walking;
otherwise uses available

M_Weilding_4 -Go to Kathmandu -Go to Parsa to buy house vehicle
9_Phaserni and Bharatpur for materials with wife Use different vehicle to
work travel
Use other bridge to travel to Use public or private vehicle
F_housewife_5 Travel to Lal parsa Sauraha, Taadi, and Parsa
Travel to Janakpur, Surkhet, Walk to nearby areas
5_Phaserni and Bharatpur Biratnagar

M_Constructio Not used

F_Shop/Comm -Hospital -Debauli, Birgarnj Bazar, ; Mostly
use public transportation
ercial -Kathmandu Narayanghat, Community hall,
walk to nearby areas,
farmer_37_Pha Nawalparasi, Parsa Mostly use bus

serni Use scooter

F_Agriculture_ -Hospital -Debauli, Parsa, Communit hall,

45_Phaserni School, health post, Raxual

Source: Extracted from mobility map, 2019; GESI field study, 2019

Out of the entire study locations, people in Daily commute using the bridge

Chitwan site mostly used private vehicle for “My husband mostly travels to
travel as shown in Table 5. They use the Kathmandu and Bharatpur using
motorable bridge to go to Kathmandu,
Bharatpur, Tadi, and Lal parsa. Few people from Budhi Rapti Bridge for work. He
Phaserni regularly use the bridge, while many normally comes back home once a
people from Phasera, Padhariya, Deybauli,
Bokhana, and Bashyauli [places visited by FRs week. He uses his own bike for
travel” female focal household,


during the study] hardly used Budhi Rapti bridge. They used another route to access

various services and to travel to important locations. They used the bridge only when

they had to go to the biscuit factory (See Annex 6, Social and Resource Map-Chitwan).

Locals had contact numbers of drivers, so whenever they needed a vehicle to travel

they would call the drivers to rent the vehicle. Although there was no public vehicle in

operation, travelling was not an issue in the locality, since most people had their own

mode of commute. Even most school going children, except for very young ones, had

cycle to travel around.

Table 6: Gender, occupation and age related mobility detail from Sankhuwasabha

Participants Places visited Places visited without using the Mobility information
Using bridge bridge
M_Labour_33 -Mistri work, Shops, Khet in Keep moving from
_Baderni -Go to Dhankuta for Baderni Baderni to Khadbari and
labour work Dhankuta using public
-Market, for training, transport
government work, Mistri
work in Khadbari Walk to nearby areas


M_Trader_42 -Buy/sell Dana in - Buy/sell Dana, Malpot office, Frequent traveller using
_Lingling Kathmandu Pay tax, visit market in Chainpur a personal motorbike
- Buy/sell Dana, visit other - Buy/sell Dana, Thursday haat,
F_Teacher_37 markets in Dhankuta Health post, municipality office, Mostly move within
_Lingling - Buy/sell Dana, visit bank, market, in Wana Lingling and Wana,
hospital; official -Ward office, shops, temple, haat occasionally go to
government work in bazaar, health post bari in Khadbari and
Khadbari Lingling Kathmandu using public
-Khadbari municipality -Police station transport
- government official work -Hospital
-Travel to Kathmandu - Ward office
-Haat market
-Temple, School, Mill, Khet in

F_Student_13 -Market to buy goods and -Leisure visit Walk to nearby areas
-haat market Mostly move within
_Lingling Relatives home in -relatives home Lingling and Wana;
-health post, school, hospital Occasionally go to
Khadbari -bari Dharan, Khadbari and
Kathmandu using public


F_Farmer_40 -Hospital -Market and Women Walk to nearby areas
_Lingling -Haat market empowerment work in Chainpur Mostly move within
-Training -Police station, health post, Lingling and Wana;
-Women empowerment municipality office, Thursday Occasionally go to
work haat, market in Wana Chainpur, and Khadbari
[Khadbari] -Women’s group meeting, Health using public transport
post, shops, temple, cooperative,
M_Shopkeep -Market in Khadbari ward office, haat bazaar, bari in or walk
er_39_Syabu lingling
n -Market in Chainpur Mostly move within
-Market in Wana Syabun and Wana,
-Municipality Wana occasionally go to
-Health post, Ward office, Bari, Chainpur and Khadbari
water tap in Syabun using public transport

Walk to nearby

F_Farmer_35 Never used it -Haat bazaar, Health post, Mill, areas
_Syabun Water Tap, Khet in Syabun Mostly move within
- Market, Hospital in Wana Syabun and occasionally
go to Wana by walking

F_Farmer_42 -Hospital in Khadbari -Market in Chainpur Mostly move within
_Khaptuwa -Thursday haat, market, health Lingling and occasionally
post in Chainpur go to Wana and
M_Shopkeep -To go to municipality, -Shops, ward office, cooperative,
er_53_Syabu market, hospital in health post, bari in Lingling Chainpur by walking
n Khadbari -Shops, health post, ward office,
-To go to Chainpur, mill, khet/bari, school, in Syabun Walk within Syabun
Dharan, Tumling, area, but use public
Kathmandu transport to travel long


M_Politician_ -To go to municipality, -Haat bazaar, khet/bari, ward

43_Lingling market, hospital, Bank in office, shops, health post, temple, Walk within Syabun
area, but use public
Khadbari school, community forest transport to travel long
-To go to Chainpur,
Walk within Syabun
Dharan, Tumling, Itahari, area, but use public
transport to travel long
Kathmandu distance

M_Shopkeep -To go to municipality, -To go to Wana, ward office Walk within Syabun
area, but use public
er_34_Linglin market, hospital, Bank in shops, health post, temple, transport to travel long
g Khadbari school, khet.bari
Walk within Syabun
-To go to Dharan, Tumling, area, but use public
transport to travel long
Kathmandu distance

F_Shopkeepe -To go to Khadbari, -To go to Lingling, Wana,

r_45_Syabun Biratnagar, Tumling, municipality, Chainpur

Kathmandu, Dharan, -Mill, shop, health post, ward

Pokhara office, women’s group, Khet/bari,

-Hospital, bank and school, community forest in

market in Khadbari Syabun

F_Shopkeepe -To go to Khadbari, -Go to Wana, Chainpur

r_36_Syabun Biratnagar, Tumling, -Chautara, ward office,

Kathmandu, Itahari community forest, khet/bari,

-Hospital, bank and water tap, mill, school, temple in

market in Khadbari Syabun

-To pay tax in Khadbari

Source: Extracted from mobility map, 2019; GESI field study, 2019

As shown in Table 6, the reasons for travel by different individual varies. Except for one
female farmer from Syabun of Sankhuwasabha, all other respondents had used Sabha
Khola Bridge to travel to various places, mainly including of Khadbari, Tumling, and
Kathmandu. Resource and social map (See Annex 6) also shows the settlement pattern
of individuals in various locations and how they might use the bridge given their spatial
distribution in terms of resource distribution and connectivity associated with within
and outside village resources, market, roads, and availability of public transportation.
The map shows that for some settlements especially from Archaley, and few people in
Lingling, as well as Syabun, it is much easier to go to Chainpur area for market access
rather than by using the bridge to go to Khadbari.

In case of Sankhuwasabha, there was a Table 7: Market schedule in Sankhuwasabha
practice of specifying or allocating
organized market day in each location Weekdays Haat Bazaar
(Table 7). Each site had its own specialty,
with market day for vegetables and meat Saturday Khandbari
in Lingling, to clothes and entertainment
related products in Wana, Chainpur and Sunday
Khadbari. The market in Wana was
considered smaller than that of Chainpur Monday
and Khadbari, but many people still looked
forward to Wana Haat bazaar, since it was Tuesday Ling ling
closer to the study site.

Thursday Wana

Friday Chainpur

Source: GESI field study, 2019


Figure 17: Use of personal motorbike using Few shopkeepers [both men and
Sabha Khola bridge, Sankhuwasabha women] who could afford to travel to
Khadbari, mostly traveled during Haat.

The reason for such travel was not only

to buy goods at haat market, but they

would also take gas cylinders with them

for refill. Refilling gas cylinders at

Lingling and Archaley cost around Rs

1900 per cylinder. But when the

cylinder was filled in Khadbari then the

cost came down to Rs 1500. Hence, few

shopkeepers regularly travelled to the

market with dual objective. By

Source: GESI field study, 2019 incorporating such practice, these

shopkeepers made significant profit.

But such entrepreneurial tendencies were seen as a huge risk by few men and women,

they considered buying cylinder at local store as more convenient and risk-free as

compared to added travel cost. There was no facility of regularly transporting LPG gas

cylinder since use of gas cylinder for cooking was still not the prevalent mode of

cooking. When local vehicle was used, then goods cost Rs 2-3 per Kg. Hence, if a 14kg

gas cylinder was to be transported then the transportation cost alone would increase

by Rs 28-42, on top of Rs 300 to go to Khadbari. Motorable bridge had also eased

private two-wheeler owners to bring gas cylinder from Khadbari. Men riding the

motorbike, and another man carrying various goods while traveling from Khadbari

could be observed in Sabha khola bridge.

Although most of the respondents from all caste/ethnicity, occupation, and gender
were found to be engaged in long distance travel using the bridge, the only case of a
female participant never using the bridge, and her limited mobility pattern within the
village area shows that there might be more such cases where individuals movement is
mostly restricted to nearby areas. More detailed study on mobility within a certain
boundary needs to be further explored to understand within household mobility
patterns and conduct a cross-case comparison between occupation, and age group.


Figure 18: Mobility Map of male agricultural trader from Lingling, Sankhuwasabha

Source: GESI field study, 2019
Figure 19: Mobility map of women leader from Lingling, Sankhuwasabha

Source: GESI field study, 2019

Figure 18 and Figure 19 shows the mobility pattern of one middle aged married male
and one middle aged married female from Sankhuwasabha respectively. The woman


represented in the given figure is a Newar and is an active member of the community.
As compared to many women in the locality, she is more mobile, and travels frequently
to various places either by using public transportation or by using a private motorbike.
However, in order to travel in private motorbike she has to reply on male member of
her family, either son or husband. Unlike, the case of male mobility as shown in Figure
18, women’s mobility is not free from male dependence if one is to rely on private
mode of transportation. In contrast to the Chitwan study site, where women with
scooters or bicycle did not have to rely on men to travel long distances, the situation of
travel for women in Sankhuwasabha was contrary despite having a household asset for
transportation. Likewise, although an exceptional case, one woman was found riding a
motorbike in Dadeldhura, which is mostly considered as a man’s ride rather than
woman’s ride. The general perception and practice of using heavy motorbike and
scooter is mostly associated with motorbike for men and scooter for female.

In Sankhuwasabha, men used to ride motorbikes even before the construction of
motorable bridge, by using the available trail bridge. The trail bridge was however risky
as the approach road towards the trail bridge was rough. Consequently, at least two
men had fallen from the bridge. Although the accident did not cause any severe
injuries, the incident was fresh on the memories of local people. Many people recalled
how those men fell into the river, one with the bike and another without. However,
with the construction of motorable bridge, the number of bikes had increased as most
people thought that the risk of riding a bike had decreased.

2.3.1 Use and condition of public transportation

Dadeldhura and Sankhuwasabha had a regular public transportation service run by
private owners, while study site in Chitwan and Accham did not have a day-to-day
transportation service in place, but were dependent on private vehicles and reserved
vehicles. In order to reserve a vehicle, people in Chitwan and Accham had to depend on
mobile phones to communicate with either vehicle owners, drivers or their own
relatives who live in Mangalsen in case of Accham to book the vehicle prior to travel.
Every adult individual irrespective of gender in Chitwan had a mobile phone, whereas
in Accham not every man and woman from the same household had a mobile phone.
Although Dadeldhura and Sankhuwasabha had a regular public transportation, in both
cases, individuals often called the vehicle owners and drivers to book the seat similar to
the other two sites. However, despite phone call to book the seat, the vehicle driver
would not reserve a seat as is normally expected, but would accommodate as many
passengers as possible. When there were many passengers, there was also a practice of
loading people [men, women of all age who are willing and are comfortable to travel]
on the hood of the vehicle. This practice was more evident in Sakhuwasabha, where 8-
9 seater vehicle would carry maximum of 15-20 passengers (See Table 9). Priority to sit
inside the vehicle was however given to women with children, pregnant women, and
old people.


Unlike Sankhuwasabha, pubic vehicle in “Instead of walking or waiting for
Dadeldhura only kept maximum of 11 another vehicle that might not
passengers at a time. The reason for not come, we would rather
increasing the number of passenger was
because the vehicle would operate every compromise on comfort to reach
one-hour, as opposed to uncertainty of the destination” a young couple
time in case of Sakhuwasabha.
travelling from Lingling to
Khadbari on a Bolero where 20
people were loaded at a time.

Table 8: Caste/ ethnicity of privately owned public transport system

Districts/ Caste/ ethnicity Districts/ Caste/ ethnicity
Villages Villages
Accham From Mangalsen/ Sanfebagar
Raley [Not certain for both areas] Dadeldhura
Kuiyapani Brahmin, Chhetri

Puntura Brahmin, Chhetri, Dalit

Parshuram Brahmin, Chhetri, Dalit

Chitwan Sankhuwasabha
Pharseni [Not Certain]
Ling ling [Not certain]

Syabun Shrestha and Tamang

Source: GESI field study, 2019

Table 8 shows the inclusiveness of caste/ethnicity of the owner of the vehicle in each
study site. In case of Chitwan, since daily commute was not available, the FRs could not
identify the owners of the reserved vehicle that mostly operated from Bharatpur area.
Similarly, in Accham, the reserved vehicle came from either Mangalsen or Sanfebagar
and the main investor or transport entrepreneur were from the market side. In case of
Dadeldhura, all the owners of the vehicle were from the local study site. In
Sankhuwasabha, most owners were locals but few were from the main markets such as
Khadbari, Wana or Chainpur. None of the transport entrepreneurs or the drivers were
female. Both Dalit as well as Chettri transportation owners from Dadeldhura had been
to India for work. After returning back from India, they used their life’s savings to invest
in Bolero.


Table 9: Details of vehicle movement and availability of publ

Districts/ Total Distance Operation per Timing of No
Route of Public covered day operation pa
transport [Frequency] (R


Only reserved vehicle [jeep]. 2500-3000(mostly emergency; otherwise 4000 at

Bus reserve 8000; One person reserved a bus by mistake; Mostly travel to Man


Kuiyapani Bajar – 12 km 1 / 1 hour Morning to M

Puntuna Bajar – [Jeep] Evening 11

Parshuram Bajar


Phaserni and They have contact information of tuk tuk and auto 2-

Bashyauli drivers and call them when needed.

Sankhuwasabha Contact Bolero 7am from Ling ling to khandbari 10
Ling Ling driver/owner to 2:30pm from khandbari 10
book; But
Sybun regular vehicle 7am from Saybun to khandbari
also operates 2:30 from khandbari

Source: GESI field study, 2019

5 As observed and account provided by various study participants
6 Age group, gender, geographical proximity, caste/ethnicity, economic background

lic transportation

o of Type of Rate/Cost Time taken to
travellers6 travel by walk

t night (emergency health related mobility) 2-3hrs/W
ngalsen & Sanfebagar 1hr 45 mins/W

Maximum Local People 50 Rs

-6 Local people, Minimun 50/person Not applicable
tourists, Whole day reserve- 2000-
0- 20 women, men, 2500, depends on
0- 15 distance travelled

Local people, Ling ling to Lhandbari RS 2hrs30mins / W
tourists, 300/person 4hrs/W
women, men, Reserve Rs 3000
children, Sybun to Khandbari
elderly people 350/person
Reserve Rs 4000


2.4 Decision-making and leadership role at Community level7

Decision-making and leadership play an important role in terms of selection of bridge
site, selection of participants or labourers as economic beneficiaries, and information
dissemination regarding work opportunities and training opportunities. Two types of
beneficiaries from the MLRBP project, the economic beneficiaries and the broader
social beneficiaries within the ZOI are the ones who could influence the decisions
related to bridge construction. Such influence may include of discussion, idea sharing,
negotiations, conflict, cooperation, and support. More importantly, increasing the
participation and influence of women and disadvantaged groups in decision-making
and leadership roles has been considered as even more significant by the project.
Hence, in order to understand the ‘meaning-making of’ to what extent MLRBP has
involved women and discriminated groups in decision-making roles of different
committees, this section first discusses on the role of user’s committee in Budhi Rapti
bridge in Chitwan. This site is the only place where user’s committee has been
established, unlike in other 3 sites where the contractors and project staff mainly social
safeguard officer were responsible to incorporate issues of DAG in the project

Box 5: A Case of Bridge Users Committee in Budhi Rapti, Chitwan
Inception Year of Bridge Construction: 2011
Completion of Bridge: 2015
Establishment of User’s Committee: 2014

It was in the year 2008 that the local community members mostly including of Tharu
community formed an informal group to advocate with the local government. The locals were
agitated by the yearly vulnerability that they had to endure due to lack of bridge in Budhi Rapti.
Mostly men and some women from the community then advocated with the local government
to construct a bridge that would ease their mobility and reduce their risks of losing lives and
property. The local residents from Phaserni along with few landowners who did not live in
Phaserni gathered and approached the District Development Committee (DDC) with a letter
seeking help. The effort made by the locals led the DDC to write a letter to the Ministry of
Infrastructure and Local Development, which resulted in the Ministry to authorize the DDC to
conduct a study on the Bridge site and develop a bridge map. DDC in Chitwan had led the
project to build bridge, however the work was slow and budget constraints might have led the
district authority to elongate the time to construct the bridge. After 3 years of advocacy and
hope of bridge construction, the government took financial support from Swiss Embassy, along
with technical support in terms of monitoring of the site. A contractor was hired to construct
the bridge in 2011.

7 This sections presents analysis of the information collected while conducting Venn diagram and group meetings
chart, along with the conversations that followed during each group work, and validation of information at individual
level while having conversation with HHH and FHH as part of immersion.


It was only in 2014, a year before completion of the bridge, that the formal bridge users
committee was formed. Although the formal committee was made only in 2014, the local
members had been actively involved in identifying and selection of the site as they had been
involved since advocacy for the bridge construction in 2008. The formal users committee
member included of local residents of Phaserni and landowners of Phaserni. It included of 5
Tharus, 1 Shrestha, and 1 Brahmin who had land in Phaserni, nearby the bridge location. A
Tharu woman headed the committee. The committee mostly included of members who had
been previously engaged in advocacy of the bridge in 2008. During the formation of the
committee and selection of committee members for holding special positions, as recalled by
users committee members, there had been a conflict among members as to who should be
given the position of a chairperson. Mostly men were fighting over the position, by arguing that
they had more influence over the DDC and locals to build bridge. However, in order to resolve
such conflict, a woman was selected as a chairperson. Hence, despite the committee was led
by woman, the chairperson did not have much voice and influence. Even during the meeting
led by FRs, the chairperson was merely listening to other members of the committee, whereas
other members actively put forth the issues regarding bridge construction, and inadequate
work done by the contractors in terms of building the approach road besides the bridge.

Similar to the case of women representative, the inclusion of one Shrestha and 1 Brahmin in
the user’s committee as expressed by the committee members was to ensure inclusive
participation of different members of the community. Although these two individuals had land
in Pharseni, they did not live within the close proximity of the bridge. However, the criterion for
the selection of inclusive committee members had resulted in inclusion of one Newar and one
Brahmin. However, such criterion did not include of making economically disadvantaged group
as more inclusive in the User’ committee.

Theoretically, the bridge users committees’ role was to identify needs of physical
infrastructure, advocate for construction/management/maintenance and improvement
of bridge and other infrastructures. Its role was also to demand for compensation in
case of loss of land, life or property. It should also play a role in identifying financial
resources, and in selection of economic beneficiaries and training participants.
However, the meeting of the user’s committee was not held at certain intervals and
was always uncertain. It would gather the members abruptly, if needed. According to
the members, the user’s committee had selected labourers to work in bridge
construction. Unskilled workers were paid Rs 500 per day. Both men and women were
paid equally. The Users committee members ensured that at least one individual from
each households living closer to the bridge construction site got the opportunity to
work in bridge construction. The user’s committee had also complaint about loss of
land and compensation, and lack of sufficient financial reimbursement for stones
gathered by locals during bridge construction. However, the advocacy done by the
committee was not heard by anybody once the bridge construction has been
completed in 2015. Despite of official completion of the bridge, the locals still grieve
about the incomplete structure (see Figure 13), of the bridge. Although the structure o


the bridge has been completed, incomplete construction of the approach road that
should include of a ramp has resulted in dissatisfaction among the locals regarding the
bridge construction. Incomplete structure as suggested by the local road and bridge
users has resulted in bumpy road that also affects the condition of their personal and
public vehicle. The locals worry that such condition of the road may induce high
maintenance of their vehicle.

Besides, bridge user’s committee, there are other groups and committees that are
active in Pharseni. Such as:

Nari Chetana [Women’s awareness group]

 This group works for women empowerment by providing economic support to

encourage self-employment / creation of employment opportunities; It

supports women to make employment plan, and think about

savings/investment along with providing ideas to improving and maintaining

social relations skills. It meets every month. Only married women are part of

this group.

Sana Kishan  All three groups main aim is to encourage savings and

[Small farmer] investment, and provide loan provision. It supports self-

Chimeki employment by providing economic help to locals and

[Neighbourhood] encourages employment generation activities. These

Swarojgar groups include of women and men, mostly married

[Self-employment] couples, farmers, and few widows and widower.

The members from the Bridge UC were also involved in other groups. The Chairperson
of the UC was also a member of the ward; she was also involved in various
cooperatives. Chairperson of the UC also participated in other programs and showed
her ease of communication in terms of the involvement in Swarojgar program and
other committees. The ease in communication in other programs but less interaction in
case of bridge related activity was partially because bridge program related interaction
was dominated by men [Also reflected in Figure 13]. In the bridge users committee
meeting, it was mostly three men who took lead in communicating what was
happening in the site, they pointed out the lack of complete construction of the bridge,
they were the ones to suggest the problems faced by locals while using personal and
public commute, and lack of compensation provided by the relevant stakeholder.
Although women members also expressed similar problems, they did not voice their
opinions and experience about bridge use and maintenance as much as men, especially
in a group. UC chairperson however communicated quite well when she was talked to
all alone, or when surrounded by group of women, or at household realm [which the
FR could observe as the UC chairperson was also the host household for one of the FR].
According to the women chair of the UC, she did not feel discriminated by men or by
any ethnic group despite being cut off while speaking by one Brahmin man. Instead she
interpreted that situation by saying, “that old man is too fussy”. She further asserted
that rather than voicing her opinion by using her voice at that time, she would rather


let him say what she would have said anyway. While, the action of one Brahmin man as
a representative of the UC showed the prevalence of dominant behavior, the UC chair
did not consider such behavior as a norm in the current society. She was confident in
her own way, and knew when to remain silent, thus showing her own power in silence.
She further stated that she would have raised her voice if he had said something that
she did not fully agree on.

Box 6: A Case of Chitre Budhi Ganga, Accham
Inception Year of Bridge Construction: 2013
Status of Bridge: Under Construction
Establishment of User’s Committee: No

The bridge construction site was inaugurated in 2013. Even before the inauguration of
the bridge, the project staff, road division of government, ward office and municipality
staff had been actively involved in the selection of the site for bridge construction.
According to the locals, the bridge construction site had been discussed with them
once or twice but the location kept changing and the final location in which the current
bridge is being built is new to them. They suggested that although the contractor is an
important and influential stakeholder in completion of the bridge on time, the
contractor seems to be irresponsible as he has not been able to complete the bridge
construction even within five to six years. The locals also shared that the contractor did
not pay the wage on time, which made local labourers wary of work. In addition, there
was no compensation for the land.

Recently, the local media and local political parties have shown interest in the status of
bridge construction after informal grievances shown by the locals. Local politicians
suggested that if the contractors don’t finish the work by 2020, then they would see
that the contractors’ license would get cancelled.

Figure 20: Conversation with female teacher in Accham

Source: GESI field study, 2019


There are various groups and committees that are active in Chitre and Raley in Accham.
Such as:

Aama Samuha or Mother’s group (established since 2052 B.S)

 Mothers group main work is related to health of pregnant women, women
and children, and children under 5. This group meets every 2nd day of Nepali

month. The people included in this group are mostly pregnant women, and

mothers of mostly children below 5 years. At present, there are 15 women in

the group.

Garibi Niwaran or Poverty Alleviation Fund (Operated since 2069 B.S)

 It works with the goal of eradication of poverty from rural areas. People in this

group mostly discuss on making people economically independent by

supporting them in investment in small-scale business and animal husbandry.

This group meets every 10th day of Nepali month. It has provided support to

30 economically less affluent women from different caste including of Dalit,

and Chettri from the locality.

Nirdhan Bank (Operated  Encourage monthly savings; Provides insurance,

since 2075 B.S) loan and investment

DEPROCS Bank  Nirdhan meets every 17th day of Nepali month and

(Operated since 2073 DEPROCS and RAPTRI meets Every 2nd day of Nepali

B.S) month

RAPTRI Co-operative  Nirdhan and Raptri has 15 women participants;

(2065 B.S) Deprocs has 13 women and men participants

In Chitwan study area the locals themselves had been actively involved in advocating
for the bridge, and people in Phaserni were more organized despite non-existence of
the formal user’s committee until 2014. In comparison to Budhi rapti study site in
Chitwan, Chitre Budhi Ganga in Accham lacks user’s committee and an organized group
of local people who could advocate for completion of the bridge. Although, recently
the local media, politicians and the ward chair have raised questions regarding the
status of the bridge, men and women from disadvantaged group do not seem to be
engaged in influencing any sort of decision making related to the bridge construction.
Since there is lack of an organized group especially formed to oversee bridge
construction in Accham study site, it is difficult to place even the theoretical
responsibility that were stated in case of Chitwan. In addition, none of the groups and
committees within the study site have coordinated and jointly shown their community
power to communicate the local grievances. The locals normally gather, only if they
have been called for a meeting by any member of the society. During such meetings, if
an issue on bridge construction has been raised, only then do they express their
aspiration to work, or raise question regarding the completion of the bridge.

Box 7: A Case of Puntura gad, Dadeldhura
Inception Year of Bridge Construction: 2013
Status of Bridge: Completed in 2015
Establishment of User’s Committee: No


Construction of bridge in Accham and Dadeldhura started in the same year, but the
completion of bridge in Dadeldhura was made possible within two years unlike Accham
where the bridge is till under construction even after five years. Unlike in Accham and
other localities, the municipality in Dadeldhura ensured regular monitoring of the work
done by the contractor. Puntura gad bridge site was within 30 minutes walk from the
Municipality and only 15-20 minutes by vehicle, unlike in the case of Accham where the
bridge location was 3 hours walk. The municipality could keep updating about the
status of the bridge by occasional site visit due to the proximity to the bridge site. In
Dadeldhura, the contractor also ensured that the local labourers were employed for
works that the locals themselves could do. The locals were however not satisfied with
the local employment opportunities, as they thought that more work could have been
given to the manual labourers from the village itself. The contractor also strictly
followed the safety instructions and made all workers to use safety gears such as
helmets, gloves, jackets, and goggles while working. As recalled by the locals, the
contractor often met with local politicians and discussed about the budget, upcoming
plan, and work schedule. Public hearing and public audits were also conducted with
local participants of men and women from all caste and ethnicity. The complaint
regarding the bridge was mainly in terms of the broken gabion-box (See Figure 21),
which is used to protect the slopes in the riverbanks.

Figure 31: Condition of gabion-box near Since the contractor had good rapport with
Puntura, Dadeldhura the local politicians and other well-known
individuals in the community such as
Source: GESI field study, 2019 teachers, cooperative leaders, road
department, communication and
coordination between locals and the
contractor were not difficult. According to
the locals, the contractor did what he was
supposed to do, and finished the work on
time. Various groups and committees that
are active in Puntura gad in Dadeldhura but
were not directly involved in influencing the
decisions of bridge construction, included of:

Women's Group (Puntura Aama Sahuma)
 This group was formed to discuss about health related issues of women, pre-natal, post-

natal care, safe motherhood, and childcare. This group also supports poor women, single
women who are in need of financial support with minimum cash loan. It also has various
assets such as utensils, music system, tents, chair for events, which can be rented by locals.
This group collects Rs 5 every month from each member, and gives the money as loan to
those in need. This group meets on the fifth day of every month. This group includes of
women from all background, with especial focus on dalit women, single women and poor


Utthansil Samajik Bikash Kendra (Social Upliftment and Development Centre)
 This centre is active in conducting various social work as well as entrepreneurship building

activities. It distributes summer and winter cloths to poor and orphan children who can't
afford it. It also gives training to knit sweater, muffler, socks, gloves, hats and other woolen
products. It has also provided prickle-making training to women. Members of this group
meet every month to discuss and plan for future programs and projects by reflecting on the
past activities. There are 18 members in this group, out of which 3 are dalits and 5 are
Sundari Community Forest Users group
 This group ensures the provision of fodder and firewood to people. It also coordinates how
much and for what price the rood should be sold for construction of houses, roads and
bridges. The groups’ role is also important in preserving and protecting flora and fauna. This
group meets every month (1st Saturday of every Month) to discuss on how the forest
should be used and protected at the same time by the villagers. Altogether 11 members
hold executive positions, out of which 3 are women, 3 from dalit caste and 4 are Brahmin
and Chettri.
Gramin Mahila Bikash Samiti [Rural Women’s Development Committee]
 The main objective is to encourage savings and provide facility of loan with less interest rate
to help poor, single and vulnerable women. The group decides who should be given the
loan. This group meets 10th of every Month. This group includes of women from all
background, with especial focus on dalit women, single women and poor women.
Bherigoath Khanepani tatha Sarsafai Upabhokta Samiti [Drinking water and cleanliness users
 This group is responsible to check the condition of water tap of every household, to repair
broken water taps, to check the condition of reserve tank and clean it as needed. This group
meets 2nd week of every month to discuss about the condition of water tap and reserve
tank and supply/flow of water and to discuss about repair of water taps. It includes of 11
members out of which 2 are dalits and 2 women.
Siddhanath H S School (School Management Committee)
 The committee is responsible to record financial condition of school, to ensure materials
needed for school, to search for financial aid to run school, to discuss about the lack of
physical resources at school. The members meet monthly. It includes of 11 members out of
which 2 are women and it also includes of ward chairperson.
Puntura Samudayik Bipat Bebasthapan [Community disaster management committee]
 The group is responsible to make the community aware about Wildfire, Housefire,
landslides, and other disasters. It also engages in making people aware about different kind
of health issues of women (Uterus Cancer), and to aware people about global warming
along with mitigation measures of natural disaster. The group maps and locates disaster
prone area and safe areas and discussing effective ways to make people aware and active
for disaster preparedness and response. This group meets monthly. There are 11 members
in the committee, out of which 7 are dalits.

Although these groups did not directly influence any decisions regarding the

construction of the bridge, members from these groups were indirectly involved and

had participated in public audits and public hearing, along with various meetings. Even

women who were involved in mother’s group were aware of the bridge construction
activities. Hence, often times the locals emphasized organized groups as influential

while conducting venn diagram but in actual sense they did not influence any decision-

making as an organized group. The voice of a position holder of certain committee and

group was however given more importance, especially in Dadeldhura, although they


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