Bloomfield (1983) An Introduction to the Study of Language

254 INTERNAL CHANGE IN LANGUAGE r~ .

Even here the word expresses the tense as well as the ULTIMATE CONDITIONS OF CHANGE IN LANGUAGE 255

action itself: we should, perhaps, call it a step in advance, is but gradually that the speech of man attains a fuller
if the tense also came to be expressed by a separate word, analysis of experience, an analysis into simpler independ-
as in I am writing, I u1as writing. Word-composition ently recurring elements. Thus the earliest scientifically
may thus be an heirloom from the days when what ·we attainable stage of English shows us eight cases and
now call a compound represented the regular type of word, three numbers of nouns in three genders, most variously
- that is, when words regularly contained two or more and irregularly inflected, with a<ljedives agreeing in full
congruence, a cross-referring verb containing mention of
material semantic units. It is conceivable, under that the actor and inflecting by cumbrous, complicated, and
highly irregular prefixation, infixation, suffixation, and
condition, that some much-used member of compounds sound-variation in three persons and three numbers in
with a very general sense, like that of tthing', could lose two voices, all in a variety of modes and tenses, the
its specific meaning, until compounds of which it formed latter based principally on manner of action, secondarily
part represented but one material element, as opposed on relative time. If we contrast this with our modern
to others that still represented two or more. Thus the brief forms and comparatively regular inflection and our
Nahwatl 'absolutive', as in nakatl tmeat' or tlt is meat', . simple sentence-structure, iu which congruence and gov-
may originally have been a compound, the semantic fad- ,. ernment play but a small pa.rt and cross-reference none,
ing of whose final member (-tl) first allowed people to the advance is unmistakable.
express the idea of tmeat' outside of compounds, such
as ninakakwa 'I-meat-eat'. The same may be true of As all such development is gradual and unconscious,
we must not be surprised, on the other hand, when we
the Primitive lndo-European nominative-suffix -s, which see, alongside the progressive simplification, an occasional
formation of the old kind arising, or a sound-change
may have been originally a final member of compounds complicating what was formerly simpler. English has
and, by losing its material value, have· become the means been rapidly losing derivational complexities, yet we find
of liberating an idea like *ekwo-s thorse' from exclusive old compounds denoting manner by a second member
use in such compounds as *ekwo-domo-s thorse-tamer'. Old English -lice tin the manner of', becoming the reg-
ular means of deriving adverbs from adjectives, and this
However all this may be, it is certain that we find in second element becoming phonetically reduced to an
all languages a constant diminution of the unanalyzed otherwise meaningless suffix -ly, as in. quickly, slowly,
content of single words, a lessening of cross-reference, sharply. The same thing has happened in the history of
congruence, and government in favor of explicit discur- the Romance languages, where the Latin mente twith a
sive expression, or, to look at the same thing from an- mind' came to be used as a suffix in the same sense,
other point of view, a growing constancy in the form of e.g. French lent cslow' lentement tslowly' (would be Lat-
in lenta mente twith a slow mind'). While in these in-
words, as opposed to morphologic variation. In the older stances the process 1Jay still be looked upon as a liber-

stages material elements are viewed either in connected
groups (compound words) or, if alone, then only in some
particular relation as to time, space, number, manner,
and the like, and as to each other (inflected words); it

256 INTERNAL CHANGE IN LANGUAGE ULTIMATE CONDITIONS OF CHANGE IN LANGUAGE 257

ation of the single word from the. compound through it has a few remarkable characteristics. One is the toler-
semantic fading of the other member, that is hardly pos- ance for phonetically divergent forms of the same word
sible when in the Romance langunges we see a new without corresponding semantic variation beyond what
tense-inflection arising from an older syntactic collocation: is implied in the mere existence of the forms (p. 102, f.),
Late Latin amare habeo rl have to (am to, shall) love' - as in the example -ta, ba 'There are cows' but a va
became the modern Romance future, the second word 'his cows', and the like. In fact, there is a general lack
being reduced to a suffix, e. g. French j'aimerrri rl shall of stability of the word-unit. Another peculiarity of
love', - a counter-development which well illustrates Irish is the tendency to identify the emotionally dominant
the complexity of linguistic progress. It is only by dint idea of the sentence with the central element of the pred-
of innumerable changes and 1·eadjustments and after the icate of an abstract subject and verb: It's his brother
most various tendencies have conflicted and come into he's cheating; the latter featur~ appears also in the Eng-
harmony, that simplification can occur, - and it is, in
consequence, only by careful examination of the histor- lish spoken by Irish people. It is possible that the lndo-
ical details that we can ever obtain a just idea of the
growth of language. European speech of Ireland received these peculiarities
from an earlier language which it superseded.
To what extent languages are adapted to the national~
character of the speakers is a far more difficult question; At any rate, it so happens that the Latin which re-
but the difficulty lies in the vagueness of the latter term. placed in France a sister-language of Irish and developed
into Modern French, shows some of the same peculiari-
At the present state of our knowledge the character of ties. It gives little phonetic recognition to the word-
boundary (p. 99, ff.), containing even such forms as du fof
a nation is very much what our personal bias makes us the', au 'to the' (masculine) which, while plainly felt as
wish to think it. The most completely known of national two words, de (a) and le (compare, for instance the fem-
activities is language; it is very difficult, for instance, to
decide whq.t of a nation's art or religion is truly communal inine de la, a la and the form used before vowels, de l',
and what individual in origin.
al'), are phonetically indivisible, [dy, o]. French is toler-
It is possible, where we know that a nation has chang- ant of double forms of words, used, as in Irish, not au-
tomatically and yet without genuine semautic differentia-
ed its language, to trace characteristics of the earlier tion; such doublets, for instance, as [vu] and [vuz] 'you'
language in the nation's peculiar use of the newer, and or [a] and [at] 'has' are distributed not entirely by the
these stable characteristics, as it were, of a nation's occurrence of the longer fom1 before vowel ( [vu fat] 'you
speech, have the first right to be called national. Such do' but [vuz ave] 'you have'; [d a] 'she has' but [at d]
'has she?'), for this form occurs only before words close-
a characteristic are the [t, ~] sounds of the languages of ly connecte<l in certain relations of meaning. The iden-
tification of emotionally dominant element by peculiar
India (p. 220). Another possible instance is the following. syntactic position is also prevalent: O'est eux qui l'ont
Irish is like English a modern form of Primitive Indo- fait rlt's they who have done it', C'est la que je l'ai vu
European. Unlike this language and unlike E11glish and
the other sister-languages (with an exception to be noted), Bloomfield, Study of La.ngua1re

258 INTERNAL CHANGE IN LANGUAGE CHAPTER VIII.

'It's there that I saw him', C'est moi qu'ils ont battu 'It's EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGES.
me they beat'
1. Language never uniform. We have repeatedly
Thus future research in what may be called compara- seen that language, far from being an object or an in-
tive phonology, morphology, and syntax may reveal na- dependent organism of some kind, is merely a set of
tional linguistic habits to which any language a people habits. Such similarity as there is between successive
may come to speak is subjected. It will then remain utterances is due, therefore, entirely to the psychic assimi-
to compare and relate these with such other characteris- lative effects of earlier utterances upon later. The assimi-
tics of the nation as ethnologic study shall have ascer- lative predisposition is in every individual constantly
tained. changing, for, if nothing else, then at least the utter-
ance last spoken will alter the conditions of the next one.
All this, then, brings us to the question of the relation We may say, then, that the language even of a single
between language and race, to the question of what people individual is never exactly the same in any two utteran-
speak alike and what differently, and to the consideration ces. What unity there is is due to the assimilative effect
of the various changes in this distribution, - in short, of earlier upon later actions.

to the external history of language. In this regard the effect of the speech one has heard
from others is the most important factor. In early child-
hood the individual's language is entirely in imitation
of it, and even later, when one's own habits are reliable,
one hears much more than one speaks. This, of course,
is the link between the speech of diffe1;ent individuals
which makes language a communal or social, not an in-
dividual phenomenon. Nevertheless, the predispositions
of any two individuals will never be identical. They will
differ more, as a rule, than the successive states of one
and the same ind~vi<lual because, iu addition to constitu-

260 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGES .LANGUAGE NEVER UNIFORM 261

tional differences, the past langunge-experience of the and spoken, a unique combination modified, further, by
two speakers is always different. EYen more truly than
the language of every utterance may be called unique, individual factors.
it may be said that every speaker has his own peculiar The most important of these dialect-divisions have
linguistic habits. These, in fact, are in everyday expe-
rience often noticed as idiosyncrasies of pronunciation, always been the local. These are of various degrees.
construction, and vocabulary: rThe style is the man.'. Where there are several local groups communicating
freely with each other, each group will have its dialect,
In spite of these individual divergences, the circum- but the differences between these dialects will not be
great enough to destroy mutual intelligibility. This condi-
stance that language is our means of communication and, tion is found, for example, in European countries, where
as such, is learned both in the beginning and all through often every village speaks its own dialect. When such
life from our fello·w-speakers, assures an extensive uni- connected groups cover a very large area and communi-
formity. The associative processes which produce an cation between members of those at the extreme ends is
utterance are the effect of other people's utterances which rare, these extreme dialects may be mutually unintelli-
we have heard from infancy to the present. Consequent- gible, although, as each dialect of the whole group un-
ly a close-knit social group in which communication takes derstands those near it, they are connected by an un-
place frequently between all members possesses a rela- broken chain of communication. Within. what would
tively uniform set of speech-habits. otherwise be such a group there may, however, be some
partial barrier, a political or tribal boundary, a river or
It would be very difficult, if not impossible, to find a range of hills, and the like, - which lessens intercom-
such a community. Everywhere there are groups of in- munication of the two sides without preventing it. There
dividuals among whom there is more communication we may find a decided break in resemblance, even though
than between members of the group and outsiders. One the dialects on the two sides are still intelligible to each
need think only of t~e family, the neighborhood, the other. Finally, a barrier of the kinds described, or one
trades and professions, the pleasures, games, vices, creeds, more impenetrable, may divide mutually unintelligible
parties, and the social, economic, and educational strata languages.
The result of the more lively communication within such
groups is, of course, in every case, a relative uniformity Where a barrier of the last kind exists, reflection and,
which is at the same time a divergence from the speech especially, scientific research may discover some resem-
of those outside the group. Even superficial observation blance between the languages. A Norwegian and an Eng-
shows us family dialects, neighborhood phrases, trade lish sailor who learned each others' languages would re-
and professional vocabularies, jargons such as those of alize that they presented, in spite of being mutually un-
the race-track or the base- ball field, speech of the slums, intelligible, considerable similarity, as opposed, for in-
of the middle class, of the aristocrats, - and so on, stance, to Greek or to Malay. Scientific study shows
without end. Any one speaker's habits present a com- English and Greek to possess great morphologic and
bination of those different dialects which he has heard 1yntactio similarity and an original, though phonetically

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262 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGES DECREASE AND INCREASE OF UNIFORMITY 263

obscured resemblance of vocabulary, which mere reflec- 3. Decrease of uniformity tloes not offset the
tion on the part of ordinary speakers of the languages incr(•ase. This growing uniformity is in part - and
would not discover; between these languages and Malay only in part - offset by a constant process of differen-
on. the other hand, no such similarity has been discovered tiation. A language spreading over a large area does
by science. We speak, then, of 'related' and 'unrelated' not remain uniform. The various barriers to communi-
languages, according to our lights. cation result gradually in a differentiation at first into
dialects, then, often, into mutually unintelligible lan-
2. lncrcnse of' uniformity. Wherever history shows guages.
us anything of the past, we find barriers to intelligibility
decreasing. Our continent, north ofMexico, once harbored Thus, at the dawn of history we find Greece, many of
a few million Indians speaking over a hundred, perhaps the surrounding islands, and a strip of the coast of Asia
several hundreds, of mutually unintelligible languages; Minor ·speaking numerous, in the main mutually intelli-
today this area contains more than a hundred million in- gible dialects. The cultural and commercial supremacy
habitants, nearly all of whom speak English. of Athens and the districts of Asia Minor resulted in the
spread of a uniform Greek speech, based chiefly on their
Such increase of unifurmity occurs in various ways. dialects and called the Koine (common language'), over
Conquest may, as in America, partly annihilate· the con- all of this territory except, it seems, a small district
quered und partly assimilate them to the language of around Sparta. By the early centuries of our era this
the conquerors. Where the latter are less numerous the language was uniformly spoken, but dialect-differentia-
assimilating process is commoner, but seems to fail, if tion soon set in, and by the nineteenth century the differ-
the vanquished are culturally superior. The Romans, ent communicative conditions had resulted in a set of
who conquered Italy, Iberia, Gaul, Dacia, and Greece, dialects as unlike one another as were those of ancient
were able to impose their language on the people of all Greece. It now seems that the speech of Athens will
these countries except the culturally superior Greeks. again become the common language of all Greece.
Differences of language may disappear, if one language
is politically or cultura1ly supreme: this is often the last In Italy earliest history shows us a welter of the most
phase of a preceding conquest, as in the gradual spread various languages and dialects, many, so far as science
of English in Wales and Ireland, or of Russian in Siberia. can tell, wholly unrelated to others, some mutually un-
Languages of large communicative value may spread as intelligible, though somewhat similar, and still others
second languages of speakers for commercial and similar existing in groups of mutually intelligible dialects. Through
purposes: so English, French, Spanish, Hindustani, Malay, military and political supremacy the Romans gradually
and others are spoken more or less inexactly by large extended their language, Latin, over all of Italy; their
numbers of people whose native language is less widely later conquests carried it over what is now Spain, Por-
known. In this way arise trade jargons, the various tugal, France, Latin Switzerland, and Roumania. It may
forms of Lingua Franca, Pidgin English, 'Chinook' and be that the inhabitants of these countries who learned
the like. Latin spoke it from *.he first in a form so much assimi-

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264 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGES INFERENCES FROM HISTORIC CONDITIONS 265

lated to their earlier speech-habits that, say Portugal and oecame so great that the speakers of the diffe1·ent Eng-
Roumania never could hav~ understood each other. At lish dialects could often not understand each other, and
:my rate, dialectal differentiation at once set in, and, as the same was true of the dialects of the continent. To-
the Roman power decreased, the link of communication day all of these dialects are, however, disappearing before
which had connected these dialects failed. Today we the spread of three favored forms of speech: Standard
have five or six mutually unintelligible languages, each English, Dutch, and German. While the speakers of the
broken into a number of continuous dialects, such as old dialects are not succeeding in speaking these stand-
those of Italy or France. These dialects correspond, often, ardized dialects without some assimilation to the forms
to political, tribal, or geographic barriers: they are being of their local speech, - Standard German as spoken in
superseded, at present, by languages of important centers, Bavaria differing much from that, say, of Mecklenburg,
as, for instance, those of France by the speech of Paris, Standard English of Scotland from that of Kent, - yet
and those of Spain by Castilian. Spanish and Portuguese, they can understand one another's forms within each
in turn, have spread by conquest over the southern part group. Meanwhile English, for instance, has superseded
of the Americas, where they have superseded numerous most of the Celtic speech of England, German much of
Indian languages. The unification has here vastly out- the Baltic and Slavic of what is now Germany. We must
weighed the differentiation, for the modern Romance not forget, also, the increase in population: the England
languages, divisible into five or six mutually unintelligible of King Alfred's time had perhaps two .million inhab-
groups, within each of which dialectal differentiation is itants, only part of whom spoke English. Meanwhile
limited and is rapidly disappearing, represent the extinc.; Standard English has spread to Ireland, North America,
tion of dozens, probably hundreds, of languages of Europe and Australia, and has become the uniform speech of
and America. These old languages were spoken each by many millions. The differentiation which there is in
a few thousand people, the Romance languages are spoken Standard English will probably never rise to the point
by many millions. of unintelligibility, for printing, rapid travel, and com-
mercial intercourse are constituting communicative bonds
At the time of our earliest records, from ·the seventh more close, probably, than those which two-hundred
to the tenth century of our era, what is now Holland, years ago existed between the north and south of the
Germany, and part of England was a territory of some little island of Britain.
dialectal differentiation; yet it appears that an English-
man could then understand a North German. The dia- 4. Inferences from Jlistoric conditions. These hi8tor-
lectal break that there was between the English dialects
and those of the mainland was due, of course, to the ic instances allow of certain general conclusions. Where
emigration of the English tribes in the fifth century. we find an area in which a number of mutually intelli-
This differentiation went on until English and the con- gible dialects are spoken, we infer that these are the re-
tinental speech became mutually unintelligible. At the sult of differentiation of an older uniforill speech. We do
same time the differentiation within each of these groups not hesitate to suppose, for instance, that the ancient
Greek dialects were differentiated from a uniform pre-

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266 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGES INFERENCES FROM HISTORIC CONDITIONS 267

historic speech, which we call 'Primitive Greek', - just never have understood each other; it is certain that the
as the modern Greek dialects are divergent local forms people of these countries who learned Latin from the
of the Koine. Similarly, we conclude that the earliest Romans never spoke it correctly enough to reach uni-
historic forms of English and the continental dialects of formity over the entire district. We can scarcely imagine
Holland and Germany were differentiated, during a pe- a prehistoric Athapascan state of uniform language all
riod that we call 'pre-English', 'pre-Frisian', 'pre-Saxon', over the West of our country: probably a comparatively
'pre-Franconian', 'pre-Bavarian', etc., from a uniform large tribe broke up into parts which separated and then,
prehistoric dialect, which we call 'Primitive West Ger- after communication had ceased, became differentiated in
manic'. speech, grew, linguistically assimilated other Indians, and
again split into independent speech-communities.
Related languages we accordingly look upon as results
of differentiation. Just as we see Portuguese, Spanish, It is very important, when we make these deductions,
French, Italian, and Roumanian diverging from Latin,
we conclude, in every case where languages are, beyond thus to keep in mind the exact meaning of our results.
the possibility of mere coincidence, alike, that their dif- When we say that the West Germanic languages and
ference is due to gradual differentiation from a uniform dialects, - English, Frisian, Dutch, and German, - are
speech. Among the Indians of North America we find, differentiated forms of a uniform prehistoric language,
for instance, related langm1gcs spoken over three consid- which we call Primitive ,vest Germanic, we have no
erable pieces of territory. A large part of the northwestern right to assume anything about the exact manner in
interior from the Pacific coast to east of the Rocky which the differentiation took place. For instance, Prim-
Mountains; a few small bands in British Columbia and itive West Germanic may have become differentiated
Washington and a strip of villages four-hundred miles by certain barriers in its territory, - by a religious con-
long in Oregon and California; a large area of Arizona, federation of certain of the clans, let us say, to which
New Mexico, western Texas, and Mexico; - these three the other clans did not belong. A later splitting of the
districts, each embrace a number of mutually unintelli- West Germanic group may not have coincided with this
gible languages, which, however, all present features of earlier division. Thus, before the emigration of the Eng-
similarity that lead us to call them related (the 'Atbapas- lish there was a dialectal differentiation: some of the
can' family of languages) and to suppose that they are dialects changed an older [u] to [E:], saying, for instance,
all divergent forms of a prehistoric uniform language O~t 'that' instead of Oat. The English who emigrated
CPrimitive Athapascan'). were part of those who had made this change; the Frisi-
ans, who had also made it, remained behind. There follow-
We have, of course, no right to suppose, in such cases, ed, of course, the great <livergence of English from
that the same num her of people spoke the 'primitive' Frisian and all the other continental dialects, clue to the
unifor&ll. language, ·or that it was spoken over the same overseas separation. Thus, in spite of the difference to-
area, as its later forms. It is possible, as mentioned, that day between English on the one hand and the continental
the people of Portugal and those of Roumania con Id dialects on the other, we know that there was a time

268 EXTEnNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGE INFERENCES FRmI HISTORIC CONDITIONS 269

when English and Frisian belonged together, as opposed crossed and in part obliterated the old division between
West-Scandinavian and East-Scandinavian in favor of a
to all the others, - that the divergence of English from new north-and-south division on the continent, opposed
to a divergent Icelandic.
the mainland dialects was not the first differentiation to
Of Primitive North Germanic (Primitive Nerse, Primi-
break the Primitive West Germanic unity. Had history tive Scandinavian) a small amount is historically preserved
in some of the runic inscriptions. Primitive West Ger-
not in this case favored us, we might be led to the wrong manic and Primitive "N'orth Germanic both closely re-
semble the language of a fourth-century Gothic Bible-
assumption that the first differentiation was the separa- translation used by the Goths in Italy. From this three-
fold relationship we deduce an older uniform language,
tion of English. . Primitive Germanic, from which, in a period called pre-
West-Germanic, pre-North-Germanic, and pre-East-Ger-
Primitive West Germanic, so far as its forms can be manic ('pre-Gothic'), the three languages became differ-
entif;lted. Here we must guard against the mistake into
determined, and also the various historic West Germanic which we might in the other cases have fallen, had we
lacked, - as here we do, - historic reeords. It. is pos-
dialects, all show a decided resemblance to the languages sible, for instance, that the threefold division which we
know was preceded by an entirely different dialect-cleav-
of Iceland, Norway, Sweden, and Denmark. These lan- age in Primitive Germanic. This would mean that such
a division as Primitive West Germanic contains some dia-
guages, with their dialects, furnish another instance of lectal differences dating from the Primitive Germanic time,
and was therefore never wholly uniform after the original
differentiation from an earlier language. At present we cleavage of Primitive Germanic. In so far as we insist
that English, Dutch, Frisian, and German go back to an
find the dialect-division separating Iceland sharply from absolutely uniform older speech, that speech would then
be Primitive Germanic; in so far as we considered only
the rest. The remaining dialects are differentiated by those features which today appear and ignored a possible
but unauthenticated older dialect-cleavage, it would be
lines running chiefly east and west, so that a dialect-belt Primitive West-Germanic.

will run, for instance, across a stretch of Norway and The Germanic languages more distantly, though un-
mistakably resemble a number of languages of Europe
Sweden, regardless of present political boundaries. Had and Asia. This resemblance is increased when we com-
pare not the historic forms, but the various tprimitive'
we no older records, we should, to be sure, deduce ,a

Primitive Scandinavian or Primitive North Germanic

parent-language, but the surmises which we might make

on the basis of the modern dialects would ·be wrong.

For our oldest records show us Norwegian and Icelandic

almost alike: the divergence of the latter did not progress

very far until some centuries after the settlement of Ice-

land by Norwegians a thousand years ago. Opposed to

the almost uniform Icelandic-Norwegian or West-Scan-

dinavian of the medieval records, we find Swedish and

Danish closely alike: East-Scandinavian. This older

division bas, then, been superseded by developments in

an entirely different direction. Thus, while it is safe to

set up a uniform tprimitive' language, the process of

differentiation itself may be obscured by repeated changes

in various directions, as when more modern changes hnw

270 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGES INFERENCES FROM HISTORIC CONDITIONS 271

languages, such as Primitive Germanic and Primitive form state of speech, we must, in fact, assume that it
Greek, which we deduce from closely relatecl groups. was spoken by a homogeneous and therefore limited
Thus the closely interrelated Baltic languages (Lithuanian, community, - a community of not more than a few
Lettish, and the now extinct Pmssian) point to a Primi- thousand speakers.
tive Baltic, which, with Primitive Slavic, appearing histor-
ically differentiated in the mydern Slavic languages Furthermore, we have no right to assume that Primi-
(Russian, Polish, Bohemian or Cech, Serv:ian, Bulgarian, tive lndo-European was carried bodily, as it were, into
etc.), points to a Primitive Balto-Slavic. The languages all the countries where Inda-European languages now
of Persia and Iran generally we derive from a Primitive exist. English, not Primitive lndo-European was carried
Iranian, those of India that here come into consideration to America. The branches of the Primitive lndo-European
from a Primitive lndic; Primitive Iranian and Primitive parent community surely altered their speech while mi-
lndic resemble each other so closely as to point un- grating to those countries upon which they were to im-
mistakably to Primitive lndo-lranian CP1:imitive Aryan') pose it. The people who in these countries had to learn
from which both are descended. Similarly we deduce a the language of the dominant lndo-European-speaking
Primitive Armenian, Primitive Albanese, Primitive Italic immigrants surely spoke the new language in some ap-
(from Latin, Oscan, and Umbrian), and Primitive Celtic. proximation to their own., - of one such change at least
All thes~ 'primitive' languages, including Primitive Greek we have good evidence (p. 220). These speakers of an
and Primitive Germanic, show so much similarity that implanted lndo-European may then have been instrumen-
we conclude that they are differentiated forms of a Prim- tal in the further spread of the language. The de-
itive lndo-European, an ancient uniform language. duction of a Primitive lndo-European speech does not,
therefore, make probable any such improbabilities as that
We must, however, again keep in mind all the limita- there was a time, say, when a man from the north of
tions that require observation, if our conclusion is to Europe could have understood a Greek or a Hindu.
have scientific value. In the first place, .our conclusion
does not justify us in supposing that the same number Again, it is too common in history to see changes of
of people or the same districts that now speak the various language or culture in a people, to allow of our assuming
lndo-European languages spoke Primitive Inda-European. that the present speakers of Inda-European languages
We have, for instance, i:;een English spread from a mil- are all descended, physically, from speakers of Primitive
lion or less speakers to many millions, some of whom lndo-European. To all questions in this direction it can
gave up another language for English, and, geographic- only be answered that anthropologists and ethnologists
ally, we have seen it spread from a part of England have found that language, culture, and physical descent
over almost all of the British Isles, most of North are not coordinate in history. It even bids fair to ap-
America, and Australia, not to speak of smaller colonies pear that physical descent and physical characteristics
of English-speaking people all over the world. In so far are not coordinate. In other words, while we have knowl-
as we insist upon Primitive Indo-European being a uni- edge of lndo-European languages, of a Primitive lndo-
European language, and, to ,ome extent, of the linguistic

272 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGES THE PROCESS OF DIFFERENTIATION 27S

history which produced the former out of the latter, we instead of the sibilants which such words as that for
know nothing about the people who spoke Primitive 'hundred' and the close resemblance of Baltic to Slavic
lndo-European, - nothing about their habitat, appea- would lead us to expect. Finally, investigation has shown
rance, descent, or descendants, and of their culture only that lndic, in spite of its close resemblance to Iranian,
so much as is involved in our knowledge of their speech. never had sibilants in most of the words in question.
Thus it appears that the line of cleavage between velar
As to the process of cleavage of Primitive lndo-Europe- development and sibilant development of the Primitive
an also we must draw no hasty conclusions. .There aTe lndo-European palatals does not coincide with the other
certain phenomena in which the historic 'western' lan- lines of dialectal differentiation, and would perhaps still
guages, namely, the Greek, Italic, Celtic, and Germanic, less do so, had we records of intermediate dialects that
are apparently opposed to the 'eastern', Balto-Slavic, have been lost.
lndo-lranian, Armenian, and Albanese. We find certain
velar sounds in the former corresponding to sibilants in 5. The process of differentiation. The uniformity
the latter, - in Primitive Indo-European they were prob-
ably palatals; - thus the word for 'hundred' is in An- of linguistic habit in a community is maintained by the
cient Greek he-katon, in Latin centum, Old Irish cet, Gothic common expressive predisposition of the speakers, due
hund (English hund-red; for the h- see Grimm's law, to their having heard since infancy approximately the
p. 208), but in Lithuanian szimtas (ss is [J]), Avestan same set of words, forms, and constructions. In so far as
this predisposition, ,owing to the necessarily divergent
s(an old Iranian language) sattJm, Sanskrit atam. It was experience of individuals, varies from speaker to speaker,
we find individual peculiarities of speech; in so far as it
supposed, accordingly, that this divergence represented varies for families, social strata, occupations, and the like,
the oldest dialectal cleavage of Primitive lndo-European we find the stratification of language mentioned at the
into an eastern and a western dialect; the eastern lan- beginning of this chapter. The conr.urrence of the mem..
guages were called the 's-' or 'sattJm' group, the western hers of a community is known as usage. Usage, we know,
the 'k-' or 'centum' group. More careful observation, is constantly changing: sound-changes, analogic changes
however, makes it probable that the cleavage into 'centurn' and semantic development never cease; and the changes
and 'sawm' languages was not a dialectal cleavage of ofusage are never the same in any two separated communi-
Primitive lndo-European, but that the languages have ties. The differentiation of a uniform speech into dialects
separately arrived at the historic forms. Aside from the and into separate languages takes place wherever there
peculiar position of Albanese between the Greek and is any interruption, absolute or relative, of communication.
Italic 'centum' languages, there have recently been dis- Where geographic or social barriers have lessened commu-
covered in Central Asia (East Turkestan) manuscripts in nication we find the usage of the separated communities
an lndo-European language (to which has been given the diverging more and more, until at first well-defined dia-
name Tocharic) which has velar, not sibilant sounds in lects and then mutually unintelligible languages are found
the corresponding words, (e. g. kant 'hundred'). Lithu- to exist. This process of divergence is outweighed, as we
anian, further, contains a number of words with vP.lars
Bloomfield, Study of Language

T
I

274 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGE DEDUCTION FROM RELATED FORMS 275

have seen, by the constant replacement of uniformity due set up is a. formula in the sense that other words also
to warlike, economic, or cultural domination of single
communities. show the same correspondences of sound. It means, there-

6. Deduction ofinternal history from related forms. fore, that the word <father' in the West Germanic speech-

The case is frequent that we find historically a set of re- group is composed of the sounds indicated, to wit: (1) that
lated dialects or languages but lack records of the uni-
form speech from which we must suppose that they have which everywhere appears as f, (2) that which appears
L>ecome differentiated. If we had no records, for instance,
of Latin, we should speak of it as tPrimitive Romance', in English and Frisian as e and in the other dialects as
that is, as the uniform parent-speech of the Romance lan- a, - symbolized by a in our formula, (3) that which
guages. The divergences of usage which differentiate these appears as d in all but the south German dialects, where
languages would have to be reconciled in this <primitive'
language. If we found, for instance, the word for <father' it is t, - symbolized by d, (4) that which appears every-
in French pere [pEi: r], in Spanish and in Italian padre, we
might be doubtful as to what was the form in the common where as an unaccented e, (5) that which appears every-
parent-speech, from which these forms by divergent phonet-
ic and analogic changes had become differentiated. We where in our group as r. Thus, to illustrate sound (3), we
might perhaps set up a <Primitive Romance' *padre or set up a Primitive West Germanic *daudo for the Old
*pedre. The Latin forms, accusative patre(m) and ablative English dead (modern dead), the Old Frisian dad, the Old
Low (i. e. North) German dod, and the Old High (i.e.
patre show us that the t became d and was in French South) German tot. Here the symbol d recurs; the au is

finally dropped, and that this language also changed the a similar token for Old English ea, Old Frisian a, north
German o, and south German obefore dentals or h (other-
e;old a to furthermore, we find similar developments in
wise south German au); the final -o is due to considera-
many parallel forms.
Where the older uniform language is not accessible, tions which we may here overlook. Our Primitive West

our reconstructions are, correspornlingly, most uncertain. Germanic forms, then, are mere formulae until they find
Nevertheless, they have a great value as formulae. The
some kind of corroboration. If they find this, it will appear
word <father' is in Old English ff£cler (for the d seep. 59, f.);
that in the Primitive West Germanic speech-community
in the oldest Frisian (eleventh century) we find feder;
the north German dialects show the oldest form (ninth d was spoken and that in the pre-South German develop-
century) fader; the south German (ninth century) fater.
As the common prehistoric form f'rom which these were ment there was a change from this d to t. Or, if further
differentiated we set up a <Primitive West Germanic' *fader,
supposing the English and Frisian to have changed a to facts were to appear showing that our Primitive West

e and the South German d to t. The starred form thus Germanic form was, in absolute phonetic .value, wrong,
1
then a Primitive We8t Germanic t, changing in all the

dialects but South German to d, would be indicated.

The existence of North Germanic (Scandianavian) and

East Germanic (Gothic) forms gives us the possibility of

testing our West Germanic results. The Old Icelandic and,

it is supposed, also the Primitive North Germanic form
of our word <father' is faoer, the Gothic fadar (with the

o,d pronounced as certain internal conditions in Gothic.

1
I

I
I

276 EXTERNAL CH.ANGE OF LANGUAGES DEDUCTION FROM REL.A.TED FORMS 277

conclusively show). These forms indicate that our Primi- correspondence reappears in other words, such as that
tive West Germanic *fader was in all probability (not for 'cattle', where we set up, - on the basis of Gothic
with absolute certainty!) correct as to the a and the d: faihu (pronounced fehu), Old Icelandic fe, Old English
the latter because the voiced d is nearer to the tJ of the feo (modern fee; for the change of meaning see p. 244),
other languages than the alternative oft. The comparison
of the three Germanic branches is symbolized in the for- Old Low German fehu, and Old High German film, - a
mula of a Primitive Germanic *fauer, - with accent on
the first syllable, as in all the historic dialects. This form, Primitive Germanic *fehu, which stands beside Latin pecu,
if literally correct, indicates a change of tJ to d in pre- Sanskrit pasu (with sibilant, cf. p. 272), Lithuanian pekus
West Germanic and a change of ein the unaccented syllable (with velar stop, cf. p. 272,f.). Hence, be it with literal value,
(as other words show, only before r) to a in pre-East or, what is less probable but also possible, with only
Germanic. If wrong, our formula would still express the symbolic value, we set up the first sound of our Primitive

a,general correspondence of d to of -er to -ar in these Indo-European word asp-.
To return to the word rfather', the a of the different
languages.
Our Primitive Germanic form is again tested by the languages, as opposed to the i of Sanskrit and Avestan
would appear as the more probable earlier form. We find,
Primitive lndo-European correspondences. We find the however, that in other cases an a of the other languages
word 'father' to be in Sanskrit pi'.ta (accusative pitaram), is found also in Sanskrit and Avestan, as in Old Icelandic
in Avestan pita (accusative pitaram), in Ancient Greek aka tto ride, drive', Primitive Germanic *akecJi 'he drives',
pat-Jr, in Latin pater, in Old Irish athair, and in Armenian Old Irish (ad-)aig, Latin agit, Ancient Greek agei, Arme-
hair. nian atsem rl lead, bring', corresponding to Sanskrit ajati
'he leads', Avestan azaiti. Consequently we suppose that
The correspondence of initial p of other languages· in Primitive Indo-European had two vowels, represented in
most languages, owing to sound-change, by a, but distinct
this and other words to Germanic f makes it extremely in Indo-Iranian as a and i. This supposition is by no
means certain and has been disputed; it receives corrobora-
probable (but not certain!) that p was the older sound, tion, however, from certain conditions of vowel-variation
changed in the pre-Germanic development to f; for a in the different languages. The Primitive Indo-European
vowel which preceded the i of Indo-Iranian and the a
change of an older f top independently in Sanskrit, Greek, of the other languages we represent by the symbol a.

Latin, and the other languages (which in other than ini- The third sound of our word has caused much trouble.
tial position also in part show p) would be a very im- After Grimm's law (see p. 208), by which the old p- of
probable coincidence; - as would also the origin of all
these sounds from some sound not represented in any of our word, for instance, became Germanic f-, had been
the historic languages, e. g. an m. Nevertheless, should
we in spite of this be wrong, the p in our Primitive Indo- established, it was expected that the t of the other lan-
European formula would still be a convenient symbol for
the general correspondence of Germanic f, Sanskrit, Greek, o, -guages should correspond to a Germanic p1), not a
and Latin p (Irish initial lost, Armenian initial h). This
1) I> is the Germanic sign for [0].

i
[

278 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGES DEDTJCTION FR01I: RELATED FORMS 279

as, for example, in the word 'brother': Sanskrit bhrdta orates our supposition that the vowel in Primitive Ger-
(accusative bhrdtaram), Avestan brata (accusative bratarrJm),
Ancient Greek phrdter Cfraternity brother'), Latin (rater manic was e, not the Gothic a. The long quantity of the
Old Irish brathir, Old Bulgarian bratu, bratru, Lithuanian
broterelis (with diminutive suffix), and Primitive Germanic vowel in Sanskrit and Greek in our word also appears
*brojer (seen in Gothic bro/Jar, Old Icelandic .brooer, Old original from a number of comparisons.
English bro] or, Old Frisian brother, Old Low German brother,
Old High German bruoder). This difficulty was at last As to the final r, various considerations have led to
solved by Verner (p. 216): after the Primitive Indo-Euro-
pean unvoiced stops (e. g. t) had in pre-Germanic become the conclusion that in Primitive ludo-European there was
spirants (p) these spirants became voiced, if they followed an automatic sound-variation by which the r was kept
an unaccented vowel (as in the Primitive Indo-European before certain following sounds, especially vowels, and lost
word for 'father', where the Sanskrit and Greek accent before others. In the different languages one or the other
shows the second syllable to have been stressed). It was of the resulting forms was analogically generalized.
not till after this spirant-voicing that the accent in pre-
Germanic was thrown universally on the first syllable; Hence we get, all in all, the formula of a Primitive
Indo-European *pati or *patir. In part the absolute phonet-
whence the Primitive Germanic *faoer. ic value of this formula may be doubtful, but it serves
none the less well as a brief symbol for the various corre-
The next sound again causes difficulty. Sanskrit and spondences between the lndo-European languages: corre-
Avestan show an a, the other languages an e, and for a spondences which could not be otherwise succinctly ex-
long time it was believed that the former was the Primi- pressed. The correspondences so symbolized,. moreover,
tive Indo-European sound. It was discovered, however, aid us in shaping our Primitive Germanic formula: thus

that the Indo-Iranian languages also once had an e. This they assure us of an e rather than an a in the second
syllable of this word. In the word for ~dead' the Gemanic
appears in the fact that velar sounds are palatalized (p. 214)
in these languages before those de to which e corresponds forms alone would lead us to set up a formula of one
in the other languages. For instance, the Primitive Indo- syllable; it is the lndo-European relationship of the word
which shows us that in Primitive Germanic and in Primi-
European enclitic word for fand' *q1"'e, appearing in Latin tive West Germanic it must have had two syllables (cf.
as que, in Ancient Greek as te (from Primitive Greek *qi'te), the formula above, p. 275). Beginning with the Primitive.
in Gothic as -h (from Primitive Germanic *hwe), is in lndo-European formula, then, with its rather relative value,
the history of the word <father' can be traced, with more
ca.Sanskrit ca and in Avestan Thus thee of the European and more certainty as we go on, to the present time; and
the same is true of all the lexical, phonetic, morphologic,
languages is· in such cases assured as the more original, and syntactic features of the language.
Primitive ludo-European sound, which in pre-Indo-Iranian
first palatalized a preceding velar aud then changed to a, The method of thus tracing the history of languages
coinciding there with the Primitive Indo-European a. wherever a number of related languages are given, is known
This probability of a Primitive Indo-European e corrob- as the comparative method. The vista which it opens to
us for English presents the development from a primitive

r
!

280 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LA~GUAGES INTERACTION OF DIALECTS AND LANGUAGES 281

orto the modern state. For, by any criteria we have such to words and forms which have come into one dialect
from another dialect. Such words and forms, however,
things, fPrimitive' Indo-European was really a language are very common. ·wherever there is communication be-
of decidedly primitive aspect. It had three genders, three tween different speech-groups, one or both come to use
numbers, and eight cases of nouns, adjectives, and pro- words heard in the language of the other, - words, usu-
nouns, and several voices, modes, manners, and tenses of ally, which have been associated with the appearance of
verbs, each in three persons and three numbers, according some hitherto unknown object or idea introduced by the
to the person and number of the actor. All these were foreign people: as when we speak of chiffons and ruches
inflected with great complication and irregularity, by means by their French names, or of Sprachgefuhl, Ablaut, Um-
of suffixes and intricate sound-variation, especially of vow- laut, Zeitgeist, Wanderlust, Pretzels by their German. If
els, together with some infixation and prefixation, in- the two speech-groups that are in contact are mutually
cluding highly irregular reduplicatBd forms. The deriva- intelligible dialects, the borrowing may be quite general;
tion, also, was complex, different suffixes, as also in in- if they are unintelligible, the mediators are those who,
flection, demanding shifts of accent and sound-variation more or less perfectly, have learned the foreign speech.
in the kernel oft.he word. Composition was frequent and
was accompanied by changes of form in the members of The disturbance of usual phonetic conditions appears
the compound as opposed to their independent form as in such a word as street, High German Stra/3e, which,
simple words. The syntax identified, as today, actor and normally, would point to a Primitive West Germanic
subject, but in the predication of a quality the abstract *str7etu. This should then correspond, by Grimm's law,
verb could be omitted, as in Latin (p. 111). As the verb to a Latin word with d for the second t (the first, stand-
included pronominal mention of the actor, cross-reference ing after spirant, is unaffected); but the Latin word we
as well as government related actor to action. The cases find is strata (via) 'paved road'. The explanation is, of
of nouns were used in government, - that is, the differ- course, that the West Germanic people received the word
ent case-forms expressed relations in which the noun stood and the knowledge of paved roads from the Romans, -
to the verb or to other nouns. The adjective varied in at a time, needless to say, long after the sound-change
. congruence with the noun which it modified. The develop- known as Grimm's law had ceased to act.
ment from that time to this can be traced with increasing
certainty as one approaches the testimony of narrower Language-mixture, where the historical conditions are
and narrower ranges of comparison. known, often determines the absolute date of a change,
which the comparative method alone can, naturally, never
7. Interaction of dialects and languages. The re- fix. Thus the German Straf3e shows that the change of
sults of the comparative method do not extend to a set
of phenomena which, accordingly, must be set aside wher- postvocalic t to a sibilant in High German (cf. p. 208)
ever this method is used. As the comparative method is
based upon the unity of sound-change with regard to occurred after the Romans had made their appearance in
different words within any dialect, it cannot be applied Germanic territory.

As loan-words are usually of cultural significance, the
study of etymology (p. 244) receives from them an addeu

\I

h 282 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGE INrERACTION OF DIALECTS AND LANGUAGES 283

interest. The well-known contrast between the Old Eng- When the foreign word is taken bodily into the lan-
lish ('Anglo-Saxon') stock and the French-Latin borrow- guage, it is subjected to assimilative influences. Its sounds
ings of English need hardly be mentioned; though many are replaced by those. of the borrowing speech, and its
ot' the French words are today as common as those of structure is often assimilated to that of the native words.
older currency in the language, e. g. beef, change, place, This may not happen while the word is still used by
chair, table, their adoption by the English can always be those who know the foreign language· and know that the
reduced to a cultural cause. Similarly, if to a smaller ex- word is foreign; as soon as it becomes genuinely popu-
tent, we have words from every nation with which speakers lar, - that is, part of the universal usage, - it is sure
of English have come into contact; from American Indian to be assimilated. Most examples of sudden sound-change
languages, for instance, the vegetable squash, succotash, (p. 216) really belong here. Latin peregrinus 'pilgrim'
tobacco, not to speak of totem, papoose, squaw, wampum, became pelegrinus and pilgrim in the mouths of people
wigwam, tomahawk, pow-wow, which are still felt as foreign; whose native language was not Latin. The Latin acetum
Many other loan-words have come to us through a series 'vinegar' became *atiko in the mouth of Germans, whose
of languages, as banana, hammock (originally from Carib-
bean languages, through Spanish or Portuguese), candy, language had at that time no closed e, but, as the nearest
sugar, pepper, ginger, cinnamon (originally from oriental
languages, whence they came through Arabic, Hebrew, sound, only i, and no suffix -ito but a common one -iko.
Hence the modern High German form Essig (?E.sik] or
Greek, Latin, etc.). (?s.si<;]. This form shows us, moreover, that the German
Culturally significant words are not only thus bodily change of a to e before i ('umlaut', see p. 215) and oft
after vowel to s (cf. Straf3e above and p. 208) and of k
taken over, but are often imitated. Thus the Latin word after vowel to [x, <;] (the form with-kin modern German
conscientia 'conscience', a compound of con- rwith' and is analogic) occurred since the first contact with the Ro-
scientia tknowledge', was imitated in the Germanic lan- mans.
guages; thus German says Ge-wissen, Swedish sa1n-vete,
Danish and Norwegian sam-vittig-hed; English has direct- So the Old French sillabe has become in English syl-
ly taken the Latin word in French form. The same is lable in approximation to our suffix -able. Hammock was
true of, such Latin words as con-cipere 'to conceive', from introduced into English from the Spanish kamaca, itself
capere 'to grasp', German be-greifen; Latin ob-jcctum 'ob- a no doubt assimilated form of a Carib word. In Eng-
ject', literally 'thing thrown before one', older German lish it was little changed, because it happened to resemble
Vor-wurf, and so on. The Slavic languages similarly imi- the native words in -ock, such as hassock, hummock. In
tate abstract words from German, Latin, and Greek; thus German, however, where it resembled nothing in the na-
Russian ['so· v'is't'] 'conscience', [pan'i 'ma ·t'] 'conceive, tive stock, it was assimilated into the form of a compound
understand' are modelled on the German compounds, Hangematte fhang-mat'. Such complete change of an ob-
[pr'id 'm's.tJ 'object', also, is literally tthing thrown be- scure word into a semantically organized form is called
'popular etymology• It changed in German the Graeco-
fore one'. Latin arcuballista 'cross-bow' into .Armbrust, literally

284 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGES INTERACTION OF DIALECTS AND LA:.\fGUAGES 285

farm-breast', in English the Graeco-Latin asparagus into words with b, d, g after short vowel, except those like
sparrow-grass (asparagus being meanwhile constantly re- Krabbe fcrab', Dogge rmastiff', which are loans from Low
stored by those who know Latin). Old French crevice (it- German. Phonetic investigation has shown that certain
self a loan-word from Germanic) has become crayfish and Latin words, such as lupus fwolr, bos rhead of cattle',
crawfish. popina fcook-shop' are borrowings from neighboring dia-
lects, such as, perhaps, the Sabine.
When words pass from one dialect to another, mutual
intelligibility modifies the assimilating process, in the It is 3 phenomenon of dialect-mixture when we find in
sense that the phonetic differences are often correctly English a number of the commonest words bearing un-
compensated. Thus we should naturally and unconsciously mistakable North Germanic character. The northern an<l
put into the equivalent American sounds a new word we central English dialects of Alfredian times and the Scandi-
heard from a Londoner. Nor need the words so borrowed navian speech of the Norse invaders of that period were
necessarily be of cultural significance. Dialect-mixtures not only mutually intelligible, but so much alike as to
are as a rule recognizable only if some phonetic inconsist- seem only different forms of one langunge. When the in-
ency is retained. Thus in the speech of the northern vaders settled by the side of the English, each dialect
central part of the United States the vowel of such words came to be interspersed with words of the other. Ultima-
as bath, glass, laugh, path is [re], but many speakers who tely the English, spoken by greater num hers and also in
have grown up in this pronunciation will, when on their the south, where there were no Scandinavians, carried
dignity, use the British [a], - often inconsistently. In off the victory but retained, for ever after, a number of
this way arise thyper' forms, where the affectation of a words in Scandinavian form. Such words are egg, give,
foreign pronunciation is carried beyond its scope in the guest, kettle, oar, they, skirt, sky. The word egg, for instance,
imitated dialect itself; as when one speaks also [man],
where the English pronunciation itself has [re]. The same is the Scandinavian correspondent of the German Ei,
phenomenon appears in German: speakers whose dialect Primitive Germanic *ajjon; North Germanic, but not West
has [i] for Standard German [y] will affectedly substitute Germanic changed jj to gg. Give and guest would have
[yJ's for their natural [i]'s even where the standard lan · been palatalized in pre-English, like yield (p. 214); kettle
guage has [i], saying [ty:r] not only for Tur rdoor' but similarly, like child. The case of skirt is especially inter-
also for Tier ranimal', Standard German [ti:r]. esting. In Old English sk had become sh [f], and the cog-
nate of Norse skirt was in English shirt. People were led,
Where words are permanently borrowed from one dia- as a result of such doublets, - scrub and shrub, skirt and
lect by another, they may betray themselves, like loan- shirt, and the like, - where sh was spoken, to speak sk
words from foreign languages, by their phonetic habit. also: consequently sk occurs by the side of sh in many
London English, for instance, has no native words with words that were not Scandinavian at all, - as in scatter
by the side of shatter. Since that time words with sk have
initial v-; such as are not Latin-French are borrowings
been multiplied, until those actually brought in by the
from a dialect south of the Thames, which regularly has Scandinavians are in the minority.
initial v- for(-, e. g. vat, vixen. High German has no

286 EXTERNAL CHAKGE OF LANGUAGES IKTEHACTlON OF DIALECTS AND LANGUAGES 287

The transition from dialect-mixture to the unevenness to my ~redit'). This turn of speech has been preser-
ved as an expression of perfectic action, and, as its ori-
of individual speech is, of course, a gradual one. It may ginal meaning lost dominance, has been extended to
such forms as I have slept, I have lost a book, where it
be illustrated by several intermediate phenomena. Forms could not at first have been used. This mixture of lin-
from slower and from more rapid speech exist side by guistic strata is thus a factor in the regular linguistic
side, e. g. cannot: can't, does not: doesn't. The same is development.
true of morph.ologic doublets: a speaker who ordinarily
says If he u:ere here, he would help us may, after speaking Where alphabetic writing exists, older phonetic stages
with members of less conservative strata, occasionally say may be preserved and borrowed by later times. This has
occurred most universally in the Romance languages,
If he was here. ... spoken in communities extensively familiar with written
records of the older stage of their language, Latin. Thus
Another such phenomenon is the mixture of older with the Latin causa rcause, affair' has bec.omc the French
younger forms of speech. In most instances the older chose 'affair, thing', but is preserved through writing in
form has been preserved in some set phrase, subject to the French cause 'cause, lawsuit'; the Latin seciiritatem
phonetic change, of course, but growing lexically or morpho- (accusative of securitas) 'security' has become s11rete rsa-
logically antiquated. Thus the Old English sam-blind fety, security' (whence the English loan surety), but has
rhalf-blind' remained in use after the prefix sam- 'half' had written existence, whence the French took securite
had ceased to be mobile or even to occur in any words 'assurance, unconcernedness' and the English, through
but this; the word consequently, became assimilated into the French, security. The Latin separare became French
sand-blind and associated with a meaning 'totally blind' sevrer 'to wean, deprive' (from the French English borrow-
Another striking ·instance is the German expression mit ed sever), but was preserved in writing and borrowed
Kind und Kegel in the sense of 'bag and baggage', which as French sepnrer and English separate. These examples
today means, word for word, 'with child and ninepin'; could be multiplied in great numbers. They are not essen-
- Kegel is really here an otherwise lost word meaning tially different from the 'spelling-pronunciations', in which
'bastard'. The English You had better go preserves an an archaic spelling leads to the revival of phonetically
otherwise lost use of had which troubles some speakers.
Ultimately, of course, the syntactic development which divergent ancient forms. Thus the old t of often, soften
crystallizes certain forms of discursively joined words
into the various set forms of materially specialized con- has been long lost by phonetic change, but the influence
structions (such as preposition plus noun in English) is of the orthography leads many speakers, some consciously,
a process of preserving in set use what was formerly a some unconsciously, to pronounce it. Indeed, there may
flexible manner of speech. Thus, to add an example to those arise in this way forms that were never spoken at all,
already given (pp. 114, ff., 171, ff.), our perfectic expression su~h as ye for the, due to misreading of the old character
with have originated in such sentences as I have written
a letter, which meant originally cl have a letter· written, p (for th), and author, where learned orthographic ped-
in written condition' (literally or in the sense of 'h:we
antry alone is resp msible for the h,'. which, howe,er,

288 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGES STANDARD LANGUAGES 289

long ago has led to the substitution of [0] for the old- dialect represents the less cultured community using, as
er [t]. well as may be, that of the more civilized neighbor. Gradu-
ally it comes that members of two dialects that are per-
There can be no doubt, in fact, that the existence of haps with difficulty intelligible to each other, will use, in
written tradition has, by constantly demanding the associa- speaking together, the same favored dialect, though it is
tion of fixed and conservative forms, impeded phonetic native to neither of them, until at last it may become a
change. If we had no alphabetic writing, or if only a few second language for formal and non-local discourse all
of us could read, such forms as [juni'v.1siti] would long over the area. Soon there will be speakers in many parts
of the country who can speak only the favored dialect, -
I such, for instance, as the upper classes of English, Ger-
man, or French society, who mrely can speak the tpatois'
ago have given way entirely to such as [jii'v.tsti] or even of their native locality, but know only the 'national' or
'standard' language. The latter may ultimately crowd out
I the local dialects; this happened in ancient Greece and
in the Roman Empire (where both related dialects and
to such assimilative reformations as ['v.isti] or ['va.1sti]. foreign languages gave way to Latin) and is rapidly happen-
I ing in modern England.

The written form thus tends to preserve the phonetic Meanwhile the favored dialect is used as the language
form of the language; though of course, it can do so only of literature and is learned by many out of books: the
to a comparatively small extent. Our conscious control individual writer has considerable power to influence it.
over the forms of writing is not yet extensive: the ob- Cicero, Dante, Chaucer, the translators of the King James
stacles which the various attempts at improving English Bible, Goethe, and other writers of great and enduring
spelling have met are an example; nevertheless, as these renown have permanently moulded their language: in
attempts themselves show, not to ~peak of the successful Shakspere we see the origin not only of many quotations,
governmental regulation of orthography in European coun- but also of some set forms of speech, which have come
tries, consciousness and systematic reasoning in this sphere to us by virtue of his having used them. As the lan-
are gaining ground. When the community will consciously guag.e of books, the standard language is subject to fixed
and deliberately shape its orthography a great step to- canons of correctness: what good authors do not use is
ward the conscious influencing of language will thus have wrong. This consideration, as well as the necessity of
been taken. It is possible, in fact, that, very gradually, teaching the standard speech to people who first learned
language, like religion, government, and other once purely a local dialect, leads to the compilation of grammatical
communal processes, is developing into a conscious activ- descriptions of the language and to lexical summaries,
ity. dictionaries. Thus we arrive finally at a conscious standard
of correctness, which modifies linguistic growth, especiaJly
8. Standard languages. How fast and ultimately how
far this development will progress it is, of course, impos- Bloomfield, Study of Language
sible to say. To it belong, however, a number of characteris-
tic features in the rise of the so-called standard languages.
These are favored dialects which, either in written form
alone or also in oral, are used all over a dialectally differen..
tiated territory. At first they are nsed for communication
between members of different dialects, the speaker whose

~

290 EXTERNAL CHANGE OF LANGUAGES STANDARD LANGUAGES 291

in checking the spread of the easily recognizable morpho- Thus it may fairly be said that language also, even if
logic innovations of the was for were type. New forms in smaller measure than any other social activity, bas
or words are usually recognized as such, - as dialectal,
vulgar, incorrect, etc. - and consequently associated with shared in the human progress from unconscious evolution
a peculiar emotional tone. If a good author uses theil.', into conscious shaping of conditions. In this phai:ie of
they may become part of the standard language, although linguistic development two features are of special impor-
they will long be felt as lacking in dignity. Such words tance: the conscious teaching of langunges, for the pur-
are in English slob, slobber, whang, thump, thwack, squunch, pose, of course, of establishing communicative bonds, and
piffle, and the like. Sometimes they gain ground rapidly; the conscious observation of language, linguistic science,
thus mob, the assimilatively shortened form of mobile vul-
gus was fifty years ago frowned upon as a barba1:ism.
Entirely unchangeable are of course the literary languages
which exist only in written form, such as Latin in the
Middle Ages, Sanskrit, Classical Arabic, Hebrew. Al-
though these may ~e occasionally spoken, the great pre-
ponderance of use is in careful writing according to the
rules of the grammar and lexicon and on the model of
classical authors.

The standard language may be the dialect of the capital
in conservative form, as in France, England, and Russia
(Moscow), or a mixed dialect as in ancient Greece, where
the Koine was composed of Athenian and Ionic (Asiatic
Greek) elements. It has happened in a number of cases,
now, that in the determination of the forms of such a
language, individuals have been of influence. Modern
Standard German, of complex origin, was, after all, brought
into shape more by the careful work of Luther in his
Bible-translation than by any other one factor. Modern
Servian was molded by Karadjic upon older forms of the
language, and the ~Landsmaal', one of the two competing
standard languages of Norway, is in great part the crea-
tion of a nineteenth-century linguistic student, Ivar Aasen,
who founded his work on the southwestern dialects of
his country..

T

CHARACTER OF THE INSTRUCTION 293

CHAPTER IX in science and industry. One may say that today the
nation which contains no .large class of people who un-
THE TEACHING OF LANGUAGES. derstand foreign languages dwells in pitiable seclusion.

1. The purpose of foreign-language instruction. Finally, as the idea of humanity takes form, there
comes the wish not only to be acquainted with the char-
In communities whose culture is undeveloped no lan- acter and history of one's own nation, but also, in part
guages are taught. The beginning of language-instruction as an elucidation of these, to understand the motives,
comes always when ancient writings of artistic or, especi- achievements, and idea]s of the sister-~ommunities. At
ally, ethical and religious importance are to be handed this stage, which the European nations more fully than
on to suceeding generations. Thus the Hindus study the America have reached, the school studies include not
Vedas and the Sanskrit epic and classical literature, the only instruction in foreign languages, hut also a suitable
Mohammedans classical Arabic and the Koran, the Parsis introduction to the life, culture, and ideals of the foreign
Avestan, the Jews Hebrew, the Chinese the old literature nations.
of their country. In Europe the ancient Greeks of histor-
ical time studied Homer, whose language was even for 2. Character of the instruction. It is only in the
them highly antiquated, the Romans Greek, the medieval
and modern nations Ancient Greek and Latin. last twenty-five years and in the European countries that
success in modern-language teaching has ever been at-
To these studies are added, as the consciousness of tained. Of ancient languages this cannot be said: it is
nations increases, the languages of important fellow-na- true, however, that where here also success has been
tions. This is a deliberate widening of the bonds of com- won, it has been by the same general methods as are
munication (p. 291): it is desired that a large element of today used for modern-language instruction in Europe:
the nation understand the writing and speech of foreign by a conscious or unconscious accordance with the fun-
contemporaries. Just as the stu<ly of ancient languages damental processes of language-learning and, for that
is to preserve the cultural tradition, so that of modern matter, of speech in general. Where, as in our own
is to keep the community abreast of modern progress. practice, this accordance is wanting, failure is inevitable.
The latter study is prompted also by material motives, Of the students who take up the study of foreign lan-
such as the need of foreign languages in commerce and guages in our schools and colleges, not one in a hundred
the desirability of promptly utilizing foreign inventions attains even a fair reading knowledge, and not one i~ a
thousand ever learns to carry on a conversation in the
foreign language. This is due to the fact that almost
every feature of our instruction runs counter to the uni-
versal conditions under which language exists. While a
growing num her of our teachers have acquainted them-
selves with the modern methods, their efforts are largely
checked by the antiquated outer circumstances, such as

l

294 THE TEACHING OF LANGUAGES AGE OF THE PUPIL 295

the late age at which pupils begin the study and the of study, moreover, it is worthless, for it establishes as-
small number of class hours, coupled with the reliance sociations in which the foreign words play but a small
on home assignments, which are of little use in language- part as symbols (inexact symbols, of course) of English
words.
instruction.
Our fundamental mistake has been to regard language- The excuse usually given for this practice is that
American conditions make only a rreading knowledge' of
teaching as the imparting of a set of facts·. The facts the foreign language, - especially, if ancient, - of im-
of a language, however, are, as we have seen, exceedingly portance, - that it is not our purpose to enable pupils
complex. To explain to the student the morphology to order a meal in the foreign language. Rea<ling, how-
and syntax of a language, be it his own or a foreign one, ever, is no different from the other phases of using a
would require a long time, and, - even if it were done language: the expressions of the language are not the
correctly by linguistically trained teachers, - would be given members of mathematical equations or puzzles,
of little or no value. To set forth the lexical facts would but must enter into a set of rapidly and easily function-
be an endless task, for not only does each word of the ing associative habits. Correct methods of language-
foreign language differ in content from any word of the teaching differ from those which we are at present un-
native language, but this content itself is very difficult successfully using not in aim, - any aim can here be
of definition. The greatest objection of all, however, is attained by good as surely as it missed by bad teaching,
that, even if the pupil managed somehow to remember - but in adaptation to the mental conditions underlying
this immense mass of facts, he would scarcely be the the activities of speech. In what follows I shall natu-
more able, what with it all, to understand the foreign rally speak of American conditions and ·assume that the
language in its written or spoken phase. Minutes or ability to read rather than to speak is aimed at: needless
hours would often elapse before he could labor out the to say that even here the desired associations cannot be
value of a sentence by recalling the facts concerned. formed without much oral and auditory practice. I be-
Language is not a process of logical reference to a con- lieve, moreover, that American conditions are coming to
scious set of rules; the process of understanding, speak- make a 'speaking knowledge' more and more desirable
ing, and writing is everywhere an associative one. Real and that the time is not far off when here as well as
language-teaching consists, therefore, of building up in abroad the ability to converse in one or two foreign
the pupil those associative habits which constitute the languages will be looked upon as one of the ordinary
language to be learned. Instead of this we try to ex- marks of education.
pound to students the structure and vocabulary of the
foreign language and, on the basis of this, let them 3. Age of the pupil. The best age at which to begin
translate foreign texts into English. Such translation is a foreign language is that between the tenth and twelfth
a performance of which only people equipped with a years. If the study is begun earlier, the progress is usual-
complete knowledge of both languages and with consid.. ly so slow that nothing is gained, the pupil who begins
erable literary ability are ever capable. As a method later soon overtaki ~g him who began younger. If the

,,
r

296 THE TEACHING OF LANGUAGES EQUIP.MENT OF THE TEACHER 297

study is begun at the age indicated, further languages the student finds no difficulty in going on to other lan-
may be taken up at intervals of a few years; as the guages even when he is more mature, for he knows from
student accumulates experience, the later languages will experience the necessity of the processes involved and
be learned more rapidly and with less effort than the the fruits which they so soon bear.
earlier, until a facility may be acquired which astonishes
those who have had less practice. It is worth while to 4-. Equipment of the teacher. As to the prepara-
say this, because there exists a superstition ·to the effect tion of the teacher, a prime requisite is, of course, mastery
that languages are acquired by some special power of of the language to be taug11t, - in modern languages
the intellect which wanes in maturity.1) If the first for- a knowledge comparable to that of an educated native
eign language is begun later than the twelfth year or
so, - and here we see, perhaps, the source of the bit eaker and in ancient a fluent reading ability and some
of popular psychologizing just mentioned, - we find a f a ~ i n g . Thi:, is so obvious that it needs no
growing disinclination on the part of the pupil to go elaboration, yet we constantly find in our schools and
through the condant practice by which alone success is colleges teachers whose knowledge falls far short of this
attainable. Older students who have never before studied demand. Such teachers are from the beginning incapable
a language are too exclusively practised in conscious, of successful instruction, for, though they may vocifer-
logical grouping of facts to accept the repetition of what ously explain (in English) the abstract grammatical facts
is already understood but not yet assimilated; when they of the foreign language, they cannot give the pupil
have grasped the cmeaning' of a text in terms of the na- practice which will form and strer1gthen in him the asso-
tive language, they are disinclined to go on using the ciative habits which constitute the language. If the services
text with attention to the foreign expression. The nec- of a teacher approximately possessing these qualifications
essary simplicity as to content of the elementary texts cannot be obtained, the instruction should be given up,
also bores them. At the age of ten or twelve, on the as it is only a waste of time.
other hand, the pupil is attracted by the novelty of what
he learns, enjoys the growing power .of expression and The same may be said, though not so univenially, of
understandi11g in a new medium, and the playing at being teachers possessing this but lacking another qualification;
something strange (e. g. an ancient Roman, a German, namely, the knowledge and experience of how a lan-
or a Frenchman), nor is he intellectually too superior to guage must be taught. Next in uselessness to a teacher
the simple content of the earlier lessons. Once the habit who does not know the language is the teacher who, to
of foreign-language-study has been at this age set up, be sure, does know, it, - he may be a native speaker
of it, - but has not the linguistic and pedagogic knowl-
1) It actually happens that students in our universities a.re
excused from language requir1;ments on the plea that they are edge of how to impart it. In English, - and, if he is
ftoo old' to learn languages.
a foreigner, often in broken English, - he indulges in
descriptions of the beauty, conformity to logic, etc. of
the language, and when the pupils, on the strength of
this, fail to learn anything, he attributes the failure to
their sloth, stupidity, or narrow-minded dislike of what

II

!

298 THE TEACHING OF LANGUAGES DRILL IN PROXUNCIATION 299

is foreign. Ultimately such teachers become either in- who have no training and no ambition in this direction,
different easy-goers or irascible cranks. but find their interest and seek their advancement in
linguistic or literary teaching and research. Their in-
School language-teaching has been successful only struction is directed, with ulterior evil effect on that
where thorough knowledge of the foreign language and of the secondary schools also, by men who have come
training in the necessary linguistic and pedagogical prin- to the front in some special branch of linguistics or in
ciples, supplemented by experience in practice-classes literature and have often no understanding of the prob-
under supervision, are demanded of all can'<lidates for lems and conditions of foreign-language teaching. As
teaching positions. Even then centralized control, for long as this work is inappropriately left to ·colleges,
instance by a government bureau, bas been found desir- these institutions should give employment and promotion
able, as every one will understand who has heard at our to teachers who make it their business, and allow liter-
teachers' meetings the grotesque tmethods' which un- ary and linguistic scholars to stick to their last, for they
controlled and isolated teachers, innocent of the most are no m9re capable of this work than are grammar-
fundamental principles of the subject or of any accepted school and high-school teachers of conducting graduate
writings about it, have developed during winters of seminars.
teaching. While all instruction, to be worth anything,
must be moulded by the teacher's personality, his whim, 5. Drill in pronunciation. Instruction in a foreign
conceit, or lack of information must not be allowed to 1nnguage must be~in by training the pupil to articu-
ignore the results of generations of labor and experience. late the foreign sounds correctly and without difficul-
ty or hesitation. We have seen in Chapter II that the
In short, the language-teacher must be a trained pro- teacher's ability to pronounce these sounds does not in-
fessional, not an amateur. The postponement of much volve ability to tell others how they ·are pronounced.
elementary language-teaching to our colleges brings, This information must be given in terms of movement
aside from the unfortunate age of the students, the great of the articulatory organs. The instruction must begin,
disadvantage that it practically excludes such teachers. therefore, with the elements of phonetics as applied to
In accord with the true purpose of college and university, the pupil's native language and, by contrast, to the for-
the instructors there employed are not pedagogues but eign one. Description alone is, of course, of no avail:
people who have found their calling in the handing on the pupils must be brought to practise the foreign arti-
of culture or in scientific teaching and research. The culations until they have become automatic. This prac-
professional language-teacher who occasionally finds his tice should be enlivened by the subject-matter, but it must
way into these institutions soon learns that he can ex- remain practice in articulation, an unidiomatic articulation
pect neither honor nor advancement for excellence in his being in no case allowed to pass muster. Overgrown
vocation: he must exchange it for more purely cultural pupils, especially if unused to accurate and painstaking
or scientific studies or be content ~itb a minor position. study, will content themselves with noting certain gener-
Nearly all of the elementary language-teaching in our al resemblanr.es to native sounds and interpreting the
colleges is done, accordingly, by doctors of philosophy

300 THE TEACHING OF LANGUAGES METHOD OF PRESEKTIXG SEMA~TIC MATERIAL 301

examples into the nearest corresponding native articula- ,·ont~nt of any word or sentence of the foreign language
tion. The phonetic drill must be based, in the case of is always different from any approximate correspondent
languages that are unphonetically written, such as French, in the native language. A pupil taught that the German
on a transcription into a phonetic alphabet. After pro- le.,cn means 'read' will say ich lesen. instead of ich lese.
nunciation has been mastered, the irregularities of the If he is taught that wenn means 'when', he will confuse
standard orthography will cause much less .difficulty it with als, and if he is taught that ob means 'if', he will
than if they were at the beginning presented in inextri- confuse it with wenn. Once such associations are formed,
cable confusion with the foreign pronunciation. - and their fictitious simplicity makes them compara-
tively easy to fix, - no amount of explanation or insist-
6. Method of presenting semantic material. As ence on the part of the teacher will overcome them.
time goes on, the pronunciation will require less and less The second reason for the avoidance of translation is that,
of conscious attention on the part of the learner. From in the association of the foreign wor<l with the native
the very beginning, however, the significance of the ex- one, the latter will al ways remain the dominant feature,
pressions that are practised should be made use of. The an<l the former will be forgotten. The learner will know
very first phonetic examples should be characteristic that he has met the foreign word for rpencil', but the
words and phrases. The signification of these cannot, sound and spelling of the foreign word will be very hazy
as we have seen in Chapter IV (p. 85, ff.) be taught in terms in his mind. Where continued translation has given
of the pupil's native language. This would involve either facility in these associations, the pupils scarcely look at
false statements or, if these were to be avoided, lengthy, the foreign text before the English word, right or wrong,
complicated, and easily forgotten explanantions. The becomes conscious. The result is that their foreign vo-
foreign utterance must, instead, be associated from the cabulary remains small; they are forced to look up in
very first, with its actual content. The beginning should the glossary over and over aiain the same common word,
be made, therefore, with expressions concretely intelli- and, whenever they look it up, their habit leads them to
gible: formulas of greeting, short sentences about objects fix only the native interpretation and to go on with the
in the classroom, and actions that can be performed text. Every teacher has known students who have read
while naming them. hundreds of pages in a foreign language and yet have
to look up dozens of the commonest words in any page
As the work goes on to connected narrative and de- of a new text - or even of the old, if they are asked to
scriptive texts, this method must be continued. The text~, re-read.
therefore, must at first be confined to very simple dis-
course about concretely illustrable matters. Pictures are Instead of translation the work with a text should
here of great use. Any new text must be explained in consist of repeated use of its contents in hearing, read-
terms of what has already been lear11ed, not in English. ing, speaking, and writing. The beginning is best made
Translation into the pupil's native language or other ex- before the pupil has even seen the text. The teacher
plicatory use of it must be avoided, for two reasons. The explains in the foreign language the new expressions
terms of the native language are misleading, because the

302 THE TEACHING m, LANGUAGES GRAMMATICAL INFORMATION 303

which are to occur and leads the pupils to use tbem in The texts need not be arranged in terror of introduc-
speech over and over again. Then the pupils are required, ing new grammatical features before they have been
first, to read the new selection correctly after the teacher, systematically - i.e. theoretically, - explained. Gram-
later, to answer, with the book, then without it, simple mar, as such, is not necessary for the use or understand-
questions about it, to converse about its subject-matter, ing of a language: the normal speaker or reader is not
and to retell it in speech and in writing. Tµe text conscious of the grammatical abstractions. In foreign-
should not be left until every phase of it has been thor- language teaching grammar is of u.;;;e only where it def-
oughly assimilated: no text should in the beginning be initely contributes to the ease of learning. When a new
used whose linguistic contents are not important and com- text appears the learner should be able to tell where he
mon enough to deserve such assimilation. has met the words and phrases it contains and others
like them. Now, when he meets, let us say, a new in-
The range of work that the pupil can do outside the flectional form of a known word, the differences in the
classroom is here very small. The danger that he will use of the two forms should be carefully illustrated and
practise false pronunciation or usage must make the practised. After a time, when a considerable number
teacher very cautious in the assignment of outside lessons. of such collocations has been made, - when a number
Copying the text and preparation of lists of words and of singulars and plurals, for instance, have been com-
sentences taken directly from it are least dangerous. As pared as to use and form, - the grammatical statement,
the work must thus be done almost entirely in the class- if simple enough to be of help, may be given. In fact,
room, eight hours a week of class-work are not too much it will be' unnecessary, for the pupil will with consider-
in the first year or two. able interest, have formulated it for himself. On the
other hand, the grammatical statement must often be
It is only after the pupil has mastered for speaking kept temporarily incomplete. The German dative casr,
and writing as well as reading a good central stock of for instance, is of so heterogeneous use that a statement
words, forms, and constructions, that more rapid reading of its value would take a long time and would be unin-
should be undertaken. Without a nucleus of expressive telligible to any but a linguistically trained learner. In-
material over which the pupil has full and accurate con- stead, we may collect our accumulated examples of datives,
trol, the necessary analogies even for that degree of observe the forms, and their occurrence after certain verbs
understanding which we call a reading- knowledge are and certain prepositions and iudependently in the sentence.
lacking. All this need not be done at once: the dative with prep-
ositions, especially, in its contrast with the accusative,
7. Grammatical information. The amount of text may, as the most definitely recognizable use, be collected
covered in the first year or two cannot be large. It is and observed long before the other types. In every in-
to be measured not by the page, but by the amount of stance the forms themselves in their natural connection
new material introduced. Beginners will do well, if they .,hould be practised to the point of thorough habituation
learn a thousand words in the first year of the first
foreign language. A hundred pages of carefully pre-
pared easy text will contain this amount of material.

304 THE TEACHING OF LANGUAGES REFERENCES 305

before the abstract statement is given. Consequently the The interpretation of what is read must always be
grammatical features of a new text are of secondary im- pedagogic rather than scientific in purpose. The aim of
portance, provided that it is easily explained and under- foreign-language instruction is to acquaint the pupil
stood. Grammar should be used only as a summary and with the foreign language, through it with the foreign
mnemonic aid for the retention of what has been al- culture, and generally, as in all other school studies,
ready learned. Where it cannot be so used, it should be to train him to a higher mentality, in every sense of
omitted. the word. The scientific study of the foreign-language
or literature is entirely inappropriate for a school for-
8. Texts. While the matter read should, of course, eign-language course. By postponing this course to the
high-school and college we have brought about confusion
be characteristic of the foreign nation's life and culture, of elementary foreign-language learning with the aims
the selections should not hasten to tell too much at the of scientific linguistics and scientific literary history.
cost of simplicity. Selections of literary value should not These studies belong to a later stage of education, in
be introduced before the pupil can understand them: if which, to be sure, both should be represented; but an
he cannot, their literary qualities are lost to him. The exposition of Grimm's law in the el~mentary German
transition from the mere learning of the foreign language classroom, or of the motives of romanticism in that of
to the study of its literature and culture must be gradual, second-year French is a deplorable farce.
especially in the case qf the first language studied. This
language, however, should by the end of the secondary- The texts, then, as the pupil grows familiar with the
school period, have become so familiar that the last years language and at the same time progresses towards matu-
are spent entirely in the study of works of ethical, ar- rity, should be selected more and more for their inner
tistic, and generally cultural interest.· In the languages content. From the simplest elementary selections we may
later begun the practice in acquiring languages will make proceed to easy short stories, then to more serious histor-
up for the shorter time of study. All reading, no matter ic, descriptive, and narrative prose and to drama and
of what nature, should be within the pupil's immediate poetry. Toward the end of the course summaries of the
range of understanding of the foreign language. The literary, cultural, and political history, - preparillg for
great bulk of the time must be taken up in fixing in the possible college courses in these subjects, - should be
pupil's mind the value of the foreign expressions, until read.
these, when seen or heard, are automatically understood.
It is only on the basis of such knowledge as this that 9. References. The English reader will find details
reading can go on at a rate which makes an ideal about the methods of language-teaching in the two follow-
effect upon the pupil possible. The premature reading, ing books and in the bibliographies which they con-
or rather pottering through foreign literature in our tain:
schools (e. g. Wilhelm Tell in the second year of ill-
taught German) is a mere working- out of senseless Otto Jespersen, How to Teach a Foreign Language,
puzzles. London and New York (Macmillan) 1904 and 1908.

Bloomfield, Study of Language

306 THE TEACHING OF LANGUAGES CHAPTER X.

Leopold Bahlsen, The Teaching of JJ!odern Languages, THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE.
Boston (Ginn) 1905.
1. '11he origin of linguistic science. L,inguistics (Ger-
The latter book contains a brief review of the history man Sprachwissenschaft, French linguistique) took its
of language-teaching in Europe, which shows plainly that
our language-teaching differs from that of the European beginning, historically, in the study of writings which
countries not as a mere difference in choice of methods were preserved for their religious or esthetic value. As
these texts antiquated, interpretation of their language
(e g. that they use the rdirect' and we some othet rmeth- became necessary and led finally to a grammatical codifi-
cation of their forms. In this way the study of philology
od'), but that most of our practice is half a. century German Philologie, French philologie), -that is, ofnation-
or so behind that of the European schools, which has al cultural tradition, - came to include a linguistic
kept better pace with scientific insight into language. discipline whose aim was the practical one of making
intelligible and preserving certain writings. Thus origina-
ted the treatises of the Indian grammarians (chief among
them Pa1}ini, fourth century B. C.), the Ancient Greek
grammar (especially Dionysios Thrax, second century B C.,
,and Apollonios Dyskolos, second century of our era), the
Latin grammars (Donatus, fourth century, Priscian, sixth
century), the Hebrew grammar, and so on.

The linguistic study at this stage was properly a means
to an end, a prodrorne to philology. Nevertheless, there
were always scholars, who, be it from a genuine but mis-
guided interest in language or from sheer pedantry, con-
fined themselves to this grammatical study. Thus there
developed a pseudo-linguistics, which occupied itself with
grammatical dissection of texts, with haphazard etymolo-

~·

308 TIIE STUDY OF LA:N"GUAGE THE ORIGIN OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE 309

gies, and with vague theorizir.g as to origins. 1) A further cal purposes; accordingly, the grammatical facts of these
impulse to this grammatical study was felt when the pop- were codified in imitation of Latin and Greek and became
ular language deviated from that of the texts to the the basis of instruction. This sentence-method, used in
point where the latter became unintelligible, or when the books of Ahn, Ollendorfl, and many successors, is
people of alien speech adopted the culture and with it still, in various modifications, supreme in American schools
the philologic studies of a more advanced nation. Both of
these conditions were given in medieval Europe, where In this way pseudo-linguistics, supported by a false
classical Latin had become unintelligible to the people of pedagogic idea, held the field until the nineteenth cen-
Romance tongue and was fo1·ei gn to the northern nations. tury. There had, to be sure, been attempts in the preced-
At first the teaching of Latin (and, when it was revived, ing centuries to attain a genuine understanding of lan·
that of Greek) was conducted on a sensible basis: the guage, but these were frustrated chiefly by the aprioristic,
language was spoken, written, and read until the student purely logical - unhistorical and unpsychologic - manner
had firm command of it and easy access to the classical of consideration and also, in spite of the comparison of
literature. Later, however, pedantry prevailed: in spite of Arabic, Hebrew, and the writers' own modern languages,
such great educators as (in the sixteenth century) Ascham by the confinement of the study to a narrow and acciden-
and (in the seventeenth century) Ratichius and Comenius, tal group of idioms. The work of such men as Schottelius,
theoretical grammar came more and more to be looked de Brosses, Fulda, and even, early in the nineteenth cen-
upon as a means of learning the ancient languages. This tury, Bernhar<li, remained, therefore, without direct re-
went so far that, for example, up to very recent times sults.
English schoolboys had to memorize the entire contents
of a Latin grammar before they were allowed any real It was the opening to Europe of India and the widen-
contact with the language. It was only a slight allevia- ing of cultural and scientific interests which we call the
tion of this barbarity when the rules of grammar were romantic movement, that led to a more fruitful study of
at least illustrated by disconnected sentences. This latter language.
method prevailed when, early in the nineteenth century,
modern languages came to be studied in Europe for practi- The romantic interest in things ancient and distant
made European thinkers ren.dy to receive the Indian cul-
1) Owing to this occupation the term tphilology' has come ture which such men as William Jones and Colebrooke
to be misused in English first as meaning linguistics and then brought from the East. This culture included, in the manner
even in reference to misplaced and piddling grammatical study. above described, grammatical treatises dealing with San-
The best usage, however, - that, for instance, of the greatest skrit, the sacred and literary language of India, - trea-
of English-speaking linguistic scholars, the American William tises in which European scholarship found a linguistic
Dwight Whitney, - does not sanction this; philology is the achievement beyond any it had known. For, while the
study of national cultural values, especially as preserved in the Sanskrit grammar had not attained to the idea of a science
writings of a. people, linguistics the study of ma.n's function of of langnage and served in India the same purpose of
language mis-instruction of the young that Latin grammar hail
fulfilled in Europe, its original task of preserving through

310 THE ~TUDY OF LANJUAGE THE ORIGIN OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE 811

millenia the norm of classical usage was satisfied by a involved in the origin of Indo-European study, and the
highly exact description of Sanskrit pronunciation and groups of modern languages soon received their individual
word-formation. The former of these, especially, was a treatment. This has been fullest in the Germanic and the
revelation to European students, who had never given Romance languages. Jacob Grimm (1785-1863) laid
attention to the articulations of speech. Medical investiga- the foundation of the former in his monumental Deutsche
tors, meanwhile, - owing, again, to the romantic impetus, Grammatik eGerman', - we should say tod.1y fGermanic'
- came to study the physiology of language, until we - Grammar), the first great scientific linguistic work of
find the two tendencies, represented, for example, by the the world, and perhaps even today the greatest. On Grimm's
physiologist Briicke and the linguist and philologian model C. F. Diez (1794-1876) founded the study of the
Scherer, culminating in the modern discipline of phonet- Romance languages in his Grammatik der rornanischen
ics. In respect to word-formation also, the transparency Sprachen. The scientific study of the Celtic group received its
of the Sanskrit language and the excellent treatment it basis in the Grammatica Celtica of J. K. Zeuss (1806-1856)
had received from the Hindu grammarians, afforded a and that of the Slavic languages in the Vergleichende Gram-
new insight into the development of linguistic forms. matik der slawischen Sprachen of Franz von Miklosich
Modern linguistics more than any other phase of our (1813-1891).
cultural life, is a heritage from India.
The new interest in linguistics did not, of course, con-
The romantic impulse led to a widening of the group fine itself to the Indo-European languages: it led also to
of languages studied, which, with the insight afforded by the study oflangnage in general. This study received its
Sanskrit, resulted in the recognition that a number of foundation at the hands of the Prussian statesman and
languages of Europe and Asia are related. This recogni- scholar Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835), especially
tion, made by William Jones and Friedrich Schlegel, was in the first volume of his work on Kavi, the literary lan-
shaped by Franz Bopp (1791-1867) into a scientific guage of Java, entitled Uber die Verschiedenheit des mensch-
investigation' which showed .definitively that these lan-
guages are divergent forms of an earlier uniform parent lichen Sprachbaues und ihren Einflu/3 auf die geistige Ent-
language. This investigation, brought into fuller and more u·ickelung des JJfenschengeschlerhts (' On the Variety of the
accurate form and subjected to more careful method by the Structure of Language and its Influence upon the Mental
work of such men as August Friedrich Pott (1802-1887) Development of the Human Race'). Humboldt's work has
and August Schleicher (1823-1868), has grown into the been followed in two directions. The study of the lan-
study of Indo-European linguistics, which to this day has guages of the world has resulted in a series of disciplines
remained the central and best-known field of linguistic parallel to Indo-European linguistics, each studying a set
science. of related idioms. The chief families today so recognized
are the Semitic, the Hamitic (these two are thought to
The progress of Indo-European linguistics gave new be in turn descended from a common earlier speech), the
interest to the study of Latin, Greek, Sanskrit, and the Uralic (Hungarian, Finnish, and other languages), the
modem European languages. The first three were directly Altaic (Turkish, Tartar, etc.; these two groups also are

312 THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE HOW TO STllDY LINGUISTlCS 313

thought by many to be related), the Cauca~inn (in tbe 2. Ifow to study linguistics. a) The student who
Caucasus; the most important language is Georgian), the
M:1layo-Polynesian, the Indo-Chinese (Tibetan, Burme~e, wishes to devote all or any considerable part of his time
~iamese, Chinese), the Dravidian, the B;i ntu, and the vari- to the study of language should begin with that language
ous American families, such as the Athnpascnn and the whose facts are immediately accessible to him, - of course,
Algonquian. These have progressed in various dPgrel's
toward a scientific comprehension like that which "°e have his own. He should diligently watch his articulations,
ofthelndo-European langn~ges. The study ofthe American
languages, though supported in praiseworthy manner by practise their phonetic notation, and observe indivi<lual
our government, is hampered by many external conditions, and local variations from his own usage. This observation
including the lack of investigators with linguistic an<l must be accompanieJ by an elementary study of phonet-
especially phonetic training. ics, for which one of the following books, in the beginn-
ing preferably the last-named (which contains a brief
The other direction in which Humboldt may be said phonetic text in three varieties of English, including
to have led the way, - although here the older gramma- American), shoul<l be used:
rians have been not without influence, - is the study
of the conditions and laws of language: its psychic and Henry Sweet, .A Primer of Phonetics, third edition, Ox-
social character and its historical development. This study ford 190G.
was furthered by the growth of psychologic insight and
of the historical point of view and method, - both of Otto Jespersen, Lclirbuch der Phonetik, second edition,
which are from the beginning related to the linguistic Leipzig and Berlin 19m.
studies by the common origin in the romantic movemeut.
Especially active in the psychologic interpretation of lan- Paul Passy, Pdite plwnt!tique comparee, second edition,
guage was H. Steinthal (1823- rn99); the American schol- Leipzig and Berlin 1913.
ar W. D. Whitney (1827-1894) applied to the historic
phase a remarkable clearness and truth of comprehension, A fuller and by far the best treatise on phonetics, which
to be appreciated in a field from which mystic vag:1eness the student should later use, is:
and haphazard theory have been slow to recede. Hoth of
these men have been followed by numerous investigators Eduard Sievers, Grund;iige der Phonetik, fifth edition,
who have contributed to our understanding of the men- Leipzig 1901. ·
tal processes of speech and of its change and develop-
ment in time; the great advance of psychology in recent The learner should then go on to the morphology and
decades and the rise of social and ethnologic studies have syntax and finally the phraseologic and stylistic features
been, of course, of the highest benefit to this ~11::1.se of of the language he hears and speaks every day. There
the science of language are, u11fortunately, few descriptions of modern English
which can be consulted in this connection. The southern
British usage is given in:

Henry Sweet, A P.rimer of Spoken English, fourth edi-
tion, Oxford 190G.

The northern British usage, more conservative and more
like the American, is gi rnn in:

R. J. Lloyd, Kor!hern English: Phonetics, Grammar,
Texts, Leipzig 1899.

_,;~&

314 '!'HE STUDY 01!, LANGUAGE HOW TU STUDY LINGUISTICS 315

b) The approach to the historic development of lan- study of English should be rapid and extensive rather
guage should then be made through the medium of Eng- than intensive, - unless, indeed, one intends to take
lish. For this the aids are copious. One may first read: English for one's special field, - for it is more important
at this stage to get a general idea of linguistic develop-
Otto Jespersen, Growth and Structure of the English ment than to learn the particular historic facts of English.
Language, Leipzig 1905.
c) Simultaneously with the preceding study the general
J.B. Greenough and G. L. Kittredge, Words and their facts and principles of linguistics should be the subject of a
Ways in English Speech, New York (Macmillan). 1901, course of somewhat more intensive reading. If one has
and then the various (readers' and (primers', true models not studied psychology, some modern text of it should
of their kind, of the late Henry Sweet, published by the be read. The beginning of linguistics is best made with
Oxford University Press, viz., for Old English: one of Whitney's books:

Henry Sweet, Anglo-Saxon Primer, eighth edition; W. D. Whitney, Language and the Study of Language,
Henry Sweet, Anglo-Saxon Reader, eighth edition; New York (Scribner) 1867 (and successive reprints),
Henry Sweet, A Second Anglo-Sa.ran Reader: Archaic
and Dialectal, W. D. Whitney, The Life and Growth of Language,
and for Middle English: New York (Appleton) 1875 (and successive reprints).
Henry Sweet, First Middle English Primer, second
edition; These books, though today incomplete, are fundamental
Henry Sweet, Second, Middle English Primer: Extracts works of our science and are, moreover, written in a
from Chaucer, second edition. style of remarkable clearness and dignity. Mter this,
These should be supplemented by the historical accounts one should read, for the principles and methods of modern
of the development of English in: linguistics:
Heny Sweet, Primer of Historical English Grammar,
which is a condensed version of: B. Delbriick, Einleitung in das Studium der indogerma-
Henry Sweet, Short Historical English Grammar, which, nisc!ten Sprachen, fifth edition, Leipzig 1908,
in turn, is a separate publication of part of the historical
material of: H. Paul, Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte, fourth edition,
Henry Sweet, New English Grammar (two volumes). Halle 1909. (An English adaptation of the second, 1886,
Especially important is the last of these, which con- edition is Strong, Logeman, and Wheeler, Introduction to
tains a readable and fairly complete account of the phonet- the Study of the History of Language, London 1891),
ic, morphologic, and syntactic development of English
from Old English to the present time.1) This historical H. Oertel, Lectures on the Study of Language, New York
(Scribner) 1902.
1) The general linguistic and grammatical disquisitions at
the beginning of the book a.re not, however, to be recommended The semantic phase of linguistic development is clever-
1y and interestingly, though, unfortunately, from the
standpoint of (popular' psychology, discussed in

M. Breal, Essai de Semantique, fourth edition, Paris 1908.
(An English translation of the third, 1897, edition by
Mrs. H. Cust appeared in London in 1900).

i

T
I

316 THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE HOW TO STUDY LINGGIS1'ICS S17

Later it is advisable, because the books so far named Brief summaries, valuable for reference, of the l:,Y'famnia-
are for the most part not folly modern as to psychologic tical facts of a large part of the languages of the world
interpretation, to study carefully the great linguistic work are given in
of the philosopher and psychologist Wun<lt:
F..Muller, Grundriss der Sprachwissen::;chaft, four vol-
W. Wundt, Volkerpsychologie, 1. un<l 2. Band, Die Sprache,
third edit.ion, Leipzig 1911. umes, Vienna 1876, ff.

It is convenient to supplement this with the Indo- The more general, in part the practical aspects of lin-
guistics, are treated in the Ii rely, if not always fully
European linguist Delbrilck's critique and valuation, which modern book,
appeared in answer to the first edition (1900) of Wun<lt's
book: G. von der Gabelentz, Die Sprachwissenschaft, second
edition, Leipzig 1901.
B. Delbriick, Grundfragen der Sprachforschung, StraB-
burg 1901, The relation of linguistics to ethnology, strangely neg-
lected in all these books, is briefly discussed by Pro-
and with W undt's answe_ring statement, important as fessor Boas in the Introduction of the Fortieth :Bulletin
to the relation of psychology, descriptive linguistics, and of the Bureau of Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institu-
historical linguistics: tion, namely:

W. Wundt, Sprach,qeschichte und Sprachpsychologie, F. Boas, llcwdbook of the American Indian Languages,
Leipzig 1901. Part I, Washington 1911.

A highly suggestive book on the history of language is A good introduction to ethnology, containing an ex-
Otto Jespersen, Progress in Language, with Special cellent chapter on language, is:
Reference t-0 English, London 1894 (and reprints).
R. R. Marrett, Anthropology, New York (Holt) and
d) The general aspects of language cannot be under-
stood without at least some acquaintance with divergent London [1011].
forms of speech. The best aid for this is the clear little
description of eight languages of widely different types e) Meanwhile the student will have chosen some lan-
(with an illustrative text of each), guage or group of languages as his special field of study,
- as, for example, English, German, .French, Latin, Greek,
F. N. Finck, Die Haupttypen des Sprachbaues, Leipzig or Sanskrit, or, of groups, the Germanic, the Romance,
1910. or the Slavic languages. If, as is usually with us the
crrse, some lndo-European language or group is chosen,
A very useful list· of the languages of the earth, the study should be accompanied by that of the ludo-
European family in general. There are two excellent
arranged in families, - though perhaps too optimistic brief compendia of what is known about this group; the
in the assumption of relationships, - is another booklet first fuller and more exact, the second better suited to
by the same author: continuous reading:

F. N. Finck, Die Sprachstiimme des Erdkreises, Leipzig K. Brugmann, Kurze vergleichendc Grammatik der imlo-
1909 germunischen Sprachen, StraBhurg 1004.

318 THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE RELATION OF LINGUISTICS TO OTHElt SCIENCES 319

A. Meillet, Introduction a 1}Etude Comparative des fact in all its details and to an inflexible discrimination
between mere. surmise and scientific certainty.
Langues Indo-Europeennes, third edition, Paris 1913.
3. Relation of linguistics to other sciences. a) To
These books contain ample bibliography, not only of
lndo-European publications, but also of those on the philology. Linguistics, we have seen, took its origin in
various groups constituting the family. A fuller account, philology, - in the study of national culture. The re-
with complete bibliography, is lations between the two sciences are still manifold. The
most original of these relations, the practical one, is ob-
K. Brugmann and B. Delbriick, Grundri/3 der ver- vious: for philologic study thorough knowledge of the
glefrhenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen, language of the community and of its writings is a nec-
first edition, five volumes, StraBburg, 1886-1900, second essary instrument. If the community has a long cultural
edition, first three volumes, ibid. 1897-1911. (For those history, as in the case of France, Germany, or England,
parts which have not yet appeared in the second edition this knowledge must extend to the various historic forms
the first must be used; the first two volumes of this have of the language and will naturally shape itself into a
appeared in an English translation in four volumes: study of the linguistic history of the nation. The philol-
J. Wright, R. S. Conway, and W. A. Rouse, Elements of ogist must not, however, mistaking the means for the
the Comparative Grammar ofthe Indo-Germanic Languages, end, confine himself to this linguistic study: if he wishes
New York, Westermann, 1888-1895). to remain philologist, his aim must be the understanding
of the more conscious cultural activities of the nation;
If the student's chosen language belongs to any one if he wishes to go over to linguistics, it will be his duty to
of the large branches of Inda-European, he should make study also the elements and principles of this science and,
also a study of this branch and of the other languages to some extent, the linguistics of other nations. The few
in it; - thus, if he is specializing in English, he should scholars who have been successfully active in both philol-
not neglect Germanic linguistics and the study of Frisian, ogy and linguistics made a study of both sciences, -
German (High and Low, including Dutch), Scandinavian, a twofold task exceeding the abilities of most men; there
and Gothic. The nucleus of one's work should be, how- has been on the other hand some confusion, beyond that
ever, the intensive study of some one language or group, in name, of the two sciences, usually in the shape of
based, if possible, on the present speech as heard, as well philologists who neglected the genuine values of their
as on texts, - for comparative purposes of course on own science for amateurish but pedantic pseudo-lin-
the oldest, - and on the standard books and articles guistics.
about the subject. In this work the student will learn
to understand also the general principles more thorough- Aside from the practical relation of linguistics to philol-
ly than is possible at second hand. In time he will find ogy, there is an intrinsic connection between them, which,
gaps in our knowledge or errors in our interpretation however, has been overestimated rather than neglected
which he will be able to fill out or to correct, if he is This connection inheres in the fact that language is the
willing to devote himself to a strict adherence to historic most elementary cultural activity and bears traces, al-

. ~j~. .•.

320 THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE RELATION OF LINGUISTICS TO OTHER SCIENCES 321

ways, of the more deliberate cultural achievements of a urnler conquest. It is no less true, however, of the internal
nation, both in the clearness and flexibility of its syn-
tactic and stylistic forms and in the vocabulary. The history, where every change of language is of course real-
cultural features of the latter are revealed, of course, by ly a historic event.
etymology, in the study of semantic changes ·and word-
borrowings. Nevertheless, historians have not, as a rule, included
linguistic history in their studies or treatises. The ex-
b) To literary history and criticism (German Li"teratiir- ceptions are twofold. Wherever there has been a con-
u:issenschaft). The science of literary history, recently scious linguistic activity, especially in the formation or
also named (in my opinion, misnamed) fcomparatirnliter- spread of a standard or literary language, history has
ature', has like linguistics, grown out of philology, with taken notice. Thus, of the history of the English lan-
the aim of studying not the cultural achievements of this guage, the rise of London English during the Chaucerian
or that nation, but the development of literature (story- period, of the history of German, the origin of Standard
telling, poetry, drama, and so on) among nations, groups German in the imperial offices and in Luther's Bible-
of nations (such as western Europe), and among mankind translation, have alone been included in the histories of
universally. As the instrument of literature is language, these nations. While this exclusion of most linguistic
the student of literature needs a general, if elementary history has been tacitly made, it can be justjfied, if one
knowledge of the nature and development of language; limits history to those events in which deliberate individ-
as, on the other hand, the use of language in literature ual action has demonstrably or presumably played a
is a powerful factor in the history of the former, the lin- part. The second phase of linguistic development whjch
guist must often consult the student of letters.1) has been included in history is the testimony of vocabu-
lary to material surroundings and events; thus the stratum
c) To history. Since language changes in time, its his- of Romance loan-words introduced into English after
tory is part of that of the speaking community. This is the Norman conquest finds mention in histories of the
true most evidently of the external history of lauguage, - English people. In so far as the data so furnished by
of its differentiation into dialects, its uniformization by language come directly from historic periods, they are
a standard form of speech, its spread over tril.rntary useful in cultural history (German Kulturgeschiclde); in
peoples, or of a nation's adoption of an alien language so far as they are derived, by the comparative method,
from prehistoric times, they are of moment, - though
1) Utterly unscientific is the notion that linguistics is in some the methods of interpretation are not yet certain, - in
way an illegilim::i.te rival of the study of literature, and that pre-history (German Urgeschichte).
any and all linguistic students ought properly to transfer their
activity to the latter field. This notion is an offshoot of the d) To ethnology. Language is the most purely com-
idea. that only profess1onal study of literature enablee one to munal of human activities, - the one least amenable to
love or understand it. As a matter of fact, linguistic scholars, modification by individuals and least obscured by the
owing to their contact with texts of various languages. are oftev secondary rationalizing explanations familiar to ethnol-
fair counoisseurs of literature ogists. The unconscious communal grouping of ideas

Bloomfield, Study of Language

322 THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE RELATION OF LLNGUISTICS TO OTHER SCIENCES 323

(formation of eategories) takes place nowhere so freely such explanations as that the new form was desired for
as in language. This is true not only of the grammatical greater fclearness' or fconvenience'. As language is in
groupings and those implied in the vocabulary, - for its forms the least deliberate of human activities, the one
every word involves a classification of experiences (p. 63), in which rationalizing explanations are most grossly out
- but even of the sound-system, which repre~ents a of place, linguistics is, of all the mental sciences, most
communal selection of a limited number of places ofartic- in need of guidance at every step by the best psychologic
ulation and manners of articulation from among a pos- insight arnilable.
sible infinite variety (p. 53).
On the other hand, psychology makes a wide use of
Thus the language of any single community at a. given the results of linguistics. Modern psychology recognizes
time is an important part of the ethnologic data concern- two sources of information. The one is introspective
ing it. This does not mean, however, that linguistics is analysis under the control of mechanical (experimental)
part of ethnology, for it is only the descriptive data devices which record the physical correlates of the men-
which the two sciences have in common. The linguist tal process. The informntion so obtained applies to the
can collect these data and proceed to the interpretation activity of the individual human mind. This activity is
of their origin and relation to other forms of speech, or always conditioned, however, in varying degrees, on past
at least to their insertion into a general scheme of lin- experiences which in themselves are products of mental
guistic development and distribution; their comparison action of other individuals. Thus, when one speaks a
with the other ethnic data, such as those of religion, sentence, the form it takes is due to the utterances which
myth, and custom, with view to a characterization of the the speaker, since infancy, has heard from the other
community, must be left to the ethnologist.
members of his community. It is due, in other words,
e) To psychology. The relation of linguistics to psy-
chology is, on the one hand, implied in the basic position to a series of connected mental processes extending in-
of the latter among the mental sciences. These sciences, definitely back into time and occurring in an indefinite
studying the various activities of man, demand in differ- number of individuals. Such mental processes, then, as
ing degrees but none the less universally, a constant those involved in the utterance of speech cannot find
psychologic interpretation. Perhaps this is but negatively their explanation in the individual, - he receives his
true: perhaps the student of a mental science could and speech-habits from others, - but must be traced for ex-
ideally should refrain from any running psychologic in~ planation from individual to indivirl.ual ad infinitum.
pretation; in practice, however, such interpretation is un- They are products of the me11tal action not of a single
avoidable. In describing an analogic or semantic change, person, but of a community of individuals. These pro<l-
for instance, linguists most usually outline the conditions ucts, - not only language but also myth, art, and
of mental predisposition which brought it about. If they custom, - are the data which make possible the second
do not do this in terms of scientific psychology, they phase of psychology, social psychology, (German Volher-
will resort to rationalizing rpopular psychology', - to psychologz'.e). As language, moreover, is less subject than
these other activities to individual deliberate actiorn,

324 TUE STUDY OF LA~GCAGE RELATION OF LINGUISTICS TO OTHER SCIENCES 325

which interfere with the commmial nexus, it is t.he most as that for an artificial world-language, which would
important domain in the study of social psycho!ogy. seem to be here in the current of natural progress, have
met with failure, this is because they have been but
f) To philosophy l shall not presume to enter here superficially rational and for the most part mere distor-
upon the epistemologic problems in which linguistic con- tions of the languages we have unconsciously developed.
siderations must play a part. Far more of our experience Linguistic science has not come to a point where the
than one generally assumes is shaped by the linguistic artificial creation or preservation of a la1 .guage is pos-
habits in which we live. The apparatus of logic, more sible or even conceivable. Nevertheless, such misplaced
especially, depends upon the language we speak: the attempts throw light upon the growing consciousness in
logical forms, in other words, must develop historically the domain of communicative activity. One need ·think
with the langunge. Not only our more abstract concepts, only of international signals, numerals, the division of
but also those of qualities and actions are due to lin- time, the metric system, and the like, fo see the increas-
guistic forms, or rather, are the subjective phase of lin- ing amenability of this domain to purposeful modification.
guistic forms, which have been evolved in the course of
time. Much of our philosophy, in consequence, moves It is in this development, - in such phases of it as the
captive in the plane of its authors' language, which it
should, for freedom, transcend, - as it can only through teaching of reading and writing and of standard languages
the study of language. and foreign languages in schools, in the treatment of the
deaf and dumb, in stenography, in the preparation of
To come to a simpler matter, the developme11t of lan- international means of communication, - that linguistic
guage occupies a peculiar and interesting position in the science finds more and more its active part in human
universal growth of things which philosophy essays to progress. In short, linguistic science is a step in the self-
study. Faster than biologic evolution, so fast indeed that realization of man.
a change like the one from the lndu-European pareut lan-
guage to modern Euglish takes place, as it were, under /
our very eyes, yet incomparably slower and more unifi-
able, to our comprehension, than the historic change in
other human activities, linguistic development may rep-
resent to us a type of progress intermediate between
these

The unfolding of the unconscious into consciousness
takes place nowhere to our direct knowledge so clearly
as in the activity of speech. In the spread of single
languages over whole continents, and in the more con-
scious shaping of these languages, lies the beginning of
a growing rat~onalization of speech. If movements such

INDICES.

The numbers refer to pages.

Words in brackets are to be taken as cross-references.

1. AUTHORS, etc.

Aasen 290 von der Gabelentz 817
Ahn 309
Goethe 289
Apollonios Dyskolos 30'1 Greenough 314:
Ascham 308 Grimm 208, 311.

Ilahlsen 306 Van Belmont 287

Bernhardi 309 Herder 14

Bible, King James translation Herodotus 18

289; Luther's translation 290, Homer 292

\ 321 Horace 181
Boas 817 von Humboldt 311, 812.

Bopp 810 International Phonetic Associa.
llreal 172, 816 tion 28.
de Brosses 309

Briicke 310 Jespersen 305, 313, 314, 316
Brugmann 317, 318. Jones 309, 310.

Carroll 237 Karadjic 290
Chaucer 69, 195, 289, 321 Kittredge 314
Cicero 289 Koran 292.
Colebrooke 309
Comenius SOS. Lloyd 313
Luther 296, 3!1.
Dante 289
Delbriick 3U>, 316, 318 Marrett 317
Diez 311 Meillet 318
Dionysios Thru SO'l von Miklosich 811
Donatus 807. Muller 317.

Et.lkins 19 Oertel 315
Epicureans 14,. Ollendorf 309.

Finck 818 Panini 307
Fulda 309. Passy 99, 318

328 INDICES INDICES 329

raul 316 Steinthal S12 Cechish: 10UD.ds 26, 29, word- 244, 248, 256---8, 274, 287,
Pott 310 Sterne 249 stress 49, 101, relationship spread 262, 264, standard lan-
Priscian 307. Stoics 14 guage 264, 289, f., relation-
Sweet 313, 314. 270, history 216 (Slavic)
Ratichius 308 Celtic languages (Irish) : emotion- ship 266, loan-words in English
Rousseau 14. Vedas 292 al relations 171, relation- 212, 225, 281---4, 287 study
Verner 278. ship 270, 272, decrease 265, VI, 300, 305, S17, 319 (Ro-
Scherer 310
von Schlegel 310 Whitney V, 308, 312, 816 study 311 (Indo-European) mance)
Schleicher 310 Wordsworth 247
Schottelius 309 Wundt VI, 316. Chinese: sounds 24, 51, 54, 65, Frisian: history 26 7, 274, f., re-
Shakspere 195, 249, 289 writing 22, words 85, f., 98, lationship 266-9, study 318
Sievers 313 Zeu.8 311.
word-form 93, 101, derivation (West-Germanic).

2. LAN'GUAGES. 162, 168, homonymy 207, com- Georgian: sounds 40, sentence
110, 173, f., relationship S12.
English, mentioned on almost every page, is not here included; pounds 97, 161, 189, parts of
see Table of Contents and cf. also West-Germanic, Germanic, speech 126, f., 128 - not as (Caucasian)
in English 112, f., 126, sen- German: sounds 19, 24, 28-40, 51
and Indo-European. tence-stress 53, sentence-pitch
177, word-order 113, 115-7, -3, 66, 195, 210, 219, writing
Albanese: relationship 270, 272 Avestan: relationship 272, his- 119, 188, congruence 130, f., 22, words 49, 75, 81, f., 86-
tense 68, f., 144, number 108, 9, 162, 164:, derivation 106,
(Indo-European) tory 272;2'76, 277, 278, study 142, interrogation 92, dialects ~07, genders 109, 129, f., 142,
22, relationship 312, literary
Algonquian languages (Mes- 292 (Iranian) \ language 22, 292, study 19, f., 151, inflection 87, 93, 129,
f., 143, f., 147, f., 153, f., 166,
quaki) 171, 312 Aztec= Nahwatl. 292 (lndo-Chinese) 180, 184, 186, sentence 48, 98,
Chinook jargon 262 173, 191, 193, f., history 208,

Altaic languages (Tartar, Tur- Cistercian monks' gesture-lan- f., 213, f., 21i6/ f., 230, 232-
guage 6. 6, 242, 244, f. 249, f., 274, f.,
kish) 311 Baltic languages (Lettish, Lithu- 277, f., 281 6, loans from

American Indians: gesture-Ian- anian, Prussian): <]_ualities

guage 4, 6; languages of with ohject 106, relationship Danish: sounds 29, f., 33, 40, Latin 216, f., 281, 283, loan-

(Algonquian, Athapascan, Ca- 270, 272, f., decrease 265 (In- genders 109, relationship 268, words in Eng ish 70, 281, re-

ribbean,Chinookjargon,Green- do-European) influence of Latin 282 (Scan- lationship 264-7,269,standard

landish, Lule, Nahwatl, Tsim- Bantu languages (Kafir, Subiya) dinavian) language 265, 289, f., 321,

shian): objectivity 63, f., gen- 312; genders 109, 143, number De.yak: 167 (Malayan) study 301, 303-5, 317, 319

ders 109, diversity 262, de- and person as gender 143, Dravidian. languages (Canarese) (West-Germanic)

crease 262, 264, loan-words in congruence 153, 182 312: influence upon Indic 220 Germanic lanµuages (Gothic,

IEnglish 282, study 19, 312; Ba.s<]_ue: numhers 90 (cf. 192) Scandinavian, West-Gnmanic)

picture-writing 7 Bohemian=- Cechish Dutch 237: sounds 28, relation- 269; history 201, 206, 208,

Arabic: sounds 24, 33, 54, pos- Bulga.rian: reiationship 270, ship 266, f., 269, history 230, 211, 214-6, 218, 221. 229 f.,

sessor with object 107, 149, history 225, 2i8 (Slavic) standard language 265, study 234, 272, 276-9, 285, rela-

loan-words through A. into Burmese: relationship 312 (Indo- 318 (West Germanic). tionship 269, f., study 311,

English 282, literary language Chinese) 317, f. (Indo-European)

290, study 293, 309, (Semitic) Bushman (Kham) 90: sounds 27. .Finnish: cases 107, f., 144, re- Gothic: history 272, 275-9, re-

Armenian: sounds 36, 40, rela- lationship 311 (Uralic) lationship 269, study VI, 218.

Itionship 270, 272, history 276, Canarese: sounds 54 (Dravidian) French: sounds 27-40, 44, f., (Germanic)
277 (lndo-European) Caril>bean languages (Arowak) writing 22,300, words 87-90, Greek: sounds S2, 4'1, 51, 152,

Arowak: numbers89 (CariLbean) 89: loan-words in English 163, liaison 99-102, 257, gen- writing 20, derivation 152,
IAryan = Indo-Iranian
282, 283 ders 109, sentence 48, 53, 99, composition 164, inflection 92,

Athapascan languages 312: dis- Caucasian languages (Georgian) 171, 173, 175, 257, f., history 101:1, 116, f., 142, 145-8, 166

tribution 266, f. I 3n 90, 214, 225, 232, 235, 241, f., -7, 161, sentence 116, f., 184,

330 INDICES INDICES 331

history 116, f., 217, f., 230, 128, f., 131, 151, 257, sentence Malay 85, f., 86, 88, 9S, 98, 156, 215, influence of other lan-
f., 261, f. (Malayan)
243, 265 f., 272, 276-9, loan- 175, 256, f., history 272, 276 guages 282, relationship 270,
Malayanlanguages(Dayak,Kavi,
words from G. 237, 282-4, -8 Celtic) spread 26~, literary language
Malay) 132, 157. Mala.yo-Po- 290 (Slavic).
relationship 261, f, 270, lite- Italian: sounds 29, 31, f., 45, 53, lynesian)

rary languages 263, 289, f., 92, derivation 105, 165, verb

study 292, 307-10, 317 (In- 107, pronoun 88, genders 132, Mala.yo-Polynesian languages Sanskrit: sounds 26, 61, 64,

do-European) history 214, f., 225, 227, 274, (Malayan, Polynesian) 312 sandhi 102, 128, inflection 100,

Greenlandish: sounds 33, 64, in- relationship 266, literary lan- Mesquaki 171 (Algonqu an). numbers 142, cases 144, 167,

flection 107, 110, f., 135, 149, guage 289 (Roma.nee) 184, voices 146, f., conjugations

f., 174, objectivity 104, f,, Italic languages (Latin) 270, 272, Nahwatl: inflection 135, 146, 145, f., reduplication 156, f.,

sentence 110, f., 179, 190, f. 286 (Indo-European). 149, 157, compounds 160, 164, compounds 106, 160, f., 164,

Hamitic languages 311 Japanese. 20, 48, 70, 88, 16'1 f., 254, sentence 98, 167, 169, sentence 192, 194, relation-
Javanese, see Ka.vi.
Hebrew: sounds 24, loan-words 179, 253 ship 230, history 218, 220, 230,
through H. into English 282, North Germanic = Scandinavian 272, 276-9, literary language
literary language 290, study Ka.fir 153-5, 182 (Bantu)
Norwegian: sounds 31,. 37, f., 290, study 292, 307, 309, f.,

292, 307, 309 (Semitic) Ka.vi 311 (Malayan) 61, 53, 92, 100, f., 152, 164, 317 (Indic)

Hindustani 262 (Indic) Kham 90 (Bushman). 177, pronouns 89, genders 109, Scandinavian languages (Danish,

Hottentot 27 Latin (for modern development derivation 162, composition lcelandic,Norwegian,Swedish)
Hungarian 31, 311 (Uralic). see Romance): writing/ 20, f.,
164, sentence 173, 177, rela- 143, 173, 268, f., relationship

Icelandic: word-stress 49, 101 inflection 135, 154-7, tenses tionship 2ol, 268, influence of 269, history 230, 276, loans

relationship 268, history 275, 68, 144', voices 115, 145, 173, Latin 282, literary languages to English 285, study 318

277, f. (Scandinavian) genders 109, cases . 92, 108, 290 (Scandinavian). (Germanic)

India, languages of: sounds 28, 115, f., 144, 167, 185-7, pro- Oscan 270 (Italic). Semitic languages (Arabic, He-

SO, 64, 256, writing 20, sen- nouns 88, f., 118, 176, adjec- brew) S3, 107, 133, 311

tence 192; see Dravidian and tive 106, sentence 68, f., 98, Servian 270, 290 (Slavic)
Polish: sounds 31, f., 49, 101, Siamese 312 (Indo-Chinese)
Indic f., 107, 111, f., 118, 14:8, 162, pronouns 88, history 215, re- Slavic languages (Bulgarian,

Indians see Americans Indians, 168, f., 172, 176, 179, .192, lationship 270 (Slavic) Cech, Polish, Russian, Ser-

Indic languages (Hindustani, 194, 253, congruence 181, Polynesian languages 54, f. (Ma- vian): sounds 29, f., 32, 40, f.,

Sanskrit) 219, f., 270 (Indo- word-order 171, 186, f., history layo-Polyn esian) 44, f., 47, 53, f., pronoun 89,

Iranian) 212-6, 217, f., 225, 230, 232, Portuguese 264, 266, 282 (Ro- genders 142, manner 145, de-

Indo-Chinese languages (Chinese) 241-4, 248, 256, f., 272, 274, ma.nee). rivation 106, sentence 92,

312 276-8, 283, 287, loans from history 215,218,225,227,265,

Indo-European languages (Al- other Italic languages 285, Romance languages (French, 272, f., influence of other lan-

banese, Armenian, Baltic, Cel- loans to En~lish 106, 212, 281, Italian, Portuguese, Rouma- guages 282, relationship 270,

tic, Germanic, Greek, Indo- 284. 287, to German 281, 283, nian, Spanish): sounds 40, 44:, study 220, :ill, 317 (lndo-

Iranian, Italic, Slavic, Tocha.- influence OP. other languages f., 47, 53, f., derivation 106, European)

ric) 269-73, 276-80,sentence 282. relationship 270, spread 24:8, genders 143, relation- Spanish: sounds 28, 31, f., his-

172, Primitive 1.-E. 106, 201, 257, 262--4, 266, f., 289, lite- ship 262, f., 266, f., history tory 248, 274, loans to Eng-

226, 229, 234, 264, 256, f., rary language 289, f., study 255, f., 274, spread 264, study lish 282, f., relationship 266,

study 310-2, 317, f. 292, 307-10, 317 (Italic) 220, 311, 317, 321 (See Latin) spread 262, 264, standard

lndo-Iranian languages (Indic, Lettish 24, 270 (Baltic) Roumanian 266 (Romance) language 264 (Romance)

Iranian) 270, 277, f. (Indo-Eu- Lithuanian: sounds 31, 47, 51, Russian: sounds 31, 36, 38, 40, Subiya 143, 182 (Bantu)
Sweq.ish: sounds 30, 37, 61, 5S,
ropean) derivation 106, relationship r., 45, 48, f., 51, 65, 152, pro-

Iranian languages (Avestan) 270, 270; history 272, f., 277, t: noun 65, 88, adjective 111, 100, f., 162, relationship 268,

272 (lndo-Iranian). (Baltic) 135, maoner 145, sentence 92, influence of Latin 282 (Scan-
Irish: sound-variation 102, r., Lule 150, 17'.
111, 17~ -4, history 212, f., dinavian).

I

.

332 INDICES INDICES 33:.J

Tartar 811 (Altaic) Uralic languages (Finnish, Hun.. congruence 127-81, 180-9 Geminate, see .doubled
conjunction 124, 193, f. gender 109, 1:?9, f., 142, f., 182
Tibetan 312 (Indo-Chinese) garian) 107, 144, 311 (Ural- gestures 4-7~ 14, f.
consonants. 28-33, 168 glides 40, f.
1'ocharic 272 (Indo-Europea.n) Altaie). contamination 224, f.
coronals 28-30 glottal stop 24, f., 33, 40
Tsimshian 151; 157, 253 glottis 24-6, 40
cross-reference 178-80.
Turkish: sounds 36, inflection West - Germanic languages

95, f., sentence 192, relation- (Dutch, English, }nsian, Ger-

ship 311 (Altaic). man) 200,. 266, f., relation- government 182-6

Umbrian 270 (Italic) ship 268, f., history 2~9, 274, Deaf-mutes 5 grammar 289, 302-4, 307-9

f., 279, 281, 285 (Germanic) declarative, see statement Grimm's law 208
Ural-Altaic languages (Altaic, Wolof 174..
Uralio) 811 definite and indefinite categories group stress 48-60
gums 28-30
117, f., 175, f.

8. SUBJECTS. deictic words 64, f., 88, f. Baplology 217
dentals 28-31 high vowels 34
Abla.ut 15S, 229 82, 120, 133, f., 139-41, 197,
derivation 141, 150., t homonymy 125, 157, f., 181,186,
abnormal sibilants 81 219, 221-51 206, f.
dialects 260, f.
absolutive 178, f., 254 attribute, attribution 61., 110, f., hypotaxis 191, 193, f.
diminutive 105, f.
diphthong 43

abstract words 65, f. 122, 149, f. discursive relations 60-2, 110 lmper1ttive 92, 147, f.
inclusive 88
action-words 65, f. attributive languages, see objec- -4, 169-70
infinitive 118, f., 121
actor and action categories 67, tive dissimiliation 216-8, 283 infix 155, f.

f., 112, 115, 121, 148, 172-6 automatic sound-variation 23, dominant elP-ment of experience inflection 140-50
intensity, see stress
adaptation 225, f. 54, f., 151, 155, f., 220, f., 250. 7, 58, 63, 83, f., 238-51; d. e. interdental 28
in sentence 50, f., 113, f., 170,
adjective 122, f. f., 176. interjection 73-7, 124.

adverb 123, f. Back vowels S4. dorsals 28, 30-8 interrogative, see question
doubled 45, 62, f.
affix 153-6 bilabials 28 duration 52, f. invention of words 12, 236,

alphabet 20 blade 30, f.

alveolars 28 breath 9, 24, 26 f.

analogic change 59, f., 196, 221 breathed, see unvoiced.

-37 Emotional relations in sentence Kernel 163, f.
49, f., 113, 170, f.; cf. domi-
analysis of experience 69-63, Cartilage glottis 26

8.5-90, 142, 237, f. case 107, f., 122, 143, f., 18S, £ nant element Labials 28
enclitics 49, 100 labialized 41
anaphoric words 89 categories 67-9
ethnology 256, 317, 321, f. labiodentals 28
animals 66, f. cerebrals 30 etymology 244, f., 281, f. languages 261, f.
laryngeals 24, f., 88
aphasia 67 change 16, f., 195-258 evolution of language 252-6 larynx 24, 33
exclamation 70, 73-7, 91, f., 121
apperception 67, f., 60, f. child 10-3, 223 exclusive 88 laterals 29, f., 43
lenes 39, 53, f.
article 117, f., 175, f. choke 40; cf glottal stop exocentric compounds 161 length, see duration
explosives, see stops liaison, see sandhi
articulation 19-55, 195, f., 299, f. close syllable stress 47
expressive movements 1-10.
arytenoids 24, 26 command 76, 121

aspect, see manner comparative method 200, f., 274

aspirate initial 26, 33, 40; a. -80

stop 40, 53, f. compound syllable pitch 61, f.; lips 28, 31, 34, 41

assimilation 59, f., 196, f., 219, c. s. stress 47, 52 1',ormationa.l elements 62, f., 79, literary languages 290, 292

221-51, 283, f. compound words 96-8, 104, 1061 f., 93-6, 103-9, 221-37 loan-words 70, 106, lii2, 280--6

assimilation of articulations 214 140, 159-66, 235, f., 254 fortes 39, 63, f. local relations 107, f., 116, f

-6 concept 58, 63, 65, f., 85-7 tricatives, see spira.nta logical, see discursive

association 67., f., 66, f., 69, f., condensation 241-8 front vowels 34.. loose, see wide

I

334 INDICES INDICES 335

loudness, see stress onomat.opoeia 81 Reduplication 156, f. .syllable-pitch 51, f.
relation 66, 105, 107, f. syllable-stress 43-'l
low vowels 34 open syllable stress "1
relative pronoun 193, t syntactic categories 68, f., 112,
lungs 9, H. oral articulation 27 -88 115, 117, f., 121, 174-6
root 164:
origin of language 13-8 rounded 81, 34, 4.1. syntax 119, 167-94.

Manner of action 14:4., f. orthography, see writing

manner of articulation 64:, 208 outcry 9, 78.

material relations in sentence Palatals 31, f. Sandhi 101, f. Teeth 29-32
114-9, 171-4 palatalization 214, f.
palatalized articulation ~ semantic change '1, 16, '78, 237 tense 62, 68-70, 121, 144, 188
meaning, see association, seman- -61
tic change 81, ,1 tense vowels, see narrow
semantic parallelism
metaphor 247-9 palate 27-31 1 semi-vowels 42 189 tone-color 27-29, f.
torwue 27-38
metathesis 216, f., 283 parallel forms 141
sentence 48-63, 60-S, 76, 110 toti<l. experience 56-68
mid vowels 34 parataxis 191, 193, f. -9, 167-94
participle, see verbal adjective transitive verbs 176; t. words 12'1
wixed vowels 34 sentence-equivalents 170
mixture of articulations 4:1 parts of speech 112, 120-'l transhttion 300, f.
sentence-pitch 51, f., 92, 176-8 trills 29, 33, 43
mixture of dialects 284, f. person 121, 148, f. sentence-word 64, 111, f., 258 triphthong 48.

mode 146-8 . ~8-70, philology 307, t~, 819, f. aerial relation 113, 124
morphologic categories phonetic alphabet 28, 300
phonetic change, ph. law, see set phrase 116, f., 122, 124, 188, Umlaut 152, 230, f
103, 141-50 f., 248, f., 286, f.
morphologic classes 108-10, 120 sound-change · unrounded 34
sibilants 30, f
-40, 221-37 phonetic - semantic parallelism unvoiced 25
morphologic sound-variation 151 136, f. 10ft palate 32; cf. velum
uvula. 27, 33
-8 phonetic -semantic word -classes song 10
uvulars 32, f.
sonority 42-6
morphology 110, 120..-;66, 221 131-5
phonetics 19, 299, 318 sound 8, f., 14 Velars 32
-37
murmur 25, f. picture-writing 7, 20 sound-change 16, 77, 202-21 velum 26, f.
musical sound 27. pitch 25, 61, f., 151, f., 177, f.
place of articulation 64, 208 sound-symbolism 79, f., 93, 235, f.. verb 111, f., 121, 188, f.

sound-variation, see automatic, verbal adjective 122, 191, f.

Names 247, f. plain stops, see pure morphologic Iverbal noun 122
spelling, see writing Verner's la.w 216, 229
narrow vowels 84 post-dentals 28-30 vocal chords 9, f., 24-6, 88
spirants 27, f.
nasals 27, f., 43 predicate, predication 61, 64, standard languages 288-90. vocative 92, 144

nasalized 27, f., 88 110, f., 12 L statement 71, 91, f. Ivoice 9, 25
stops 27, f., 39, f. voiced 25
natural sylhtbles 42-8 prefix 155-6

noise 27 preposition 117, 124, 148 stress 26, 42-53, 162, 17'1, f. voices of verb 145, f.

nominal languages, see objective primitive creations 235 stress-group 48-50 vowels 27, 33-8, 152, £

non-syllabics 42, f. proclitics 49, 100 stress-syllable 44-8, 52, f.

noun 111, f., 121, f., 136-8 pronoun 64, f., 87-9, 123, 143 subject 61, 110, f., 116, 121 Whisper 26
number 121, f., 141, f., 148, f. pronunciation, see articulation
subordinate clause 124, 190-4 wide vowels 34
numerals 89, f. proportional analogy 226, f. substitution of sounds 219, f. word 48-51, 62-70, 82-90,
psychology VI, 14, 222-4.
numeratives 130, f. auction-sounds 27
suffix 164
nursery words 11, f. pun 99, f. 93-110, 120-66, 221-61
suppletion 168, f.
pure initial 40 word-order 92, 114-8, 127, f.,
185-8, 193, f.
Object affected 115, f., 121, 127, pure stop 40, 5S, f. ayllabaries 20
word-pitch 51
14-3, 148, f., 176, 187 syllabics 42-'7
objective languages 64, 104, f., Quality-words 65, f. word-stress 48-60
syllable 42-63
107, 111 quantity, see duration syllable-boundary 4.8-8 writing 'l, f., 19--24, 287, £

object-words 68, f. question 52, 71, 91, f.