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A critical review of psychological instruments used in police officer selection
Article in Policing An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management · November 2013
DOI: 10.1108/PIJPSM-11-2012-0104
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A critical review of psychological
instruments used in police
officer selection
Jonathan Lough and Kathryn Von Treuer
Psychology, Deakin University, Burwood, Victoria, Australia
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the instruments used in the screening
process, with particular attention given to supporting research validation. Psychological screening is
a well‐established process used in the selection of employees across public safety industries,
particularly in police settings. Screening in and screening out are both possible, with screening out
being the most commonly used method. Little attention, however, has been given to evaluating the
comparative validities of the instruments used.
Design/methodology/approach – This review investigates literature supporting the use of the
Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), the California Personality Inventory (CPI), the
Inwald Personality Inventory (IPI), the Australian Institute of Forensic Psychology’s test battery
(AIFP), and some other less researched tests. Research supporting the validity of each test is
discussed.
Findings – It was found that no test possesses unequivocal research support, although the CPI and
AIFP tests show promise. Most formal research into the validity of the instruments lacks appropriate
experimental structure and is therefore less powerful as “evidence” of the utility of the
instrument(s).
Practical implications – This research raises the notion that many current screening practices are
likely to be adding minimal value to the selection process by way of using instruments that are not
“cut out” for the job. This has implications for policy and practice at the recruitment stage of police
employment.
Originality/value – This research provides a critical overview of the instruments and their validity
studies rather than examining the general process of psychological screening. As such, it is useful to
those working in selection who are facing the choice of psychological instrument. Possibilities for
future research are presented, and development opportunities for a best practice instrument are
discussed.
Keywords Management, Selection, Psychology, Screening, Validity
Paper type Literature review
General practice: psychological screening in paramilitary settings
Police and similar organizations around the world face the challenge of selecting applicants who will
become successful on‐the‐job performers. Society expects police officers (and other public safety
personnel, such as firefighters and correctional officers) to behave according to certain standards.
The nature of policing makes the job dangerous, while also providing officers with unique authority.
It is generally acknowledged that psychological screening, or profiling, as a personnel selection
process for these organizations is a viable means of assessing candidates for employment. Job‐
person fit is particularly important in a public safety position. Use of profiling for selection in the
police industry is well established, particularly in the USA (Guller, 1993, 1994a; Ho, 2001; White,
2008). The benefits of profiling include reduced staff turnover and decreased likelihood of poor job
performance, which lead to considerable financial benefit (e.g. Choy, 1998). However, the
instruments used for profiling, and the processes and research related to using them, need to be
valid in order for them to serve their purpose. It is the aim of this review to examine the instruments
used in the screening process with the aim of identifying which instrument, if any, provides the
greatest benefit for the selection process.
It should be noted that the vast majority of research in this field has been conducted with police
officers and police candidates; as such, this review will focus on research from police‐related studies.
Research involving other jurisdictions does exist – for example, Lough et al. (2007) examined the
differences between screened and unscreened correctional officers’ job performances. However, as
the main body of work relates to police work, this review will be confined to the discussion of that
sphere. This is supported by the argument that police‐related findings may be partly generalizable to
other jurisdictions (e.g. Barret et al., 1999; Brough, 2005).
How psychological screening works
The benefits of psychological screening that goes beyond the straightforward interview process are
well established (Blau, 1994). Objective psychological assessment reduces risk from phenomena
such as interviewer bias, inter‐interview disagreement, and halo effects. The capacity of
standardized instruments to allow benchmarking to an appropriate normative population further
increases their usefulness.
The operational aspects of psychological assessment are well documented (e.g. Murphy and
Davidshofer, 1994). Essentially, the process involves the administration of one or more valid
psychological tests in order to assess a person’s suitability to a task or situation. The tests’ findings
are evaluated by a psychologist, who looks for evidence or markers in the respondent’s profile that
suggest suitability or unsuitability for a particular role. Psychological screening in an applied setting
is the practical application of such assessments – the testee (an applicant to the police department)
undertakes the assessment as part of their application. The resulting data and report are then used
by police psychologists to assist in determining the suitability of the applicant for police duties.
Testing usually involves the administration of a formal instrument (such as the Minnesota
Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI)) and, in most cases, an interview (often with a
psychologist; Blau, 1994). This review focusses on the first part of this process – the formal
instrument. The functional goal of the screening process is an important element in psychological
screening. Comparing the different methods of “screening in” (selection based on desirable traits) vs
“screening out” (elimination based on undesirable traits) is an important issue. It is acknowledged
(e.g. Hogg and Wilson, 1995; Meier et al., 1988) that screening in is a more difficult process.
However, it is generally suggested that both approaches should be used in tandem for optimal
results in the police environment (e.g. Henson et al., 2010; Metchik, 1999). Measures focussed on
detecting pathology, such as the MMPI, are more useful as screen‐out mechanisms, while some
personality instruments and scales – particularly those measuring desirable or positive traits – are
potentially suited to screening in (e.g. Guller, 2003).
The timing of psychological assessments in a potential employee’s application process is an
important variable that can differ according to national laws. For example, in the USA, the
introduction of the Americans with Disabilities Act in 1992 effectively eliminated pure pre‐
employment screening using tests of psychopathology (such as the MMPI). This has resulted in these
tests becoming administrable only once a conditional offer of employment has been made. This has
hindered research into the effectiveness of many instruments that use American police samples, and
has reduced the return on investment (ROI) benefits conferred by testing (Weiss and Inwald, 2010).
By contrast, no such legal requirement exists in Australia, where psychological screening is generally
considered a standard component of the pre‐employment selection process.
The usefulness of an instrument in the screening process ultimately focusses on one central
question: how well does the instrument predict performance – particularly poor performance? The
answer to this question lies in the research surrounding the instrument. This review will now focus
on the most frequently used instruments, and will critically examine the research underpinning their
use in applied settings. The reader will note that single instruments, such as the MMPI, are
compared with test batteries such as the Matrix‐Predictive Uniform Law Enforcement Selection
Evaluation (M‐PULSE) and Australian Institute of Forensic Psychology (AIFP) system. While this may
seem unfair on the surface – a battery, or suite of tests, should logically cover more ground than a
single instrument – the comparison is valid on the basis of current practices. That is, many police
departments use single instruments such as the MMPI as the sole psychological screening tool
(Aamodt, 2010); it is therefore fair to compare single instruments with test batteries.
The MMPI
Instrument overview
The MMPI has been used in more police‐related selection research than any other instrument
(Aamodt, 2004). The original MMPI was designed in 1940 as a measure of psychological
maladjustment for assessing patients seeking psychiatric help (Butcher, 2005).The test was revised
in 1989 and re‐issued as the MMPI‐2. Both versions consist of 567 items to which the respondent is
required to indicate either “true” or “false.” The instrument’s ten clinical scales measure various
types of pathology. Any “T‐score” (standardized score) above 70 (or above 65 in the MMPI‐2)
indicates the likelihood of psychological maladjustment. Three other non‐clinical scales indicate how
honest the subject was in answering the questions. These scales seek to indicate if the respondent
was attempting to appear better adjusted than he or she actually was (faking good); was
manufacturing or exaggerating symptoms (faking bad, or malingering); or was responding candidly.
More recently, a number of Restructured Clinical (RC) scales were developed to correct for some
overlap in the original clinical scales (Graham, 2006). This was followed by the MMPI‐2 Restructured
Form (RF). Consisting of 338 items, this is described as more statistically rigorous and is considered
to be based on well‐established theoretical models of personality and pathology (Ben‐Porath and
Tellegen, 2008). At this stage, the RC scales and the MMPI‐2 RF have had minimal research attention
in the field of police applicant screening (Sellbom et al., 2007).
Early reviews of MMPI research
Burbeck and Furnham (1985) reviewed five studies on the MMPI and police selection conducted
between 1964 and 1980. They concluded that “it has not been possible [y] to show whether
psychological testing [the MMPI] can discriminate between police officers and members of the
public, or between good and bad police officers [y] psychological testing may be useful for selecting
out people suffering from some mental abnormality.” Similarly, in reviewing 18 studies on the
MMPI, Simmers et al. (2003, p. 287) noted that the MMPI was originally designed to predict
psychopathology and subsequently “does not appear to be a useful gauge for identifying certain
behaviors in the less pathological range.” They argued that many skills that are essential for success
as a police officer may go undetected.
A meta‐analysis that included over 300 studies of MMPI research data by Aamodt (2004) observed
that correlations between MMPI scales and measures of academy and patrol performance were low,
and that the majority were not statistically significant. Correlations between MMPI scales and
discipline problems and commendations also showed no correlation. Aamodt concluded that
“because the F scale is comprised of items from the other clinical scales and because it is
significantly related to both academy performance (R+‐0.11) and supervisor ratings of performance
(R=‐0.09), it is probably the most useful individual MMPI scale” (p. 94). This conclusion says a great
deal about the utility of the other scales. While these correlations may be statistically significant,
they are very small – the F‐scale accounts for less than 1 percent of the variance of supervisor
ratings of performance. Thus, the scales are unlikely to be of any clinical or practical assistance.
More detailed examination of MMPI research
While Aamodt’s (2004) meta‐analysis provided a relatively recent technical overview of MMPI data,
a more qualitative review of MMPI research, itself, is warranted. Weiss and Weiss (2010a) discussed
the general state of MMPI research, and concluded that the MMPI has much to offer to the
discipline of police psychology. However, they stated that the MMPI is “not recommended as a
stand‐alone for screening, but it can be used in conjunction with other one or more other
instruments” (p. 69). This statement appears congruent with the bulk of published literature. This
review will now discuss a representative sample of MMPI‐related research. A completely
comprehensive discussion of all relevant studies, given the size of the literature base, is beyond the
scope of this paper.
Inconclusive studies. Many studies examining the efficacy of the MMPI as a selection tool have
yielded negative or inconclusive findings. Azen et al. (1973) studied 100 newly hired sheriffs in Los
Angeles, and concluded that MMPI scores were unsuccessful in predicting dropouts. Research by
Schoenfeld et al. (1980) and Merian et al. (1980) compared groups of problem police performers
with a control group. No significant differences between the MMPI profiles of the two groups were
detected in either study. Dralle and Baybrook (1985) used a similar approach and reported similar
results – no significant MMPI scale correlations were present among any performance criteria for
the sample of 356 police applicants.
Inwald (1988) used 16 predictor variables, including a variety of psychological tests, as well as clinical
judgments studied in varying combinations. These were applied to 219 “public safety officers” who
had remained on the job for five years. Among that group, 28 were fired for cause. In this case,
clinical interpretation of the MMPI was the least accurate predictor of performance issues. A
computer‐generated prediction of termination or retention based on earlier MMPI research
(Shusman et al., 1984) misidentified the greatest percentage of apparently successful officers by
predicting they would be terminated. This method incorrectly rejected 36 percent of the group of
219 (78 individuals) – a Type One error.
Other studies have focussed on more specific aspects of the performance of MMPI scales. Hargrave
et al. (1988) found no predictive utility on a derived aggression index, as developed from three
MMPI scales. Similar findings from a commensurate methodology were reported by Castora et al.
(2003). Costello et al. (1996) examined disciplinary suspension days among serving police officers,
and found a 0.223 correlation with the F+Pd+Ma scale. They concluded that the relationship
“appears unimpressive” (p. 302) and that further construct validation is necessary to determine the
potential usefulness of the index.
Daniels and King (2002) noted that MMPI scales were unable to make any distinction between
successful and unsuccessful performers, as determined by supervisor ratings. Bartol et al. (1992)
reported that the MMPI was not a strong predictor of self‐reported stress. By using performance
ratings and MMPI to compare applicants in two major US cities, Winters (1990) concluded that there
was no correlation between tests scores and job performance. The same conclusion was reached by
Wright et al. (1990), who studied police performance at the end of a 14‐week training course.
Surrette et al. (2004) came to a similar conclusion. They examined MMPI special scale scores and
supervisor ratings of 129 experienced police officers, and declared that “scores on the Good
Cop/Bad Cop, Husemann Index, Goldberg Index, and Gonder Index were not significantly related to
supervisor ratings” (p. 71).
Studies with positive findings. A large number of studies have reported positive data regarding the
MMPI’s ability to add predictive power to police selection. However, many of these studies had
design issues that undermined any research evidence of the MMPI’s utility. This section presents a
representative selection of these studies.
Several authors (e.g. Bartol, 1982; Bernstein et al., 1982) reported significant findings that were
based on statistical calculations of raw scores. This study method can be misleading because, in the
actual practice of MMPI interpretation, raw scores are never used. Interpretation of the test results
is always undertaken from the scaled scores, as the body of validity research supporting the MMPI is
all based on scaled – not raw – scores (Butcher, 2005). Further, in these studies, when the reported
raw scores were converted to T‐scores, the statistically significant differences disappeared, and the
mean T‐scores were all in the normal range. This made it impossible to obtain any clinical
differences. Bernstein et al. (1982) reported follow up data on 120 police who completed the MMPI
prior to being employed. Significant correlations between MMPI raw scores and field performance
were reported. However, when the raw scores were converted to T‐scores, all were in the average
range. Under these conditions, it is unlikely that a psychologist using the test for screening
applicants would find any meaningful data.
Bartol (1982) administered the MMPI to 102 male police applicants and, using raw scores, reported
a statistically significant “elevation” on five MMPI scales for those officers rated “below average”
through supervisor performance ratings. When the raw scores for each of the three groups of police
were translated to T‐scores, all were in the average range, which eliminated the ability to
differentiate between the groups. This suggests that all of the applicants looked “normal” according
to the usual criteria of test interpretation.
Similar issues were present in Bartol’s (1991) investigation of 600 police officers. Bartol found that
officers who were “elevated” on the Pd (Psychopathic Deviate), Ma (Hypomania), or L (Lie) scales
were later described as immature by supervisors.
Combining these three scores resulted in an immaturity index; however, there was no description of
what constituted an elevated score. The difference in immaturity scores between those who were
terminated or forced to resign and those who retained employment was described as highly
significant. However, when the reported raw scores were converted to T‐scores, the differences
between the two groups disappeared, and all subjects scored within the average range. Therefore,
the index appears to have little or no clinical utility.
Several studies (e.g. Beutler et al., 1985; Hiatt and Hargrave, 1988a b) reported statistically
significant intergroup differences between one or more scores on MMPI scales, with the suggestion
that such findings show the MMPI can discriminate between good and poor performers. Upon
inspection, it was noted that two issues recurred in these studies. First, the differences in scale
scores were so small that they would be unhelpful in the actual task of screening police applicants.
Second, despite the differences, the scores for good and poor performers were entirely within the
normal range. Saxe and Reiser (1976) acknowledged this latter difficulty in practical application.
They reported significant differences between several groups, but added that “these differences are
all within the “normal” range and are too small [y] to have meaningful utility in clinical
differentiation of successful and unsuccessful police applicants” (p. 424).
Some studies (e.g. Hooke and Krauss, 1971; Blau et al., 1993; Brewster and Stoloff, 1999) reported
positive findings for the MMPI and police selection by using samples of already employed officers.
The problem with this approach was that those who had been hired represented a very
homogeneous group – by definition, the study subjects should have been “the best of the best.”
Furthermore, the longer these subjects had been employed as police officers, the less likely it was
that they represented new applicants. Research that uses this method has utility only if the findings
are replicated with a study of police applicants.
Sellbom et al. (2007) acknowledged the self‐limiting nature of using an already employed police
sample, and subsequently corrected their analysis to compensate for this range restriction. The
resulting analysis indicated moderate predictive ability of certain MMPI scales (RC scales), and lower
than normal T‐score elevations. A similar method was adopted by Caillouet et al. (2010) in their
examination of the PSY‐5 scales and facets. A dichotomous outcome variable (ceased employment vs
still employed) was used as the predicted measure. Modest predictive power was found, albeit with
caveats (range restrictions and scores modified by impression management levels), and the authors
acknowledged that their model’s findings did “not represent a clearly significant advance for
predicting law enforcement officer performance” (p. 236).
MMPI research has also used Police Academy performance as an outcome measure.
Problems with this approach have been noted by Kleiman and Gordon (1986), who observed that
this research relies on training performance as a validation measure. The authors discussed a large
number of relevant legal cases, and noted that virtually all cases judged that there was “insufficient
evidence to substantiate the validity of the selection device” (p. 93). Burkhart (1980) agreed, noting
that “training academy data cannot be considered an ideal choice for criteria because such data do
not involve the officers’ responses to the real job demands” (p. 123). A number of studies based
upon MMPI and training performance faced the issue described above (e.g. Gonder and Gilmore,
2004; Gough, 1950; Hargrave et al., 1986; Inwald and Shusman, 1984).
Macintyre et al. (2001) used a sophisticated method to develop a framework to predict problem
performers among police officers. A scale‐combination and recalculation model was constructed
from existing MMPI data. The sample included two matched groups of male officers. One group
consisted of problematic performers, and the other group had no indications of poor performance.
The study’s predictive model was more successful in identifying problem performers than good
performers, despite the fact that all cases were classified by that dichotomy. The model appeared to
find “added value” residing in the MMPI data, which could be useful at the personnel level. In
practical terms, this would require submitting each MMPI profile to a relatively complex model
developed from a few scales. While cumbersome, this method has promise for research with police
applicants.
The California Psychological Inventory (CPI) and the Inwald Personality Inventory (IPI)
CPI: instrument overview and review of research
The CPI shares almost half (194) of its 434 items with the MMPI. However, this is focussed on
common personality factors, rather than psychopathology. Items are true or false, and the
instrument is scored on 18 scales (three of which are test‐taking validity scales). Due to its shared
heritage with the MMPI, and a general predisposition among practitioners to prefer the MMPI,
much CPI research tends to be mentioned alongside MMPI studies. This has resulted in CPI and its
potential contribution to police selection receiving diluted attention.
In general, CPI‐related research mimics the body of research using the MMPI; some researchers
report significant relationships between CPI scales and aspects of police performance, while other
researchers do not. Pugh (1985) and Hogan (1971) both reported that several of the CPI scales were
significantly correlated with a variety of performance measures, including evaluations by field
commanders. However, Hargrave (1985) and Sarchione et al. (1998) were not successful in linking
CPI scales with aspects of police performance.
Aamodt’s (2004, 2010) landmark meta‐analysis of police psychology selection data showed some
support for the CPI’s predictive validity. Aamodt’s analysis also revealed that a number of scales
were predictive of academy performance. These scales included Intellectual Efficiency and Capacity
for Status. However, the tolerance scale was particularly predictive. Aamodt noted that the
tolerance scale “seems to provide the best combination of predicting supervisor ratings of
performance, disciplinary problems, and academy performance” (Aamodt, 2010, p. 240).
IPI: instrument overview and review of research
The IPI is a 310‐item (true or false) inventory designed to assess a range of behavioural and
personality characteristics. The inventory has a focus on admitted behaviour patterns, such as
trouble with the law, and drug and alcohol use. Similar to the MMPI, it also assesses other
personality characteristics and clinical indicators of psychopathology (Inwald, 2010).
Research support for the predictive validity of the IPI as a police selection tool is limited. Inwald
(2010) asserted that the IPI is “a benchmark for newer tests in the selection field [y] the IPI has
demonstrated that it identifies antisocial behavior patterns and is a useful predictor of police and
public safety officer job performance” (p. 91). Positive findings have been reported by Detrick and
Chibnall (2002) who stated that some of the IPI scales – notably, family conflicts, guardedness, and
driving violations – were predictive of on‐the‐job performance at the one‐year evaluation point.
Similarly, Inwald (1988) reported that the IPI was accurate in identifying which applicants (after one
year of performance) were likely to be terminated. However, a high false positive rate (36 percent) –
a Type One error – was also noted.
Other researchers have reported mixed findings with the IPI. Cortina et al. (1992) administered the
IPI (and the MMPI) to newly hired police officers. Ignoring the problem of range restriction (that is,
they assumed that successful applicants were the best of the best), the IPI, although adequately
measuring the “Big Five” personality dimensions, added little to no incremental validity (above the
entry exams) for a range of performance measures, including academy performance and turnover.
Similarly, Mufson and Mufson (1998) observed that four of the IPI’s scales were predictive of poor
performance ratings and eventual termination; however, a small sample size (n=33) and the range
restriction again limited the study’s generalizability.
Other published tests
A small group of other psychological instruments have also been applied to the police selection
environment. The Personality Assessment Inventory (PAI) has been used in a number of studies, with
varying degrees of success. Weiss and Weiss (2010b) discussed the PAI in detail, and reported that,
while some scales, such as the Interpersonal and Treatment scales showed “considerable potential”
(p. 87), much research remains to be done, particularly concerning the criterion validity of some of
the clinical scales. Moreover, the PAI is fundamentally a test of psychopathology, and has many
similarities to the MMPI, which is much more widely used (Super, 2006). As with the MMPI, there
remains the issue of using a test of psychopathology instead of assessing “normal” or non‐clinical
aspects of personality that may have a significant effect on job performance.
The M‐PULSE is a more recently developed instrument, which was first introduced in 2008 (Davis
such as the MMPI and 16PF, and assesses a range of attitudes and beliefs specifically related to
police employment duties. Initial research suggests that this test may have promise for police
selection purposes (Davis and Rostow, 2010); however, much more research is required before this
instrument can be considered empirically validated.
The AIFP test battery
Instrument overview
The AIFP profiling system is a collection of instruments that have been combined and administered
by AIFP since the early 1990s. Its ancestor – the IFP profiling system – has been used with success in
the USA, with some success supported by research (Guller, 1994b; Guller, 2003). The AIFP system
consists of six separate psychological tests:
. Candidate and Officer Personnel Survey (COPS): a test designed by AIFP, via research, for
the specific purpose of selecting public safety officer applicants. This component is the
flagship of the test battery. Scales include, but are not limited to, factors such as legal
difficulties, alcohol and drug use, aggression, and impulsivity.
. Edwards Personal Preference Schedule (EPPS): a broad measure of personality that
assesses characteristics directly related to police performance. Scales include factors such as
aggression, need to dominate others, capacity to learn from mistakes, ability to fit into a
team, and ability to tolerate routine tasks.
. Locus of Control (LOC): a measure of the extent to which a person feels in control of his or
her life. This is a de facto measure of maturity.
. How Supervise Scale (HS): a measure of judgment in interpersonal situations, and
awareness of behavioral sensitivity when dealing with others.
. Shipley Institute of Living Scale: a standardized, well‐researched test of general intelligence.
. The Opinion Survey: a measure that assesses attitudes toward enforcing the law, ranging
from being rigid and unyielding to being soft and naive.
The full test consists of 540 items, with a mix of true or false items, forced choice items, and Likert
scale items. It is intended to be used as a screen‐out tool.
Review of AIFP research
Smyth and Byrne (1994) applied the AIFP profiling system to 51 Victorian Police recruits on their first
day at the Victorian Training Academy, and found that the AIFP predictions were significantly
accurate in predicting trainees’ performance categories. They also found that, over time, the
predictions were significantly accurate in determining recruits’ sick leave and their likelihood of
being involved in investigations by the Internal Investigations Unit (IIU). That is, prior to commencing
training, the system was able to successfully predict and distinguish between good and poor
performers, high and low sick leave users, and recruits’ high and low likelihoods of being involved in
IIU investigations.
More recently, Lough and Ryan (2005, 2006) examined the performance of AIFP screened and
unscreened police constables after one year of service. The screened group demonstrably out‐
performed the unscreened group across most performance variables. The screened group took 11
percent less sick leave, had 58 percent less injury claims, were 84 percent less likely to have been in
a motor vehicle accident while driving a police car, and were more than three times less likely to
incur complaints from the general public.
Lough and Ryan (2010) further extended their examination of police cohorts over a period of three
years. The AIFP screened group consistently out‐performed the unscreened group; the AIFP group
took significantly less sick days, had significantly fewer non‐stress (injury) claims, and had
significantly less motor vehicle accidents. Additionally, the screened group had a lower dropout rate,
and were less likely to make serious on‐the‐job errors that resulted in formal disciplinary action or
investigation. However, as with the earlier studies, individual officer performance ratings (e.g.
supervisor reports) were not taken into account.
Other research supporting the validity of the AIFP profiling system in Australian conditions has been
conducted in the corrections context. Choy (1998) compared New South Wales (NSW) corrections
officers screened for selection by the AIFP battery with an unscreened group, and reported
significantly lower rates of attrition and sick leave usage among the AIFP screened cohort after two
years of service. Choy estimated that the NSW corrections department sick leave cost had reduced
by 39 percent as a result of the screening.
Similar findings were reported among Queensland (Byrne, 2001) and South Australian corrections
officers (Casey et al., 2001), with screened officers taking approximately half the number of sick days
of their unscreened counterparts during their first two years of employment. ROI calculations upon
Casey et al.’s data revealed a monetary saving of over $850,000 for an initial outlay of $22,500 – an
ROI figure of 3,815 percent.
Lough et al. (2007) tracked the sick leave of two cohorts of correctional officers (AIFP screened and
unscreened) over a four‐year period. They found that the screened group took significantly less sick
leave in each of the first two years, and 30 percent less in total across the four years of the study.
They also noted a significantly lower dropout (terminations plus resignations) among the AIFP
screened group. The authors concluded that “psychological profiling as a method of selecting
correctional officers appears to be a worthwhile and valid course of action” (Lough et al., 2007, p. 6).
Byrne et al. (2002) summative investigation of AIFP testing within the corrections context reinforced
the utility of the process and its associated financial benefits. For example, they found that a deeper
analysis of Choy’s (1998) data revealed that the screening process yielded a return on investment of
approximately 3,000 percent. In addition to monetary benefits, there are other benefits that are
difficult to quantify – those derived from hiring the most suitable candidates for the job, which
improves staff morale and general efficiency, and reduces the likelihood of future legal action.
Further examination of AIFP research
The research evidence for the AIFP test differs from a great deal of research of other tests,
particularly the MMPI, because of the frequent presence of control groups that allow for direct
comparison between selected and non‐selected cohorts. In most previous studies, the control
groups were hired immediately prior to the introduction of the psychological screening program
(and, therefore, the commencement of the experimental group), which tended to mitigate any
potential maturation‐based research artifacts. This approach is particularly strong for examining the
effect of the test as a whole, and also allows for longitudinal observation.
Although research supporting the general validity of the AIFP appears sound, there is no published
evidence of any incremental validity. None of the individual components, or any of the subscales
within those components, have been linked or correlated with performance outcomes. Such
research would be valuable given that the majority of scale‐based research for the MMPI and CPI
tends to diverge on the predictive validity of individual scales (although Aamodt’s, 2004 finding that
the tolerance scale of the CPI is a valid predictor is noted).
In addition to the above, one other factor confounds the AIFP findings. Research to date has been
drawn from both the AIFP (Australian) and IFP (American) data. While the two instruments have a
lot of common content – including the COPS test – they are not the same instrument. Research
evidence supporting the IFP test instrument does not necessarily apply to the potential validation of
the AIFP test instrument, and vice versa. Future research needs to concentrate its efforts on a
particular iteration of the test battery.
Discussion and development opportunity
From the material presented in this paper, it is apparent that no best practice instrument for the
selection of police officers exists at this time. Each of the instruments examined have issues in their
supporting research. The MMPI research is equivocal at best, research with the CPI and IPI is limited,
and the AIFP research lacks scale‐level incremental validity. Other instruments, such as the PAI and
M‐PULSE, are simply not used often enough to generate the research required to underpin their
endorsement.
Therefore, it appears that there is opportunity for the development of a best practice instrument.
Research devoted to this development needs to consider the factors that ensure the utility and
validity of the instrument’s creation and testing. Future research should ensure:
. the development of an instrument that can assess as wide a range of attitudes and
behaviors as is reasonable, rather than being focussed solely on pathologies;
. a sufficient sample size (>100);
. that appropriate outcome variables, such as on‐the‐job performance, are obtained in
addition to performance during training (e.g. academy performance);
. that a control group or matched cohort is compared to any group selected using a (new)
instrument; and
. that all components of an instrument, down to the scale level, are adequately investigated
and examined for validation purposes.
Other criteria, such as the examination of non‐successful applicants’ test scores, should also be
considered (although this may not be feasible in American jurisdictions due to the Americans with
Disabilities Act). Ultimately, the ideal instrument would be a test that is purpose‐built for police
selection, rather than a test that has been adapted for use in the police environment.
If an instrument were to be selected as a starting point for the development of a best practice
instrument, the AIFP test battery appears to be a sound option. The AIFP instrument fulfills most of
the above criteria, with the exception of availability of incremental validation data. Given the current
author’s experience with the AIFP instrument, it is recommended that a thorough forensic
examination of that test, with the aim of building a psychometrically sound instrument, would be a
logical launching pad for the development of a best practice instrument.
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About the authors
Jonathan Lough is a PhD Candidate at the Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia. He is also the Principal of
the Lough Research Services, and a Psychologist and an Independent Research Consultant in Melbourne,
Australia. He specializes in research design, analysis and statistics, survey writing, and psychological
assessment. Over the last ten years, he has worked with a range of private and government clients, including
ANZ Bank, Clemenger BBDO, and the Australian Institute of Forensic Psychology. Prior to establishing Lough
Research Services, Jonathan was a Research Psychologist at the Monash University, working in the area of
public safety and injury prevention. Jonathan Lough is the corresponding author and can be contacted at:
[email protected]
Dr Kathryn von Treuer is the Associate Head of the School (Partnerships and Development) and the Course
Chair for the Organisational Psychology Program at the Deakin University. She utilizes 20 years of industry
experience in organisational psychology and senior management to inform her research, teaching and service
roles at the University. She is highly regarded and sought‐after by industry groups, and is a national leader in
areas of organisational psychology practice and research. Dr Kathryn von Treuer completed postgraduate
studies in psychology, business and education. Her doctoral dissertation was awarded the prestigious
“Research Excellence” award from the Swinburne University in 2006, for investigating organisational factors
that facilitate workplace innovation. She was recently invited to provide a keynote address on organisational
resilience, and is the Managing Editor of the Australian and New Zealand Journal of Organisational Psychology.
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