Zondervan Atlas of the Bible by Carl Rasmussen

As far as the core of David’s kingdom (Israel proper) is concerned, east of the Dead Sea it
stretched from Aroer in the south to Dan in the north; west of the Jordan Valley it reached from the
Sidon and Tyre region in the north to Beersheba in the Negev of Judah, as evidenced by the extreme
limits of the territory in which Joab conducted a census for David (2 Sam 24:1–8). By David’s day
the traditional boundaries of the area of major Israelite settlement, “from Dan to Beersheba,” were
firmly established (v. 2).

Within these limits David appointed men who supervised the crown’s property. These
administrators were in charge of the agricultural workers; the vineyards and their produce; the oil
and sycamore trees in the Shephelah; the cattle grazing in the Sharon Plain and in the valley; the
camels, donkeys, and flocks that belonged to David; and the storehouses scattered throughout the
country (1 Chron 27:25–31). Since there is no evidence that David taxed his subjects, it seems
reasonable to suppose that the farmlands of the Canaanite cities that had recently passed into
Davidic hands were now considered crown property and that the produce of these lands was used to
support the monarchy.

Toward the end of David’s reign the question of his successor to the throne of Israel and Judah
became acute. His oldest living son, Absalom, decided to take matters into his own hands (2 Sam
14–19). After having been proclaimed king by “all Israel” at the Judean tribal center of Hebron,
Absalom with his followers marched north to Jerusalem. David and his followers fled eastward from
Jerusalem, crossed the Kidron Valley, ascended the Mount of Olives, and proceeded to the fords of
the Jordan River via Bahurim. After crossing the Jordan, David found refuge in the city of
Mahanaim and received support from Shobi (an Ammonite from Rabbah), from Makir (of Lo
Debar), and from Barzillai (the Gileadite from Rogelim; 2 Sam 17:24–29). The battle between the
forces of David, led by Joab, and the forces of Absalom, led by Amasa, took place in Transjordan in
the “forest of Ephraim” (18:6). It was there that Joab put an end to the revolt by killing the
instigator, Absalom.

Upon David’s return to Jerusalem he had to deal with a second revolt, this one led by Sheba, a
Benjamite (2 Sam 20:1–22). It is clear that a considerable element of the northern tribes was in
sympathy with Sheba, while the tribe of Judah backed David. As usual, it was Joab who dealt
decisively with the matter, pursuing Sheba to the northern Israelite city of Abel Beth Maacah, where
Sheba was killed.

As the elderly David languished in Jerusalem, his (apparently) eldest son, Adonijah, decided to
secure the kingship for himself (1 Kings 1:5–27). With the assistance of Joab, the commander of the
army, and Abiathar the priest, he assembled many of the notables of the kingdom near En Rogel, a
small spring located in the Kidron Valley just south of Jerusalem (vv. 5–10). Upon hearing of this,
Nathan the prophet and Bathsheba approached David in order to confirm Solomon as king. Nathan,
along with the priest Zadok and Benaiah, the commander of the Kerethites and Pelethites, anointed
Solomon as king at the Gihon Spring (vv. 11–48). Soon after the line of succession was clarified,
David died, and his son Solomon inherited the vast kingdom.

According to the Bible, most of the years of Solomon’s rule (970–930 BC) were taken up with
building projects, commercial ventures, and the continued maintenance of the kingdom he had
inherited. During at least a portion of Solomon’s rule the kingdom extended from Tiphsah on the
Euphrates River in the northeast to the border of Egypt on the southwest (1 Kings 4:21–24; 2 Chron
9:26). The one military expedition attributed to Solomon was his conquest of Hamath Zobah (2

Chron 8:3), by which he evidently extended his kingdom from its previous border at Lebo Hamath
northeastward up to the Euphrates. Solomon consolidated his hold on this region by building the city
of Tadmor, as well as store cities in the country of Hamath (v. 4). In all probability these served as
military and administrative outposts by means of which he controlled and serviced the caravans
passing through the area. In addition, some of these cities may have served as centers for the
breeding of horses and for the buying and selling of both horses and chariots to the neo-Hittite states
in the region (1 Kings 10:26–29; 2 Chron 1:14–17).

Solomon also moved to solidify his control of the trade routes that passed through Israel proper.
Along the major International Highway he fortified the strategic cities of Hazor, Megiddo, and
Gezer (1 Kings 9:15). All three of these cities have been excavated, and similar, six-chambered
Solomonic gates have been discovered at each of them. Gezer is of particular interest, for it guarded
the road that led up to Jerusalem from the west. Along this western approach to Jerusalem, Solomon
also fortified Lower and Upper Beth Horon and, on a road slightly to the south, Baalath (= Kiriath
Jearim; 9:17–18; 2 Chron 8:5–6). To the south and east of Israel, he built Tamar in the wilderness
(Heb. and NASB; the NIV reads “Tadmor” [1 Kings 9:18]). In addition, store cities and cities for his
chariots and horses were set up around the country.

REBELLIONS AGAINST DAVID: ABSALOM AND SHEBA



Gezer: Six-chamber gate at Gezer—probably associated with the Solomonic building program (1 Kings 9:15). View from inside
the city looking out—note the drain in the center of the gate over which the road ran.

Archaeological excavations and surveys have shown that a string of over forty forts, scattered
over the Negev Highlands, were constructed during this period. These small forts were usually built
with a double wall (casemate), had a gate, and in some cases were guarded by attached towers.
Located nearby were four-room houses along with farmsteads consisting of terraces, dams, and
cisterns. It is obvious that people had not moved into this desolate region because of its agricultural
richness, for it receives only 4 to 8 inches of rain each year. Rather, it is to be supposed that the
soldiers who were stationed at the forts lived in these houses and that their families constructed the
agricultural installations in an attempt to supplement their government rations.

Hazor: Double (casemate) wall attached to the six-chambered (Solomonic) gate

Presumably, at least early in his reign, Solomon controlled the Transjordanian states of Ammon,
Moab, and Edom, for it is likely that his marriages to women of these countries sealed alliances
made with their leading families (1 Kings 11:1; cf. 3:1). Certainly Solomon controlled Gilead,
where Israelites were settled, and, for a period of time, Damascus as well.

Thus it is evident that Solomon controlled the major north–south route that led from Arabia to
Damascus through Transjordan, the overland routes that connected Arabia with Egypt and the
Mediterranean Sea via the Negev, the overland route that connected Egypt with Mesopotamia, and
many of the routes in the north that connected Syria and northwestern Mesopotamia with the
Mediterranean Sea. It is probable that by providing these overland caravans with food, water, and
protection, and by collecting tolls from them, Solomon became very wealthy. Indeed, the visit of the
Queen of Sheba to Jerusalem is commonly interpreted as reflecting her interest in maintaining good
relations with Solomon so as to expedite the passage of her caravans through his territory (1 Kings
10:1–13; note especially her camel caravan, which brought such luxury items as spices, gold, and
precious stones). In addition, the Bible notes that Solomon received revenues from merchants and
traders as well as from the kings of Arabia and the governors of the land (2 Chron 9:14).

His middleman status is nicely illustrated by the fact that he both imported and exported horses
and chariots. Horses were imported from Egypt and Kue, while quality (ceremonial?) chariots were
built in Egypt and then exported to the “kings of the Hittites and of the Arameans” (1 Kings 10:28–
29; 2 Chron 1:16–17).

ISRAEL DURING SOLOMON’S REIGN



SOLOMON’S KINGDOM AND MAJOR TRADE ROUTES



Ain Dara, Syria: View of an Iron Age temple that has strong design parallels with the Solomonic temple in Jersualem.

Mark Connally

The other sources of revenue frequently mentioned in connection with Solomon are his copper
mines and the export of agricultural produce. It was at one time thought that a major source of
Solomon’s revenue came from exporting copper mined at Timnah near the Red Sea. However, there
is no textual support for this theory, and recent archaeological investigations have shown that the
Timnah mines were not used during the Solomonic period and thus could not have been a source of
revenue, although recent studies have shown that copper was mined and processed in the vicinity of
Khirbet en-Nahas (near the exit of Wadi Feinan) in the tenth century BC. As for the export of
agricultural produce, it should be noted that shipments of wheat, barley, wine, and oil were made to
the workers of Hiram of Tyre, who were cutting trees to be used in Solomon’s building projects (2
Chron 2:10, 15), and that Solomon also exported wheat and olive oil to Hiram on a yearly basis (1
Kings 5:10). But all of this was in exchange for cedar and pine logs and in itself could not have been
considered a primary source of surplus revenue.

Almost half of Solomon’s rule was taken up with his two great building projects in Jerusalem.
The temple, which was begun in the fourth year of his reign (966 BC), took seven years to build,
while his palace took thirteen years. The limestone used in the two buildings was cut from the
Judean hills. The timber—choice cedar and pine logs—was supplied by Hiram of Tyre. After being
cut in the mountains of Lebanon, the logs were floated down to Joppa (1 Kings 5:1–12; 2 Chron 2:3–
16), and from there they were transported up to Jerusalem, probably via the Gezer–Beth Horon road.
From the biblical description of these two buildings it seems probable that their basic outlines were

somewhat similar to temple and palace designs found in the neo-Hittite states to the north. In any
case, the Solomonic age was remembered as a time when luxury items of gold and silver and cedar
abounded in the capital (1 Kings 10:14–27; 2 Chron 1:15; 9:13–24).

In spite of all the wealth flowing into his kingdom, it seems that Solomon had to resort to a
program of taxing some of his subjects in order to maintain his large court. He did this by dividing
all of the territory of Israel north of Jerusalem into twelve administrative districts. Evidently Judah,
the tribe from which David and Solomon came, was exempt from this burden, and the hard feelings
that resulted from this probably fueled the north’s eventual desire for independence. The twelve
districts each had to provide food for the king and his household for one month each year (1 Kings
4:7, 22–23, 27–28).

In some cases the districts seem to have coincided with old tribal territories, such as Ephraim (1
Kings 4:8), Dan (v. 9), Naphtali (v. 15), Asher (v. 16), Aloth (= Zebulun; v. 16), Issachar (v. 17), and
Benjamin (v. 18). Other districts appear to have been composed of cities that had formerly been
major Canaanite centers but that now received a status of their own: the Sharon Plain and western
Manasseh (v. 10); the Plain of Dor (v. 11); and the Jezreel, Harod, and Jordan valleys (v. 12). The
delimitation of the Transjordanian districts is problematic, but those districts may have roughly
coincided with the territories allotted to Reuben, Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh. It has been
suggested that, since portions of territory once allotted to Ephraim and Manasseh—the coastal plain
and the Jezreel, Harod, and Jordan Valleys—now were considered independent districts, part of the
Solomonic agenda was to neutralize the strength of these two powerful northern tribes. In all
probability this administrative list dates to the second half of Solomon’s reign, for two of the
administrators were Solomon’s sons-in-law (vv. 11, 15).

Ain Dara, Syria: Three foot(!) long “footprints of the deity” carved on the paving stones of the entrance to the temple at Ain
Dara

Mark Connally

TWELVE ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS IN SOLOMON’S KINGDOM



Ain Dara, Syria: A winged creature (cherub?) guarding the entrance to the temple at Ain Dara

Mark Connally

Although many Bible readers consider Solomon’s reign to be one of unmatched wealth and
power, there are some indications from the Bible that the empire was showing signs of weakness.
This can be seen in Solomon’s relationship with Egypt. On the one hand, the fact that Pharaoh gave
his daughter to Solomon to seal a political alliance between the two states is evidence that Solomon
was strong and had to be reckoned with. Reference is made to Pharaoh’s daughter five different
times in the Bible in an attempt to aggrandize the power, wealth, and prestige of Solomon.

But on the other hand, it must be remembered that this pharaoh, probably Siamun (978–959 BC)
of the Twenty-First Dynasty, also captured Gezer (only 30 mi. from Jerusalem!), burned it, and then
gave it as a dowry present to his daughter (1 Kings 9:16). Since Solomon fortified Gezer (v. 15), and
since the transport of shipments of cedar from Joppa to Jerusalem had to pass by Gezer, this
expedition of Siamun must have taken place early in Solomon’s reign, probably before his fourth
year (966 BC), the year in which the temple was begun (6:1). What was Siamun doing in the heart of
the Solomonic empire? Reestablishing Egyptian sovereignty over Philistia? Driving the Israelites
out of Philistia? Attempting to invade Israel, but, not succeeding, settling for a treaty with Solomon?

It is difficult to be dogmatic on this point, but it is clear that the king of Egypt felt himself to be
sufficiently strong to make this bold move soon after David’s death (970 BC).

From the north, Hiram of Tyre supplied Solomon with lumber and gold (1 Kings 9:11–14),
workmen (5:18; 7:13–14), and ships and sailors for maritime ventures on the Red Sea (9:27–28). In
return, Solomon provided Hiram with agricultural products, including wheat and oil (5:11). The
motive behind Solomon’s gift to Hiram of twenty cities from the tribe of Asher in the Plain of Acco
area (9:11–14) is much disputed. It is possible that Solomon gave up these cities because of his
unpaid debt to Hiram.

Toward the end of his reign, Solomon faced a number of serious problems. Internally, he had to
face the dissatisfaction of some of the leaders of the northern tribes, who objected to his building
projects and probably also to his taxation and conscription policies (1 Kings 11:27). This
dissatisfaction can be seen in Jeroboam’s rebellion against Solomon, although this abortive attempt
failed and Jeroboam had to flee to Egypt, where he remained until Solomon’s death (vv. 26–40).
Externally, Hadad the Edomite became Solomon’s adversary to the southeast (vv. 14–22), while to
the northeast Rezon of Damascus became a leader of rebels who took control of and settled in
Damascus (vv. 23–25). In addition, Solomon began to worship some of the foreign deities he had
introduced into Jerusalem in deference to his foreign wives (vv. 1–8). It is thus evident that both
internal and external factors were weakening the empire, and it is no wonder that it collapsed almost
immediately upon the death of Solomon.

SYRIA/MESOPOTAMIA (940 BC to 840 BC)
SYRIA/MESOPOTAMIA (820 BC to 720 BC)

The Divided Kingdom

Although Israel and Judah had been joined together for some seventy-three years under the
leadership of David and Solomon, the continuation of the union was by no means assured. After the
death of Solomon (930 BC), his son and successor, Rehoboam (930–913 BC), traveled north to the
tribal center at Shechem in order to secure the continued allegiance of the northern tribes (1 Kings
12:1–19; 2 Chron 10:1–19). However, when the latter demanded relief from the oppressive tax
burden Solomon had placed on them, Rehoboam’s response was that he would increase this burden.
At this point the northern tribes rejected the supremacy of the Davidic dynasty and appointed
Jeroboam (930–910 BC) as their first king. Rehoboam fled for his life back to Jerusalem, and thus
began the period of the divided kingdom (930–722 BC).

In the north, Jeroboam is most famous for his religious maneuver of establishing worship centers
at Dan and Bethel (1 Kings 12:26–33). By building sanctuaries at these two cities, which were
located at the extremities of his country, he effectively defined the limits of the territory under his
control. In addition, by placing a sanctuary at Bethel, which was located on the Ridge Route only
eleven miles north of Jerusalem, he in effect attempted to “detour” any worshipers who might be
heading to the temple in Jerusalem. Since Jeroboam appointed non-Levitical priests to serve at his

shrines and since the loyalty of most of the Levites was to the sanctuary in Jerusalem and to the
Davidic dynasty, many of the Levites left their allotted cities in northern Israel (see map p. 120) and
moved south, to the more hospitable territory of Judah (2 Chron 11:13–14).

Dan: Podium (partially reconstructed) where the king sat on a throne at the entrance to the city gate

The Egyptian pharaoh Shishak (945–924 BC), seeing the weakness of the divided kingdom, made
plans for the invasion of both Judah and Israel. In response, Rehoboam constructed fifteen fortresses
in Judah (2 Chron 11:5–12) to ward off the attack. It is important to note that these forts were
located in the Shephelah, the southern hill country, and along the edge of the Judean Desert; thus it
is clear that by 925 BC, within five years of the death of the powerful Solomon, the “empire” of his
son was basically confined to the Hill Country of Judah!

Shishak’s invasion of Judah is briefly described in the Bible (1 Kings 14:25–31; 2 Chron 12:1–
11), but his own inscription documents it much more fully. The invasion took place in Rehoboam’s
fifth year (925 BC) and proceeded from the coastal plain into the Hill Country of Benjamin via the
Beth Horon ridge as well as along one of the ridges to the south. Although Jerusalem was threatened,

it avoided capture because Rehoboam paid large sums of tribute to Shishak (1 Kings 14:25–28; 2
Chron 12:9–11). From Shishak’s account of his campaign it is difficult to determine his exact line of
march. Apparently he moved northward toward Shechem, pursuing Jeroboam (who previously had
found refuge with Shishak in Egypt [1 Kings 11:40]) to Tirzah, down the Wadi Farah into the Jordan
Valley, and farther into the hills of Gilead. Indeed, Jeroboam may have temporarily moved his
capital to Penuel (12:25; Heb., but NIV “Peniel”), a city discreetly located in Transjordan away from
the major thrust of Shishak’s attack. In addition, the northern portion of Shishak’s campaign
included attacks on cities in the Jezreel Valley and the Sharon Plain.

REHOBOAM’S FORTRESSES

Karnak, Egypt: Shishak conquering his foes lower right pleading for mercy. In the lower left are cartouches of captured
enemies/cities; (1 Kings 14:25–28).

Mark Connally

The second section of Shishak’s inscription describes his conquest of some eighty-five
settlements in the southern part of Judah in the Negev. This text and recent archaeological
investigations suggest that the fortresses that Solomon had built were destroyed by the Egyptian
king, implying that the conveyers of luxury goods from southern Arabia now had to follow alternate
routes (through Shishak’s Egypt?) to Mediterranean ports. Thus effective control of the major trade
routes through Israel slipped from Israelite and Judean hands, to the benefit of the Egyptians.

Dan: High place for worship. Jeroboam originally put “golden calves” at both Bethel and Dan (1 Kings 12:28–30).
THE DIVIDED KINGDOM AND SHISHAK’S INVASION (925 BC)



Israel and Judah, although both humbled by their experiences with Shishak, still took about
twenty years to resolve the dispute over their common border. Rehoboam’s son Abijah (913–910
BC) made the first of several incursions, invading Israel and capturing Bethel, Jeshanah, and
Ephron, as well as the surrounding villages (2 Chron 13:2–20). This northern movement of the
Judean border, which brought Jeroboam’s cult center at Bethel under Judean control, lasted for
approximately twenty years. It was the northern king Baasha (908–886 BC) who responded by
pushing the border south to Ramah, only 6 miles north of Jerusalem.

The Judean king Asa (910–869 BC) felt he needed assistance in meeting this Israelite threat and
appealed to Ben-Hadad, king of Aram Damascus. Ben-Hadad, in turn, opened a northern front
against Israel, invading and capturing Ijon, Dan, Abel Beth Maacah, Kinnereth, and other cities, all
of which were located in the Rift Valley north of the Sea of Galilee (1 Kings 15:16–22; 2 Chron
16:1–6). Because of Ben-Hadad’s attack, Baasha had to abandon his southward expansion plans, and
Asa was able to push their common border northward. The resulting boundary, which left Bethel in
Israel to the north and Mizpah and Geba in Judah to the south, formed the traditional boundary
between the northern and southern kingdoms until the fall of the north in 722 BC.

Throughout its 209-year history (930–722 BC), the Northern Kingdom was characterized by
instability. Its nineteen kings came from nine different families, and eight of its kings were either
assassinated or committed suicide. This instability was also illustrated by the fact that Israel had
four capitals in succession: Shechem, Penuel, Tirzah, and Samaria. Shechem was initially selected
because of its long history as a tribal and religious center. Probably Penuel served as a temporary
refuge for Jeroboam as he fled from Shishak. Tirzah, situated east of the watershed at the head of the
Wadi Farah, next served as a secure capital on the remote (east) side of the central mountains for
approximately forty years. It was at the midpoint of Omri’s reign (885–874 BC) that he purchased
the hill of Shemer, built a new capital there, and named it Samaria (1 Kings 16:23–24).

BOUNDARY DISPUTE BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH

Since Samaria, on the western side of the mountain watershed, was situated close to an easy

approach from the Sharon Plain via the Nahal Shechem, it was much more open to foreign
influences than was Tirzah or even Shechem. Indeed, Israel’s treaty with the king of the Sidonians
indicates its outward-looking orientation. The marriage of Ahab and Jezebel, the daughter of
Ethbaal, king of the Sidonians, not only cemented this alliance, but Ahab’s building of a temple and
altar in Samaria for Jezebel’s god Baal indicates that external influences on the Northern Kingdom
were not merely economic, social, and political, but religious as well (1 Kings 16:31–33).

Although Israel was able to establish friendly relations with Judah to the south and Tyre and
Sidon to the northwest, its relations with the Arameans of Damascus deteriorated. There were
probably several causes for this conflict. For example, a strong Israel, occupying cities such as Dan,
Ijon, Abel Beth Maacah, and Hazor, in effect controlled Damascus’ east–west caravan route to the
Mediterranean coast (see p. 37). Also, a powerful Israel meant that it, not Damascus, controlled the
lucrative north–south incense route along the King’s Highway in Transjordan. If Israel could control
this route up to Ramoth Gilead, then spice and incense caravans could pass westward through
Israelite territory to ports such as Acco, Tyre, and Sidon. From there, luxury goods could be loaded
onto the ships of Phoenicia, Israel’s new ally, and transported anywhere in the Mediterranean world.
Thus, caravan transit revenues would benefit Israel rather than Damascus. It is no wonder that at
least thirteen battles were fought between Israel and the Arameans; several of them occurred at or
near the strategic city of Ramoth Gilead.

THE NORTHERN KINGDOM—ISRAEL (930–722 BC)



Arad, Negev: Judean worship center. Sacrificial altar and courtyard on right, broad room to the left, and most sacred room
with standing stones and incense altars upper left.

On a number of occasions the Arameans pressed their advantage to the gates of Samaria—for
example, during the days of Ahab (874–853 BC; 1 Kings 20:1–21) and J(eh)oram (852–841 BC; 2
Kings 6:24–7:8)—but in each instance they were driven off to lands east of the Jordan River.
Despite the numerous conflicts between Aram and Israel, it was necessary for these two rivals to
join together along with other nations of the Levant in order to meet the growing Assyrian threat
when the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (858–824 BC) began pushing westward and southward. A
coalition of eleven or twelve Levantine kings met him in battle at Qarqar on the Orontes in 853 BC.
Shalmaneser portrays himself as victorious, but it is evident that the coalition temporarily blunted
the Assyrian threat.

Significant is the fact that Hadadezer of Damascus (= biblical Ben-Hadad II) supplied the most
infantry (20,000 troops), while Ahab the Israelite provided the most chariots (2,000). Although the
record of the number of chariots involved seems to have been inflated by Shalmaneser’s scribes, it
is interesting to note that both Hadadezer and Ahab were considered to be the strongest of all the
allied kings and that these two countries, which recently had been fighting each other and would do
so again soon after the battle, appear as allies at Qarqar! In addition, it is well to note the appearance
of Gindibu the Arab, who supplied 1,000 camels to the war effort—a fact that underlines the
growing importance of the camel as a beast of burden, as well as Arabia’s interest in affairs much to
its north (i.e., its interest in protecting its northern spice and incense markets and terminals).

Soon after the battle of Qarqar, still in 853 BC, Ben-Hadad and Ahab were again fighting each
other at Ramoth Gilead. Ahab was killed in the battle (1 Kings 22:29–37; 2 Chron 18:28–34). With
the death of the powerful Ahab, Moab, Israel’s vassal, revolted (2 Kings 3:4–27 and Mesha Stela in
ANET, 320–21), gaining its independence and capturing the tableland north of the Arnon Gorge as
far as Medeba, Nebo, and Bezer, at the expense of the Israelite tribes of Gad and Reuben.

NORTHERN INVASION ROUTE (DAMASCUS TO SHECHEM)



In the north, Ahab’s son Joram (852–841 BC) bore the brunt of Aram’s continuing attacks (2
Kings 6:24–7:8). Late in Joram’s reign he was wounded while fighting the Arameans at Ramoth
Gilead. While Joram was recuperating from his wounds at his winter palace in Jezreel, Jehu, the
commander of Joram’s army at Ramoth Gilead, staged a coup, executing not only the king but also
Jezebel and eventually all the remaining descendants of the line of Omri/Ahab (841 BC; 2 Kings 9
and 10).

In contrast to the Northern Kingdom, Judah exhibited much more stability during its 345-year
history—from the time of Solomon’s death (930 BC) until the sack of Jerusalem by the Babylonians
(586 BC). Judah had nineteen kings, all of whom were from the Davidic dynasty. In addition, at the
time of Solomon’s death Jerusalem had been firmly established as the religious and political capital
of the Southern Kingdom. Indeed, the Levites who lived in the north moved to Judah when Israel
revolted, in order to maintain their connection with the temple worship.

As noted previously, the location of Rehoboam’s fortresses and the route of Shishak’s invasion
(925 BC) clearly indicate that the Southern Kingdom was basically confined to the Hill Country of
Judah and the Shephelah. During Rehoboam’s rule (930–913 BC) Judah was no longer able to
control the trade routes that ran through the coastal plain, the Negev, and Transjordan.

The Chronicler’s account of the reigns of successive Judean kings illustrates the theological
principle that their expressions of fidelity and trust toward God led to blessing, prosperity, and
strength, while their disobedience usually led to disaster, destruction, defeat, and eventually
deportation. For example, during the early part of Asa’s reign (910–869 BC), expressions of his trust
in God were followed by victory over the invading hordes of Zerah the Ethiopian at Zephathah near
Mareshah (2 Chron 14). But later, Asa’s lack of trust in the power of God to deal with Baasha’s
aggressive move southward (p. 154) and his reliance on an alliance with the pagan Ben-Hadad of
Damascus eventually led to his ignominious death (16:7–14).

Jehoshaphat (872–848 BC), Asa’s successor, instituted a series of religious and legal reforms. In
addition, garrison cities, forts, and store cities were constructed and manned (2 Chron 17), and
internal administrative districts and governorships were established (17:2). Jehoshaphat’s power
was such that the Philistines to the west and the Arabians to the south and east brought him tribute
(vv. 10–11), possibly because he was again exercising Judean control over portions of the
international trade routes.

Later in the reign of Jehoshaphat, the Moabites, Ammonites, and Meunites (inhabitants of Mount
Seir [v. 10]) invaded Judah from the east (2 Chron 20). They evidently crossed the Salt Sea via a
ford that led from the Lisan area westward, setting up camp at Hazazon Tamar (= En Gedi). From
there they proceeded up the Pass of Ziz, evidently attempting to move up the road on the ridge just
north of the Nahal Arugot. Jehoshaphat, after inquiring of the Lord, went out to meet them in battle.
But before his arrival, the invading forces fought among themselves and slaughtered each other, so
that the Judean army merely had to collect the booty left behind. Indeed, God had gone before the
faithful Judeans.

In spite of his faithfulness to God, Jehoshaphat was also noted for establishing close relations
with Israel to the north. In fact, his son Jehoram married Athaliah, a daughter of Ahab and Jezebel (2
Kings 8:18; 2 Chron 21:6), and Jehoshaphat even fought alongside Ahab in the battle of Ramoth
Gilead (853 BC; see p. 156). When Ahab’s son Joram experienced defeat in his encounter with
Mesha, the king of Moab, in the northern Mishor area, Jehoshaphat permitted Joram to pass through

Judah so that he could attack Moab from the southwest. Jehoshaphat and the Edomites even joined
him in this unsuccessful endeavor (2 Kings 3:6–27).

Further evidence of Jehoshaphat’s alliance with the north was his attempt to revive
Israelite/Judean shipping on the Red Sea. Unfortunately, the Tarshish ships that Jehoshaphat and
Ahaziah (853–852 BC) had constructed to go to Ophir barely left port before being wrecked at Ezion
Geber (1 Kings 22:47–49; 2 Chron 20:35–37). Indeed, every recorded joint venture between
Jehoshaphat and Israel was unsuccessful (the battle at Ramoth Gilead, the invasion of Moab,
shipping on the Red Sea); yet when Jehoshaphat trusted in God, he was successful (the defeat of
Moabites, Ammonites, and inhabitants of Mount Seir).

Jehoram, Jehoshaphat’s son, who had married Ahab’s daughter Athaliah, was wicked. During his
reign (853–841 BC) Judah experienced a number of serious reversals. To the southeast, Edom
revolted, as did Libnah in the Shephelah on the west (2 Kings 8:20–22; 2 Chron 21:8–10). The
Philistines and Arabians, who had formerly brought tribute to Jehoshaphat, invaded Judah and even
carried off members of the royal family (2 Chron 21:16–17).

At Jehoram’s death, his son Ahaziah continued the alliance with Israel, fighting alongside Joram
at Ramoth Gilead (2 Kings 8:28; 2 Chron 22:5). However, this close alliance led to Ahaziah’s death:
when he was visiting the wounded Joram in Jezreel, Jehu staged a coup and killed him along with
Joram, Jezebel, and the last of Ahab’s descendants (2 Kings 9:27–28; 2 Chron 22:9).

Soon afterward, the royal Davidic line was almost annihilated by the wicked queen Athaliah
(841–835 BC; 2 Kings 11). However, a priestly family rescued one child from the Davidic line
(Joash) and secretly raised him for a number of years. At the age of seven Joash was crowned king,
and the wicked Athaliah was executed (2 Kings 11:1–16; 2 Chron 23:1–15). During the early years
of Joash’s rule (835–796 BC), he and his mentor, Jehoiada the high priest, initiated religious
reforms (2 Kings 12:1–12; 2 Chron 24:1–16). However, late in Joash’s rule, after Jehoiada died at
age 130, Joash forsook God for the worship of the Asherim and idols, and he even murdered the son
of his godly advisor (2 Chron 24:17–22). Typically, disobedience led to disaster, and soon Joash felt
the pressure of the Aramean king Hazael, who first attacked Gath in the Philistine Plain and then
moved eastward into the hill country toward Jerusalem (2 Kings 12:17–18; 2 Chron 24:23–25).
However, when Joash paid tribute to Hazael, the latter abandoned the attack on Jerusalem.

Disgruntled elements assassinated Joash (2 Kings 12:19–21; 2 Chron 24:25–27), and his son
Amaziah ruled in his place (796–767 BC). Amaziah began his reign by subduing Edom and
capturing Sela, renaming it Joktheel (2 Kings 14:7; 2 Chron 25:1–15). Soon Amaziah was
worshiping captured Edomite gods, however, and his challenge to meet the Israelites in battle was
answered by the Israelite king Jehoash—who defeated him in the battle of Beth Shemesh (2 Kings
14:8–14; 2 Chron 25:17–24). The Israelites continued on to Jerusalem, plundered the city, and
destroyed portions of its walls. Amaziah’s political support was at a low point, and as he fled
Jerusalem he was assassinated by conspirators at the Judean city of Lachish (2 Kings 14:18–20; 2
Chron 25:26–28).

Amaziah was succeeded by his son Azariah (also called Uzziah; 792–740 BC). Azariah was
judged by the ancient historians to have been a “good” king, and during his reign Judean influence
spread considerably. On the west he captured Gath, Jabneh, and Ashdod (2 Chron 26:6–8). To the
south and southwest the Arabs in Gur Baal and the Meunim paid tribute to him, as did the
Ammonites on the east. In the south he constructed forts in the wilderness, subdued the Edomites,

and rebuilt Elath on the Red Sea (2 Kings 14:22; 2 Chron 26:2). He thus reinstituted Judean control
over the north–south trade routes that ran through the coastal plain and through Transjordan, as well
as over the important east–west route that led from Edom/Arabia to the Mediterranean ports at Gaza
and Ashdod. Because of this, it can be assumed that considerable revenues accrued to the Judeans,
just as they had when Solomon had controlled these routes. In addition, Azariah fortified Jerusalem
and built the Corner and Valley gates (2 Chron 26:9–15).

THE CONFLICTS OF THE SOUTHERN KINGDOM (TENTH TO EIGHTH CENTURIES BC)



The kingship of Jotham, Azariah’s son, is briefly described (2 Kings 15:32–38; 2 Chron 27:1–9).
He was known for continuing in the ways of his father, and the historian notes his building projects
in Jerusalem as well as his construction of cities, forts, and towers in the Judean Hill Country.
However, toward the end of his reign, when Ahaz was coregent with him (apparently 735–732 BC),
Pekah of Israel, Rezin of Aram Damascus, and probably the son of Tabeel of Transjordan attacked
Judah. They were evidently attempting to replace the Davidic king with one of their own choosing,
namely, the son of Tabeel, who would join them in their anti-Assyrian alliance (2 Kings 16:5–6; 2
Chron 28:5–8; Isa 7:1–17). The Judeans, however, appealed to the Assyrian monarch Tiglath-Pileser
III (744–727 BC) for assistance, and he willingly responded by attacking Israel in the north (2 Kings
16:7–10; 15:29; 2 Chron 28:16, 20–21. Although the Judeans were relieved of immediate
Israelite/Aramean pressures, they would later suffer at the hands of their Assyrian ally.

ASSYRIAN EXPANSION

During Ahaz’s reign (735–715 BC), religious and political conditions in Judah deteriorated.
Children were made to pass through the fire, Baals were made and worshiped, and pagan rites at the
high places were revived (2 Kings 16:2–4; 2 Chron 28:1–4). These religious setbacks were
paralleled by political and geographical reversals: 120,000 Judeans were killed during the
Israelite/Aramean invasion (2 Chron 28:6); Edom revolted and even invaded Judah (2 Kings 16:5–
6); the Philistines invaded the Shephelah and the Negev, capturing Beth Shemesh, Aijalon,
Gederoth, Soco, Timnah, Gimzo, and nearby villages (2 Chron 28:17–19).

Meanwhile, in the Northern Kingdom, Jehu, after assassinating Jehoram (841 BC), continued his
purge by wiping out the living male descendants from the family of Omri and by destroying the
priests and worshipers of Baal as well as the temple of Baal at Samaria (2 Kings 10). Although not
mentioned in Scripture, it is known from Assyrian records (ANET, 280–81) that Jehu paid tribute to

Shalmaneser III (858–824 BC). The latter had invaded Aramean territory, captured cities in Gilead,
and received tribute from Jehu and the kings of Tyre and Sidon at Baal-Rosh (= Mount Carmel) in
841 BC.

PROPHETIC ACTIVITY IN ISRAEL AND JUDAH



Black Obelisk (6 1/2 ft. high) panel portraying Jehu, the Israelite king, bowing down in submission to Shalmaneser III (from
Calah/Nimrud in Iraq)

London, British Museum

Although Israel survived under the leadership of Jehu and his successors, it did experience some
defeats. For example, near the end of Jehu’s reign, probably in the 820s, Hazael the Aramean
invaded Israel, capturing Transjordanian lands belonging to the tribes of Manasseh, Reuben, and
Gad, all the way south to the Arnon Gorge (2 Kings 10:32–33). To the southwest Hazael attacked
Gath in the Philistine Plain as well as Judah and Jerusalem (12:17–18; 2 Chron 24:23–24),
indicating that he must have been able to move freely through prime Israelite territory, including the
Jezreel Valley and the Sharon Plain, in order to reach these targets.

Jehu’s successor, Jehoahaz (814–798 BC), was also oppressed by the Arameans. He also paid
tribute to the Assyrians, namely to Adad-Nirari (810–783 BC; ANET, 281). Militarily, Israel was
reduced to 50 horsemen, 10 chariots, and 10,000 foot soldiers (2 Kings 13:7)—a modest force
compared with the reputed 2,000 chariots Ahab had mustered for the battle of Qarqar in 853 BC.

From roughly 800 BC until 740 BC the Assyrians were preoccupied elsewhere in the Near East,
and the Israelite kingdom was able to flourish. The final Israelite renaissance began during the days
of Jehoash (798–782 BC), who inflicted several defeats on the Aramean Ben-Hadad III and even
overpowered arrogant Amaziah, the Judean king (see above, p. 158). The peak of Israelite expansion
and prosperity was reached during the long rule of Jeroboam II (793–753 BC). The area of his
influence stretched from Lebo Hamath in the north to Judah and the Sea of the Arabah (= Salt Sea)
in the south and included control over Damascus (2 Kings 14:25–29). Indeed, when the territories

controlled by the Judean king Azariah (see above, p. 158) and those controlled by Jeroboam II are
considered together, their combined area almost reached Solomonic proportions.

Although the Bible is silent about the internal administrative structure of Israel during this era of
great prosperity, sixty-three ostraca (broken pieces of pottery with writing on them) found in the
excavation of the citadel at Samaria shed welcome light on this period. These ostraca record the
receipt of wine and oil by persons living in Samaria from estates located in the surrounding villages.
Many of the villages mentioned can be identified, and from the ostraca it is possible even to note on
a map where various clans from the tribe of Manasseh were located. For the historical geographer
this is a great bonanza, since the tribal description of the territory of Manasseh (Josh 16–17) is brief
and lacks a list of cities. Thus our knowledge of the heartland of Manasseh is greatly augmented by
the Samaria ostraca.

ASSYRIAN PROVINCES AFTER THE FALL OF THE NORTHERN KINGDOM



Jeroboam’s two successors ruled for a combined total of seven months, and both were
assassinated. It was during the reign of Menahem (752–742 BC) that the presence of the Assyrian
menace was again felt. Menahem assessed a 50-shekel levy against every wealthy man in order to
pay 1,000 talents (ca. 37 tons) of silver to Tiglath-Pileser III (2 Kings 15:19–20, ANET, 283).

It was Menahem’s successor, Pekah (752–732 BC), who bore the brunt of the initial Assyrian
onslaught. In order to meet the Assyrian threat, Pekah made an alliance with Rezin of Aram
Damascus and with the influential son of Tabeel of Transjordan (Isa 7:5–6). These allies attempted
to force the Judean king Ahaz into joining their coalition but, though able to devastate Judah and
threaten Jerusalem, they were not successful (see above, p. 160). Biblical and especially Assyrian
records describe Tiglath-Pileser III’s invasions (2 Kings 15:29–30; ANET, 282–84). In 734 BC he
marched down the Mediterranean coast, capturing cities all the way to Gaza and the Brook of Egypt.
In 733 BC his army again returned, capturing northern Israelite cities such as Ijon, Abel Beth
Maacah, Janoah, Kedesh, and Hazor (15:29), as well as cities in Naphtali (Galilee) and in Gilead.
Finally in 732 BC, after having cut off the routes for possible Egyptian and Israelite support, he
attacked and captured Damascus. Rezin was deposed and Pekah assassinated, and in the latter’s
stead, Tiglath-Pileser III put Hoshea (732–723 BC) on the Israelite throne as a puppet king.

Shortly after the death of Tiglath-Pileser III (727 BC) Hoshea, the last of the Israelite kings,
revolted against the Assyrians, who responded by laying siege to Samaria under the leadership of
Shalmaneser V (727–722 BC). After a siege of three years Samaria fell to the Assyrians (2 Kings
17:4–6; 18:9–11; ANET, 284–85). The biblical writer, commenting on the disaster that befell the
Northern Kingdom in 722 BC, states that it was due to the fact that as a nation, the north had not
heeded the warnings of their prophets—Elijah, Elisha, Jonah, Amos, Hosea—but had actively been
involved in gross sins, including idolatry, sorcery, divination, and child sacrifice (17:7–23).

Although the Bible does not go into detail, the fall of Samaria was a very traumatic experience for
the Israelites because the Assyrians were known for their savage treatment of rebels: not only
looting, rape, and bondage, but also decapitation, impalement, and skinning people alive. However,
not everyone was treated in this way, for Sargon II (721–705 BC) began a series of deportations
whereby Israelites were consigned to Halah, to Gozan on the Habor River, and to towns in Media (2
Kings 17:6; 18:10–11). In their place, Sargon II and later Assyrian rulers settled foreign peoples
from Babylon, Cuthah, Avva, Hamath, and Sepharvaim (17:24). These newcomers brought with
them their worship of pagan deities, yet they also attempted to worship the “god of the land” (i.e.,
Yahweh; vv. 25–41). Evidently these newcomers, with their syncretistic blend of religions, were the
forerunners of the religious/ethnic group later known as the Samaritans.

Judah Alone

The conquest of Damascus and the Northern Kingdom of Israel by the Assyrians brought the Judean
kingdom temporary relief from military pressures between 735 BC and 722 BC, but Ahaz’s
importation and promotion of pagan religious practices almost ensured that the south would also fall
under God’s judgment. During the days of Ahaz (735–715 BC) the Edomites successfully invaded
Judah and took captives (2 Chron 28:17), while on the west the Philistines captured the cities of
Beth Shemesh, Aijalon, Gederoth, Soco, Timnah, and Gimzo, all located in or near the Shephelah
(vv. 18–19). Judeans living in these border areas probably fled into the Hill Country of Judah—at
least temporarily—in order to save their lives. It must also be assumed that many Israelites from the
Northern Kingdom moved south to Judah and Jerusalem to avoid the Assyrian onslaught of Tiglath-
Pileser III, Shalmaneser V, and Sargon II. The growth of Jerusalem from a city of 37 acres to 150
acres and the increase in the number of settlements in the Hill Country of Judah during the reigns of
Ahaz and Hezekiah (735–686 BC) are clear indicators of this influx of population.

With the death of wicked Ahaz in 715 BC, Hezekiah’s sole rule began. During the early portion of
his reign, Hezekiah initiated a series of religious reforms both inside and outside Jerusalem. High
places were torn down, sacred stones smashed, Asherah poles destroyed, and even the bronze snake
(Nehushtan), which Moses had set up in the wilderness (Num 21:5–9), was broken into pieces (2
Kings 18:3–7; 2 Chron 29:2–19). In addition, the temple was reconsecrated, and a great Passover
was celebrated in Jerusalem (2 Chron 29:20–30:27). of numerous Judean cities fromNot only were

the citizens of the Southern Kingdom included in the feast, but messengers were even sent to
northern Israel, to what were now Assyrian provinces, with the result that some men of Manasseh,
Zebulun, and Asher came to Jerusalem to participate.

Jerusalem: Eighth-century wall built to defend the western hill of Jerusalem (Isa 22:10; 2 Kings 22:14). Twenty feet thick! Note
the measuring stick left of center indicating the original height of the wall.
JUDAH IN THE DAYS OF HEZEKIAH AND SENNACHERIB



The death of the Assyrian monarch Sargon II in 705 BC was the signal for many countries in the
Near East to attempt to assert their independence. Hezekiah (728/715–686 BC), for example, was
able to defeat the Philistines and regain territory as far as Gaza (2 Kings 18:8). In the process he
evidently deposed petty kings who were still loyal to Assyria and replaced them with rulers more to
his liking (e.g., Padi, the pro-Assyrian king of Ekron, was deposed and taken prisoner to Jerusalem).

Merodach-Baladan II (721–710 and 703 BC), the Babylonian king, was interested in encouraging
anti-Assyrian activities on Assyria’s southwestern flank and sent a delegation to Jerusalem,
probably in 703 BC, to encourage Hezekiah in his activities. Hezekiah’s proud display of his wealth
to this group led to Isaiah’s frightening prophecy that in the future the Babylonians would carry off
his riches and his descendants (2 Kings 20:14–18; Isa 39:3–7).

Hezekiah must have anticipated that sooner or later the new Assyrian monarch, Sennacherib
(704–681 BC), would respond to his rebellious activities. Hezekiah stationed garrisons in strategic
cities throughout the Hill Country of Judah and in the Shephelah. These garrisons were provided
with officers, weapons, shields, and food supplies. In the excavation of numerous Judean cities from
this period a large number of stamped jar handles have been found. These bear impressions of four-
winged scarabs or two-winged sun disks and are also inscribed in Hebrew with the word “belonging
to the king,” followed by the name of one of four cities: Hebron, Soco, Ziph, and an unknown city,
mmšt. These towns were evidently the centers of the royal vineyards from which produce was
shipped to garrisons stationed in various cities.

Assyrians assaulting the Judean city of Lachish during the days of Hezekiah. Note the tower of the city, the battering ram,
archers, torches, and lower right, Judeans being impaled on poles. Relief from Sennacherib’s palace at Nineveh.

London, British Museum

Hezekiah’s preparations in and around Jerusalem were especially noteworthy. Springs in the
vicinity of the city were stopped up, and a 1,750-foot-long water tunnel was dug through the solid
rock in order to direct water from the Gihon Spring, located outside Jerusalem on the east, to a pool
located within the city walls. This pool was also closer to the inhabitants of the newly settled
western hill (see below, p. 247). In addition, Hezekiah repaired sections of Jerusalem’s wall,
constructed defensive towers, and reinforced the terraces on which some of the city was built (2
Chron 32:2–8). It was at this time that a new wall was constructed in order to include the whole of
the western hill within the fortified portion of Jerusalem. Indeed, Isaiah’s report that they “counted
the buildings in Jerusalem and tore down houses to strengthen the wall” (Isa 22:10) has received
archaeological confirmation by N. Avigad’s discovery of a massive wall, 23 feet thick, located in
the present-day Jewish quarter on the western hill.



Jerusalem: Several “false starts” near the center of Hezekiah’s Tunnel where two work gangs met. The tunnel is over 1750 ft.
long.

Hezekiah’s internal preparations were augmented by the fact that the kings of Sidon and of
Ashkelon participated in the revolt. With the death of the pro-Assyrian Egyptian king Shabako in
702 BC and the accession of Shebitku (702–690 BC), there was probably a shift in Egyptian foreign
policy to an anti-Assyrian—or at least a neutral—stance. With much of the southwestern portion of
the Fertile Crescent in revolt, it was mandatory for Sennacherib to reassert his sovereignty there.

Sennacherib’s response in 701 BC is one of the best-documented events in the ancient world.
Scripture describes his invasion from the Judean standpoint (2 Kings 18–20; 2 Chron 32:1–23; Isa
36–39; probably Mic 1:8–16; possibly Isa 10:28–32). From the Assyrian standpoint the Prism of
Sennacherib (ANET, 287–88) describes his invasion in great detail. In addition, stone reliefs that
lined the throne room of his palace in Nineveh depict various facets of his Judean campaign,
including the graphic representation of his siege of the Judean city of Lachish.

Sennacherib on his throne receiving booty and prisoners from his Judean campaign.
London, British Museum

After marching westward from Assyria to the Mediterranean Sea, Sennacherib proceeded south,
capturing cities along the Phoenician coast as far as Acco. Continuing south, Sennacherib captured
Ashkelon and cities in northern Philistia—including Beth Dagon, Joppa, Bene Berak, and Azuru.
The Egyptians and Ethiopians, who had responded to Hezekiah’s call for help, were defeated in the
Plain of Eltekeh. It appears that Sennacherib then moved eastward, up the Sorek Valley. He captured
the city of Timnah, thus cutting off the supply line between Ekron and her Judean ally, Hezekiah.
This accomplished, the city of Ekron was conquered and its former king, Padi, who had been seized

by Hezekiah, was reinstated. Moving south to the Elah Valley, Sennacherib captured first Azekah
and then Gath.

Sennacherib proceeded farther south and assaulted the Judean stronghold of Lachish. The siege
and conquest of Lachish must have been one of the high points of Sennacherib’s reign, for the throne
room of his palace at Nineveh was decorated with reliefs depicting this conquest. The recent
archaeological excavations at Lachish have found 6 to 10 feet of ash and debris from this destruction
in some areas.

From his camp at Lachish, and later from Libnah, Sennacherib sent his representatives with an
army to demand the submission of Jerusalem (2 Kings 18:17). Although he was able to shut
Hezekiah up as “a prisoner in Jerusalem, his royal residence, like a bird in a cage,” Jerusalem never
yielded to the Assyrian army. Throughout all of those difficult days, Hezekiah remained faithful in
his trust in Yahweh.

In the end it was not Tirhakah, who later became the Cushite king of Egypt (2 Kings 19:9), who
rescued the Judeans. Instead, their deliverance came when God sent his angel to destroy 185,000
Assyrians (19:35–36; 2 Chron 32:21–22; Isa 37:36). Obviously, Sennacherib did not mention this
disastrous loss of troops in his inscriptions; instead, he emphasized how he besieged and conquered
forty-six strong cities and countless villages, how he confined Hezekiah to Jerusalem, and how
many of the kings of the area, Hezekiah included, sent him tribute.

Not much is known about the later portion of Hezekiah’s reign (715–686 BC) in the aftermath of
Sennacherib’s invasion. In spite of Sennacherib’s losses on his Judean campaign, Assyria remained
powerful. During the first part of Manasseh’s long reign of fifty-five years, the Assyrians were
preoccupied with subduing revolts in the Babylonian and Elamite areas. In 689 BC Babylon was
destroyed by Sennacherib, and it was not rebuilt until the days of his successor, Esarhaddon.

In the 670s the Assyrians were again active along the Mediterranean coastline fighting against
and attempting to invade Egypt. The books of Kings and Chronicles are silent about these activities,
and it must be assumed that for the most part Judah remained submissive to the Assyrians. In the
biblical text Manasseh is primarily noted for the pagan religious rites that he reinstituted in Judah—
including high places, altars for Baals, making an Asherah pole, worshiping the hosts of heaven,
making children pass through the fire, and placing idols in the temple (2 Kings 21:2–9, 16; 2 Chron
33:1–20).

At least at one point, however, Manasseh revolted and was taken captive by the Assyrians to
Babylon for a short period of time (2 Chron 33:11–13). Possibly this occurred during the reign of
Ashurbanipal, when in 663 BC Tyre (and Judah?) revolted. The Bible briefly describes how, when
Manasseh repented of his sins, he was allowed to return to Jerusalem and rebuild the wall of the
city, as well as to station “military commanders in all the fortified cities of Judah” (vv. 12–14).
These projects may reflect the fact that the Assyrians considered him a loyal vassal, who, being
situated close to Egypt, would aid them in their campaigns against the pharaohs.

Amon, the wicked son of Manasseh, ruled for only two years (642–640 BC). He was followed by
Josiah, who ruled for thirty-one years (640–609 BC). This young ruler certainly came under priestly
and prophetic influence, for his reign was noted for a religious renaissance. In the eighth year of his
reign (632 BC) Josiah sought God, and in his twelfth year (628 BC) he began to purge Judah and
Jerusalem of their high places, Asherahs, and images. This purging also extended into what had been
the Northern Kingdom, for towns in “Manasseh, Ephraim, and Simeon as far as Naphtali . . .

throughout Israel” are mentioned (2 Chron 34:3–7). Although the extent and nature of Josiah’s
influence/control in the north is not clear, the fact is that, at the time of the repair of the temple in
his eighteenth year (622 BC), contributions were received not only from Judah, Benjamin, and
Jerusalem, but also from Manasseh, Ephraim, and the remnant of Israel (vv. 8–13). All of this seems
to indicate that he exerted some influence over some of the Israelites who remained in what used to
be the Northern Kingdom.

Nevertheless, the heartland of the major area under his control was probably confined to the Hill
Country of Benjamin and Judah, stretching from Geba in the north to Beersheba in the south (2
Kings 23:8). Although a Hebrew ostracon has been found at the coastal site of Ashdod-yam (see
ANET, 568, for the text), indicating the presence of Hebrew-speaking residents in the area, much of
the Philistine Plain had probably been under Egyptian control ever since the campaign of the
powerful Psammetichus I (664–610 BC) to Ashdod in 635 BC passed through Philistia in 627 BC.

As mentioned above, during the final years of Manasseh’s reign (696–642 BC) the Assyrians were
increasingly preoccupied in southern Mesopotamia. In 626 BC the rebel Chaldean Nabopolassar
(626–605 BC) captured Babylon from the Assyrians and initiated the process that would lead to the
downfall of Assyria. By 620 BC Nabopolassar had established his control of southern Mesopotamia
and was ready to move against Assyria itself.

However, to the northeast the powerful Medes, who had defeated the Scythians in 624 BC, were
also pressuring the Assyrians. A combined Egyptian-Assyrian army was able to deter
Nabopolassar’s expansion plans in 616 BC, but in 614 BC the Medes actually captured and
destroyed the Assyrian city of Asshur. The Medes and Babylonians then combined forces and in 612
BC conquered Nineveh. The last Assyrian ruler, Ashur-uballit II (612–609 BC), retreated westward
and established a stronghold at Haran. There he and his Egyptian ally, Neco II (610–595 BC),
attempted an unsuccessful defense of the city against the combined Median and Babylonian forces
(610 BC). Retreating even further west, Ashur-uballit II attempted a counterattack in 609 BC. As the
Egyptian pharaoh Neco was heading north to assist his Assyrian ally, the Judean king, Josiah,
evidently siding with the Babylonians, attempted to impede Neco’s northward march at Megiddo,
just north of the Mount Carmel pass. There the godly Judean was killed in battle in 609 BC (2 Kings
23:29–30; 2 Chron 35:20–27).

THE FALL OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE

The Egyptian-Assyrian coalition was defeated by a Medo-Babylonian one at Carchemish in 609
BC. This defeat was the blow that was fatal for the Assyrians. The people of Judah placed Josiah’s
son Jehoahaz on the throne in 609 BC, but after a reign of only three months he was deposed by
Neco and taken captive to Egypt, where he died (2 Kings 23:30–34; 2 Chron 36:1–4). Pharaoh Neco
placed Eliakim on the throne in Jerusalem, changing his name to Jehoiakim (2 Kings 23:34–36; 2
Chron 36:4–5; Jer 22:11–12).

Jehoiakim’s rule of eleven years (609–598 BC) was anything but godly. Although specific
religious sins are not mentioned, he was a constant foe of Jeremiah the prophet (see Jeremiah,
passim). He also imposed heavy taxes on the people in order to send tribute to Neco (2 Kings 23:35),
and he evidently squandered money to build himself a new palace. Between 608 BC and 605 BC a
series of battles between Egyptian and Babylonian forces took place near the Euphrates River. In
605 BC, at Carchemish, Neco’s forces were defeated by soon-to-be-king Nebuchadnezzar (605–562
BC), who pursued the Egyptians south to the Brook of Egypt.

Judah was forced to change allegiance and become a Babylonian rather than an Egyptian vassal.
At this time (605 BC) Nebuchadnezzar deported some of the talented upper-class Judeans, taking
them captive to Babylon—recorded in Scripture as the first of four deportations of Judeans (Dan
1:1; Jer 46:2; compare 52:28–30). With the defeat of the Egyptians at Carchemish in 605 BC, the
Babylonians became heirs to territory that would eventually surpass the Assyrian Empire in extent.
This new “world empire” is called the Neo-Babylonian Empire (605–539 BC).

BABYLONIAN INVASION OF JUDAH