voices

Voices
JUNE 2018 ISSUE NO 20

”We have gathered here to support the constitutional outlook of
gender equality with the slogan that we will stop any attempt to
turn Kerala into a mad house.”

Federalism Under
and its Illusion
Discontents
4
2

Blood 8
Sisters

12 A conversation
with Anand
Patwardhan

18 The iconic debate
between Ambedkar
and Gandhi

28 A peal of
Spring Thunder

Uncivil
Law

32

Blood Sisters

page 8 \ Voices

In Kannur, the As Kerala slowly woke up to the first day of the
Women’s Wall new year onTuesday, the streets of Kannur, in
goes beyond the northern part of the state, were unusually
Sabarimala calm.The quiet was interrupted by a woman’s
voice amplified by speakers atop jeeps that
were driving through the light traffic: “Those
who believe that women are not impure will
not be able to stay away from participating
in the Women’s Wall.” Speaking into a micro-
phone while seated on the front seat of one of
the jeeps, she continued, “Uplift the renais-
sance values. Join the Women’s Wall.”

The chain of women, called the Van-
itha Mathil, or Women’s Wall, was organised
on 1 January 2019, starting from Kerala’s
northernmost district, Kasaragod, and ending
at its southernmost district, Thiruvanantha-
puram. The formation was spread across a
620-kilometre route on the National Highway
66. It was conceptualised as a counter to
conservatism, and was billed as an attempt
to remind people of the social reformers
who worked to eradicate gender and caste
inequalities during the state’s renaissance
period. Punnala Sreekumar, a Dalit leader,
conceived of the idea for the wall in a meeting
convened by chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan,
on 2 December 2018. Sreekumar is the
general secretary of the Kerala Pulaya Maha
Sabha, or KPMS—an organisation of Pulayas,
a scheduled-caste community in Kerala. At
least 176 Hindu organisations attended the
meeting, to discuss the Supreme Court’s 28
September 2018 verdict concerning women’s
entry to the Sabarimala temple and the ensu-
ing protests by those who viewed the verdict
as an attack on a sacred tradition.

The mobilisation of women to partici-
pate in the wall was led by the Communist Par-
ty of India (Marxist) and its affiliated organisa-
tions.The KPMS, the Sree Narayana Dharma
ParipalanaYogam—an organisation working
for Ezhavas, a backward class communty and
Kudumbashree, government-sponsored self-
help groups for women, all joined with the CPI
(M) for the event. According to Prabhkaran,
secretary of the CPI (M)’s branch in Kannur’s
AKG Nagar village, the opposition in Kerala
used the Sabarimala controversy to dissuade
women from participating in the wall.

page 9 \ Voices

A conversation
with Anand Patwardhan

For over 40 years Anand Patwardhan’s documentary
films have stood for freedom of expression. He faced
censorship on numerous occasions, took the gov-
ernment to court, and won each time. Anand is not
just a filmmaker but an activist in the cause of Indian
democracy, clearly under threat today. In this can-
did conversation with Vidya Bhushan Rawat, Anand
discusses his views on the challenges before us, and
most importantly, how he perceives both Gandhi and
Ambedkar as liberation theologists whose ideas are in
danger of being revised by their enemies.

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Do you think that as secular In general this is true but in particular some people
activists we have not been are genuinely trying to address this. Of course the
able to communicate to com- task is huge and we are up against a fascist force in
mon people in the language the Brahminist RSS that has created a hydra-head-
they understand or have ed, cadre based organization that indoctrinates
failed to use the great secular people in the name of cultural and religious pride,
legacy of India which was as well as today, of fake nationalism. In the early
radical and rational as well? days they attracted mainly Brahmins. Today they
are drawing in all castes and tribes that can be mo-
In post-Mandal India com- bilized against their stated three enemies—Mus-
munities are seeking their lims, Christians and Communists. Religious culture
space in the polity. In the and right wing politics is a potent combination and
earlier phase of secularism we rationalists have so far failed to match the or-
the Indian elite always kept ganizational genius that runs this fascist machine.
the marginalised commu-
nities like Dalits, OBCs, Actually identity politics is a
Muslims outside the gates double-edged weapon. As long as
of their decision making oppression of identifiable groups
bodies and public platforms exists, it is perfectly legitimate for
but things are changing now. oppressed groups to unite according
Very unfortunately more than to their identity. “Black is beautiful’
the seculars it is the commu- was a necessary movement for
nalists who are jumping into Afro-Americans in the USA, just as
identity politics and social pride in Dalit or Buddhist identity is
engineering. Meanwhile necessary in India.The trouble be-
communist parties still retain gins when this turns into an exclusivist or separatist
their upper caste leadership. movement. Malcolm X went through a Black Muslim
Will we be able to face the phase when he described all white people as “devils”.
challenge in such a way? But in the latter stages of his life he completely re-
jected this theory for a much more inclusive critique
of injustice and inequality.That is when the American
deep State killed him. Similarly while a broad section
of Dalits are inclusive and fully understand the dis-
tinction Dr. Ambedkar made between the ideology
of Brahminism and individuals who happen to be
born into one or the other “upper” castes, there is a
tiny section of separatist Dalits today who see birth
as the sole determining factor.The fact that Western
post-modern academia encourages such identity
politics in preference to class analysis has given this
form of separatist politics international acceptance.
Meanwhile in India Manuvadi forces feel obvious glee
when Dalits attack the Left or Gandhi, as both have
long been the enemies of Hindutva.

Hindutva people are expert in Frankly I am not a fan of Subhash Chandra Bose. I can-
appropriating icons who are not swallow his alliance with Hitler and Hirohito. Free-
secular.They used Ambedkar, dom could not be wrested at such a cost.Vivekanand
Bhagat Singh,Vivekananda, is also very troubling because he advocated a kind of
Subhash Chandra Bose, Sri machismo that I think is deeply problematic. Also what
Narayan Guru etc for their pur- is little known about him is that he was deeply casteist.
poses. Is this because an over- In fact he seems perfectly suited as a BJP icon.The re-
dose of Gandhi and Nehru’s sentment against Gandhi lies at the heart of the project
role in our freedom struggle of Hindutva which is why they killed him first and then
minimized all other icons that attempted to appropriate his glasses and broomstick
a kind of resentment began later. Nehru is hated because his development para-
against Nehru and Gandhi? digm goes against the grain of privatization. Ambedkar
they do not dare criticize openly these days so the only
option is to use his image, minus any content.

“I believe that the Left and Dalits are natural
allies so it is a matter of time before a genuine,
long-lasting unity is forged.”

You have documented major The fault lies as much with the Left (of all shades)
events not only of communal which is still unclear about how to destroy the caste
violence but also of violence system within, as with Dalit groups that fall prey to
against Dalits in Maharash- red-baiting and exclusivist identity politics. On one
tra. After the death of Rohit side are traditional Marxists who were brought up to
Vemula, in HCU, JNU and think that caste is part of a superstructure that will
other campuses, students of automatically wither away when the economic base
all ideological frames – from becomes socialist. On the other side are those who
the Left, to Ambedkarites and think that the caste of your birth alone forever de-
other Bahujan groups, joined in termines how you think and how you act. Not only is
a common struggle against the such thinking contrary to the teachings of Dr. Ambed-
ABVP and its attempt to vitiate kar, it mirrors the mindset of the worst Manuvadis
the climate in the universities. who believe that caste determines everything.
Today that unity appears to be
crumbling and we are again at Luckily reality is proving both positions
the cross roads. Why ? wrong. I believe that the Left and Dalits are natu-
ral allies so it is a matter of time before a genuine,
long-lasting unity is forged. People like Govind
Pansare, Kanhaiya Kumar and Jignesh Mevani have
shown us that this unity is possible. Into this mix
I would add progressive Gandhians – people like
Narendra Dabholkar and Medha Patkar. Together
these forces represent the politics of Reason that
this country so desperately needs.

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The iconic debate between

page 18 \ Voices

Ambedkar and Gandhi

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Dr Ambedkar’s Indictment 1 Primary membership to
the Congress party cost
by Mahatma Gandhi four annas.

The readers will recall the fact that Dr Ambedkar 2 Gandhi ‘moved from
was to have presided last May at the annual con- truth to truth’ on Ambed-
ference of the Jat-Pat Todak Mandal of Lahore. kar’s identity and the mo-
tives for his commitment
But the conference itself was cancelled to the anticaste struggle.
because Dr Ambedkar’s address was found by the Shortly before the Round
reception committee to be unacceptable. How far Table Conference, when
a reception committee is justified in rejecting they first met in Bombay,
a president of its choice because of his address Gandhi took Ambedkar
that may be objectionable to it is open to ques- to be a radical Brahmin
tion. The committee knew Dr Ambedkar’s views on fighting untouchability.
caste and the Hindu scriptures. They knew also As his grandson Rajmo-
that he had in unequivocal terms decided to give han Gandhi notes in his
up Hinduism. Nothing less than the address that biography of Gandhi
Dr Ambedkar had prepared was to be expected from (2007, 334), Gandhi did
him. The committee appears to have deprived the not, however, say this to
public of an opportunity of listening to the Ambedkar, and quickly
original views of a man who has carved out for realised his mistake.
himself a unique position in society. Whatever
label he wears in future, Dr Ambedkar is not the 3 The reference is to
man to allow himself to be forgotten. the Maharaja of Baro-
da, Sayajirao Gaekwad
Dr Ambedkar was not going to be beaten (1863–1939), who pio-
by the reception committee. He has answered neered social reform by
their rejection of him by publishing the ad- opening eighteen special
dress at his own expense. He has priced it schools for Untouchables
at 8 annas, I would suggest a reduction to 2 in his state, and support-
annas or at least 4 annas.1 ed Ambedkar’s educa-
tion—both in India (with a
No reformer can ignore the address. The stipend of twenty five ru-
orthodox will gain by reading it. This is not to pees for Ambedkar’s B.A.
say that the address is not open to objection. It at Elphinstone College,
has to be read only because it is open to serious Bombay) and abroad
objection. Dr Ambedkar is a challenge to Hindu- (his M.A. and Ph.D. at
ism. Brought up as a Hindu,2 educated by a Hindu Columbia University, on a
potentate,3 he has become so disgusted with the scholarship of 11.5 British
so-called savarna Hindus or the treatment that he pounds per month for
and his people have received at their hands that three years, in 1913–16).
he proposes to leave not only them but the very See Fatehsinhrao Gae-
religion that is his and their common heritage. kwad’s (1989) biography
He has transferred to that religion his disgust
against a part of its professors. of Maharaja Sayajirao III.

But this is not to be wondered at. After
all, one can only judge a system or an institu-
tion by the conduct of its representatives.

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1 Same as ‘runny nose’. A reply to the Mahatma
The expression here
means snivelling, “pitiful, by Dr. B.R.Ambedkar
whining” according to
Samuel Johnson’s A I appreciate greatly the honour done me by the
Dictionary of the English Mahatma in taking notice in his Harijan of the
speech on caste which I had prepared for the Jat-
Language. Pat Todak Mandal. From a perusal of his

review of my speech, it is clear that the
Mahatma completely dissents from the views I have
expressed on the subject of caste. I am not in the
habit of entering into controversy with my oppo-
nents unless there are special reasons which com-
pel me to act otherwise. Had my opponent been some
mean and obscure person I would not have pursued
him. But my opponent being the Mahatma himself, I
feel I must attempt to meet the case to the con-
trary which he has sought to put forth.

While I appreciate the honour he has done
me, I must confess to a sense of surprise on find-
ing that of all people the Mahatma should accuse
me of a desire to seek publicity, as he seems to
do when he suggests that in publishing the unde-
livered speech my object was to see that I was
not ‘forgotten’. Whatever the Mahatma may choose
to say, my object in publishing the speech was to
provoke the Hindus to think, and to take stock of
their position. I have never hankered for public-
ity, and if I may say so, I have more of it than
I wish or need. But supposing it was out of the
motive of gaining publicity that I printed the
speech, who could cast a stone at me? Surely not
those who, like the Mahatma, live in glass houses.

Motive apart, what has the Mahatma to say
on the question raised by me in the speech? First
of all, anyone who reads my speech will realise
that the Mahatma has entirely missed the issues
raised by me, and that the issues he has raised
are not the issues that arise out of what he is
pleased to call my indictment of the Hindus. The
principal points which I have tried to make out
in my speech may be catalogued as follows:

(1) That caste has ruined the Hindus;
(2) that the reorganisation of Hindu society
on the basis of chaturvarnya is impossible because
the varnavyavastha is like a leaky pot or like a
man running at the nose.1

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A Peal of Spring Thunder

Moved by the struggles of ordinary people resisting big business
and pliant politicians, Ishan Tankha photographed villagers and
insurgents in the forests of Chhattisgarh

A villager from Sarasmal village, Chhattisgarh, in 2014, looks out
toward what used to be his land before he was pressured into
selling 12 acres. He now has land enough for his house, which sits
right on the boundary of a large steel mine. Daily blasting sessions
in the mine rattle and shake his house, scaring his infant son. “I’m
hoping they will employ me in the mine at least,” he says.

page 32 \ Voices

This project began after I completed an assignment for
a news magazine, and may have been shelved had it not
been for a mosquito. Or perhaps several mosquitoes,
I’m not sure. Death by mosquito is fairly common in our
country, though as with most things the brunt is borne
disproportionately by the poor. Back in 2008, after work-
ing in the interior villages of Central India, I came home
to Delhi with falciparum malaria, typhoid and jaundice. I
spent weeks in hospital, coming as close as I ever want
to come to confronting my own mortality.

Letters from home, photographs of a sister, medicines and am-
munition—a Maoist guerrilla along the Maharashtra-Chhattisgarh
border in 2010 repacks her bag before leaving camp.

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Publication by
Meghna Muthukumar