Augustine and The Mystery of the Church

strong glue that signifies the ardor of love, which tolerates all things with great strength in order to maintain a spiritual community.79 As a spiritual community, the church is bound in the “fraternal unity” of charity, poured out by the Holy Spirit and mediated through the sacraments.80 Within the mystery of freedom, it is possible for some to cut themselves off from spiritual unity while participating in the sacraments, and these are the wicked, represented by the unclean animals in the ark.81 Nevertheless, the visible sacraments mediate charity, and God’s plan of salvation is carried out in every age of history82 until the eschaton, when the sacraments will no longer be necessary, as signified by the sending of the dove from Noah’s ark.83 Until this final consummation, the sacramental economy is necessary for the building up of the church as the one body and bride of Christ.84 In the controversy with the Donatists, Augustine argues that baptism belongs to the visible church. The church is a visible reality as an empirical community celebrating the sacraments. Those outside of the visible church who have received the laying on of hands may have the sacrament, for the power and efficacy of baptism are dependent upon Christ rather than the minister.85 Yet when celebrated apart from the church’s communion, baptism does not contribute to salvation, but ratherto “perdition,” assymbolized by the destruction of those outside of the ark. The flood occurred seven days after Noah entered the ark, because we are baptized in the hope of the rest to come, which is signified by the seventh day. All flesh outside of the ark, which the earth sustained, was destroyed by the flood, because although outside the communion of the church the water of baptism is the same, it not only does not contribute to salvation but instead contributes to perdition.86 The baptism of the Donatists leads to death rather than life.87 However, those who acknowledge the “glory of Christ in the prophets and in all the divine Scriptures,” and “do not seek their own glory,” may be 79. C. Faust. 12.14; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 135. 80. C. Faust. 12.20, 24; cf. Trin. 7.3.6. 81. C. Faust. 12.15. 82. Ibid., 12.18. 83. Ibid., 12.20; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 138. 84. C. Faust. 12.16; 15.3, 8–11. 85. See Cresc. 2.21.26, and the discussion of De baptismo below. 86. C. Faust. 12.17; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 136–37. 87. C. Faust. 12.20. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 66 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:00:21 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

brought into communion with the church “at a later time” by the Holy Spirit.88 This does not render the visible church obsolete, for any communion among members is necessarily related to the visible celebration of the sacraments of the “holy church,” which is the temple of God and the “glory of Christ.”89 The visible church’s unity and universality are symbolized by the rainbow in the narrative of the flood.90 The Holy Spirit may work outside of visible bounds, yet this always leads to union and communion with the one universal church.91 In De baptismo, Augustine provides a sophisticated argument about the unity and holiness of the church as the bride of Christ, which has often been misinterpreted in Augustinian scholarship. As it is commonly rehearsed, Augustine’s solution to the Donatist claim for a “pure church” was to posit an inner church of the predestined that could be identified as the pure bride “without spot or wrinkle,” thereby maintaining the church’s purity and holiness in the midst of her imperfect embodiment as a mixed body of saints and sinners.92 According to this view, the church’s holiness is dependent upon the presence of the predestined, who alone constitute the “true church” in an absolute sense.93 The justification forthis interpretation isfound in Bapt. 5.27.38, in which Augustine identifies the “garden enclosed” in Song 4:12 with “the holy and just,” who alone constitute “a spring shut up, a fountain sealed, a well of living water.”94 The inner society of those who “live according to the Spirit” has entered “on the excellent way of charity.”95 True membership in the church is constituted by the participation in the invisible communion of charity,96 and thus participation in the sacraments seems incidental, if not entirely unnecessary.97 However, this conclusion misses the mark. Augustine’s argument has greater complexity, for the church’s holiness is not dependent 88. Ibid., 12.22; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 139; cf. Bapt. 4.3.5. 89. C. Faust. 13.13; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 168; cf. 13.14; S. 265E.5; 262.5; 400.14. 90. C. Faust. 12.22; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 139. 91. Bapt. 3.17.22. 92. J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christian Doctrines (London: Black, 1958), 415; Denis Faul, “Sinners in the Holy Church: A Problem in the Ecclesiology of St. Augustine,” Studia Patristica 9 (1963): 404–15; Robert Evans, One and Holy: The Church in Latin Patristic Thought (London: SPCK, 1972), 102. 93. Kelly, Early Christian Doctrines, 415. In contrast, see Stanislaus J. Grabowski, The Church: An Introduction to the Theology of St. Augustine (St. Louis: Herder, 1957), 476. 94. Bapt. 5.27.38; J. R. King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 476–77. 95. Ibid. 96. Phillip Cary, Outward Signs: The Powerlessness of External Things in Augustine’s Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 200. By contrast, see Jaroslav Pelikan’s nuanced treatment in The Mystery of Continuity: Time and History, Memory and Eternity in the Thought of Saint Augustine (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1986), 114–22. 97. Cary, Outward Signs, 198. THE CHURCH AS THE BRIDE OF CHRIST 67 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:00:21 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

upon the members, but upon God. In De baptismo, Augustine affirms the teaching of Cyprian, whom the Donatists claim as an authority.98 Against the Donatist conceptions of holiness, Augustine argues that the church’s unity is predicated upon the presence and work of the Holy Spirit, the “one dove without fault,” sent by Christ for his spouse.99 The Donatists profess allegiance to the authority of Cyprian, but as Augustine declares, Cyprian sought the unity of the church100 that comes not from the self-achieved holiness of the church’s members or from the presence of the elect, but rather from the “one dove” of the Holy Spirit, working through the sacramental life of the church. The church is “one” on the basis of the mysterious workings of the “one dove,” not by any human criteria.101 As there is one Holy Spirit, so there is one church,102 and the union and communion of the one body of Christ is made possible by the charity that is “wanting in all who are cut off from the communion of the Catholic Church.”103 Any kind of ecclesiology that bases its holiness upon the members will lead to division and disunity. For Augustine, the charity given by the Holy Spirit104 is the heart of the church. Schismatics such as the Donatists lack true charity.105 In Bapt. 3, Augustine compares schismatics to adulterous lovers who have gone astray.106 According to the mysterious dispensation of God’s providence, these adulterous lovers must face certain “barriers” and “difficulties” before returning to the “way of peace.”107 God’s spousal fidelity makes it possible for some to return.108 The difficulties encountered by those who live in error can have the effect of leading them back to the one true spouse, in whom they may find blessedness. In this mysterious dispensation of God’s will, the work of conversion cannot be claimed as an accomplishment. The church is holy due to the work of Christ and the Spirit,109 not because of the presence of certain 98. Pelikan, The Mystery of Continuity, 112: “Both Augustine the Catholic bishop and his Donatist opponents had laid claim to continuity with Cyprian.” See also Evans, One and Holy, 65–91. 99. Bapt. 3.17.22. 100. Ibid.; see Pelikan, The Mystery of Continuity, 120: “[The Donatists] followed Cyprian in his rigorism, but not in his adherence to Catholicity and unity.” 101. Bapt. 3.17.22. 102. Ibid.; cf. Util. cred. 7.19. 103. Bapt. 3.16.21; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 442. 104. Bapt. 3.16.21; Ep. Jo. 6.6; Jo. ev. tr. 6.14–15; 20; 13.11–4; En. Ps. 47.13; 57.5; 121.7; 129.4; 131.13; 140.2; 149.2; S. 298.2. 105. S. 37.27; 138.6–10; 146.2; 147A.2–3; 285.6; 295.5; Doc. Chr. 2.6.7; Civ. Dei 15.22. 106. Bapt. 3.19.27. 107. Ibid.; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 445–46. 108. Bapt. 3.19.27. 109. Ibid., 3.11.16; 3.17.22; 4.3.5. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 68 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:00:21 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

members, namely, the elect. While Augustine maintains that there is a certain number of the predestined, the whole church continues to undergo purification, for she is in a process of transformation while on pilgrimage through this world. Those who are “carnal, and full of fleshly appetites” undergo transformation so as to become “fit for heavenly food” by being nourished “with the milk of the holy mysteries,”110 that is, the sacraments, thereby becoming the “spotless” bride.111 The sacraments maintain their efficacy due to the spousal love of God.112 This is evident in Augustine’s interpretation of Ezekiel, in which Israel is a figure of the church precisely as the adulterous woman who hastaken the “fairjewels of my gold and of my silver, which I had given thee, and made to thyself images of men, and did commit adultery with them.”113 The wicked in the church have “turned all the sacraments, and the words of the sacred books, to the images of her own idols, with which her carnal mind delights to indulge,” but nevertheless, the sacraments and divine words do not lose “their due honor.”114 The sacraments do not lose their efficacy, for they depend upon the spousal love of Christ, not the righteousness of the ministers. Christ’s spousal love is mediated by the sacraments, as prefigured by the gifts given to the people of Israel that “belonged not to her, but to God.”115 The gifts of the law prefigured the sacramenta Christi and had effects among the Jewish people. Christ confirmed this efficacy in his command to the lepers to offer sacrifice in accord with the Jewish religious rituals, even though he had not yet offered the sacrifice that he “wished to be celebrated in the church for all of them,” namely, hissacrifice on the cross.116 Augustine recognizes the operation of the rituals in the observance of the law117 in order to show the continuity with the sacraments instituted by Christ for his bride. Schismatics such as the Donatists may have received the mark of ministry through ordination, but they have cut themselves off from the spousal love of Christ and from the Spirit sent by Christ for his bride. Against the Donatists, Augustine develops a sophisticated doctrine of extra ecclesiam nulla salus (“no salvation outside of the church”),118 110. Ibid., 5.27.38. 111. Ibid. 112. Ibid., 3.14.19; 3.19.26. 113. Ibid., 3.19.27; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 446. 114. Bapt. 3.19.27. 115. Ibid. 116. Ibid., 6.44.86; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 509. 117. Bapt. 3.19.27. THE CHURCH AS THE BRIDE OF CHRIST 69 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:00:21 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

wherein the Spirit may work beyond the visible church in such a way as to correct those who have been “estranged” from her peace in order to bring them into the unity of the one bride of Christ. The waters of baptism exist outside the church,119 but “the gift of the life of happiness is found alone within the church, which has been founded on a rock, which has received the keys of binding and loosing. ‘She it is alone who holds as her privilege the whole power of her bridegroom and Lord,’ by virtue of which power as bride, she can bring forth sons even of handmaids.”120 Augustine distinguishes between the communion of the sacraments121 and the bond of charity “which is the special gift of Catholic unity and peace,”122 but this does not render the visible sacraments ineffective or unnecessary for membership in the church. As the “true spouse of Christ” (vera sponsa Christi),123 the visible church has the power to administer and to dispense the sacraments.124 The source of this power is Christ’s spousal love, which unites the church. For those outside of the church, what they possess “is of no efficacy to their salvation, unless they shall return to that same unity,”125 that is, the unity of the visible church. Otherwise, they “are not in the church of which it is said, ‘My dove is but one; she is the only one of her mother’ (Song 6:9).”126 Membership in the dove is administered by baptism, the “washing of water,” through which Christ purifies and presents to himself a “glorious church” as his bride.127 The sacraments of the visible church are signs of Christ’s spousal love, and they have the effect of uniting bridegroom and bride as one body. Schismatics and heretics have cut themselves off from the unity of the one bride. Contrary to the Donatist claim to possess the only true baptism, Augustine affirms that baptism has effects outside of the visible church by virtue of the “holiness of the mystery” (mysterii sanctitatem).128 The sacrament has a mysterious efficacy beyond the washing of water, for the Spirit may work invisibly to supply what is lacking, as in the case 118. This phrase was made famous by Cyprian, Ep. 72.21. 119. Bapt. 4.1.1; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 447: “The comparison of the church with paradise shows us that men may receive baptism outside of the church, but that no one outside can either receive or retain the salvation of eternal happiness”; cf. 3.18.23; 4.3.5; 4.17.24; 5.28.39; C. Faust. 12.20; S. 260C. 120. Bapt. 4.1.1; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 447. 121. Bapt. 3.16.21. 122. Ibid.; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 442. 123. C. Faust. 15.3, 8–11; S. 238.2–3. 124. Bapt. 4.21.29. 125. Ibid., 4.2.2; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 447. 126. Bapt. 4.3.5; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 448. 127. Bapt. 4.3.5. 128. Ibid., 4.12.19; CSEL 51.245; cf. Bapt. 3.13.18, 4.11.18. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 70 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:00:21 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

of catechumens who are martyred prior to the visible washing.129 The Holy Spirit can work beyond visible bounds,130 but membership in the communion of charity must be related to the one visible and “universal” (catholica) church. For Augustine, the “true church” (vera ecclesia) is the visible church,131 and there is no communion of charity that subsists apart from the one spouse of Christ.132 Although the Holy Spirit may work beyond visible limits, all of the elect are brought into relation to the one church, which is visible and invisible. Some who participate in the church’s sacramental life may cut themselves off from the effects, while others may be brought into communion at a later time according to the mystery of God’s foreknowledge.133 With God, with whom the future is already present, they already are what they will be. But we, according to what each man is at present, inquire whether they are to be counted among the members of the church today, which is called the one dove, and the Bride of Christ without spot or wrinkle. . . . But if the dove does not acknowledge them among her members . . . then they seem indeed to be in the church, but are not. . . . And so too in the case of those whose separation from the church is open; for neither these nor those are as yet among the members of the dove, but some of them perhaps will be at some future time.134 The eschatological dimension of the church is essential to Augustine’s argument against the Donatists. Augustine declares if any are brought into the final communion of the church at a “future time,” it must be in relation to the one church and her sacraments, for the sacraments mediate the saving mysterium prefigured by the Old Testament sacramenta. 135 Even now, the church is the bride of Christ on journey. Participation in the sacraments is not a guarantee of participation in charity, but the sacraments retain their unique mediatory role, for all who come to share in the communion of charity will be brought into union with the one church during this time, or at the eschaton. The church’s identity as the eschatological bride “without spot or wrinkle” 129. Bapt. 4.22.30. 130. Ibid. The Spirit supplies what the visible washing of water does not; cf. 4.22.30; 5.27.38. 131. Augustine never speaks of the “true church” (vera ecclesia) as an “invisible church” (ecclesia invisibilis); rather, when he speaks of the “true church” (vera ecclesia), it is always in reference to the visible church; cf. S. 238.1–2; C. Faust. 15.3, 8–11; S. 47.18; 71.37; 265.6; 398.14; En Ps. 149.3; Ep. 44.3; 93.11, 17, 25, 50–51; 118.32; 140.43; 141.5; 173.10; 185.10–11, 46. 132. Bapt. 4.3.5; cf. En. Ps. 147.18. 133. Bapt. 4.3.5. 134. Ibid.; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 448. 135. Bapt. 3.18.23. THE CHURCH AS THE BRIDE OF CHRIST 71 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:00:21 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

enables Augustine to maintain the mediation of the sacraments since all of the elect outside of the visible body will become members of the one bride at some future time. This argument provides the foundation for Augustine’s ecclesiology in book 5 of De baptismo. There is “one church” and “one baptism,” just as there is “one God, and one Christ, and one hope, and one faith.”136 While it is possible for some outside of the visible church to have baptism since it has been passed on through ordination, they “have not the one church,” for there are some who “should have the one baptism who had not the one hope,”137 as was the case in the time of Paul. Augustine links the unity of the church to the “one hope” mediated through baptism.138 The church lives in hope while on journey to her eschatological end as the “spotless bride.”139 The eschatological church is the “garden enclosed” of Song of Songs,140 and Augustine posits the eschatological identity of the “spotless bride” in order to make room for those who are outside the visible church, but will be joined to the one bride at some future time due to the power and effects of baptism. Thus the sacraments of the church are never obviated, for at the end time, all will be brought into the unity of the one bride. Baptism remains the entrance to the church, and Augustine returns to the image of Noah’s ark in order to describe the irrevocable role of baptism. How do they belong to the mystery of this ark? . . . If not by water, how in the ark? If not in the ark, how in the church? But if in the church, certainly in the ark; and if in the ark, certainly by water. It is therefore possible that some who have been baptized without may be considered, through the foreknowledge of God, to have been really baptized within, because within the water begins to be profitable to them unto salvation; nor can they be said to have been otherwise saved in the ark except by water. And again, some who seemed to have been baptized within may be considered, through the same foreknowledge of God, more truly to have been baptized without, since, by making a bad use of baptism, they die by water, which then happened to no one who was not outside the ark........As therefore it was not another but the same water that saved those who were placed within the ark, and destroyed those who were left without the ark, so it is 136. Ibid., 5.26.37; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 476; CSEL 51.292: “traditum est ergo nobis, sicut ipse commemorat, ab apostolis, quod sit unus deus et Christus unus et una spes et fides una et una ecclesia et baptisma unum.” 137. Bapt. 5.26.37. 138. Ibid., 5.27.38; cf. C. Faust. 12.20. 139. Bapt. 5.27.38; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 477. 140. Bapt. 5.27.38. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 72 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:00:21 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

not by different baptisms, but by the same, that good Catholics are saved, and bad Catholics or heretics perish.141 There is one baptism, by which some are saved and others are cut off from salvation. This baptism is celebrated visibly by the Catholic Church, and all who benefit will be made members of the one dove and the one “spotless bride.” Those who will be joined to the church at the eschaton will do so because of the mysterious efficacy of baptism, which extends beyond visible limits. Augustine thus distinguishes between the historical and eschatological dimensions of the church not to dispense with the visible church, but precisely to uphold the mediation of her sacraments until the eschaton, when the sacraments will no longer be necessary. During the present age, the church remains a mixed body, and a bride in need of purification and transformation while on journey. Only at the end time will she be the spotless bride, yet as a visible community celebrating the sacraments, she is holy due to the spousal love of Christ and the activity of the Spirit, not because of the presence of certain members. Conclusion Augustine employs spousal imagery in order to show how the church is visible and invisible, historical and eschatological. The church is bride and mother, giving birth to charity in the members by means of baptism. As the bride of Christ, the church receives Christ’s spousal love through the visible celebration of the sacraments. Christ’s spousal love extends to the church on earth, and Christ the head is present in the members of his body. The members share in the glory of the head, and the church knows herself as the beloved bride of Christ by receiving the sacraments while on journey. Against the Donatists, Augustine declares that the church is one and holy due to the love of Christ and the work of the Holy Spirit. In his mature works, Augustine uses bridal imagery in order to bring together the historical and eschatological aspects of the one mystery. The church on earth is the bride of Christ, yet she must undergo purification during her pilgrimage on earth. The church’s eschatological dimension is key to Augustine’s ecclesiology, for it enables him to maintain the mediation of the sacraments while recognizing the work of the Spirit to bring some outside of the visible body into communion 141. Ibid., 5.28.39; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 477–78. THE CHURCH AS THE BRIDE OF CHRIST 73 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:00:21 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

with the one church at some future time. In the end, the church will consist of the communion of the elect united in charity, but during her earthly pilgrimage, the church mediates the communion of charity by celebrating the sacraments. All who come to be members of the “spotless” bride will be joined to this same communion of charity. The mystery of God’s salvific plan will be realized fully only at the eschaton, but the church on earth shares in charity by participation in the sacraments. Augustine thus provides a coherent account of the church in which the visible community celebrating the sacraments is intrinsic to the church as the bride of Christ, on journey to her final eschatological perfection. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 74 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:00:21 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

4 The City of God One1 of Augustine’s favorite images for the church is that of a city. In the end, there will be only two cities, that is, two groups of people defined by two kinds of love: 1) the love of God “even to the point of contempt for self,” and 2) the “love of self, even to the point of contempt for God.”2 The former is the “city of God” (civitas dei), and the latter the “earthly city” (civitas terrena),3 often referred to as Jerusalem and Babylon respectively.4 The church is the city of God, on pilgrimage in the present age.5 At the final judgment, God will separate the two cities in definitive fashion.6 For Augustine, there is no simple equivalence between the visible church and the heavenly city.7 As a mixed body, the empirical church 1. This chapter has been published in a modified form as “Babylon Becomes Jerusalem: The Transformation of the Two Cities in Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos,” Augustinian Studies 47/2 (2016): 157–80. 2. Civ. Dei 14.28; William Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 136; CCSL 48.451: “fecerunt itaque civitates duas amores duo, terrenam scilicet amor sui usque ad contemptum dei, caelestem vero amor dei usque ad contemptum sui.” 3. Civ. Dei 14.28, praef.; CCSL 47.1. 4. Johannes van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon: A Study into Augustine’s City of God and the Sources of His Doctrine of the Two Cities (New York: Brill, 1991), 93–123. 5. En. Ps. 62.6; cf. 42.2; 44.33; 62.6; 64.3; 125.1; 136.1; 138.18; 146.4; 147.5; 147.18; 147.20; Civ. Dei 19.17. 6. Ibid., 20.17; CCSL 48.727; cf. 21.1; 22.1; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), ix. Paul Griffiths rightly points out, “[e]schatologically speaking, in terms of final and unchanging citizenship, every human being has citizenship in exactly one of the two cities.” See “Secularity and the saeculum,” in Augustine’s City of God: A Critical Guide, ed. James Wetzel (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 42. 75 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

includes citizens of Babylon and Jerusalem.8 This has led scholars such as Robert Markus to conclude that the city of God cannot be identified with any visible community on earth.9 According to Markus, the city of God is only eschatological in nature. The visible church is an interim institution that serves as a “provisional sign,”10 calling to mind the city without being itself the city in any real way.11 Markus rightly avoids an oversimplification, yet he goes too far.12 The visible church has no effect upon the eschatological reality and cannot be called the city of God,13 and thus the empirical community is dispensable. However, Augustine offers a more sophisticated understanding of the church as the city of God, which must undergo earthly pilgrimage in order to arrive at an eschatological state. The visible church is the pilgrim city of God, in a process of transformation and purification until the final separation of the cities.14 The visible church is necessary for the formation of the heavenly city, for the city is built up by means of the sacraments. Baptism converts the citizens of Babylon into members of Jerusalem. While it is possible for some to return to their sins and so to belong to Babylon, they may repent and become citizens of 7. Ernest Fortin notes that not everyone in the church on earth belongs to the heavenly city. Nevertheless, while the pattern and perfection of the city is found in heaven, “insofar as human beings now have the possibility of leading virtuous lives, it already exists here on earth.” See “Civitate Dei, De,” in Augustine Through the Ages, eds. Allan Fitzgerald, John C. Cavadini, Marianne Djuth, et al. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), 199; cf. Émilien Lamirande, L’église céleste selon saint Augustin (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1963), 9–20; Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon, 118–63. 8. En. Ps. 51.6; Civ. Dei 1.35; cf. Serge Lancel, Saint Augustine, trans. Antonia Nevill (London: SCM, 2002), 284–85. 9. See Robert Markus, Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology of Augustine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), and more recently Christianity and the Secular (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006). On Markus’s influence, see James Wetzel, “Introduction,” in Augustine’s City of God: A Critical Guide, 3–4. 10. Markus, Saeculum, 179. This understanding of the church is summed up in Alfred Loisy’s comment: “Jesus announced the Kingdom, and it was the church that came” (182). 11. Ibid., 183. According to Markus, the church’s “mission” as “sign” is carried out by three kinds of activity: 1) proclaiming the Gospel; 2) sacramental worship, “wherein the Christian community becomes an anticipatory sign of the fully human community of love whose coming we are required to await in hope”; and 3) in its “ministry,” whereby the “church serves the world in the redeeming love whose presence in the world it proclaims in its preaching” (185). 12. James Wetzel observes that Markus “exaggerates the difference between the eschatological and empirical, turning a distinction into a disparity”; Wetzel, “Introduction,” 6. 13. The preference for the eschatological perspective has continued to predominate among contemporary scholars, and many have overlooked the growth of the heavenly city while on pilgrimage in history. For instance, Thomas Renna identifies at least ten ways in which Augustine employs the figure of Jerusalem or Zion in his exegesis of the Psalms, but Renna does not mention the growth and transformation of the city; see “Zion and Jerusalem in the Psalms,” in Augustine: Biblical Exegete, ed. F. van Fleteren and J. C. Schnaubelt (New York: Lang, 2004): 279–98. Likewise, Serge Lancel shows how Augustine speaks of the city of God as an eschatological reality and a pilgrim in history (Lancel, Saint Augustine, 400–403). However, Lancel stops short of explaining how the heavenly city is formed in relation to the visible community on earth (cf. 138, 281–85). 14. En. Ps. 36[1].12; cf. Civ. Dei 8.24; 13.16; 15.26; 16.2. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 76 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

the heavenly city again. This dynamic interchange during the city’s earthly journey is part of God’s plan. The final eschatological city consists of the “whole church” (tota ecclesia),15 but in the present time, the visible church is an instrument of transformation, for she “calls forth citizens from all peoples and gathers together a pilgrim society.”16 The church as the pilgrim city of God incorporates new members by celebrating the sacraments, and therefore the empirical community is intrinsic to the heavenly city. In this chapter, I trace the origin of the two cities in Augustine’s thought, and I consider how this image fits into his broader ecclesiology. I then turn to works in which Augustine develops the doctrine of the two cities, including De catechizandis rudibus, Enarrationes in Psalmos, and De civitate Dei. Augustine constructs an ecclesiology of transformation in which the visible church is essential for the formation and completion of the heavenly city, for the church’s celebration of the sacraments leads to the conversion of the wicked city of Babylon into the heavenly Jerusalem.17 The Origin of the Two Cities The theme of the two cities is scriptural, albeit implicit.18 In the book of Revelation, the “new Jerusalem” is the “holy city,” “coming down out of heaven from God, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband.”19 Likewise, in Gal 4:26, Paul speaks of the heavenly “Jerusalem above” which is “free, and she is our mother.” The city of Babylon, on the other hand, signifies earthly evils and worldly powers.20 The theme of the two cities is also found in apocryphal texts, such as the Gnostic Acts of Peter, and in apocalyptic literature such as the Shepherd of Hermas. 21 In Tertullian’s works, Rome is sometimes identified with Babylon, and occasionally the church is called city of God, but there is no developed antithesis of the two cities.22 15. En. Ps. 147.18; CCSL 40.2155. 16. Civ. Dei 19.17; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 375; CCSL 48.685: “haec ergo caelestis civitas dum peregrinatur in terra, ex omnibus gentibus cives evocat atque in omnibus linguis peregrinam colligit societatem.” 17. En. Ps. 86.6. 18. Gerard O’Daly, Augustine’s City of God: A Reader’s Guide (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 53. 19. Rev 21:2; translation follows RSV. 20. Rev 17:18; 18:2; O’Daly, Augustine’s City of God, 53. 21. Shepherd of Hermas, Commandments 6.1.2–3; Parables 1–3; in The Apostolic Fathers, Vol. II, trans. Kirsopp Lake, Loeb Classical Library 25 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 261–67, 305–19; O’Daly, Augustine’s City of God, 54; Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon, 356–57. 22. O’Daly, Augustine’s City of God, 55. THE CITY OF GOD 77 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Among other possible influences on Augustine’s thought are Tyconius, Ambrose, and Origen.23 In his Commentary on Revelation, which only survives in fragments, Tyconius may have offered a doctrine of two cities, but it is possible that later commentators superimposed such ideas upon the text.24 Ambrose frequently speaks of the church as the city of God and the heavenly city of Jerusalem.25 Further, Ambrose posits an antithesis between the kingdom of God and the kingdom of sin; the allegorical antithesis of Jerusalem and Babylon most often refers to the conflict in the individual, whereby the soul of the believer may be called Jerusalem.26 The extent to which these authors influenced Augustine remains uncertain, although it is likely he encountered these ideas. Nevertheless, Augustine developed a distinctive approach to the two cities as an interpretation of the church in history.27 In a study of the sources of Augustine’s doctrine of the two cities, Johannes van Oort observes similarities between Manichean teaching concerning the two opposed kingdoms of “light and darkness” and Augustine’s descriptions of the “dark, beclouded” earthly city and the “heavenly city” as “light in the Lord.”28 However, Augustine rejects the fundamental principles of Manichean dualism, and Oort is aware of such disparities. Oort rightly argues that any similarities between Manichean principles and Augustine’s views may be attributed to a shared Jewish-Christian background in North Africa.29 Another possible source for Augustine’s doctrine of the two cities is Plotinus, whose influence is evident in Augustine’s early works. In the Enneads, Plotinus speaks of an intelligible city above in contrast to the city of the things below “in which we have a citizenship.”30 For Plotinus, as we have seen, the return to the intelligible occurs by an “inward turn” that yields ascent.31 By contrast, Augustine’s teaching on the two 23. Ibid., 56–62. 24. Beatus of Liebana relies heavily on Tyconius in his commentary on the apocalypse. The critical edition of his Commentaria in Apocalypsin shows the extent of borrowing as best as it can be determined; cf. CCSL 107B–C, esp. 107B.xi–cxlviii; Kenneth Steinhauser, The Apocalypse Commentary of Tyconius: A History of Its Reception and Influence (New York: Lang, 1987), 141–96. 25. Ambrose, In Ps. 118; O’Daly, Augustine’s City of God, 56. 26. Ambrose, Is. 5.39; 6.54; O’Daly, Augustine’s City of God, 56; Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon, 276–81. 27. O’Daly, Augustine’s City of God, 57. 28. Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon, 199–234. 29. Ibid., 360–71. 30. Enn. 4.4.17; trans. Stephen MacKenna, Plotinus: The Enneads (New York: Larson, 1992), 345. 31. Plotinus uses light imagery in order to demonstrate how the embodied soul purifies itself; Enn. 1.6.5; 1.6.9. According to Andrew Louth, “Purification, katharsis, is a fundamental and much developed idea in Plotinus’ thought” (The Origins of the Christian Mystical Tradition [New York: Oxford University Press, 1981], 44). AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 78 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

cities develops with a focus on the church’s transformation and purification not by an inward turn, but rather by participation in an outward, visible community. Thus the influence of Plotinus is unlikely, for the city of God is built up during her earthly pilgrimage as a visible, communal body celebrating the sacraments. Augustine and the Two Cities Augustine speaks of the human race as divided into two “classes” (genera), the wicked and those devoted to God, as early as 389 in De vera religione. 32 He uses the term civitates to refer to the two cities for the first time in Decatechizandis rudibus, in which he declares that there are “two cities—one of the wicked, the other of the saints—existing from the beginning of the human race right through to the end of time.”33 One city consists of the proud who love “disdaining and dominating others” in this world, and another consists of the humble who seek God’s glory and not their own.34 The cities are prefigured by the earthly cities of Babylon and Jerusalem, which mean “confusion” (confusio) 35 and “vision of peace” (visio pacis) respectively.36 Over the course of history, the two cities are intermingled, for “[a]t present they are mixed together in body but separated in will; though, on the day of judgment, they are to be separated in body as well.”37 The visible church is a “mixed body” (corpus permixtum) 38 of the good and the wicked, to be separated fully at the eschaton. Only God knows who will belong to each city, and God will separate the two “communities” (societates) 39 from each other on the day of judgment. Augustine continued to write and to preach on the theme of the two 32. Vera rel. 27.50; CCSL 32.219. 33. Cat. rud. 19.31; trans. Raymond Canning, Instructing Beginners in Faith (Hyde Park, NY: New City, 2006), 128; CCSL 46.156: “duae itaque civitates, una iniquorum, altera sanctorum, ab initio generis humani usque in finem saeculi perducuntur.” See also Cat. rud. 20.36–21.37. 34. Cat. rud. 19.31; Canning, Instructing Beginners in Faith, 129; CCSL 46.156: “omnes enim homines amantes superbiam et temporalem dominationem cum vano typho et pompa arrogantiae, omnesque spiritus qui talia diligunt, et gloriam suam subjectione hominum quaerunt, simul una societate devincti sunt.” 35. Cat. rud. 21.37; CCSL 46.161; cf. En. Ps. 54.12; 64.2; 64.8; 125.3; 136.1–2; S. 16A.9; Ep. 27.2; Civ. Dei 16.4. 36. Cat. rud. 20.36; Canning, Instructing Beginners in Faith, 137; CCSL 46.160; cf. En. Ps. 9.12; 50.22; 61.7; 64.2; 121.11; 124.10; 127.16; 131.21; 136.1; 138.29; 147.8; 147.14; Gn. litt. 12.28.56; C. Faust. 12.42. 37. Cat. rud. 19.31; Canning, Instructing Beginners in Faith, 128–29; CCSL 46.156: “nunc permixtae corporibus, sed voluntatibus separatae, in die judicii vero etiam corpore separandae.” 38. M.-F. Berrouard, “L’église d’ici-bas est mêlée de justes et de pécheurs,” in In Iohannis euangelium tractatus CXXIV, Oeuvres de Saint Augustin 71 (Paris: Bibliothèque Augustinienne, 1969), 876–87; “Corpus Christi mixtum,” In Iohannis euangelium tractatus CXXIV, Oeuvres de Saint Augustin 71 (Paris: Bibliothèque Augustinienne, 1969), 832–33; Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon, 93–163. 39. Cat. rud. 19.31; Canning, Instructing Beginners in Faith, 129; CCSL 46.156. THE CITY OF GOD 79 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

cities in his Enarrationes in Psalmos. 40 Many were delivered as sermons, most likely between 394 to 418,41 and offer insight into Augustine’s mature ecclesiology.42 Around the year 411, while composing book 11 of De Genesi ad litteram, Augustine decided to devote an entire work to the theme of the two cities.43 This would become De civitate Dei, begun in 413 and completed by 427. In workssuch as En. Ps. and Civ. Dei, Augustine goes beyond predecessors like Tyconius to suggest that the cities undergo a process of transformation in which one city is built up by the conversion of the other. Enarrationes in Psalmos Augustine distinguishes the two cities according to two kinds of love in En. Ps. 64.44 “Two loves create the two cities: love of God creates Jerusalem; love of the world creates Babylon.”45 These cities are “intermingled” in history, and “they continue like that from the very beginning of the human race until the end of the world.”46 “Jerusalem began to exist with Abel, and Babylon with Cain,”47 for the church exists from Abel onward,48 and includes all of the righteous who have Christ as their king.49 Abel and Cain represent the origin of the two cities among 40. In his extant works, Augustine uses Jerusalem over 500 times and Babylone over 250 times, with the majority of these found in En. Ps. (CLCLT). 41. See Michael Fiedrowicz, Psalmus vox totius Christi: Studien zu Augustins ‘Enarrationes in Psalmos’ (Freiburg: Herder, 1997), 430–39; Michael Fiedrowicz and H. Müller, “Enarrationes en psalmos,” in Augustinus-Lexikon, eds. Robert Dodaro, Cornelius Petrus Mayer, and Christof Müller (Basel: Schwabe, 1986–1994), cols. 2:804–58; Éric Rebillard, Les Commentaires des Psaumes Ps 1–16, Oeuvres de Saint Augustin 57A (Paris: Bibliothèque Augustinienne), 41–51; Michael Cameron, Christ Meets Me Everywhere (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 166, 327nn9–12. 42. Thomas Renna observes, “More than any other of his works, the writings on the Psalms explore some facets of the profound ecclesiology of his great work, Deciuitate dei. (It is possible that Augustine ‘tested’ his ideas on his captive congregations in Hippo and Carthage)” (“Zion and Jerusalem in the Psalms,” 287). 43. Gn. litt. 11.15.20; Edmund Hill, On Genesis (WSA I/13), 440n17. 44. C. 411/415; Fiedrowicz, Psalmus vox totius Christi, 433. 45. En. Ps. 64.2; Maria Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 266; CCSL 39.824: “duas istas civitates faciunt duo amores: Jerusalem facit amor dei; Babyloniam facit amor saeculi.” 46. En. Ps. 64.2; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 265; CCSL 39.823: “permixtae sunt, et ab ipso exordio generis humani permixtae currunt usque in finem saeculi”; cf. En. Ps. 61.8; Cat. rud. 19.31. 47. En. Ps. 64.2; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 265; CCSL 39.823: “Jerusalem accepit exordium per Abel; Babylon per Cain”; cf. C. Faust. 12.9; Civ. Dei 15.1; 15.7–8; 15.15–21. 48. En. Ps. 64.2; cf. 128.2; Civ. Dei 15.7. 49. En. Ps. 61.4: “Never doubt, brothers and sisters, that all the righteous people who have endured persecution from the wicked were already members of Christ. This is just as true in the case of those who lived before the advent of the Lord, those who were sent to foretell his coming. They too had their place among Christ’s members. It is unthinkable that anyone who belongs to that city which has Christ for its king should not also have a place among his members”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 205; CCSL 39.774: “nolite ergo putare, fratres, omnes justos qui passi sunt persecutionem iniquorum, etiam illos qui venerunt missi ante domini advenAUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 80 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

human beings50 after the fall of Adam, for in Adam, all have sinned and therefore die. “And all of us die in Adam (1 Cor 15:22), as each one of us is born from Adam.”51 Due to the fall, all begin as citizens of the earthly city in a state of captivity to sin,52 with Babylon as our “mother.”53 “Each of us must therefore make our passage over to Jerusalem,”54 with the church as mother. In En. Ps. 61,55 Augustine identifies two cities over against one another, each with a king. “What is this one city and another city? Babylon is one, and Jerusalem is one. Whatever mystical names may be applied to it elsewhere, it remains one city set over against another city. One has the devil for its king, but Christ is king of the other.”56 The historical cities of Babylon and Jerusalem stood as signs foreshadowing the wicked earthly city and the heavenly city of God, of which they were “shadows” (umbrae).57 On the one hand, the earthly city consists tum praenuntiare domini adventum, non pertinuisse ad membra Christi. Absit ut non pertineat ad membra Christi, qui pertinet ad civitatem quae regem habet Christum”; cf. Cat. rud. 3.6. 50. En. Ps. 61.6: “The former has priority as to time, but no priority in nobility or honor. This is the elder, and that other city is younger. The one began with Cain, the other with Abel. They are two bodies, active under their respective rulers and citizens of their respective cities”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 208; CCSL 39.777: “illa enim in terra quasi major est tempore; non sublimitate, non honore. Civitas illa prior nata; civitas ista posterior nata. Illa enim incoepit a Cain; haec ab Abel. Haec duo corpora sub duobus regibus agentia, ad singulas civitates pertinentia”; cf. Civ. Dei 15.1; 15.7–8; 15.15–21. The two cities have angelic origins with the fall of Satan and the rebellious angels; Civ. Dei 11.1; 11.11–19; 12.1–9. 51. En. Ps. 61.7; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 209; CCSL 39.778: “et omnes in Adam morimur; et unusquisque nostrum ab Adam natus est.” 52. En. Ps. 136.1: “Jerusalem has been held captive in Babylon. Not the whole of Jerusalem, because the angels too are numbered among its citizens; but men and women are in a state of captivity”; Maria Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 223; CCSL 40.1964: “Jerusalem in Babylonia captiva tenebatur non tota: cives enim ejus et angeli sunt”; cf. 64.1–2. 53. En. Ps. 138.18: “While I was in my mother’s womb, I could not regard the darkness of this night as all one with its light, for my mother’s womb symbolizes the standards of the city to which I then belonged. What city is that? The city that brought us to birth in captivity. We know all about that city, Babylon........Those who are still in the womb of Babylon, their mother, rejoice over this world’s successes and are shattered by its calamities. . . . Who was our mother? The city of Babylon”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 270–71; CCSL 40.2002–3: “dum essem in utero matris meae, non indifferenter habebam tenebras illius noctis et lucem illius noctis. Etenim uterus matris meae, consuetudo civitatis meae fuit. Quae est illa civitas? Quae nos primo genuit in captivitate. Novimus Babyloniam illam de qua hesterno die locuti sumus. . . . qui autem est in utero matris illius Babyloniae, gaudet prosperis saeculi, frangitur adversitatibus saeculi. . . . cujus matris nostrae? Illius Babyloniae.” 54. En. Ps. 61.7; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 209; CCSL 39.778: “transeat ab Jerusalem.” For those who undergo the transformation from Babylon to become members of Jerusalem, there is also the promise of the resurrection of the body; cf. 64.4: “When we have left Babylon behind, the body of each of us will be a transfigured, heavenly body”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 268; CCSL 39.826: “quia jam non in Babylonia, sed jam corpus caeleste immutatum.” 55. C. 414/416; Fiedrowicz, Psalmus vox totius Christi, 433; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 202n1. 56. En. Ps. 61.6; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 207; CCSL 39.776: “quid est: una civitas et una civitas? Babylonia una; Jerusalem una. Quibuslibet aliis etiam mysticis nominibus appelletur, una tamen civitas et una civitas: illa rege diabolo; ista rege Christo.” THE CITY OF GOD 81 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

of the proud, “who seek their own ends, not those of Jesus Christ,” and whose king is the devil.58 On the other hand, “all who are humble, gentle, holy, just, devout and good—all these belong to the one city whose king is Christ.”59 The city of God is the heavenly kingdom, part of which is on pilgrimage in history until the eschaton. “So, to put it briefly and succinctly, there is an earthly kingdom in this world today, but there is also a heavenly kingdom. Each of them hasits pilgrim citizens, both the earthly kingdom and the heavenly, the kingdom that is to be uprooted and the kingdom that is to be planted for eternity.”60 The two cities must undergo pilgrimage during the present time. In the end, “the holy Jerusalem” will be “freed at last from this pilgrimage and will live for all eternity with God.”61 In the meantime, the citizens of the two kingdoms are intermingled. For the present the citizens of both are thoroughly mixed together in this world: the body of the earthly kingdom is intermingled with the body of the heavenly. The heavenly kingdom groans as the citizens of the earthly kingdom surround it; and from time to time the earthly kingdom presses the citizens of the heavenly kingdom into service, as the heavenly kingdom for its part also commandeers the citizens of the earthly kingdom.62 Likewise, in En. Ps. 61.8, Augustine asserts, “during the present age these two cities are mingled together.”63 As a result, “this mixing together in the present age sometimes brings it about that certain persons who belong to the city of Babylon are in charge of affairs that concern Jerusalem, or, again, that some who belong to Jerusalem administer the business of Babylon,”64 an idea Augustine will take up 57. En. Ps. 64.1; CCSL 39.823; cf. En. Ps. 119.7; 121.3; 125.3; 147.5; Civ. Dei 15.2. 58. En. Ps. 61.6; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 208. 59. En. Ps. 61.6; CCSL 39.777: “omnes ad unam civitatem pertinent, quae regem habet christum.” 60. En. Ps. 51.4; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 16; CCSL 39.625: “est ergo regnum terrenum, ut breviter dicam et cito insinuem, hodie in isto saeculo, ubi est et regnum caeleste. Peregrinos habet cives suos utrumque regnum, regnum terrenum et regnum caeleste, regnum eradicandum et regnum in aeternum plantandum.” 61. En. Ps. 36[1].12; Maria Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 33–50 (WSA III/16), 101; CCSL 38.346: “Jerusalem sancta, quae liberabitur de peregrinatione ista, et in aeternum vivet cum deo et de deo.” 62. En. Ps. 51.4; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 16; CCSL 39.625: “modo in hoc saeculo cives utriusque regni permixti sunt; corpus regni terreni, et corpus regni caelestis commixtum est. Regnum caeleste gemit inter cives regni terreni, et aliquando (nam et hoc tacendum non est) quodammodo regnum terrenum angariat cives regni caelorum, et regnum caeleste angariat cives regni terreni.” 63. En. Ps. 61.8; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 210; CCSL 39.778: “et sunt istae duae civitates permixtae interim, in fine separandae”; cf. 51.6; 64.2. 64. En. Ps. 61.8: CCSL 39.778: “et aliquando ipsa commixtio temporalis facit, ut quidam pertinentes ad AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 82 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

again in Civ. Dei 19.26. 65 Some of the good citizens of the heavenly city may be in charge of the affairs of the earthly city, while some of the wicked citizens may be in charge of the church’s affairs. The church remains a “mixed body” of good and wicked during this time, to be separated at the eschaton.66 Until then, the Lord “who founded Jerusalem knows whom he has predestined to be her citizens.”67 If we were to stop here, we would have a recognizably Augustinian doctrine of the two cities, wherein the city of God and the earthly city remain antithetical to one another, yet are intermingled in history. However, Augustine goes further to develop an ecclesiology of transformation in which the heavenly city is built up by the conversion of the wicked city during the church’s earthly pilgrimage so as to form the whole Christ.68 The Whole Christ Augustine interweaves the ecclesiological images of city and body by identifying the king of the city as the head of the one body of Christ. Christ founded the “heavenly Jerusalem,” and as king “he himself was made in her the humblest of men”69 by becoming one of the citizens “in the form of a servant” (Phil 2:7), that is, by taking on flesh in the incarnation. “Before his coming in the flesh [Christ] sent ahead of him certain of his members,”70 such as the patriarchs and prophets, who would announce his coming. Here Augustine follows along the same lines as Cat. rud. 3.6. As their head, Christ was “connected to them,” and although the “hand came before the head,” the whole body remained “under the head’s command.”71 The one city is one body under one civitatem Babyloniam, administrent res pertinentes ad Jerusalem; et rursum quidam pertinentes ad Jerusalem, administrent res pertinentes ad Babyloniam.” 65. Nevertheless, as long as the two cities are commingled, the people of God enjoy the peace of Babylon, that is, the peace made possible by those in charge of the business of Babylon; cf. Civ. Dei 19.26; Griffiths, “Secularity and the saeculum,” esp. 53–54. 66. En. Ps. 47.8; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 33–50 (WSA III/16), 343. 67. En. Ps. 64.2; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 266; CCSL 39.824: “sed novit dominus, conditor Jerusalem, quos cives ejus praedestinaverit, quos videat adhuc sub dominatu diaboli redimendos sanguine Christi, novit illos ipse antequam se ipsi noverint.” 68. En. Ps. 61.7: “From the beginning of history the wicked city lives on, and the good city is continuously being formed by the conversion of bad people”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 210; CCSL 39.778: “mala ergo civitas ab initio usque in finem currit; et bona civitas mutatione malorum conditur.” 69. En. Ps. 61.4; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 205; CCSL 39.774: “ille ergo rex ejus, qui eam fundavit altissimus; ipse in ea homo factus est humillimus.” 70. En. Ps. 61.4; CCSL 39.774–75: “ipse ergo ante adventum incarnationis suae praemisit quaedam membra sua.” 71. Ibid.: “post quae praenuntiantia se venturum venit et ipse, connexus eis.” THE CITY OF GOD 83 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

head,72 forming the whole Christ. Christ is the head “of the whole city of Jerusalem, in which all believers from the beginning even to the end shall be enrolled, together with the legions and armies of angels, so that there may be one city under one king.”73 Christ is king of the heavenly city and the head of his body, the church.74 The church as the body of Christ is on pilgrimage to her heavenly homeland, following the head to heaven. “We are traveling to the place whither Christ has gone before, but it is equally true to say that Christ is making his way to the place where he has already gone in advance, for though Christ has gone before us as head, he follows in his body.”75 The purpose of the church’s pilgrimage in history is to build up the heavenly city of Jerusalem,76 until the total census of citizens reaches a definite number.77 This number is attained precisely by the conversion of the wicked citizens of Babylon into members of Jerusalem, a conversion that takes place by means of the visible church’s celebration of the sacraments. Babylon Becomes Jerusalem In En. Ps. 86,78 Augustine declares that the earthly city of Babylon is transformed into the heavenly Jerusalem due to the salvific work of Christ. “Just as there is one holy city, Jerusalem, so also there is one 72. En. Ps. 61.4; CCSL 39.775: “refer ad similitudinem nascentisillius; quia manus ante caput procedens, et cum capite est, et sub capite.” 73. En. Ps. 36[3].4; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 33–50 (WSA III/16), 131; CCSL 38.370: “ut esset et ipse totius caput civitatis Jerusalem, omnibus connumeratis fidelibus ab initio usque in finem, adjunctis etiam legionibus et exercitibus angelorum, ut fiat illa una civitas sub uno rege.” 74. En. Ps. 36[3].4. 75. Ibid., 86.5; Maria Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 73–98 (WSA III/18), 251; CCSL 39.1202: “ergo illuc imus quo Christus praecessit, et adhuc Christus illuc pergit quo praecessit: praecessit enim Christus in capite, sequitur in corpore.” 76. En. Ps. 146.4: “The Lord is building up Jerusalem, and gathering in the dispersed of Israel, says the psalm. We know that in building up Jerusalem the Lord is gathering in the scattered members of his people, because the people of Israel is the people of Jerusalem”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 423; CCSL 40.2124: “aedificans, inquit, Jerusalem dominus, et dispersiones Israel colligens. Ecce aedificans Jerusalem dominus, colligens dispersiones populi ipsius. Populus enim Jerusalem, populus Israel.” 77. En. Ps. 39.10: “There is a definite number, and there are also others beyond reckoning. The number is definite because it pertains to Jerusalem, the heavenly city; for the Lord knows who belongs to him. God-fearing Christians, faithful Christians, Christians who keep the commandments, walk in God’s ways, refrain from sin and, if they have fallen, confess it. These are the people who are included in the number. But are these all? No, there are others outside this number”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 33–50 (WSA III/16), 206; CCSL 38.433: “numerus certus est, pertinens ad illam caelestem Jerusalem. novit enim dominus, qui sunt ejus, christianos timentes, christianos fideles, christianos praecepta servantes, dei vias ambulantes, a peccatis abstinentes, si ceciderint confitentes; ipsi ad numerum pertinent. Sed numquid soli sunt? sunt et super numerum.” 78. C. 415/416; Fiedrowicz, Psalmus vox totius Christi, 435. According to Boulding, it may have been preached as early as 401; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 73–98 (WSA III/18), 246n1. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 84 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

wicked city, Babylon; all the wicked belong to Babylon, as all the saints to Jerusalem. But Babylon gradually changes into Jerusalem (sed delabitur de Babylone in Jerusalem), and how could it do that, unless through him who justifies the godless?”79 Because of the saving work of Christ, Babylon “is losing her identity” and is “becoming Jerusalem” (incipit esse Jerusalem).80 This is a “great mystery” (magnum sacramentum) 81 in which the church is revealed as a pilgrim city in a process of growth and transformation. Augustine makes it clear that no one is a member of Jerusalem immediately, for all begin as sinful, fallen human beings who must undergo the transformation from the “old city” to the new heavenly city. “No single one of us born from Adam immediately belongs to Jerusalem. We each carry with us the side-shoots of iniquity and the punishment due to sin, and we are liable to death. So in a sense we still belong to the old city. But if we are predestined to belong to the people of God, the old self will be destroyed and the new person will be built.”82 All are born in a state of captivity to sin as citizens of Babylon. However, those who are saved by Christ make the “passage over to Jerusalem” (transeat ab Jerusalem), such that a new self is constructed to replace the old. For Augustine, this dynamic of transformation is an essential aspect of the church’s journey as the pilgrim people of God. God’s plan of salvation entails the conversion of the wicked into the good so as to form the one heavenly city. “From the beginning of history the wicked city lives on, and the good city is continuously being formed by the conversion of bad people.”83 The church, in a mixed condition, undergoes a process of transformation and growth in which the heavenly city is 79. En. Ps. 86.6; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 73–98 (WSA III/18), 252–53; CCSL 39.1204: “quomodo una civitas sancta, Jerusalem; una civitas iniqua, Babylon; omnes iniqui ad Babyloniam pertinent, quomodo omnes sancti ad Jerusalem. Sed delabitur de Babylone in Jerusalem. unde, nisi per eum qui justificat impium?” The Latin word delabor carries with it the connotation of “descent,” or “falling into.” Augustine also uses delabor in relation to the transformation of the heart; cf. Civ. Dei 8.23; CCSL 47.241. 80. En. Ps. 86.7; CCSL 39.1204: “per eum illic raab, per quem illic Babylon, jam non Babylon; caret enim Babylone, et incipit esse Jerusalem.” 81. Ibid.: “jam adtendite sacramentum magnum”; Cameron, Christ Meets Me Everywhere, 158–62. 82. En. Ps. 61.7; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 209; CCSL 39.778: “unusquisque ergo natus ex Adam, nondum pertinet ad Jerusalem; portat enim se cum traducem iniquitatis, poenam que peccati, deputatus morti; et pertinet quodammodo ad veterem quamdam civitatem. Sed si futurus est in populo dei, destruetur vetus, et aedificabitur novus”; cf. Civ. Dei 15.1, in which Augustine speaks of the massa damnata from which all are born; CCSL 48.453–54. The theme of transformation found in En. Ps. 61 and En. Ps. 86 suggests they are contemporaneous, although a precise date remains uncertain. 83. En. Ps. 61.7; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 210: CCSL 39.778: “mala ergo civitas ab initio usque in finem currit; et bona civitas mutatione malorum conditur.” THE CITY OF GOD 85 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

built up by the “passage” (transire) 84 of the citizens from Babylon to Jerusalem. “If he turns away from captivity in Babylon, and sets his course to return to Jerusalem he is made new. A transformation takes place that renews him in his inner self and, though younger in time, he becomes like a more powerful elder sibling. Esau therefore represents all carnal men and women, Jacob all those who are spiritual.”85 The Old Testament figures of Esau and Jacob are sacramenta that reveal how the carnal citizens of Babylon become spiritual members of Jerusalem. The sacraments mediate the salvific work of Christ and convert the wicked into citizens of the heavenly city. Baptism in particular transforms the members of Babylon into Jerusalem. “All men and women were meant to be sucked in through baptism to the city of Jerusalem, of which the Israelite people were the type.”86 The passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea prefigures the sacrament of baptism87 by which the citizens of Babylon cross over to Jerusalem. While all are “born in Adam” in the captivity of sin, the citizens of Jerusalem are born into new life by the baptism of the church as mother. “And we know another mother, the heavenly Jerusalem, holy church, a part of which is on pilgrimage on earth; we have left Babylon behind.”88 The church is mother by virtue of her sacraments, which give birth to her members and continue to nourish them while on pilgrimage.89 “Our mother,” the “true Jerusalem . . . brought usto birth and nourished us,” for while “part of herisstill in exile, the greater part abides unshakably in heaven.”90 84. En. Ps. 60.3; CCSL 39.766. 85. En. Ps. 136.18; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 238; CCSL 40.2124: “si se convertat a captivitate Babyloniae in reditum Jerusalem, renovatur, et fit renovatio quaedam secundum novum et interiorem hominem; et fit minor tempore, major potestate. Ergo Esau omnes carnales, Jacob autem omnes spiritales.” See Cornelius Petrus Mayer, “Augustins Lehre vom ‘homo spiritalis,’” in Homo Spiritalis: Festgabe für Luc Verheijen, O.S.A., zu seinem 70. Geburtstag, ed. Cornelius Petrus Mayer and K. Chelius (Würzburg: Augustinus, 1987), 3–60. 86. En. Ps. 61.9; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 212; CCSL 39.780: “et quid jam evidentius, quam quod in corpus illud civitatis Jerusalem, cujus imago erat populus Israel, per baptismum traiciendi erant homines?” 87. En. Ps. 80.8: “The passage of the Israelites through the sea prefigured and symbolized one thing only: the passage of believers through baptism”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 73–98 (WSA III/ 18), 157; CCSL 39.1124: “nihil aliud tunc in figura portendebat transitus populi per mare, nisi transitum fidelium per baptismum”; cf. En. Ps. 134.21. 88. En. Ps. 26[2].18; Maria Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 1–32 (WSA III/15), 286; CCSL 38.164–65: “cognovimus aliam matrem, Jerusalem caelestem, quae est sancta ecclesia, cujus portio peregrinatur in terra; reliquimus Babyloniam.” 89. En. Ps. 149.5; cf. Jo. ev. tr. 9.10. 90. En. Ps. 149.5; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 496; CCSL 40.2182: “sed Sion vera et Jerusalem vera (quia ipsa Sion, quae Jerusalem), aeterna est in caelis, quae est mater nostra. Ipsa nos genuit, ipsa est ecclesia sanctorum, ipsa nos nutrivit; ex parte peregrina, ex magna parte immanens in caelo”; cf. S. 16A.9; Jo. ev. tr. 11.8. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 86 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

The conversion of Babylon into Jerusalem is made possible by the sacrifice of Christ, whose blood is the “ransom-price” (pretium) 91 that sets the captives free so as to become citizens of the city of God.92 Christ’s sacrifice makes propitiation for sin and grants pardon for the sinful citizens of Babylon.93 The pretium paid by Christ94 is made efficacious in the visible church’s celebration of baptism95 and the Eucharist, for the city of Jerusalem sings about the pretium received all throughout the world in the sacrament to which “all reply, ‘Amen.’”96 Augustine alludes to the liturgical celebration of the Eucharist, for the Eucharist is the blood of Christ and the pretium that Christians drink. “These people, who had looked upon his mortal body and hounded him, were now joined to his body, the church. They spilt their own ransom so that they might drink their own ransom.”97 This calls to mind Conf. 7, in which Augustine speaks of the “cup of our ransom” (poculum pretii nostri).98 The Eucharist isthe “sacrament of ourransom-price” offered for Monica in Conf. 9.99 Christ’s blood sets citizens free from the 91. En. Ps. 129.3; CCSL 40.1891; cf. 34[1].15; 37.5; 62.17; 62.20; 93.8; 130.7; 138.2; 144.5; 146.4. 92. En. Ps. 147.7: “God will draw his people out from captivity in Babylon; he will ransom them and deliver them completely, and the full complement of saints who bear God’s image will be reached”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 449; CCSL 40.2144: “et abstrahet deus a captivitate Babyloniae plebem suam, redimet omnino et eruet, et perficietur numerus sanctorum gestantium imaginem dei.” 93. En. Ps. 64.6. 94. Ibid., 129.3: “What is this propitiation? Surely a propitiatory sacrifice. And what sacrifice is meant if not that which was offered on our behalf? Innocent blood was spilt to efface the sins of all the guilty; an immense price was paid to ransom all captives from the power of the enemy who had imprisoned them”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 129; CCSL 40.1891: “et quae est ista propitiatio, nisi sacrificium? et quod est sacrificium, nisi quod pro nobis oblatum est? sanguis innocens fusus delevit omnia peccata nocentium: pretium tantum datum redemit omnes captivos de manu captivantis inimici. Ergo est apud te propitiatio.” 95. En. Ps. 105.10: “What price was paid in this act of redemption? Or is it a prophecy? Was this done to prefigure baptism, in which we are redeemed from the hand of the devil at an enormous price, no less than Christ’s blood? If so, it was especially significant that the event occurred at the Red Sea, evoking the redness of blood”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 99–120 (WSA III/20), 211; CCSL 40.1559–60: “quid pretii datum est in hac redemtione? an prophetia est, quod in figura baptismi hoc factum est, ubi redimimur de manu diaboli magno pretio, quod sanguis est christi? Unde non quocumque mari, sed mari rubro id convenientius figuratum est: sanguis enim rubrum colorem habet.” 96. En. Ps. 125.9: “Does Zion not say this among the nations all over the world? Are people not running toward the church in every land? Throughout the world our ransom price is effective and all reply, ‘Amen.’ It is true, then, that citizens of Jerusalem are saying this among the nations: citizens of Jerusalem captive still, but on their way home, exiles sighing for their homeland”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 76; CCSL 40.1851: “videte, fratres, si modo sion non illud dicit inter gentes, per totum orbem terrarum; videte si non ad ecclesiam curritur. In toto orbe terrarum pretium nostrum accipitur; amen respondetur. Dicunt ergo inter gentes jerosolymitani captivi, jerosolymitani redituri, peregrini, suspirantes patriae suae.” 97. En. Ps. 93.8; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 73–98 (WSA III/18), 384; CCSL 39.1310: “adjuncti sunt corpori ipsius, id est ecclesiae, qui corpus ejus mortale, quod viderunt, persecuti sunt. Fuderunt pretium suum, ut biberent pretium suum”; cf. 33[1].8; 33[2].25; 45.4; 58[1].15; 66.9; 94.7; 96.2; 98.9; 134.22. 98. Conf. 7.21.27; Maria Boulding, The Confessions (WSA I/1), 182; CCSL 27.111. THE CITY OF GOD 87 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

captivity of sin100 and gathers together the dispersed of Israel.101 The sacraments mediate the salvific work of Christ by building up the heavenly city from the conversion of the wicked.102 For those members of the heavenly city on pilgrimage, the temptation to return to Babylon by committing sin remains, for Augustine warns, “be careful lest Babylon begin to attract you and you forget Jerusalem.”103 It is possible for the citizens of Jerusalem to revert to their status as Babylonians. During the present age, there remains an active, dynamic interchange between the cities, and one may belong to Babylon by returning to sin. But for those who sin and “are not ashamed to confess it,”104 it is possible to become members of Jerusalem once again. The city of God must undergo this process of purification and transformation while on journey to her eschatological end. Augustine uses the image of gold tried by fire to illustrate the church’s purification during her pilgrimage. My pain is near at hand, but my rest will come later; my time of trial is coming, but my purification will be as surely effected. Does gold gleam brightly in the refiner’s furnace? No, not yet. It will be bright in the necklace, it will gleam when it finds its place in the jewel; but for the present it must endure the furnace, for only so will it be purged of its impurities and attain its brightness.105 99. Conf. 9.13.36; CCSL 27.149: “ad cujus pretii nostri sacramentum ligavit ancilla tua animam suam vinculo fidei”; cf. 10.43.70; John C. Cavadini, “Eucharistic Exegesis in Augustine’s ‘Confessions,’” Augustinian Studies 41/1 (2010): 87–108. 100. En. Ps. 136.1: “They are predestined to behold the glory of God and entitled by their adoption to be coheirs with Christ, because they have been ransomed from their captivity by his blood”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 223; CCSL 40.1964: “sed quod adtinet ad homines praedestinatos in gloriam dei, futuros per adoptionem coheredes christi, quos de ipsa captivitate redemit sanguine suo.” 101. En. Ps. 146.4: “To us captives he sent his own Son as redeemer. ‘Take a purse,’ he told him, ‘and carry in it the ransom-price for the captives.’ So the Son clothed himself in mortal flesh, in which was the blood that he would shed to redeem us. With that blood he gathered the dispersed of Israel”; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 424; CCSL 40.1964: “misit ergo ad captivitatem nostram redemtorem filium suum. Porta, inquit, te cum saccum, ferto ibi pretium captivorum. Induit enim se ille mortalitatem carnis, et ibi erat sanguis quo fuso redimeremur. Illo sanguine collegit dispersiones Israel.” Boulding notes the variant collegit, which suggests ongoing action; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 424n5. 102. On the effects of the sacraments in the life of the church, see David Meconi, The One Christ: St. Augustine’s Theology of Deification (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2013), 216. 103. En. Ps. 136.12; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 232; CCSL 40.1971: “incipiat te delectare Babylonia, et obliviscaris Jerusalem”; cf. 64.6. 104. En. Ps. 61.6; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 208. 105. En. Ps. 61.11; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 214; CCSL 39.781–782: “venit dolor meus, veniet et requies mea, venit tribulatio mea, veniet et purgatio mea. Numquidam lucet aurum in fornace aurificis? In monili lucebit, in ornamento lucebit; patiatur tamen fornacem, ut purgatum a sordibus veniat ad lucem.” AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 88 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

The image of gold purified by fire recalls Plotinus,106 yet Augustine employs it in order to show how God can use all of the “troubles” of history so as to purify the church as a pilgrim people. God brings good for the benefit of the church in the midst of her mixed condition, and the image of purification by fire reveals God’s providence.107 So we need the furnace. There is the straw, there is the gold, and there is the fire, and as the refiner blows into the furnace the straw burns and the gold is purified. The one is reduced to ashes, the other emerges freed from its dross. For me, the furnace is this world, bad people are the straw, the troubles I undergo are the fire, and God is the refiner. As the refiner wills, I act; wherever the refiner places me, I endure. I am commanded to suffer it, and he well knows how to assay me. Even if the straw is set on fire to burn me, even if it seems likely to consume me, it is the straw that is turned to ashes; I emerge freed from my impurities. Why? Because to God will my soul be subject, for my patience comes from him.108 As in De catechizandis rudibus, Augustine contends that the wicked help purify the good such that the members of the church are conformed to the forbearance of God.109 By bearing with the wicked, the members of the church are configured to the patience of God. This purification occurs in the midst of a community in constant transformation, and so the church is a dynamic reality, not a static one. Each person must undergo the transformation from Babylon to Jerusalem in the context of a fellowship of believers, with some of its members, namely, the saints and angels, already sharing in the perfect union of charity in heaven.110 In En. Ps. 126.3, Augustine speaks of the “house of God” as “comprised of all the faithful,” for they are “grains of wheat which at the present mourn amid the straw,” but when the “winnowing takes place” they will “form one solid mass of grain,” for the “entire number 106. Enn. 1.6.5: “Gold is degraded when it is mixed with earthly particles; if these be worked out, the gold is left and is beautiful, isolated from all that is foreign, gold with gold alone. And so the Soul”; MacKenna, The Enneads, 69; cf. 5.8.3. See the discussion by Dominic O’Meara, Plotinus: An Introduction to the Enneads (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 90–97. 107. The image of purification by fire is also biblical; cf. 1 Cor 3:13. 108. En. Ps. 61.11; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 51–72 (WSA III/17), 214; CCSL 39.782: “fornax ista; ibi palea, ibi aurum, ibi ignis, ad hanc flat aurifex; in fornace ardet palea, et purgatur aurum; illa in cinerem vertitur, a sordibus illud exuitur. Fornax mundus, palea iniqui, aurum justi, ignis tribulation, aurifex deus; quod vult ergo aurifex, facio; ubi me ponit artifex, tolero; jubeor ego tolerare, novit ille purgare. Ardeat licet palea ad incendendum me, et quasi consumendum me; illa in cinerem vertitur, ego sordibus careo. Quare? Quia deo subicietur anima mea; quoniam ab ipso est patientia mea.” 109. Cat. rud. 25.48; Civ. Dei 18.49. 110. Augustine develops this more fully in Civ. Dei 10.6, in which he speaks of the “congregatio societas que sanctorum”; CCSL 47.279. THE CITY OF GOD 89 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

of holy, faithful people is drawn from the human race and is destined to be changed until its members are equal to the angels of God. . . . All of us together form one single house of God and one city. And this city is Jerusalem.”111 There will be a final winnowing at the eschaton, but the visible church already participates in the communion of charity by celebrating the sacraments.112 The church is an agent of transformation, and Augustine carries this theme forward in Decivitate Dei. Although he does not speak explicitly of the conversion of the earthly city into the heavenly one, there remains an emphasis on the church’s transformation by means of the sacraments. De civitate Dei Augustine begins De civitate Dei by contrasting the “most glorious city of God” (gloriosissimam civitatem dei) and the “earthly city” (terrena civitate).113 The city of God has revealed that “God resists the proud, but gives grace to the humble” (Jas 4:6).114 The earthly city, on the other hand, has claimed “God’s prerogative,” and delights to hear this verse in praise of itself: “To spare the conquered and subdue the proud.”115 Augustine characterizes the earthly city according to the “lust for domination” (libido dominandi), that is, the desire to enslave nations, while being dominated in the search for praise and glory.116 In Augustine’s view, the earthly city may be identified with a particular historical body such as the Roman Empire, but it is not limited to one historical entity, for it includes all who are enslaved to “pride” (superbia),117 including the devil and the fallen angels. The city of God, however, confesses God’s “mercy” (misericordia) and includes the saints and angels in heaven, as well as some members of the church on earth.118 In book 11, Augustine places the origin of the two cities in history with the fall of the angels.119 All of the angels were created good, including the devil, yetsome fell away due to their own pride.120 Among 111. En. Ps. 126.3; Boulding, Expositions of the Psalms 121–150 (WSA III/20), 85; cf. Civ. Dei 14.26. 112. In the end, the city will consist of the predestined, who are in a state of captivity in this world, and have been ransomed from their captivity by Christ’s blood; En. Ps. 64.2; 146.4. 113. Civ. Dei 1.praef.; CCSL 47.1. 114. Ibid. 115. Ibid.; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 2. 116. Ibid.; CCSL 47.1; cf. Cat. rud. 19.31. 117. Civ. Dei 14.28; cf. 14.13; En. Ps. 26[2].18; 44.25; 51.6; 61.14–15. See the discussion by Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), ix; Griffiths, “Secularity and the saeculum,” 43–51. 118. Civ. Dei 10.7, 25; 14.28. 119. Ibid., 11.1–20; cf. 12.1–9; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), xxiii. 120. Civ. Dei 11.11–22. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 90 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

human beings, the earthly city can be traced to Cain, and the heavenly city can be traced to Abel, “a pilgrim.”121 The two cities take shape with Cain and Abel rather than with Adam and Eve because the first parents present a unique case. Augustine considers the possibility that the first parents may not have sinned since they lived in a faithful and unalloyed “fellowship” (societatem), in which their love for God and for each other was “undisturbed.”122 After the fall, however, the two cities “began to run their course of birth and death.”123 All are of necessity first evil and “carnal” (carnalis) due to Adam, but may be “reborn in Christ” and become good and “spiritual” (spiritalis).124 Cain and Abel therefore manifest the effects of the fall, namely, the division into two kinds of citizens. Furthermore, the first parents are unique insofar as they reveal humanity’s social nature. Human beings are social in a way that is distinct from all other earthly creatures. “[Adam] was created one, a single individual, but he was not left alone. For there is nothing more contentious by virtue of its fault than the human race, but also nothing more social by virtue of its nature.”125 Humanity is communal not merely in an external sense, in the way birds form flocks, but in a deeper unity of will so as to form a living “fellowship” (societas) with others in charity. This deeper union is part of God’s plan, as revealed in the creation of Eve from Adam’s side. “God chose to create [Adam] as one for the propagation of a multitude precisely for the purpose of admonishing us that we should maintain unity (unitas) and concord even when we are many. And the fact that the woman was made for him from his own side also signifies just how precious the union between husband and wife should be.”126 Adam and Eve show that humanity is ordered toward unity as one body, with distinct members. 121. Ibid., 15.1. Augustine asserts that Cain founded a city, but Abel did not, precisely because the “city of saints” is on high, and this city is on pilgrimage in its citizens below until the end time. The true founder of the heavenly city is Christ, the king; cf. 17.4; En. Ps. 61.4; Cat. rud. 3.6. 122. Civ. Dei 14.10; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/7), 115; CCSL 48.430. 123. Ibid. 124. Civ. Dei 15.1: “Each one of us, since he comes from a condemned stock, is of necessity first evil and carnal due to Adam, but, if he advances by being reborn in Christ, will afterwards be good and spiritual. And it is just the same in the case of the whole human race”; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/7), 139; CCSL 48.453: “primo sit necesse est ex Adam malus atque carnalis; quod si in Christum renascendo profecerit, post erit bonus et spiritalis: sic in universo genere humano.” 125. Civ. Dei 12.28; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/7), 66; CCSL 48.384: “homo propter eam causam, quam dixi, et si qua forte alia major latet, factus est unus, sed non relictus est solus. Nihil enim est quam hoc genus tam discordiosum vitio, tam sociale natura.” 126. Ibid.: “quem propterea deus creare voluit unum, de quo multitudo propagaretur, ut hac admonitione etiam in multis concors unitas servaretur. Quod vero femina illi ex ejus latere facta est, etiam hic satis significatum est quam cara mariti et uxoris debeat esse conjunctio.” THE CITY OF GOD 91 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

The union of the human race as one body is fulfilled in the union of Christ and the church, a unity accomplished through the sacraments “by which the church is built up” (quibus aedificatur ecclesia).127 This is why Scripture says, “he built it (aedificavit) into a woman (Gen 2:22),” and “this is why the Apostle speaks of building up (aedificationem) the body of Christ, which is the church.”128 Augustine continues, “the woman, therefore, is just as much God’s creation as is the man. But, by her being made from the man, human unity (unitas) was commended to us; and by her being made in this way, as I said, Christ and the Church were prefigured.”129 The first parents prefigured the union of Christ and the church in anticipation of the perfect “unity” (unitas) and “fellowship” (societas) for which humanity was created. According to God’s design, human beings were made to share in the congregation and fellowship of the saints,130 which is none other than the “most glorious city of God,” the “city proclaimed by the holy angels, who have invited us into its fellowship (societatem) and desired us to be fellow citizens in it with them.”131 The church forms the fellowship of charity as the heavenly city of God by celebrating the sacraments while on pilgrimage,132 and thus the visible church is necessary in God’s plan for the union of humanity. In De civitate Dei, Augustine maintains the mediatory role of the visible church in the building up of the city. Participation in the sacraments leads to the formation of an invisible body, in conformation to the humility of Christ under the form of a servant (Phil 2:6).133 This stands in stark contrast to the worldly city defined by pride, whose king is the devil, and whose members include the demons.134 There will be only “two cities, that is, two human societies (societates), one predes127. Civ. Dei 22.17; CCSL 48.836. 128. Civ. Dei 22.17; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/7), 527; CCSL 48.836: “nam hoc etiam verbo scriptura usa est, ubi non legitur ‘formavit’ aut ‘finxit’, sed: aedificavit eam in mulierem; unde et apostolus aedificationem dicit corporis Christi, quod est ecclesia.” 129. Ibid: “creatura est ergo dei femina sicut vir; sed ut de viro fieret, unitas commendata; ut autem illo modo fieret, Christus, ut dictum est, et ecclesia figurata est.” Augustine asserts that women will be resurrected with their female organs present, a unique claim among early Christian authors. The bodily distinction between men and women is preserved at the resurrection of the body as a sign that human beings are social creatures made for union, and this social nature is an essential aspect of humanity. 130. Civ. Dei 10.6. 131. Ibid., 10.25; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 334; CCSL 47.300: “haec est gloriosissima civitas dei; haec unum deum novit et colit; hanc angeli sancti adnuntiaverunt, qui nos ad ejus societatem invitaverunt cives que suos in illa esse voluerunt.” 132. Civ. Dei 14.13; 15.1, 20, 22, 26; 18.1, 51; 19.17. 133. Ibid., 9.16; 10.20. The emphasis on humility echoes Cat. rud. 19.31. The angels burn with a holy love for God, whose humility is revealed in Christ, while the demons are puffed up with pride. 134. Civ. Dei 9.20–22. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 92 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

tined to reign with God for all eternity,” the other “to undergo eternal punishment with the devil.”135 The final separation will take place on the last day, but for now, there is not only an intermingling between the cities, but also an active, dynamic process of change and conversion, in which the cities undergo growth and transformation rather than remaining fixed bodies.136 For all of humanity must undergo transformation in order to participate in the fellowship of charity, including the elect.137 The church as the city of God on pilgrimage adds new citizens by celebrating the sacraments by which “believers are initiated” (quibus credentes initiantur ).138 In the midst of this dynamic, the city of God is united as one body precisely at the eucharistic altar. The visible church’s worship leads to the union of the heavenly city as the one body of Christ, the “whole redeemed city, that is, the congregation and fellowship of the saints” (tota ipsa redempta civitas, hoc est congregatio societas que sanctorum).139 Baptism leads to the conversion of one city into another, and the Eucharist unites the whole city of God, visible and invisible, as one sacrifice.140 As we shall see, in his mature works, Augustine expands his notion of sacrifice to include the visible community on earth. For now, it is clear that in his understanding of the church as the pilgrim city of God, the empirical, sacramental community is intrinsic to the formation of the city, for she celebrates the sacraments which build up the heavenly Jerusalem by the conversion of the earthly citizens of Babylon. 135. Ibid., 15.1; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/7), 139; CCSL 48.453: “quas etiam mystice appellamus civitates duas, hoc est duas societates hominum, quarum est una quae praedestinata est in aeternum regnare cum deo, altera aeternum supplicium subire cum diabolo.” 136. According to God’s providence, God distributes what is due to each and can make good use not only of the good but also of the evil; Civ. Dei 14.27. 137. Ibid., 10.25; 15.1–3; 22.17. From an eternal perspective, the two cities have destined ends and in a sense are fixed according to God’s plan. However, the heavenly city must undergo transformation while on journey in history, for the city of God is built up during this time by the conversion of one city into another until the eschaton; cf. Civ. Dei 14.26 138. Ibid., 15.26: “And as for the door that was cut in its side, it is clearly the wound that was made when the Crucified’s side was pierced by the spear. This is plainly the way of entrance for those who come to him, for from that wound flowed the sacraments by which believers are initiated”; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/7), 179; CCSL 48.494: “et quod ostium in latere accepit, profecto illud est vulnus, quando latus crucifixi lancea perforatum est; hac quippe ad illum venientes ingrediuntur, quia inde sacramenta manarunt, quibus credentes initiantur.” 139. Civ. Dei 10.6; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 311; CCSL 47.279: “profecto efficitur, ut tota ipsa redempta civitas, hoc est congregatio societas que sanctorum, universale sacrificium offeratur deo per sacerdotem magnum, qui etiam se ipsum obtulit in passione pro nobis, ut tanti capitis corpus essemus, secundum formam servi.” 140. Civ. Dei 10.20; 10.6. THE CITY OF GOD 93 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Conclusion In Augustine’s teaching on the two cities, the heavenly city is both visible and invisible, for the city of God must undergo pilgrimage as a visible community celebrating the sacraments in order to arrive at eschatological perfection. During this pilgrimage, the heavenly city is built up from the conversion of the wicked city. At the eschaton, the two cities will be separated in definitive fashion, but in the present age, all of the human members of the city of God must pass from Babylon to Jerusalem.141 The visible church, precisely as an empirical, sacramental community, is the instrument of the transformation of Babylon into Jerusalem. While there is no simple equivalence between the visible church and the heavenly city, for Augustine, the empirical church is the “heavenly kingdom”142 on pilgrimage until the “whole church” (tota ecclesia) 143 is complete. Baptism and the Eucharist are the sacraments by which the church is built up.144 The church’s historical condition is intrinsic to her identity as the pilgrim city of God, for as a visible community, she gathers citizens from every nation in order to form a “pilgrim society” (peregrinam colligit societatem).145 In his description of the Eucharist as the daily sacrifice of Christians,146 Augustine continues to develop the theme of the church in transformation, precisely as the whole Christ, whose members are offered as a “universal sacrifice” (universale sacrificium).147 The entire heavenly city is offered at the eucharistic altar, and this is the great mystery of Christian worship in contrast to the sacrificial cult of the Romans. 141. Ibid., 15.1, 7–8, 15–21. 142. En. Ps. 51.4. 143. Ibid., 147.18; CCSL 40.2155. 144. Civ. Dei 22.17; CCSL 48.835–36: “quibus aedificatur ecclesia.” 145. Civ. Dei 19.17; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/7), 375; CCSL 48.685; cf. 15.26. 146. Civ. Dei 10.20. 147. Ibid., 10.6; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 311; CCSL 47.279. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 94 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:01:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

5 The Church as Sacrifice For Augustine, worship is a defining feature of the church. The church offers the true worship of God in the form of a sacrifice. The meaning of sacrifice develops over the course of Augustine’s works. In his early writings, sacrifice is defined as an offering of the individual soul. The sacrifice acceptable to God is the offering of the mind and heart. In Augustine’s mature works, however, sacrifice means the communal offering of the body of Christ. Augustine locates this communal sacrifice precisely at the eucharistic altar. In her Eucharistic worship, the church on earth offers herself as a sacrifice in union with Christ the head. The whole church, visible and invisible, is offered at the eucharistic altar, and thus Augustine’s understanding of sacrifice reveals how the church is both visible and invisible. This chapter examines how Augustine brings together the visible and invisible aspects of the church in the context of eucharistic worship.1 In Augustine’s mature ecclesiology, the church is a communal 1. Some scholars have drawn attention to the connection between the Eucharist and the church in Augustine’s later works, although none has demonstrated its development; see Roch Kereszty, Wedding Feast of the Lamb: Eucharistic Theology from a Historical, Biblical, and Systematic Perspective (Chicago: Hillenbrand, 2004), 122–27; J. Lawson, “In quo inquit, adprehendam Dominum . . . ? Plotinian Ascent and Christian Sacrifice in De civitate Dei 10.1–7,” Dionysius 24 (Dec. 2006): 125–38; J. Patout Burns, “The Eucharist as the Foundation of Christian Unity in North African Theology,” Augustinian Studies 32/1 (2001): 1–24; John C. Cavadini, “Jesus’ Death Is Real: An Augustinian Spirituality of the Cross,” in The Cross in Christian Tradition: From Paul to Bonaventure, ed. E. Dreyer (New York: Paulist, 2000): 169–91; Roland J. Teske, “The Definition of Sacrifice in De Civitate Dei,” in 95 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

body, and the visible community celebrating the sacraments is necessary for the union of the whole Christ, for she offers the true sacrifice of Christians at the eucharistic altar.2 Sacrifice in the Early Works In his early works against the Manicheans, Augustine speaks of the sacrifices offered to idols (1 Cor 8:7–9) with regard to the question of abstinence from meat.3 The Manicheans maintain an erroneous cosmogony in which the created world is a mixture of good and evil, spiritual and material.4 The “divine part” escapes when foods such as “grains or fruit” are broken down, and when bodily activities are conducted, including digestion and sexual intercourse.5 When the soul abandons the flesh, “the remaining foulness becomes very great,” and therefore the soul of those who eat meat is defiled.6 The Manicheans wrongfully justify this view by citing Scripture.7 In contrast to the Manichean view, Augustine asserts that the sacrifices of the Jews represent enslavement to the law. In De Genesi adversus Manicheos 1.23.40, Nova doctrina vetusque (New York: P. Lang, 1999): 153–67; Michael Albaric, “A Eucharistic Catechesis,” in Augustine and the Bible, ed. Pamela Bright (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1999), 269–81; Gerald Bonner, “The Church and the Eucharist in the Theology of St. Augustine,” in God’s Decree and Man’s Destiny: Studies on the Thought of Augustine of Hippo (London: Variorum, 1987), 448–61; “The Doctrine of Sacrifice: Augustine and the Latin Patristic Tradition,” in Sacrifice and Redemption: Durham Essays in Theology, ed. S. W. Sykes (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 101–17; “Augustine’s Understanding of the Church as a Eucharistic Community,” in Saint Augustine the Bishop: A Book of Essays, ed. F. LeMoine and C. Kleinhenz (New York: Garland, 1994), 39–63; M. Neusch, “Une conception chrétienne du sacrifice. Le modèle de saint Augustin,” in Le Sacrifice dans les religions, ed. M. Neusch (Paris: Beauchesne, 1994), 117–38; Hubertus Drobner, “Augustinus, Sermo 227: Eine österliche Eucharistiekatechese für die Neugetauften,” Augustiniana 40 (1990): 483–95; J. McWilliam, “Weaving the Strands Together: A Decade in Augustine’s Eucharistic Theology,” Augustiniana 40 (1990): 497–507; Basil Studer, “Das Opfer Christi nach Augustins ‘De Civitate Dei’ X, 5–6,” in Lex orandi, Lex credendi: Miscellanea in onore di P. Cipriano Vagaggini, Studia Anselmiana 79 (1980): 93–107; J. F. O’Grady, “Priesthood and Sacrifice in City of God,” Augustiniana 21 (1971): 27–44; M.-F. Berrouard, “L’être sacramental de l’eucharistie selon saint Augustin,” Nouvelle Revue Théologique 49 (1977): 702–21; G. Lafont, “Le sacrifice de la cité de Dieu” Recherches de science religieuse 53 (1965): 179–219; J. Lécuyer, “Le sacrifice selon saint Augustin,” Augustinus Magister 1 (1954): 905–14. 2. Civ. Dei 10.20. 3. Mor. 2.14.33, 14.35. 4. Ibid., 2.15.36; see Peter Brown, Religion and Society in the Age of Augustine (London: Faber, 1972), 94–118; F. Decret, L’Afrique manichéenne: Étude historique et doctrinale, 2 vols. (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1978). 5. Mor. 2.15.37. 6. Ibid., 2.15.37; Roland Teske, The Manichean Debate (WSA I/19), 86. 7. 1 Cor 8:4–13; Mor. 2.14.33. Augustine argues against a Manichean dualism that considers bodily existence the imprisonment of spirit. See the article by Paula Fredriksen, “Beyond the Body/Soul Dichotomy: Augustine on Paul Against the Manichees and Pelagians,” Recherches Augustiniennes 23 (1988): 87–114. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 96 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Augustine leaves behind the old law with its rituals, such as circumcision and temple sacrifice. In Augustine’s early dialogues, the “sacrifice” (sacrificium) of Christians is a kind of spiritual offering of the mind and heart. In the discussion of signs in De Magistro (c. 389), Augustine speaks of sacrifice as a spiritual reality of the “interior man” (homo interior), which is the temple of God.8 He cites 1 Corinthians 3:16, “Do you not know that you are God’s temple and that God’s Spirit dwells in you?”9 Augustine interprets this verse in terms of the inmost part of the “mind” (mens), for “Christ dwells in the inner man” (Eph 3:17).10 The “sacrifice of righteousness” (sacrificium justitiae, Ps 4:5–6) is offered in the “temple of the mind” and in the “chambers of the heart.”11 Temple imagery functions primarily with reference to the individual mind. In De Magistro and other works from this period, sacrificium is not linked to the Christian sacraments. Given Augustine’s confidence in the purification of the mind through philosophy and the liberal arts in these early works,12 it seems that such sources of wisdom are sufficient for the sacrifice of the mind, thereby mitigating, to some extent, the necessity of the sacraments. Augustine only mentions sacrifice on one occasion in De vera religione (c. 390/391).13 It appears in the context of his discussion of Plato and Socrates, those excellent philosophers who, if still alive, would recognize Christ as the power and wisdom of God.14 Augustine invites the Platonists to become Christians, as “several have in recent times,” and to turn away from pagan sacrifices,15 but in this work, he does not speak of Christian sacrifice in the context of sacramental worship. Augustine begins to develop a sophisticated appreciation of the Old Testament rituals, including animal sacrifices, in De utilitate credendi. In this text, Augustine uses sacrificium in order to show how many “mysteries are contained” (mysteria continentur) in such rituals.16 The seed of the distinction between sacramentum and mysterium is found in this work, although it is not yet fully developed.17 Augustine begins to 8. Mag. 1.2; CCSL 29.158–59. 9. RSV. 10. Mag. 1.2; CCSL 29.158: “in interiore homine habitare Christum.” 11. Mag. 1.2; CCSL 29.159: “ubi putas sacrificium justitiae sacrificari nisi in templo mentis et in cubilibus cordis?” 12. Ord. 1.1.3–2.4; 1.8.22–24; 2.16.44; B. vita 3.18; C. Acad. 3.20.43. 13. Vera rel. 1.3.5. 14. Ibid., 1.3.3–4.7. 15. Ibid., 1.3.5, 4.7. 16. Util. cred. 1.3.9; CSEL 25.13. 17. Util. cred. 1.7.14–16, 14.31; 1.17.35. THE CHURCH AS SACRIFICE 97 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

construct an understanding of the continuity between Christian and Jewish worship. In De sermone Domini in monte, 18 Augustine speaks of sacrifice four times with reference to two significant verses from the Old Testament. The first is Ps 50:17 (51:17), in which the Psalmist proclaims that “the sacrifice acceptable to God” is a “broken and contrite heart.”19 Augustine interprets this verse in terms of the sacrifice of a repentant heart. One must turn to the mercy of God, for God alone forgives sins, and rejoices over the conversion of one repentant sinner more than the ninety-nine just (Luke 15:7).20 The second key verse is Hos 6:6, “I desire mercy more than sacrifice” (misericordiam volo magis quam sacrificium).21 Augustine cites this passage in connection with the beatitude, “Blessed are the merciful, for they shall be shown mercy” (beatiergo misericordes, quia ipsorum miserebitur, Matt 5:7).22 This connection serves primarily as a spiritual injunction to offer the sacrifice of a “contrite heart,” a purification that yields a “cleansing of the heart” and mind, the “eye by which God is seen.”23 In later works such as De civitate Dei, Augustine connects “mercy” (misericordia) and “sacrifice” (sacrificium) in the context of the eucharistic worship of the church, but in this early work, sacrifice means the interior offering of the individual heart. In a commentary on Romans, Augustine focuses on Paul’s exhortation “to offer your bodies as a living sacrifice, holy and pleasing to God” (Rom 12:1).24 Augustine understands this verse in terms of the preaching of the gospel (Rom 15:16). He does not address how the body is a sacrifice, but instead emphasizes that the gospel has been preached to the Gentiles in the ministry of faith.25 Thus sacrifice possesses a kerygmatic dimension in this text, not an explicitly liturgical one. In Expositio Epistulae ad Galatas, Augustine includes sacrificia among the sacramenta of the old law that prefigure the sacramenta of the new law.26 He continues to develop the continuity between Judaism and Christianity on the basis of the mysteria contained in and revealed through the sacramenta of the Old Testament, precisely as historical rituals observed by the Jews. These rituals were given by God and are 18. S. Dom. mon. 1.31, 1.47, 1.80, 2.28. 19. RSV. 20. S. Dom. mon. 1.31. 21. Ibid., 1.80; CCSL 35.90. 22. Ibid. 23. S. Dom. mon. 2.1; CCSL 35.91: “cordis autem mundatio est tamquam oculi, quo videtur deus.” 24. Ex. prop. Rm. 83; c. 395. 25. Ibid. 26. Ex. Gal. 19. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 98 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

no longer practiced by Christians since the institution of the Christian sacramenta perfectly fulfills the law. Augustine has confidence that the rituals of the old law had certain effects insofar as they contained and expressed the mysteria. 27 In this work, Augustine places an emphasis upon the “contemplation of truth” (contemplationem veritatis), for “every sacrament, when understood, refers either to the contemplation of the truth or to good morals.”28 The sacrifices of a contrite heart (Ps 50:17) are the prayers and groanings that call upon the “mercy of God” (misericordia dei).29 In an unfinished commentary on Romans,30 Augustine speaks of the “sacrifice that forgives sins” (pro peccatis relinquitur sacrificium), which is none other than the “passion of the Lord” (dominicae passionis).31 The sacraments of the church, such as baptism, are efficacious for the forgiveness ofsins and offerthe purification that enables one to live in the “knowledge of truth” (scientiam veritatis) due to the merits of Christ’s sacrifice.32 The sacrifice of Christ provides a unique purification that cannot be found elsewhere. Augustine carries thistheme forward in his mature works. Sacrifice in Mature Works Augustine’s De diversis quaestionibus octaginta tribus reveals his growing understanding of how the effects of Christ’s sacrifice are mediated by the visible celebration of the sacraments. In Div. qu. 49, Augustine demonstrates the continuity between Judaism and Christianity by claiming that the visible sacrifices of the Jews prefigured the celebration of the new people, that is, Christians.33 This is the first time Augustine focuses on the visible character of sacrifice, and this language will reappear in De civitate Dei. Sacrifice is taken up into a liturgical context when Augustine interprets the transformation from the “old” to the “new” in terms of the rebirth of the individual from being wise to the “flesh” (carnaliter) to being converted to “spiritual things” (spiritalia), an allusion to baptism.34 Augustine no longer focuses solely 27. Ibid.; cf. Bapt. 6.44.86. 28. Ex. Gal. 19: “omne autem sacramentum cum intelligitur, aut ad contemplationem veritatis refertur aut ad bonos mores”; Eric Plumer, Augustine’s Commentary on Galatians (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 154–55. 29. Ex. Gal. 54; Plumer, Augustine’s Commentary on Galatians, 220. 30. Rm. inch.; c. 394/395. 31. Rm. inch. 19; CSEL 84.173. 32. Rm. inch. 19; cf. Simpl. 2.1.5; C. ep. Man. 23. 33. Div. qu. 49.1. 34. Ibid.; CCSL 44A.76. THE CHURCH AS SACRIFICE 99 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

on the sacrifice of the individual but instead considers the effects for the entire community, for what happens to each individual will be perfected by “divine providence in the whole human race.”35 For our purposes, the most significant passage of Div. qu. is question 61, Augustine’s treatment of the miracle of the feeding of five thousand in John 6:3–13.36 Augustine offers an exegesis of this miracle in light of the journey of the people of Israel through the desert. Just as the people were led out of slavery through the Red Sea, so Christians are freed from the slavery of sin through the “sacrament of baptism” (sacramento baptismatis), and are nourished with manna in the desert,37 which prefigures the sacrament of the Eucharist. In his discussion of sacrifice, Augustine presents a rich typological reading that weaves together several images from the Old Testament. Christ is the king who has given an “example” (exemplum) of struggling and overcoming sin by taking on flesh in the incarnation.38 As the king and head of his body, the church,39 Christ leads his people through the desert into the promised land of the heavenly Jerusalem, where he is shown to be king.40 He is not only king, but also priest forever, according to the order of Melchizedek (Heb 6:20). As priest, Christ offers himself as a “holocaust for our sins” (holocaustum pro peccatis nostris) through the sacrifice of his passion, which is celebrated as a “memorial throughout the world in the church of Christ.”41 This “memorial” (memoria) is none other than the Eucharist established by Christ, which has a certain “likeness of his sacrifice” (ejus sacrificii similitudinem).42 Augustine directly links the sacrifice of Christ’s passion to the church’s eucharistic celebration. This is a central component of his mature theology of sacrifice, yet in this work, he stops short of calling the Eucharist itself a sacrifice. Instead, he speaks of the church’s celebration as a memorial in the “likeness of his sacrifice,” and elsewhere, as a “representation of his holocaust” (holocausti ejus imaginem).43 This leaves room for development in Augustine’s eucharistic theology, and in this text, he does not explain how or why the church’s memorial is a “likeness of Christ’s sacrifice.” Such language may be 35. Ibid.; Boniface Ramsey, Reponses to Miscellaneous Questions (WSA I/12), 62. 36. Div. qu. 61. 37. Ibid., 61.1–2; CCSL 44A.122. 38. Div. qu. 61.2; CCSL 44A.123. 39. Div. qu. 57.3. 40. Ibid., 61.2; cf. En. Ps. 44.25; 61.6. 41. Div. qu. 61.2; CCSL 44A.122. 42. Ibid. 43. Ibid.; CCSL 44A.125. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 100 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

indicative of any number of concerns given the context of this work. As a newly ordained bishop, Augustine may have had the twofold concern of distinguishing Christ’s sacrifice from the Manichean rejection of the body, and from the “bloody” sacrifices of the pagans. Against the Manicheans, he argues that Christ’s sacrifice is not a rejection of the flesh, that is, of bodily existence. Rather, it is the sacrifice that overcomes sin.44 At the same time, the eucharistic celebration does not involve the shedding of blood in the same manner as pagan sacrifices. Christians do not offer a bloody sacrifice,45 for Christ’s sacrifice was offered once on the cross, and his passion has effects in history by means of the sacraments.46 Augustine seems concerned to avoid any confusion with the bloody offerings of the pagans. Nevertheless, he declares that the church celebrates the “memorial” of the sacrifice that forgives sins at the eucharistic altar. In addition, while Augustine continues to speak of the purification of the mind, he begins to emphasize the role of charity in this purification.47 The church offers herself to God as a sacrifice of charity as she awaits the redemption of the body in hope (Rom 8:23).48 In Ad Simplicianum (c. 396/398), Augustine adds the element of praise to sacrifice (Ps 50:14–17),49 a theme that he will develop more fully in Confessiones and De civitate Dei. 50 De doctrina Christiana marks a turning point in Augustine’s thought, for in this work, he subordinates vision to charity in a definitive manner. The way to God is by incorporation into a visible, communal body, the one body of Christ, and not merely an individual ascent to truth. The enjoyment of God consists of the shared love of God and neighbor. Augustine only uses the term sacrifice twice, while citing the works of Cyprian and Ambrose.51 Cyprian speaks of the sacrifice of Melchizedek as a sacramentum that prefigured the sacrifice of Christ, offered in the Eucharist.52 In a similar fashion, Ambrose employs typology in his 44. Div. qu. 66.2. 45. Ibid., 61.2. 46. Gn. adv. Man. 2.19; C. Faust. 12.8; Jo. ev. tr. 9.10; 15.8; S. 218.14; 336.5; En. Ps. 56.11; Civ. Dei 22.17. 47. Div. qu. 38.1. 48. Ibid., 67.6. 49. Ibid., 26.1. 50. Simpl. 1.2.19; cf. Conf. 8.1.1; 9.1.1; 10.34.53; 11.2.3; Civ. Dei 10.5; Ep. 26.5; 36.8; 58.2; 140.18; En. Ps. 39.4; 49.21–23, 29–30; 53.10; 67.38; 68[2].16; 94.6; 102.4; 106.11; 115.2, 7–8; 117.22; 118[23].4; 134.2, 11; 148.17; S. 67.8. 51. Doc. Chr. 4.21.45–46. 52. Ibid., 4.21.45, citing Cyprian’s Ep. 63.2–4, to Caecilius. Augustine has already mentioned Melchizedek as prefiguring Christ in Div. qu. 61.2. THE CHURCH AS SACRIFICE 101 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

figural reading of Gideon’s sacrificial offering on the rock, and “the rock was Christ” (1 Cor 10:4).53 De doctrina Christiana is also significant for its treatment of the “works of mercy” (opera misericordiae), which figure prominently in De civitate Dei. In Doc. Chr. 1.30.31–33, Augustine considers the works of mercy that are made possible by the incarnation of Christ who became “our neighbor” (noster proximum) in order to extend to us the “mercy of God” (misericordia dei).54 God has mercy on us “because of his own goodness,” and “he has mercy on us (miseretur) so that we may enjoy him, while we have mercy (miseremur) on each other, again so that we may all enjoy him.”55 Christ’s work of mercy in the incarnation makes possible the works of mercy offered visibly among the members of the church. These works of mercy lead to the enjoyment of God, and help form a society united in love. In Confessiones, composed shortly after the beginning of De doctrina Christiana, Augustine mentions “sacrifice” (sacrificium, sacrificare) twenty-one times. It appears for the first time in Conf. 1.17.27 in the description of Augustine’s education. Instead of offering praise to God, Augustine and his peers sought praise for themselves, which “yielded a crop of worthless fruit for the birds to carry off.”56 Augustine declares “sacrifice can be offered to those birds of prey, the rebel angels, in more ways than one.”57 The “sacrifice of praise” belongs to God alone,58 and any attempt to usurp the glory that belongs to God amounts to a “sacrifice to the rebel angels,” that is, to the demons. In book 4, Augustine describes an encounter with a “sorcerer” who was prepared to offer “living creatures in sacrifice” in order to ensure Augustine’s victory in a dramatic poetry contest.59 Sorcery is a kind of idolatry, and although Augustine rejected the offer, he declares that he was offering himself “in sacrifice to [demons] through my superstition.”60 Sacrifice has a personal quality, for worship involves the sacrifice of oneself, such that Augustine proclaims, “I was offering myself in sacrifice.”61 Augustine further developsthe link between sacrifice and sacramen53. Doc. Chr. 4.21.46, citing Ambrose, Spir. 1.prol. 54. Doc. Chr. 1.30.33; CCSL 32.25. Misericordia appears eleven times throughout the work; cf. Doc. Chr. 1.30.31–33, 32.35; 2.7.11; 4.16.33, 18.37, 21.47–48. 55. Doc. Chr. 1.30.33; Edmund Hill, Teaching Christianity (WSA I/11), 121; CCSL 32.25. 56. Conf. 1.17.27; Maria Boulding, Confessions (WSA I/1), 57. 57. Ibid. 58. Conf. 4.2.3; 5.1.1; 9.1.1, 4.10; 10.34.53; 11.2.3; 12.24.33. 59. Ibid., 4.2.2–3. 60. Ibid., 4.3.4, Boulding, Confessions (WSA I/1), 94. 61. Ibid. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 102 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

tal worship in Confessiones. In Conf. 5.7.13, Augustine speaks of Monica’s tears as the “sacrifice of her heart’s blood” which she offered to God day after day, night after night.62 Sacrifice carries eucharistic overtones,63 which become explicit in Conf. 7.21.27. Augustine describes his discovery of the writings of Paul, in which he found “every truth” that he had read in those other books, the books of the Platonists, but “now inseparable from your gift of grace.”64 From the Platonists, Augustine learned to seek “incorporeal truth” (incorpoream veritatem) and to gaze upon “your invisibility” (invisibilia tua), yet “where was that charity (caritas) which builds on the foundation of humility that is Christ Jesus?”65 The Platonists see the homeland from afar, but do not have the way, for Christ alone forgives sins through his sacrificial death so that the “record of debt that stood against us was annulled.”66 This forgiveness of sins is mediated by baptism, through which one is born into charity and incorporated into the one body of Christ.67 Furthermore, the “cup of our ransom” (poculum pretii nostri), the Eucharist, mediates the salvific sacrifice of Christ that cannot be found in “those other books.”68 The “sacrifice” (sacrificium) of a humble, contrite heart cannot be found in philosophy or the liberal arts, for this sacrifice is a gift of grace.69 Neither philosophy nor the liberal arts may substitute for the “sacrifice of praise” that confesses God’s healing mercies, which have broken the bonds of the captivity of sin.70 God alone forgives sin, and true sacrifice involves a confession of praise.71 This sacrifice is not limited to a purely spiritual offering of the mind, but is taken into the domain of signs by the act of confession, for Augustine speaks of the “sacrifice of my confessions”72 offered in the words spoken by tongue and in writing.73 The entire economy of signs is intended for the confession of God’s healing mercy.74 62. Conf. 5.7.13; Boulding, Confessions (WSA I/1), 122. On Augustine’s own tears of repentance as an acceptable sacrifice, see 9.1.1. 63. See John C. Cavadini, “Eucharistic Exegesis in Augustine’s ‘Confessions,’” Augustinian Studies 41/1 (2010): 87–108. 64. Conf. 7.21.27; Boulding, Confessions (WSA I/1), 181–82. 65. Conf. 7.20.26; Boulding, Confessions (WSA I/1), 180; CCSL 27.110. 66. Conf. 7.21.27; Boulding, Confessions (WSA I/1), 182. 67. Conf. 9.2.4; Doc. Chr. 2.6.7. 68. Conf. 7.21.27; Boulding, Confessions (WSA I/1), 182; CCSL 27.111. 69. Ibid. 70. Conf. 8.1.1. 71. Ibid., 4.16.30; Boulding, Confessions (WSA I/1), 111. 72. Conf. 5.1.1. 73. Ibid., 4.3.4; 11.2.3; 12.24.33. 74. Ibid., 5.1.1; 9.1.1; 10.34.53; 11.2.3; 12.24.33. THE CHURCH AS SACRIFICE 103 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

The true, most perfect sacrifice offered to God is the one sacrifice of Christ on the cross, mediated by the church’s eucharistic worship. In Conf. 9.12.32, Augustine recounts Monica’s burial, and declares that “the sacrifice of our redemption (sacrificium pretii nostri) was offered for her beside the grave.”75 The eucharistic sacrifice is the “ransom” (pretium) 76 paid by Christ on the cross. By his death, he was both “victor and victim,” and as the one mediator, “he stood to you as priest and sacrifice, and priest because sacrifice.”77 Christ as a priest offers himself as sacrifice and victim. This is the one, true sacrifice that has the power not only to cleanse the mind but also to forgive sins. As Augustine declares, “Your Only Son, in whom are hidden all treasures of wisdom and knowledge, has redeemed me with his blood........I am mindful of my ransom (pretium). I eat it, I drink it, I dispense it to others. . . . And then do those who seek him praise the Lord.”78 Augustine identifies the Eucharist as the very pretium paid by Christ’s sacrifice, and this understanding of sacrifice finds its climax in De civitate Dei. The church receives the pretium by the celebrating the Eucharist as a visible community. In Contra Faustum, Augustine brings together the visible and invisible aspects of the church in his exegesis of Scripture. In C. Faust. 6.5, Augustine declares that the animal sacrifices of the Old Testament, which the Manicheans find deplorable, were instituted by God. Christians no longer perform such sacrifices; nevertheless, these sacramenta contain within them “divine mysteries” (mysteriis divinarum), forthey were “figures of us, and all such sacrifices signified in many different ways the one sacrifice, whose memory we now celebrate.”79 The Jewish sacrifices of blood prefigured the sacrifice of Christ, from which the church is born.80 The sacrificia are among the sacramenta of the old law81 that prefigure the one true sacrifice of Christ, now celebrated at the eucharistic altar. Christ is the truth of these figures, for Christ is the mystery of God that the whole world lacked until his coming.82 The sacrifice of Christ was prefigured not only by the animal sacrifices of the old law, but also by the sacrifice of Abel, who is a type of 75. Conf. 9.12.32; CCSL 27.149; Boulding, Confessions (WSA I/1), 232. 76. Conf. 9.11.27; CCSL 27.149; cf. 10.43.70. 77. Conf. 10.43.69; Boulding, Confessions (WSA I/1), 283. 78. Conf. 10.43.70; Boulding, Confessions (WSA I/1), 283; CCSL 27.193. 79. C. Faust. 6.5; CSEL 25.290; Roland Teske, Answer to Faustus, a Manichean (WSA I/20), 97; cf. 17.2; 18.6; 19.7. 80. C. Faust. 15.3. Sacrificium appears ninety times in this work (CLCLT). 81. Ibid., 18.6; 19.3, 5, 31; 22.2; 32.3, 7. 82. C. Faust. 18.6; 12.32. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 104 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Christ.83 Just as Abel was killed by his older brother Cain, so Christ the “head of the younger people” is killed by the “older people.”84 Christ’s suffering on the crossrevealsthe meaning of the old sacramenta,so that some might “cross over to Christ by their confession of faith and with their mouth open to drink his blood,”85 an allusion to the Eucharist. Participation in the new law means participation in the sacramental economy of the visible church, and so a participation in the sacrifice of Christ. The church begins with Abel, the just man, for Abel was the first to have offered the “sacrifice of blood,” which prefigured the “true sacrifice,” the “passion of the mediator.”86 Abel offered himself as a sacrifice and did not participate in the sacrilegious pagan rites that give worship “to demons and not to God” (1 Cor 10:22).87 Augustine also mentions the sacrifices of Abraham88 and Moses89 that prefigured the sacrifice of Christ. In C. Faust. 20, Augustine notes that the worship that belongs to God alone is called λατρεία in Greek, and all sacrifice pertains to this kind of worship.90 The “sacrifice of blood” is an ancient prophetic practice that prefigured the true sacrifice of the “one true priest, the mediator between God and men,” whose sacrifice of blood brought about the “forgiveness of sins.”91 The res of the sacrificia offered to God as true worship is the “future passion” (futuram passionem) of Christ.92 Here Augustine develops his notion of the Eucharist as sacrifice. “Before the coming of Christ the flesh and blood of this sacrifice was promised by the likeness of victims (per victimas similitudinum); in the Passion of Christ the promise was fulfilled in its truth (per ipsam veritatem); after the ascension of Christ it is celebrated through the sacrament of its memory (per sacramentum memoriae).”93 The Eucharist is a unique sacramentum,94 unlike any of the other sacramenta that prefigured the “true 83. Ibid., 12.9; 22.17; cf. En. Ps. 8.13; 61.4; 128.2; 90[2].1; Bapt. 1.15.24; Cat. rud. 3.6. 84. C. Faust. 12.9; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 131. 85. C. Faust. 12.11; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 132. 86. C. Faust. 22.17. 87. Ibid.; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 307. 88. C. Faust. 12.38. 89. Ibid., 16.10; 19.6. 90. Ibid., 20.21. 91. Ibid., 22.17; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 307. 92. Ibid.; CSEL 25.605: “antiqua enim res est praenuntiativa immolatio sanguinis futuram passionem mediatoris ab initio generis humani testificans; hanc enim primus Abel obtulisse in sacris litteris invenitur.” 93. C. Faust. 20.21; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 280; CSEL 25.564: “hujus sacrificii caro et sanguis ante adventum Christi per victimas similitudinum promittebatur, in passione christi per ipsam veritatem reddebatur, post ascensum Christi per sacramentum memoriae celebratur.” 94. C. Faust. 20.13. THE CHURCH AS SACRIFICE 105 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

sacrifice” (veritatem sacrificii) of Christ.95 The res of this sacramentum is the “flesh and blood” of Christ. The sacrifices of the old law shared a certain “likeness” with this sacrifice through the “flesh and blood” of the “victims,”96 while the very sacrifice of Christ’s passion is celebrated in the “sacrament of its memory” (per sacramentum memoriae).97 This is a subtle yet significant shift in Augustine’s eucharistic language, for in texts such as De diversis quaestionibus octaginta tribus, he refers to the eucharistic celebration as the “memorial of the passion” (memoriam passionis) of Christ, in the “likeness of his sacrifice” (ejus sacrificii similitudinem).98 In Contra Faustum, however, he no longer speaks of the eucharistic “memorial” (memoria) as the “likeness of his sacrifice,” but rather the Eucharist is the sacrifice that Christians celebrate by a “holy oblation” (sacrosancta oblatione) and “by participation in the body and blood of Christ” (participatione corporis et sanguinis Christi).99 The Eucharist is a true participation in the “body and blood of Christ”100 as a sacrifice. The passion prefigured by the sacramenta of the Old Testament101 is now celebrated by Christians “through the sacrament of memory.”102 Augustine is clear that the res of the Eucharist is Christ’s body and blood.103 In his sermons, Augustine’s mature view of the Eucharist as the body of Christ is evident in his ecclesiological interpretation of the sacrament. The church receives herself as the “body of Christ,” since “this is what he even made us ourselves into as well.”104 The church is the body of Christ, and so Augustine exhorts his congregation to “be what you can see and receive what you are,”105 namely, the body of Christ. This ecclesiological interpretation of the Eucharist does not conflict with Augustine’s sacramental theology, but rather reveals another dimension of the mystery. The Eucharist is the body of Christ, as the memo95. C. Faust. 20.21. 96. Ibid., 22.21; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 310; cf. 22.17. 97. C. Faust. 20.21; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 280; CSEL 25.564. 98. Div. qu. 61.2; CCSL 44A.122. 99. C. Faust. 20.18; CSEL 25.559: “unde jam christiani peracti ejusdem sacrificii memoriam celebrant sacrosancta oblatione et participatione corporis et sanguinis Christi.” 100. Ibid. 101. C. Faust. 20.13. 102. Ibid., 20.21. 103. This development does not mean that in early works, Augustine rejects a doctrine of the Eucharist as Christ’s body and blood. Rather, this shift in language is concurrent with the development of Augustine’s mature theology ofsacrifice, in which he is no longer concerned about confusion with pagan sacrifices. 104. S. 229.1; Edmund Hill, Sermons 184–229Z (WSA III/6), 265. 105. S. 272; Edmund Hill, Sermons 230–272B (WSA III/7), 298; cf. 57.7; 227; 228B.3; 229; Pamela Jackson, “Eucharist,” in Augustine Through the Ages: An Encyclopedia, ed. Allan Fitzgerald, John C. Cavadini, Marianne Djuth, et al. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), 330–34. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 106 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

rial of the sacrifice of Christ’s passion offered once and for all. Yet the church is a part of this sacrifice as the body of the whole Christ, an idea Augustine will develop fully in De civitate Dei. Returning to Contra Faustum, in book 19, Augustine’s theology of sacrifice undergoes further modification according to the language of “sign” (signa) and “sacrament” (sacramentum). Augustine notes that Faustus and others erroneously believe that since the “signs and sacraments have changed” (signis sacramentis mutatis), the “realities themselves (res ipsas) are also different,” which the “prophetic religion foretold” as promised and which the “gospel religion has announced as fulfilled.”106 Augustine however maintains continuity between the old religion of Judaism and the new revelation in Christ.107 Although there were “other signs of the mysteries” (aliis mysteriorum signaculis) in the Old Testament, these sacramenta prefigured and foretold the “mysteries of Christ” (mysteria Christi),108 which are now proclaimed and celebrated by the church. The sacramenta instituted by Christ are “fewer in number,” but “greater in power,” and these are baptism and the Eucharist.109 Augustine’s theology of sacrifice is taken up into this dynamic, for the Jewish sacramenta contained the mysterium of Christ’s passion, prefiguring the mystery to be revealed in its fullness with the coming of Christ.110 The res is the sacrifice of Christ, 111 now celebrated at the eucharistic altar as the “memorial” of what Christ accomplished.112 Here Augustine no longer uses the language of “likeness” for the Eucharist, but reserves such language for the Old Testament sacramenta, and the res of the eucharistic sacramentum is the true sacrifice of Christ’s body and blood. Further, he identifies the “true sacrifice” (verum sacrificium) of Christ as a distinctive kind of purification. Christ’s unique role as priest and victim comes from his status as the one mediator between God and man.113 The sacrifice of Christ alone can forgive 106. C. Faust. 19.16; Teske, Answer to Faustus (WSA I/20), 246; CSEL 25.512. 107. C. Faust. 6.5; 12.20, 32; 16.17, 29; 19.16; 22.58, 92, 94; 30.3. 108. Ibid., 30.3; CSEL 25.749. 109. C. Faust. 19.16. 110. Ibid., 22.17; CSEL 25.605: “antiqua enim res est praenuntiativa immolatio sanguinis futuram passionem mediatoris ab initio generis humani testificans; hanc enim primus Abel obtulisse in sacris litteris invenitur.” 111. C. Faust. 20.21; CSEL 25.565: “illa vero uni deo, ut ei offerretur similitudo promittens veritatem sacrificii, cui erat offerenda ipsa reddita veritas in passione corporis et sanguinis Christi.” 112. C. Faust. 20.18; CSEL 25.559: “unde jam christiani peracti ejusdem sacrificii memoriam celebrant sacrosancta oblatione et participatione corporis et sanguinis Christi.” 113. C. Faust. 22.17. THE CHURCH AS SACRIFICE 107 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

sins and offer the healing mercy of God,114 and this purification is mediated by the church’s sacramental worship. Contra Faustum reveals other significant ecclesiological developments. In C. Faust. 16.10, Augustine brings together two key Pauline verses when discussing sacrifice and temple: 1) 1 Corinthians 3:17, “For the temple of God that you are is holy,” and 2) Romans 12:1, “I beg you by the mercy of God (per misericordiam dei) to offer your bodies as a living sacrifice, holy and pleasing to God.”115 Augustine interprets Romans 12:1 in terms of the physical bodies of believers, such that sacrifice is not limited to the spiritual offering of the mind. Moreover, Augustine uses temple imagery in order to refer to the whole church as the communal body of Christ, not merely individual believers.116 The incarnation makes possible the union of Christ and the church as one body and one temple. Christ has become head of this body by taking on “flesh” in the incarnation, and we have “become the body of this head.”117 Christ became a priest “by the sacrifice of his flesh,” which “wins pardon for us.”118 This is not a purely spiritual sacrifice, for it consists of the offering of Christ’s body and blood on the cross, now commemorated in the visible celebration of the Eucharist. As the incarnate Word, Christ’s sacrifice extends throughout all of history and has effects for all the members of his body in time. Christ has fulfilled the “visible sacraments” (visibilia sacramenta) of the old law119 by offering himself. The “true sacrifice” of Christ has its locus at the eucharistic altar, yet its effects extend outward so as to yield “works of mercy” (opera misericordiae). In C. Faust. 20.15, Augustine criticizes the Manicheans who reject the body as “the product of the devil and the prison cell of God.”120 On the contrary, Paul declares, “For the temple of God that you are is holy” (1 Cor 3:17), and Augustine continues, “lest you think that what was said pertains only to the soul (animam), listen to what he says more explicitly: Do you not know that your bodies (corpora) are the temple of the Holy Spirit, which you have from God (1 Cor 6:19)?”121 The Manichean rejection of the body leads to a distorted form of worship, for they have made the “mind an altar” (mentem aram), and their 114. Ibid., 20.22; 22.17–22. 115. Ibid., 16.10; Teske, Against Faustus (WSA I/20), 204; CSEL 25.448; cf. 20.15. 116. C. Faust. 12.36; 20.15–22. 117. Ibid., 20.22; Teske, Against Faustus (WSA I/20), 281. 118. C. Faust. 19.7; Teske, Against Faustus (WSA I/20), 242. 119. C. Faust. 19.12; CSEL 25.510. 120. C. Faust. 20.15; Teske, Against Faustus (WSA I/20), 275. 121. Ibid.; CSEL 25.555. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 108 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

practices and disciplines “forbid you to offer bread to a beggar, so that you might burn on your altar with a sacrifice of cruelty.”122 Worship has bodily and ethical dimensions, and the worship of Christians is not merely a sacrifice of the mind, rather it is the offering of the whole church at the altar, where the “bread and cup,” is “made sacramental (mysticus) for us by a particular consecration.”123 This is the gift of the Eucharist, through which “we bless and give thanks to the Lord for every gift of his, not only spiritual but also bodily (corporali).”124 Augustine continues by citing Hosea 6:6, saying that God desires “mercy rather than sacrifice” (misericordiam volo quam sacrificium).125 For Augustine, true worship must yield works of mercy toward one’s neighbor. A purely spiritual offering does not suffice for true charity, for charity necessarily yields works of mercy that are visible, such as the offering of “bread to a beggar.”126 Augustine’s critique of the Manicheans has a moral dimension to it. The Manichean dualistic view of soul and body leads to a false kind of worship, which results in the failure to offer works of mercy.127 Augustine thus has expanded sacrifice in connection to mercy, and this expansion reaches its full development in De civitate Dei. 128 Augustine also speaks of “sign” and “sacrament” in a liturgical context in De catechizandis rudibus 20.34. Jewish rituals such as the Passover129 were “visible sacraments” (multis sacramentis visibilus) and “signs” (signa) of “spiritual realities” (rerum spiritalium) that pertain to Christ and the church.130 Sacrifice includes the works of mercy, such as the giving of alms.131 These works of mercy are ordered toward the building up of the one body of Christ in charity. De baptismo demonstrates the connection between sacrifice and charity in Augustine’s thought in the context of the Donatist controversy. In Bapt. 2.10.15, Augustine declares that the “sacrifice of love” (sacrificium dilectionis) pleasing to God ought to be offered on behalf of the Donatists, who have divided the unity of the church and have led “sacrilegious” lives.132 The Donatists lack charity, and they have 122. C. Faust. 20.16; Teske, Against Faustus (WSA I/20), 275; CSEL 25.556. 123. C. Faust. 20.13; Teske, Against Faustus (WSA I/20), 273; CSEL 25.552. 124. C. Faust. 20.13; CSEL 25.553. 125. C. Faust. 20.16; Teske, Against Faustus (WSA I/20), 275; CSEL 25.556. 126. Ibid. 127. C. Faust. 20.13, 15–17, 20. 128. Augustine hints at this in his discussion of “true religion” (vera religione) that culminates with the eucharistic celebration of the church; cf. 20.18. 129. Cat. rud. 20.34. 130. Ibid., 20.35; CCSL 46.160. 131. Cat. rud. 14.22. THE CHURCH AS SACRIFICE 109 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

“inflicted wrong” upon the sacraments. By their schism, the Donatists commit sin and sacrilege in their celebration of the sacraments.133 Although some have been “rebaptized,” Augustine follows Cyprian’s teaching that the rebaptized may be pardoned and brought back into the “simple bond of unity and peace,” despite “committing error” in their offering of the “sacrifice of charity” (sacrificium caritatis).134 Augustine links charity to the Eucharist in Bapt. 7 citing Cyprian, who speaks of the “sacrifices of the Lord” (dominica sacrificia) that “declare that Christians are united in a firm and inseparable love (caritate) for one another.”135 Cyprian uses eucharistic imagery in order to illustrate the church’s unity. The Lord calls bread “his body,” which is composed of the union of many grains, and this indicates the union of one people, the church.136 In a similar way, when Christ calls wine his blood, that wine “which is pressed out from a multitude of branches and clusters and brought together into one” signifies the mingling of many into one.137 Augustine takes up these communal images for the church, particularly in his preaching.138 Following Cyprian, Augustine connects the sacrifice of charity to the eucharistic worship of the church. Augustine’s theology of sacrifice undergoes further development in De Trinitate. 139 In book 4, Augustine says that all of the “sacred and mysterious things” (omnia quaesacrate atque mystice) of Scripture “were likenesses (similitudines) of him,” that is, of Christ.140 These sacramenta prefigured the coming of Christ, the Word of God and the “mediator between God and men.”141 It is precisely as the incarnate Word that Christ is the “sacrament, sacrifice, and high priest” (hoc sacramentum, hoc sacrificium, hoc sacerdos), God “made of a woman (Gal 4:4).”142 As sacrificium, Christ offers himself in the flesh, so that the church might “rise with him in spirit through faith,” and “not despair of ourselves rising in the flesh when we observed that we had been preceded by the 132. Bapt. 2.10.15; CSEL 51.191. 133. Ibid. 134. Bapt. 2.14.19; J. R. King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 434; CSEL 51.195. 135. Bapt. 7.50.98; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 511; CSEL 51.369: “denique unanimitate christianos firma sibi adque inseparabili caritate conexos etiam ipsa dominica sacrificia declarant.” 136. Ibid. 137. Ibid.; King, On Baptism (NPNF 4), 511. 138. S. 227; 228B; 229; 229A; 272. 139. Composed over the course of 399–422/426. 140. Trin. 4.2.11; Edmund Hill, The Trinity (WSA I/5), 160; CCSL 50.175. 141. Trin. 4.2.12; Hill, The Trinity (WSA I/5), 161. 142. Trin. 4.2.11; Hill, The Trinity (WSA I/5), 160; CCSL 50.175: “hoc sacramentum, hoc sacrificium, hic sacerdos, hic deus antequam missus veniret factus ex femina.” AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 110 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

one head.”143 The church rises in faith with the head while on pilgrimage, and awaits the final rising of the “flesh,” that is, the resurrection of bodies. As the body of Christ, the church will share in the resurrection of the body, for she will go where the head has already gone, as “head and body are the one Christ” (quia caput et corpus unus est Christus).144 The final, eschatological end means the redemption of the flesh at the resurrection. As the mediator, the Son of God “wants his disciples to be one in him,” so that they might be “one with the Father” as the “one Christ,” and this means “being bound in the fellowship of the same love” (dilectionis societatem).145 Christ cleanses the members of his body from sin, so that they might be one fellowship (societas) united in charity.146 The church’s purification leads to the formation of a communal body, made possible by the sacrifice of the mediator, for “by his death he offered for us the one truest possible sacrifice, and thereby purged, abolished, and destroyed whatever there was of guilt, for which the principalities and powers had a right to hold us bound to payment of the penalty.”147 Christ’s sacrifice offers a distinctive purification, mediated by the sacraments of the church. Augustine contraststhe true sacrifice of Christ with the “sacrilegious sacred rites” (sacra sacrilega) of “false philosophy” (falsam philosophiam).148 The pagan rites are promoted by certain Platonists,149 and in this way, philosophy is not innocent. Likewise the devil “falsely presents himself” as the “mediator offering purification” by the sacred rites, yet this leads to “addiction and ruin.”150 The only sacrifice that can pay the debt of sins is “true sacrifice owed to the one true God,” which can “only be correctly offered by a holy and just priest.”151 This is the sacrifice of Christ as the “only Son of God, born in and from a virgin’s womb” without sin, who offered an “immolation of mortal flesh” (immolationi caro mortalis) in his body, which “has been made into the flesh of our sacrifice” (caro sacrificii nostri).152 The sacrifice of Christians 143. Trin. 4.2.11; Hill, The Trinity (WSA I/5), 161. 144. Trin. 4.2.12; CCSL 50.177. 145. Trin. 4.2.12; Hill, The Trinity (WSA I/5), 161; CCSL 50.178. 146. Ibid. 147. Trin. 4.3.17; Hill, The Trinity (WSA I/5), 165. 148. Trin. 4.3.13; Hill, The Trinity (WSA I/5), 162; CCSL 50.178. Augustine mentions the teletai, a term for mystic rites for initiation into the mysteries of Isis or Mithras. In Civ. Dei 10.9, he speaks of such teletai as “theurgic consecrations,” which offer a different kind of purification. 149. Porphyry; cf. Civ. Dei 10.9. 150. Trin. 4.3.18; Hill, The Trinity (WSA I/5), 164; cf. 4.3.13–15, 17. 151. Trin. 4.3.19; Hill, The Trinity (WSA I/5), 166. 152. Ibid.; CCSL 50.186. THE CHURCH AS SACRIFICE 111 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

is the sacrifice offered by Christ in his body as “our priest.” As the body of Christ (corpus Christi),153 the church is united with its head as one body, one sacrifice, and so the sacrifice of Christians is the sacrifice of the true priest and mediator.154 Christian worship is the sacrifice of the whole Christ as one body, in contradistinction to the false worship of the pagan rites countenanced by the philosophers. Augustine’s understanding of the church as sacrifice culminates in his work Decivitate Dei in the context of his critique of pagan worship and the Platonists. De civitate Dei Augustine’s De civitate Dei is held together by the thread of “true religion,”155 and his reflections on sacrifice come to a head in book 10.156 Against the pagan Romans who fault Christianity for the fall of the Empire,157 Augustine asserts that the purpose of true worship is not to establish a political empire, butrather to lead humanity to its final end, which is to cling to God so as to form the “whole redeemed city.”158 The visible church offers true worship in her celebration of the eucharistic sacrifice in contrast to the false worship of pagan sacrifices. The Christian religion forbids sacrifice to Rome’s gods, and for this reason, Christianity has been blamed for the fall of the Empire.159 In response, Augustine contrasts the sacrifices of Jews and Christians with pagan “sacrifices to demons” (sacrificiis servire daemonibus).160 The system of polytheistic worship is futile, for even the growth of the Roman Empire may be attributed to God’s providence.161 God does not approve of the evils of the Empire, but permits the Empire’s growth. Insofar as it seeks to arrogate the glory that belongs to God, the Empire remains enslaved to the “lust for domination” (libido dominandi),162 which leads to complacency and self-destruction. Christians are “set free” from the slavery of sin by the “grace of God through our Lord Jesus Christ” through “the unique sacrifice of the 153. Trin. 4.2.12. 154. Ibid., 4.3.17–19. 155. Civ. Dei 2.6, 29; 4.1, 29; 5.1, 23; 6.2, 9; 7.26, 35; 8.15, 17; 10.3; 12.21, 28. 156. Sacrifice appears 160 times in Civ. Dei, and most frequently in book 10 (CLCLT). 157. Some claimed that a return to the old cult would lead to the reestablishment of the Empire. On this point, Robert Markus is instructive; see Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology of Augustine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 47. 158. Civ. Dei 10.6; CCSL 47.279: “profecto efficitur, ut tota ipsa redempta civitas.” 159. Civ. Dei 1.36. See also Augustine’s Ep. 102 to Deogratias on the objection of Porphyry that Christians reject the rites of the temple. 160. Civ. Dei 2.2; CCSL 47.35. 161. Civ. Dei 4.2; 5.8–21. 162. Civ. Dei 1.praef; CCSL 47.1. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 112 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

holy blood shed for us and the gift of the Holy Spirit bestowed on us.”163 This is the sacrifice of Christ on the cross that alone has the power to forgive sins.164 In Civ. Dei 7.32, Augustine declares that all of the sacrifices concerned with the true “worship” of God (λατρεία) 165 were fulfilled in Christ.166 Augustine’s apologetic concern is to show that Christians do not practice polytheism, for although Christians honor the “memory” (memoria) of martyrs, “it is not they themselves but rather their God who is our God.”167 Christ’s sacrifice is the “one and only sacrifice of Christians” (unum sacrificium christianorum).168 Augustine makes a similar argument in C. Faust.; 169 however, the polemic against polytheism in Civ. Dei has the effect of sharpening Augustine’s theology of sacrifice. Christ’s sacrifice in the “form of a servant” constitutes the worship of the true religion.170 Augustine begins book 10 of Civ. Dei with a discussion of the “happy life” (beata vita). All human beings seek happiness, and the Platonists are the “most renowned” among philosophers because they are wise enough to know that the soul cannot attain true happiness except “by participation in the light of God.”171 Augustine goes on to declare that no one can attain this blessedness except by “clinging to God with the purity of chaste love” (puritate casti amoris adhaeserit).172 The Platonists, however, have yielded to the futile errors of the people by supposing that the many gods are to be worshipped, and have thus become “vain in their imaginations,” as Paul declares in Romans 1:21. Although the Platonists know what true happiness consists of, they err in their countenance of polytheistic worship, for some go so far as to say that the “divine honors of worship and sacrifice” (divinos honores sacrorum et sacrificiorum) should be given to demons.173 For Augustine, worship is intrinsically linked to happiness, for the end of true religion is to bring one to true happiness. In Civ. Dei 10.3, Augustine considers the different Latin words for worship, such as cultus and pietas, and he seizes upon the Greek λατρεία to indicate the worship due to God alone. 174 God is “the source of our 163. Civ. Dei 4.31; William Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 139–40. 164. Civ. Dei 7.31. 165. Ibid., 5.15; 7.32; 10.1, 3. 166. Ibid., 7.32. 167. Ibid., 8.27; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 277. 168. Ibid.; CCSL 47.248. 169. C. Faust. 20.21. 170. Civ. Dei 9.15; CCSL 47.263. 171. Civ. Dei 10.1; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 304. 172. Ibid.; CCSL 47.271–72. 173. Ibid. THE CHURCH AS SACRIFICE 113 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

happiness,”175 and the aim of true worship is to bring one to cling to God as final end. The purpose of religion is to bind one to God.176 Augustine characterizes the end of “clinging to God” according to the twofold commandment to love God and one’s neighbor as oneself (Matt 23:37).177 This echoes De doctrina Christiana, in which the twofold aim of charity is the res of Scripture,178 and the fruit of the sacramental life of the church.179 True happiness is “to cling to God” (adhaerere deo) 180 and end by “loving him” (diligendum deum).181 This end is not merely an intellectual vision, but a participation in charity, shared by a communal body. “True religion” (vera religio) brings one and one’s neighbor “to cling to God” (adhaerere deo) in love, and this is the “worship” (cultus) and the “service” (servitus) due to God.182 Augustine defines sacrifice as an act of true worship that is intended to bring one to cling to God, and to help one’s neighbor to the same end.183 The “supreme” and “true sacrifice” (summum verumque sacrificium) is the sacrifice of Christ, “in the form of a servant” (Phil 2:6).184 For Christ is the one mediator between God and man, who “receives sacrifice together with the Father,” yet “in the form of a servant, however, he chose to be a sacrifice.”185 Christ is both priest and oblation,186 the one who offers and is himself the offering, so that “the remission of sins might be accomplished—that is, through the ‘mediator between God and man, the man Christ Jesus’ (1 Tim 2:5), through whom we are cleansed of sin and reconciled to God.”187 Christ as mediator provides purification from sin,188 and this purification cannot be found in philosophy or in the theurgic rites of pagan worship.189 Rather, “in this life we are cleansed of sins not by our virtue but by divine mercy, not by our power but by God’s favor.”190 The grace of God has been granted 174. Civ. Dei 10.1–3; cf. C. Faust. 20.21. 175. Civ. Dei 10.3; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 308; CCSL 47.275: “ipse enim fons nostrae beatitudinis, ipse omnis appetitionis est finis.” 176. Ibid.; see this etymology of religio from religare in Retr. 1.13.19. In Civ. Dei 10.3, he suggests that religio may also be derived from relegere, “to re-choose,” although the sense of “binding” is never lost. 177. The Holy Spirit is the charity that “binds” us to God; Trin. 6.5.7; 7.3.6; cf. En. Ps. 62.17; S. 349.2. 178. Doc. Chr. 1.35.39–40.44. 179. Ibid., 2.6.7. 180. Civ. Dei 10.3; CCSL 47.275: “hic autem finis est adhaerere deo”; cf. 10.17–18. 181. Civ. Dei 10.3. 182. Ibid. 183. Ibid., 10.4–5. 184. Ibid., 10.20; CCSL 47.294. 185. Ibid.; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 328. 186. Ibid.; CCSL 47.294: “per hoc et sacerdos est, ipse offerens, ipse et oblatio.” 187. Civ. Dei 10.22; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 329. 188. Ibid. 189. On the purification of the soul by means of theurgy, see Civ. Dei 10.9–11, 16, 18, 26–28. AUGUSTINE AND THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 114 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

“through a mediator, then, precisely so that we who are defiled by sinful flesh might be cleansed by the likeness of sinful flesh” (Rom 8:3).191 Christ assumed flesh in order “to become the sacrifice of our cleansing.”192 The Platonists, such as Porphyry, are blinded to the “great sacrament” (magnum sacramentum) of the incarnation due to their pride.193 These philosophers have “contempt for the flesh,” the very flesh that Christ assumed in order to heal humanity.194 According to Augustine, it is “sin that is evil, not the substance or nature of the flesh,”195 and Christ has paid the price for sin by his death. The eternal Word entered into history so as to become the way to God, and the Word heals and purifies as the eternal One “who was made flesh and dwelt among us” (John 1:14).196 Christ’s humanity is an instrument of his divinity,197 for the purification he offers is made efficacious through his assumption of human nature. The Platonists have contempt for the flesh and reject the incarnation, as well as bodily resurrection,198 while endorsing the false worship of the pagan gods.199 The true worship of God isthe sacrifice of the incarnate Christ on the cross, which is the “great mercy” (magnam misericordiam) that “purifies us from our sins” and brings us to cling to God as end.200 This is the perfect sacrifice, the true worship called λατρεία, and the true religion. Augustine identifies Christ’s sacrifice with the daily sacrifice of the church, prefigured by many “signs” (signa) 201 and sacrifices of “our ancestors,” the Jews.202 The animal sacrifices of the Old Testament prefigured the perfect sacrifice of Christ, now offered by the church at the 190. Civ. Dei 10.22; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 329. 191. Civ. Dei 10.22; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 330. 192. Civ. Dei 10.24; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 331. 193. Ibid.; CCSL 47.297. 194. Ibid. 195. Ibid.; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/6), 331; CCSL 47.297. 196. Ibid. Augustine applies this logic to the Eucharist, arguing that when Christ spoke of eating his flesh “mystically” (manducanda mystice), he showed that “the flesh does not purify in its own right, rather it purifies through the Word by whom it was assummed”; Babcock, The City of God (WSA I/ 6), 332; CCSL 47.297–98. Visible things are not an obstacle to the invisible Word, but rather it is precisely through the visible, as in the case of the flesh of Christ in the incarnation, that the invisible Word effects purification and cleansing from sin. 197. Civ. Dei 10.6; cf. Ep. 187 to Dardanus; Ep. 137 to Volusianus; Agon. 20.24. 198. Civ. Dei 10.29. 199. Ibid., 10.23–24; 29–32; Trin. 4.3.18; the philosophers are invested in pagan worship in orderto glory in their own wisdom; see John C. Cavadini, “Ideology and Solidarity in Augustine’s City of God,” Augustine’s City of God: A Critical Guide, ed. James Wetzel (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 107–8. 200. Civ. Dei 10.22; CCSL 47.296. 201. Civ. Dei 10.22; CCSL 47.294. 202. Civ. Dei 10.5. THE CHURCH AS SACRIFICE 115 This content downloaded from 132.174.252.140 on Wed, 12 Apr 2023 23:03:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms