FOUN1101 Caribbean Civilisation Assignment #3: The Portfolio By:Sheena Deany University of the West Indies eTutor: Gloria Sandiford Due: July 9th 2018

Course Aims Assessed

1. Enable participants to interrogate the concept of “Caribbean identity” especially in
relation to diverse ideas of regional (dis)integration.

2. Motivate participants to understand the Caribbean region as an area for development that
needs their own intellectual input.

3. Help the students to understand the long history of resistance of the Caribbean people in
their quest for equality and how the nature of resistance has shaped the contemporary
Caribbean.

4. Provide participants with the tools necessary to engage in critical reflection on the Caribbean
in the 21st
century.

Description
Each student will produce one electronic portfolio, which demonstrates his/her journey of
learning through the semester in the course. In short, portfolios are a collection of student work
that allows assessment by providing evidence of effort and accomplishments in relation to
specific instructional goals (Jardine, 1996).

Guidance to Students
Students will choose FOUR Portfolio Learning Activities from the course units to include in
their portfolio.
TWO portfolio entries must come from Units 1–5 and TWO portfolio entries must come from
Units 6–9.
Campus coordinators will provide details of how portfolios are to be prepared and submitted.
Items for the portfolio are to be chosen from Portfolio Learning Activities in the Units
on the course page.

Did Columbus discover the Caribbean?
Were the earliest inhabitants of the Caribbean Primitive?

The new world experienced civilisation upon the arrival of Columbus

First to arrive Whilst Columbus was the first

European to arrive he was greeted

by natives on the shores of the

Caribbean

Primitive What is primitive and were early

Civilisation Caribbean inhabitants primitive
Civilisation is ……thus it is

inaccurate to describe the
Caribbean’s earliest inhabitant as

uncivilised.

According to the Merriam-Webster dictionary, discover means to make known or visible.

Therefore it would be inaccurate to say Columbus discovered the Caribbean when it was
inhabited natives who he referred to as “Indians”. Instead he had discovered a “new world”,

described as the lands in the western hemisphere and especially North and South America thus

this was a world foreign to his European world.

Proof of inhabitant before Columbus is purported by Dr. Ivan Van Sertima In his book
“They Came Before Columbus”. He claims that Africans had been to the New World centuries
before Columbus arrived there in 1492. Citing–the huge Negroid-looking Olmec heads of

Central Mexico and the similarities between the Aztec and Egyptian calendars and pyramid

structures. Evidence of a black presence in the America was given to Columbus by the Indians

themselves: they gave concrete proof to the Spanish that they were trading with black people.
“The Indians of this Espanola said there had come to Espanola a black people who have the tops

of their spears made of a metal which they called gua-nin, of which he [Columbus] had sent
samples to the Sovereigns to have them assayed, when it was found that of 32 parts, 18 were of
gold, 6 of silver and 8 of copper. The origin of the word guanin may be tracked down in the
Mande languages of West Africa, through Mandigo, Kabunga, Toronka, Kankanka, Banbara,
Mande and Vei. In Vei, we have the form of the word ka-ni which, transliterated into native
phonetics, would give us gua-nin.” p.11. This was just one of the numerous instances, cited by
Professor Sertima, where the names, cultures and rituals of the Mandigos converge with those of
the ancient Americans.

It is said that the earliest inhabitants of the Caribbean were primitive and that the “new
world “ experienced civilisation upon the arrival of Columbus. However Columbus was greeted
on the shores of the Caribbean by Indians. Research has proven that these Indians were neo
Indians called Tainos .These Taino people had a chief, and skilled in farming, fishing and hunted
to feed themselves. They were functional, making pottery, baskets and other items needed for
living. Noting the early inhabitant society and matching it with the Cambridge Online Dictionary
which refers to civilization as “human society with its well-developed social organisation, or the
cultural and way of life of a society or country at a particular period in time,” it would appear
that for their society and time that the Taino people with their attributes were civilised thus
civilisation was present when Columbus arrived

ed.

https://muse.jhu.edu/article/183816
How important was the non sugar industry in the creation of the Caribbean economy in the 17th
century?
Non-sugar production within which the enslaved lived and worked throughout the Caribbean
(for example, Haiti, Belize, Cuba, Barbados, Jamaica, Bahamas, and Puerto Rico).
with the emergence of the livestock industry, which predated the production of sugar in Jamaica.
Using cartographic evidence, Barry Higman makes a contribution to Jamaican economic history
by describing the changing functions, as well as the size, shape, land use, and field patterns, of
cattle farms and ranches, known since the seventeenth century as pens. In their essay examining
penkeepers and coffee farmers in Jamaica, Shepherd and Kathleen E. A. Monteith challenge the
argument that plantation societies had "limited possibilities for internal capital accumulation"
because they lacked an important domestic market (82). They note that Jamaican penkeepers and
coffee farmers, who were more diverse in terms of race, color, and gender than the sugar
planters, played a significant role in the local economic and political context.
The Americas 61.2 (2004) 308-310 Few regions on the globe are as intimately connected with a
single agricultural crop as the Caribbean is with sugar. The almost synonymous meaning
between the Caribbean and sugar has caused many scholars to neglect that even the major sugar
producing islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, Barbados, and Jamaica, to name just a few, have all gone
through pre- and post-"sugar cycles." Verene A. Shepherd has brought together a series of
articles that have appeared elsewhere over the last ten years (many of which first appeared in
Plantation Society in the Americas [fall 1998]), and original contributions to emphasize that the
sugar plantation model has masked "the fact that diversification was a significant feature of
Caribbean society and economy even in the age of sugar" (p. 1). In order to draw attention to the

economic and social diversity that has defined the region since the seventeenth century, chapters
cover the French, Spanish and above all British Caribbean with thematic attention to non-sugar
agricultural production, free people of color, and urban slavery. The strength of this collection
rests on the attention it brings to various agricultural commodities that have been neglected in
Caribbean historiography. David Geggus' chapter on indigo production in Saint Domingue
display his characteristic succinct clarity of exposition and analysis in explaining both the
importance of the crop for the French colony and the detailed labor process involved that shaped
slaves' life. Nigel Bolland's chapter on timber extraction in Belize draws an important contrast to
the rigid labor regime of the plantations as he analyzes the mobility of the labor force and the
slaves' cultural practices. Gail Saunders' detailed analysis of cotton production stresses how the
task system shaped slave culture on Bahamian plantations. Reflecting the editor's area of
expertise, Jamaica receives the most attention in the volume. Chapters by B. W. Higman, Verene
A. Shepherd, and Kathleen E. A. Monteith focus on what are known as "pens," cattle farms or
ranches that raised livestock to provide animal power and meat for the colonists. A direct
correlation existed between the rapid rise in plantation production and the increase in pens since
they functioned as an important supporting industry by providing beasts of burden, hides and
beef. S. D. Smith's chapter employs two detailed journals by Jamaican coffee planter's to provide
a comprehensive overview of the slave labor regime used for coffee production. The chapters for
Jamaica emphasize the common theme of the volume: despite the dominant position of sugar in
the historiography, diversity characterized the Caribbean. The remaining five chapters focus on
the related and overlapping groups of urban slaves and free people of color. Evelyn Powell
Jennings' chapter on the slave labor force owned and used by the Spanish state for its massive
military constructions in Havana during the second half of the eighteenth century brings much

needed attention to the multiple uses of slave labor in Cuba before the sugar boom of the
nineteenth century. Pedro Welch's chapter on urban slavery in Bridgetown, Barbados sheds light
on the important role of "hucksters," slaves who met boats that docked at bay and offshore to sell
them goods and foodstuffs. Félix V. Matos Rodríguez analyzes how the debate over urban
slavery between abolitionists and slaveholders and the gendered experiences of male and female
slaves served as crucial catalysts in the eventual abolition of Puerto Rican slavery. Franklin
Knight offers a concise analysis of the social, economic and cultural experiences of the Cuban
free people of color population that varied from 15 to 20 percent of the overall population
throughout the nineteenth century. Hilary McD. Beckles also focuses on the free population of
color to examine their contradictory position of being trapped between a white world of masters
and a black world of slaves. Studying the paradoxical experiences of free black slaveowners in
Barbados, Beckles found that many bought family members as a form of protection and
manumitted slaves at a rate much...

Did the introduction of sugar cane into the Caribbean aid or hamper Caribbean
Development?
The production of sugar cane in the Caribbean has impacted the development of the
Caribbean by encouraging strict trade laws, and tourism attractions
King sugar was instrumental in shaping the diverse political, economic, and social histories of
the Caribbean since colonial times .This was echoed by anthropologist Sidney Mintz (1985) who
stated “Being in Sugar is like collecting Confederate currency”. This assessment, is shared by
many sugar industry observers, insiders, and, increasingly, by many Caribbean officials. Once
established on the Caribbean island, sugar production increased rapidly, with Barbados

experiencing an increase from 7,000 to 12,000 tons produced per year between 1655 and
1700. Even more remarkable is Guadeloupe, which increased its exports from 2,000 tons in 1674
to 10,000 tons in the early eighteenth century, with assistance from Martinique. Matthew Edel, p.
27.
Former sugar cane production sites have now been designated as tourist attraction. Some areas of
former sugar production have become localised regions where buildings, gardens and even fields
of sugar cane have been preserved to become settings for hotels, restaurants, bars, museums or
cultural centres . former sugar production have become localised regions where buildings,
gardens and even fields of sugar cane have been preserved to become settings for hotels,
restaurants, bars, museums or cultural centres Historical societies sometimes refer to former
sugar plantation sites as ‘heritage landscapes’, and one site with a sugar plantation history has
been designated as World Heritage Sites and used as Tourism attractions encouraging Tourist to
visit ,increasing income.
Strict trade laws through political interference . Political action
Political action has been a major driver of change in the sugar land-
scape, primarily at two levels –global and individual islands. Global actions
were of obvious importance throughout the colonial period (e.g. decisions by
Spain to grow sugar in Hispaniola; French and British actions to control all trade
in their respective islands throughout the period of mercantilism; legislative
action to end the slave trade and slavery; movement towards free trade).
Warfare among European and American powers (e.g. the Seven-Years War, the
American Revolution, the Spanish–American War) had profound effects on
Caribbean sugar plantations, particularly when the arena of action moved into

the region. Caribbean islands that believed that political independence would
end their submission to global controls have been disappointed, as new interna-
tional institutions (e.g. the World Trade Organisation, the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund) have continued to exercise a great deal of influ-
ence on the Caribbean sugar industry and landscape.
At the same time, actions within specific islands have been important in
helping to shape the sugar-cane landscape. The most dramatic of these actions
was the Haitian Revolution. Other island-level actions may have been less
obvious, but they have been important cumulatively, as a number of incremen-
tal actions have helped the sugar industry to survive (e.g. government control of
178 William Found and Marta Berbes-Blazquez

production in Cuba, negotiation of favourable trade agreements by several
island governments, government support for sugar research facilities).
Recently, several islands have supported local organisations (e.g. national trusts
and museums) involved in protecting and documenting aspects of the sugar
landscape. Governments, private businesses and individuals have all provided
sufficient support to affect the status and public image of sugar-cane landscapes.

http://community-languages.org.uk/SCS-Papers/olv2p1.pdf
http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/53738/1/WRAP_Richardson_BLAR.pdf

Was education in the British Caribbean, after the abolition of slavery, a new form of social
advancement or new form of social control?
During slavery there had been no formal provision of education for the slaves, except perhaps for
that offered by non-conformist missionaries towards the end of the period. The advent of the
abolition of slavery meant the removal of the controls which slavery provided, setting former
slave owners in a state of panic, fearing the destabilization of society in the Caribbean which was
imminent.
Education in the British Caribbean, after the abolition of slavery, created a new form of social
control , as education was used to effect conversion and cement denominational loyalties, and to
create social fractions.
Conversion and the cementing of denominational loyalties, was made possible through Christian
education. This was facilitated through the financial provision made in the Emancipation Act of
1833 for the “religious and moral education of the Negro population to be emancipated. There
was therefore increased missionary work helping to make ex slaves passive aggressive and alos
the fact that they weren’t taught by “real teachers” hindered advancement and kept them socially
retarded.
Education,with the use of elementary schools also sought to keep the ex slaves controlled
through social status quo,This meant that middle class children’s ensure a position is filled

through their studies, making them ready to replace their parents thus minimising any social
advancement .
The planters had an interest to protect, the ex slaves an interest to advance. The planters had the
weight of the British Government behind them, the latter nothing but their ambition, labour and
their power to withdraw it. The ex slave’s power was never sufficient to enable them to fight
successfully against arbitrary taxation, anti-squatting legislation, high rentals for prime land,
unavailability of land, and low wages which remained static for close on one hundred years after
Emancipation. As Bogues notes, “the content and interpretation of freedom means different
things, given time, space and content.” While Whiteman emphasises the long-term constraints on
the ability of the new generations of ex-slaves and their children, Bogues places the issue
squarely in terms of an evolving elite ideology which, whether we call it the pro-slavery ideology
as Gordon Lewis does, or “creole nationalism” that Bogues calls it, has had the same effect, the
long-term defeat of the principle of freedom as defined by the ex-slaves and their descendants.
Racism, partly concealed by the legal system of slavery itself, became a major force in social
control.Social control did not mean however that the ex slave were restricted from practicing or
sharing their culture, evident in cultural activyies passed down through the generations past.

\
Origin of Jounen Kweyol
The month of October, Creole Heritage Month marked by a celebration of the way of life of St.
Lucians in times past is recognized .Culminating the month long celebration is Jounen Kweyol
which translates to Creole Day, celebrated October 28th. This day of creole heritage is the
brainchild of Bannzil Kweyol, an organisation in 1981, aimed at promoting French Creole
Lnaguages. Public observation and celebration are on the last Sunday in October.Getting the
public to actively participate in this festival ,helps meet the original goal of the organisation; “to
make St. Lucian society aware of the strength and value of the kweyol language and to assist in
the understanding and development of its rich cultural resources”
Are other activities subsumed for a larger general identity during the celebration of the festival.
To meet this goal,the focus of the festival is not just language but also on how intune a St.Lucian
is regarding their cultural heritage. St.Lucian display artifacts, relics, technologies,
clothing,cuisine and materials used by their ancestors. Educators of the Kweyol language,

kweyol activists and others also take time to applaud, observe and pay respect to St. Lucians past
and present who have contributed significantly toward preserving and spreading the culture of
the past be it in song, dance, theatre, and everyday life.During the celebration, though St.Lucia is
ethically and cultuarally diverse, the celebration seemed to be primarily African based with folk
music and visible African wear thoughout the month and the ofcourse the day. This celebration
and the main ethnic group celebrated is proof that the past ,mainly slavery of Africans continue
to play an integral part of the island’s life as it continues to shape the people who are
appreciative of their past and embrace their inherited culture. This appreciation is ensured
through national lectures .Noting that the church plays an integral part in shaping society, the
church also holds Kweyol church service, using innovative ways to ensure society embrace its
ever evolving culture.
How does it show, the Caribbean culture is always evolving
Jounen Kweyol has come a long way,it is not only celebrated by nationals but is used as a tourist
attraction .Evidence of Caribbean cultural globalisation is seen through patriotic St. Lucians
living overseas as they would come together to celebrate the day , just as they would if they were
in their home country.The younger generation ,whilst they would dress up in ancestral wear ,they
would make it fashionable and current. Proving that culture evolve with time and change with
the generation as interpretations may change due to generational gaps and much more.

Work cited

Ivan Van Sertima, They Came Before Columbus:the African Presence in Ancient
America,Random House, 2003, P11
Eudell, Demetrius Lynn. "Slavery without Sugar: Diversity in Caribbean Economy and Society
Since the 17th Century (review)." Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol. 36 no. 1, 2005, pp.
130-132. Project MUSE,

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/265946364_Slavery_Without_Sugar_Diversity_in_Car
ibbean_Economy_and_Society_Since_the_17th_Century_review [accessed Jul 06 2018].

D. Childs, Matt,Slavery Without Sugar: Diversity in Caribbean Economy and Society Since the
17th Century (review) The Americas,61,pp.308-310

DOI 10.1353/tam.2004.0138

Edel, Matthew. “The Brazilian Sugar Cycle of the Seventeenth Century and the Rise of the West
Indian Competition.” Caribbean Studies, (1969) Vol IX, no. 1, pp. 24-43.

MacDonald, Scott B., and F. Joseph Demetrius. “The Caribbean Sugar Crisis: Consequences and
Challenges.” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, vol. 28, no. 1, 1986,
pp. 35–58., doi:10.2307/165735.

The sugar-cane landscape of the Caribbean Islands: Resilience, adaptation and transformation
of the plantation social—ecological system. Available from:
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/289925325_The_sugar-
cane_landscape_of_the_Caribbean_Islands_Resilience_adaptation_and_transformation_of_th
e_plantation_social-ecological_system [accessed Jul 06 2018].

Shirley C. Gordon, “Heads of a Plan for Promoting the Education of Youth in the British West
Indies, 1834,” A Century of West Indian Education (London: Longman, 1963) 20.