IMR455 - Google Docs

FACULTY OF INFORMATION MANAGEMENT
UNIVERSITI TEKNOLOGI MARA
KAMPUS PUNCAK PERDANA

BACHELOR INFORMATION SCIENCE (HONS)
INFORMATION SYSTEM MANAGEMENT

IMR 455 (ADMINISTRATION OF ARCHIVES)

PREPARED BY:
MUHAMMAD LABIB HAKIM BIN IDRIS (2021468438)

LUQMAN HAKIM BIN NORAZMAN (2021478832)
MOHD NUR HAIZHAM BIN SAINI (2021858262)
AHMAD HAKIM BIN MOHD BARSRI (2021843272)
MUHAMMAD FARIS HAIQAL BIN NISARUDIN (2021468348)

PREPARED FOR:
TS DR. HJ SAIFUL FARIK BIN MAT YATIN

SUBMISSION:
WEEK 13

EXPLANATORY NOTES

The purpose of this finding aids is to make it easier to access and use the records and archival
materials related to the Politics in Malaysia event. There are various kinds of information in this
book. This finding aids include text, photograph for easier understanding of the users. A
well-designed finding aids have a clear and pleasing visual appearance, with elements that make
it easy to navigate and search.

List of Abbreviations Description
Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya
No. Abbreviations Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Sarawak
1. PKKM
2. PKMS Malayan Indian Congress
3. MIC The Malaysian Chinese Association
4. MCA
5. PAS Persatuan Islam Se-Malaya
6. API Angkatan Pemuda Insaf
7. PPM
Pergerakan Pemuda Melayu

INTRODUCTION

The United Malays National Organization (UMNO), which has ruled through coalition alliances
with ethnic parties like the Malaysian Chinese Congress and Malaysian Indian Congress, has
dominated politics in Malaysia since it gained independence in 1957. The government has
received a lot of criticism for tolerating corruption, disobeying civil rights laws, and stifling
freedom of the press and judiciary. The opposition contends that the electoral system benefits the
coalition that has ruled Malaysia for more than 50 years, UNMO and Barisan Nasional (BN).
The UMNO has put up barriers for parties to run in elections as the BN's enduring majority party,
including raising the number of deposits needed.

There are currently 27 political parties registered in Malaysia, of which 13 are in
Peninsular Malaysia, 9 in Sabah, and 5 in Sarawak. The National Front (Barisan National), the
party in power, which has 14 constituent parties, holds a majority in both the national legislature
and eight of the thirteen state legislatures. A confederation of political parties that support the
Barisan Nasional's goals is how the Barinas Nasional describes itself. Although each constituent
party issues its own manifesto and all candidates run for office under the Barisan National
symbol, there is intra-coalition competition for seats prior to nomination day. The Islamic Party
of Malaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP), and National Justice Party (Keadilan),
which was founded as People's Alliance, are the three main opposition parties. In the People's
Alliance, each political party has its own ideology: PKR promotes its ideals of social justice and
anti-corruption, PAS seeks to establish Malaysia as a country based on Islamic law, and DAP
promotes its secular, multiracial, social democratic ideals.

In the thematic finding aids project, we have 5 topics discussed which is Political history
in Malaysia, Political system government, Political crisis, Political transformation and also type
of party politic exist in Malaysia.

CHAPTER 1 :
POLITICAL HISTORY IN MALAYSIA

Figure 1: Kongress pertama Melayu

Identifier Number: 2001/0051645W

Malaysia political parties began from 1945 before independence. Political parties in the
modern sense were not present in Malaysia's early organised political movements, which were
organised along regional and ethnic lines. Similar to interest groups and civil society
organisations of today, they were typically loose alliances of interest groups and individuals with
a primary focus on social welfare, social progress, and religious reform among the Muslim
Malay communities.

Timeline History of Political parties in Malaysia

● October 1945 – PKKM was established by Dr. Burhanuddin al-helmi, Ishak Haji
Muhammad, Ahmad Boestamam

● 1946 – PKMS was established by Abang Haji Zaini, Abang Haji Open, Datu Patinggi
Abang Hajii Abdillah

● February 1946 – API was established by Ahmad Boestamam
● Mac 1946 – PPM was established by Mohamad Sirat Yaman, Awang Rambli, Roshli

Dhoby & Morshidi Sidek
● Mei 1946 – UMNO was established by Dato Onn Jaafar and Tunku Abdul Rahman
● August 1946 – MIC was established by John Thivy and K.L. Devasar

● February 1949 – MCA was established by Tan Cheng Lock, Yong Shook Lin and H.S.
Lee

● November 1951 – PAS was established by Haji Ahmad Fuad Hassan and Dr.
Burhanuddin Al-Helmi

Early political organization

1. Malay Union (1946)

According to Uqbah Iqbal (2015), Malayan union was introduced in Malay on 1 April 1946 at
king house and only can survived only for 2 years from 1946 until 1948. This party political got
various reaction before and after the establishment. Because of the new policy introduced by
British council give bad impact especially to Malay and Bumiputera people. The establishment
of Malayan union was to

2. MIC (1946)

Malayan Indian Congress is a political party that was founded in Malaysia and lead by John
Thivy and is a part of the Barisan Nasional coalition, formerly known as the Alliance, which has
ruled the nation since it gained independence in 1957. The MIC was founded in August 1946 to
fight for Indian independence from British colonial rule, but it ceased to exist at the end of World
War II. After India attained independence, MIC got involved in the 1957 victory of Malaya's
(currently Malaysia) independence. The aims of the establishment of this party politics is to
safeguard and defend the independence and sovereignty of Malaysia and also to promote and
maintain inter-racial harmony and goodwill.

3. MCA (1949)

The Malaysian Chinese Association, formerly known as the Malayan Chinese Association, is one
of the three main constituent parties of the coalition party in Malaysia known as the Barisan
Nasional. It aims to represent the Malaysian Chinese ethnicity. Since Malaysia's independence,
MCA has exerted significant political influence alongside the United Malays National
Organization and Malaysian Indian Congress, the two largest and third-largest BN component
parties, respectively.

4. PAS (1951)

As Persatuan Islam Se-Malaya, PAS was established on November 24, 1951. (Malayan Islamic
Organisation). A growing desire among Muslim clerics within the United Malays National.
Organisation to formalise a distinct Islamic political organisation culminated in the creation of
the party.

CHAPTER 2 :
POLITICAL SYSTEM (GOVERNMENT)

The evolution of the Malaysian political system, since independence in 1957, has been
the product of the interplay of communal politics.

Malaysia: A brief description

Malaysia is physically divided into two states, Peninsular Malaysia, formerly known as
the Federation of Malaya, which consists of 11 states, and Sabah and Sarawak. It is a
multidimensional society in which the community does not occupy the majority. According to
the 1980 census, there are 47.8 Malays known as Bumiputera (prince of the soil). Chinese
32.1%. 8.6 percent Indian. Pribumis (Bumiputera, Sabah) 6.1 percent. Other indigenous people
are 4.7%. And another 0.7 percent.

Malaysia Political System

The Malaysian Political System is a constitutional monarchy based on the Westminster
model. It is a highly centralised federation of 13 states headed by the Yang diPertuan Agong (the
king) who is elected once every five years by and from among the sultans. Parliament consists of
two chambers, the Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives) and Dewan Negara (Senate). The
lower house has 177 members while the Senate has 59, two from each state and the rest
appointed by the Agong to represent minorities and from those who have rendered distinguished
public service.

There are governors in four Malaysian states, Malacca and Pulau Pinang on the
Malaysian Peninsula, and Sabah and Sarawak in East Malaysia, and they have not participated
in the Yang di-Pertuan Agong elections. These governors are appointed by Yang di-Pertuan
Agong for a four-year term. Legislative power is divided into federal and state legislatures.
Federal legislative power lies in two parliaments, the government and the federal parliament.
The parliament consists of two chambers, the Senate (Dewan Negara) and the Great Hall of the
People (Dewan Rakyat). The bill must pass through both homes and be approved by Yang di
Pertuan Agong. The Senate has 70 members. 26 are elected by 13 legislatures and 44 are
appointed by the monarch. The 222 members of the People's Hall will be elected from one

district by public voting for up to five years. The monarch can dissolve the parliament at any
time, usually on the advice of the Prime Minister, and the election must take place within three
months. The federal government has various sectors such as foreign relations, defence, land
security, civil and criminal justice, civil rights, finance, industry, health and education. The
federal government can also legislate to promote the unification of the laws of two or more
states, and at the request of the legislature, it can legislate on any subject. The executive branch
lies in the cabinet, which is headed by the prime minister, who is a majority member of the
House of Commons. The cabinet is elected from members of both parliaments. The Prime
Minister of Malaysia is appointed by Jan di Perchuan Agon, who appoints the Cabinet on the
advice of the Prime Minister. Each of the 13 states has its own constitution and must be
compatible with the federal constitution. Each state has an executive council that deals with
non-federal issues under the maintenance council (Prime Minister), who is responsible for the
elected legislature. Malaysia has two jurisdictions. One is for the whole country, set by Congress
and requires a two-thirds majority to change. The second is Shariah or Islamic law, which applies
to Muslims. The state usually determines Shariah. The judicial system, originally based on the
British judicial system, works in tandem with Shariah's courts. The federal court is the Supreme
Court. This is the Final Court of Appeals and has exclusive jurisdiction over constitutional and
interstate or federal issues. Appeals from the High Court are brought to the Court of Appeals.
There are 4,444 courts and Magistrates' Courts in major cities and towns across the country. The
court is led by a judge and has limited jurisdiction over civil and criminal matters. The district
court also hears civil and criminal cases with limited jurisdiction. All judges are appointed by
the monarch on the advice of the Prime Minister and serve as justice of the peace by state
authorities on the advice of the Prime Minister.

CHAPTER 3 :
POLITICAL CRISIS IN MALAYSIA

Figure 2: Muhyiddin Yassin (8th Prime Minister)
Muhyiddin Yassin was sworn in as Malaysia's eighth prime minister on March 1, 2020,
becoming the country's third cabinet in less than two years. He came to power when the leaders
of various political parties restructured their coalition alliances in order to depose the incumbent
prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad, and prevent his expected successor, Anwar Ibrahim, from

seizing power.

Figure 3: Mahathir Mohamad
From 1981 until 2003, Mahathir Mohamad was Malaysia's fourth prime minister, and at
the age of 92, he was re-elected in 2018 as part of a new multi-ethnic coalition named Pakatan
Harapan, or Alliance of Hope in English. Mahathir fought against his previous party alliance,
Barisan Nasional, or National Front, which has been headed by the United Malays National
Organisation, a chauvinist ethnic-Malay party (UMNO). He succeeded Najib Razak, who served
as Prime Minister from 2009 to 2018.

In mid-February 2020, after months of internal negotiations, a new party coalition called
Perikatan Nasional, or National Alliance, formed to oppose Mahathir’s government. Muhyiddin
was a long-serving UMNO politician serving as Najib's deputy prime minister. After publicly
criticising Najib's activities in the 1MDB crisis, he was fired from the cabinet in 2015 and left
the party, joining Mahathir's Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu) as party president.

By leaving the Harapan alliance, Muhyiddin broke the Bersatu party and removed
Mahathir's working mandate in the Dewan Rakyat, Malaysia's lower chamber of parliament,
thereby overthrowing the government. Muhyiddin obtained Malaysia's king's approval to create a
new Perikatan administration on February 29, and he took the oath of office as prime minister the
next day. Opponents have characterised his ascension as a "backdoor power grab."

CHAPTER 4 :
POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION

During World War II, Japan's occupation of Borneo and Malaya (1942–1955) led to
significant changes in both regions. Because Malays and Chinese reacted differently to Japanese
authority, their economies were disrupted, and racial tensions were increased. The Japanese
invaded Malaya in December 1941 after neutralising American military might in Hawaii with the
attack on Pearl Harbor and in the Philippines through attacks on Manila because they were keen
to gain access to the natural resources of Southeast Asia. The peninsula, Singapore, and Borneo
were soon under Japanese authority. Chinese-dominated pro-communist guerrillas fought against
the British in North Borneo and Malaya, respectively. Economic hardship and selective
repression led to an increase in politicisation and conflict within and among ethnic groups in
numerous regions; while the Chinese and Malays in Malaya also realised that British dominance
was not permanent, the Brookes and North Borneo Company's power in northern Borneo was
irreversibly damaged. Nevertheless, the majority of people celebrated Japan's surrender in 1945.

Both Sarawak and North Borneo, which had been British protectorates until the Japanese
occupation, were transformed into British crown possessions following the war. However,
Sarawak had to deal with a tumultuous political environment. When Brooke rule ended and
Sarawak was ceded to Britain, many Malays resisted it, and the ensuing sociopolitical divisions
lasted for years. The British North Borneo colony led to the transfer of the seat of government
from Sandakan to Jesselton (now Kota Kinabalu). In Malaya, some local self-government was
implemented. However, the British proposal to unite all of Malaya's territories—aside from
Singapore—into an unified Malayan Union, which would reduce state autonomy and grant
non-Malaysians equal political and citizenship rights, served as the main impetus for political
organisation. In response to a strong upswing in political opposition to this plan, led by Dato'
Onn bin Jaafar, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) was founded in 1946 as a
platform for Malay nationalism and political aggressiveness. The proposed Malayan Union was
defeated by strikes, protests, and boycotts, and the British then started talks with UMNO
regarding the future of Malaya.

British officials began talks with the leaders of the various ethnic groups, notably UMNO
and the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), a group founded in 1949 by affluent Chinese
businessmen, promising independence. In the national parliamentary elections conducted in
1955, a coalition led by the aristocratic moderate Tunku Abdul Rahman and including the
Malayan Indian Congress competed and won all but one seat. This established a long-lasting
political pattern of a ruling coalition, first known as the Alliance Party and later as the National
Front (Barisan Nasional; BN), which brought together parties with ethnic bases that were
primarily led by elites and had moderate to conservative political leanings, with UMNO as the
dominant force.

The Federation of Malaya became independent on August 31, 1957, with Tunku Abdul
Rahman serving as prime minister of the Alliance administration. Singapore, a British crown
territory with a predominantly Chinese population, continued to be outside the federation. With
UMNO politicians controlling the majority of federal and state positions and the kingship
rotating among the different Malay sultans, the structure tended to favour the Malays politically,
but the Chinese were given liberal citizenship privileges and continued to have significant
economic sway. Kuala Lumpur was chosen as the nation's capital.

In Borneo, new currents were also beginning to form. The two colonies' economies were
successfully rebuilt and expanded under colonial administration, with rubber and lumber serving
as the cornerstone for postwar economic prosperity. Facilities for education and health slowly
spread outside of towns. Elections for local councils marked the beginning of the growth of
political consciousness. The Kadazan community became involved in North Borneo politics
during the 1950s, especially as a result of the growth of radio and newspapers, while Chinese and
Malay leaders founded Sarawak's first political parties—some of which promoted multiethnic
identities—in anticipation of independence. A federated state comprising Malaya, Sarawak,
North Borneo, Brunei, and Singapore was proposed by Malayan and British officials in 1961,
which sped up political activity. In North Borneo, new political parties emerged on behalf of the
Kadazan, Chinese, and diverse Muslim minorities. Elections were held in North Borneo and
Sarawak, and the majority of the political parties in both colonies voted to become part of the
new federation known as Malaysia. The Philippines' claim to North Borneo, based on former
Sulu suzerainty, increased the desire for both colonies to join Malaysia.

Despite the fact that Singapore, Sarawak, and North Borneo were historically and racially
distinct from Malaya and from one another, British politicians suggested a Malaysian federation
as a means of ending their already onerous colonial authority over those territories. It resembled
a marriage of convenience in many ways. The Malays had strong ties to the numerous Muslim
communities in Borneo and had strong commercial ties to thriving Singapore. Tunku Abdul
Rahman thought the federation could balance Singapore's Chinese majority with the non-Chinese
majorities of the Borneo republics, neutralising any possible Marxist Chinese activism. Malays
were barely the majority in Malaya, which already had a roughly 40% Chinese minority. Thus,
on September 16, 1963, the Federation of Malaysia was established, with East Malaysia
consisting of Sarawak and North Borneo (now known as Sabah). Although encouraged to join,
Brunei decided to stay a British protectorate and ultimately gained independence as a tiny,
oil-rich Malay sultanate.

CHAPTER 5 :
TYPE OF POLITICAL PARTY IN MALAYSIA

There are currently 27 political parties registered in Malaysia, of which 13 are in
Peninsular Malaysia, 9 in Sabah, and 5 in Sarawak. The first one is The National Front (Barisan
Nasional), which has 14 constituent parties and holds a majority in both 8 of the 13 State
Legislative Assemblies and the parliament. A confederation of political parties that support the
Barisan Nasional's goals is how the Barinas Nasional describes itself. Although each constituent
party produces its program and all candidates run for office under the Barisan National emblem,
there is intra-coalition competition for seats before nomination day. The Islamic Party of
Malaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP), and National Justice Party (KeADILan),
which was founded as the People's Alliance, are the three main opposition groups. In the People's
Alliance, each political party has its ideology: PKR promotes its values of social justice and
anti-corruption, PAS seeks to create Malaysia as a country based on Islamic law, and DAP
promotes its secular, multiracial, social democratic goals.

Articles 113 through 120 of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia address issues relating
to the Election Commission. The Election Commission's objective is to protect, oversee, and
uphold the democratic process in the nation by conducting free and fair elections. The
Commission oversees making sure that voters can choose their representatives directly in any
election. There are six members total on the Malaysian Election Commission, including the
Chairman and Deputy Chairman. Considering the significance of having an Election
Commission that enjoys public confidence, members of the Commission are chosen by His
Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong after consultation with the Conference of Rulers.

The Commission's administrative hub is the Secretariat (HQ), which has the duty of
carrying out and putting into effect all the Commission's duties, policies, and decisions. A
Secretary, who serves as the organisation's chief administrator, oversees the Secretariat. To carry
out its duties, the Secretariat maintains fourteen state election offices, each of which is run by a
State Election Officer. Operating staff members are chosen from the administrative service pool
of the nation. The Election Commission's key responsibilities are as follows:

Parliamentary and state seats are reviewed and redrawn at intervals of at least eight years
after the conclusion of the previous review. conducts out voter registration and electoral roll
updates throughout the year. Conduct general elections for the Dewan Rakyat, state legislative

assemblies, and any subsequent by-elections necessary to fill unforeseen vacancies. Federal
Constitution, State Constitution, Election Act 1958 (Act 119), Election Offenses Act 1954 (Act
5), Elections (Conduct of Election) Regulations 1981, Elections (Registration of Electors)
Regulations 2002, and Election (Postal Voting) Regulations 2003 are the various laws and
regulations about elections (A. Rashid Rahman, 1994, pg. 5).

The Police Act of 1967, the Sedition Act of 1948, the Printing Presses and Publications
Act of 1984 (Act 301), the Official Secrets Act of 1972 (Act 88), the Communications and
Multimedia Act of 1998 (Act 588), the Penal Code of 1988 (Act 574), the Criminal Procedure
Code of 1988 (Act 593), the Local Government Act of 1976 (Act 171), and other acts are also
mentioned.

The Federal Constitution calls for the election of 222 members to the House of
Representatives, while the state constitutions of the several states call for the election of a
specific number of members to their respective state legislatures. One of the duties of the
Commission is the process of examining and redefining State and parliamentary constituencies.
Several voters who reside in a specific geographic area make up each constituency. The Survey
Department, Statistics Department, and Attorney General's Office all support the Commission in
carrying out the examination. Following the date of completion of the last review, the Election
Commission commits to reviewing the constituencies at intervals of at least eight years. Within
two years of the review's start date, the review must be finished. The review of State Legislative
Assembly districts typically takes place concurrently with the review of parliamentary districts.

The Election Commission uses the guidelines outlined in the 13th Schedule of the
Federal Constitution, which are as follows, in carrying out the delineation of constituencies:
While considering the need to provide all voters with easy opportunities to cast a ballot,
constituencies should be delineated to avoid crossing State borders and consideration should be
given to the disadvantages of State constituencies straddling federal constituencies. Regard must
be given to the administrative resources available within the constituencies for the installation of
the required voting and registration equipment.

The number of electors in each State's constituency should be roughly similar, with the
exception that rural areas should be given a measure of weightage for the area due to the
increased difficulty in reaching rural electors and other disadvantages they face. Regard should
be given to the inconveniences caused by constituency changes and locality maintenance. When
the Commission sends the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Prime Minister its
Notice of Provisional Recommendations, the delimitation process officially begins.

The Commission is required to conduct a local inquiry into any comments made during
the month that they were on exhibit for public review. After that, the Prime Minister receives the
final suggestion to present to the House of Representatives for approval. Only after the
dissolution of Parliament and/or the State Legislative Assemblies will the new constituency take
effect.

CONCLUSION

Issues that consistently challenge the several presumptions of Malaysia's political, social,
and economic life have come to light during the past few years. Reforms in politics, society, and
the economy are increasingly being demanded. Undoubtedly, Malaysia is facing significant
pressure to change its political, economic, and social structure fundamentally, but political
transformation is hampered by a mismatch between ideas and institutional frameworks. Given
institutional rigidity, change seems to be impossible.

Institutional rigidity shouldn't be a cause for hopelessness. There are good grounds to be
optimistic about the sustainability of political transformation attempts. Comparing Malaysia in
2016 to Malaysia in 1999 reveals significant differences. Change agents have realised that in
order for there to be any change, it is essential to understand Malaysia's institutional
characteristics because failing to do so will thwart any attempts at change. The current issue for
change agents is to consider Malaysia's institutional strengths while also looking for innovative
ways to navigate these restricted institutions. Instead of entrenching these exclusive institutions,
efforts should focus on bridging, weakening, or abolishing them. Change agents should have a
strategic perspective to achieve this. Change happens gradually, which could seem uninteresting
in the near run but could end up being transformational. The nation of Malaysia needs statesmen
right now, not just politicians. Statesmen plan for the next generation, while politicians plan for
the next election.

LIST OF ARCHIVAL MATERIALS

Title: LAMBANG LAMA, PARTI ISLAM SEMALAYSIA
Accession Number: 2001/0049899W

Title: PARTI ISLAM SEMALAYSIA (PAS), MESYUARAT PERTAMA JAWATANKUASA
PENYELARAS PERIKATAN, PERASMIAN PEMBUKAAN OLEH PERDANA MENTERI,
TUN HAJI ABDUL RAZAK BIN HUSSEIN, PEJABAT PERDANA MENTERI, KUALA
LUMPUR; 27.02.1973

Accession Number: 2001/0041638W

Title: PUBLIC FORUM ON VISION REVISITED CONTINUING WITH THE NEXT LAP "
MENERUSKAN USAHA MENCAPAI WAWASAN 2020 " & LUNCH OF " WAWASAN 2020
EDUCATIONAL BOOK ", PERASMIAN OLEH TIMBALAN PERDANA MENTERI,
DATUK SERI ABDULLAH BIN HAJI AHMAD BADAWI DI THE PALACE OF GOLDEN
HORSES, KUALA LUMPUR, 28 FEBRUARI 2003

Accession Number: 2008/0002401W

Title: KONGRES PERTAMA MELAYU',GAMBAR BERAMAI PARA PERWAKILAN
DARIPADA TANAH MELAYU DAN SINGAPURA, KELAB SULTAN SULAIMAN,
KAMPUNG BARU, KUALA LUMPUR

Accession Number: 2001/0051645W

Title: KURSUS GERAK KERJA 83 WANITA UMNO, PERASMIAN PENUTUPAN OLEH
TIMBALAN PERDANA MENTERI, DATO' MUSA BIN HITAM, PETALING JAYA;
07.08.1983

Accession number: 2001/0048381W

Title: Malaysia 2012/2013
Accession Number: 2014/0012821W

Title: U.M.N.O
Accession Number: 1974/002143W

Title: D.A.P 1972-1974
Accession Number: 1976/0001885W

Title: UNITED MALAYS NATIONAL ORGANIZATION (UMNO), JAMUAN TEH, UCAPAN
PERDANA MENTERI, TUN HAJI ABDUL RAZAK BIN HUSSEIN, KUALA LUMPUR;
11.05.1971

Accession Number: 2001/0042567W

Title: ANGKAT SUMPAH, LIMA ORANG SETIAUSAHA POLITIK, DIHADAPAN
PERDANA MENTERI, KUALA LUMPUR; 27.4.1977

Accession Number: 2001/0044287W

Title: POSTER DAN REPLIKA PARTI POLITIK YANG BERTANDING SEMPENA
PILIHANRAYA UMUM KE-13(PRU 13)

Accession Number: 2014/0014245W

Title: THREE CORNER FIGHT FOR TANJUNG ARU BETWEEN PARTI BERSATU SABAH
( PBS ) AND DEMOCRATIC ACTION PARTY ( DAP )

Accession Number: 1999/0002664S

Title: PILIHANRAYA UMUM 1982, KAWASAN PARLIMEN SEREMBAN,
PENGEMUKAAN KERTAS PENCALONAN OLEH CALON-CALON YANG
BERTANDING, SEREMBAN; 7.4.1982

Accession Number: 2001/0047013W

Title : TITLES OF APPOINTMENTS UNDER MALAYAN UNION.
Accession Number : 1957/0618912W

Title : REORGANISATION OF THE MALAYAN UNION SECRETARIAT.
Accession Number : 1957/0618834W

LIST OF ARCHIVAL MATERIALS

Title Accession Number
LAMBANG LAMA, PARTI ISLAM SEMALAYSIA 2001/0049899W
2001/0041638W
PARTI ISLAM SEMALAYSIA (PAS), MESYUARAT
2008/0002401W
PERTAMA JAWATANKUASA PENYELARAS
2001/0051645W
PERIKATAN, PERASMIAN PEMBUKAAN OLEH 2001/0048381W
2014/0012821W
PERDANA MENTERI, TUN HAJI ABDUL RAZAK BIN

HUSSEIN, PEJABAT PERDANA MENTERI, KUALA

LUMPUR; 27.02.1973

PUBLIC FORUM ON VISION REVISITED CONTINUING
WITH THE NEXT LAP " MENERUSKAN USAHA
MENCAPAI WAWASAN 2020 " & LUNCH OF "
WAWASAN 2020 EDUCATIONAL BOOK ", PERASMIAN
OLEH TIMBALAN PERDANA MENTERI, DATUK SERI
ABDULLAH BIN HAJI AHMAD BADAWI DI THE
PALACE OF GOLDEN HORSES, KUALA LUMPUR, 28
FEBRUARI 2003

KONGRES PERTAMA MELAYU',GAMBAR BERAMAI
PARA PERWAKILAN DARIPADA TANAH MELAYU
DAN SINGAPURA, KELAB SULTAN SULAIMAN,
KAMPUNG BARU, KUALA LUMPUR

Title: KURSUS GERAK KERJA 83 WANITA UMNO,
PERASMIAN PENUTUPAN OLEH TIMBALAN
PERDANA MENTERI, DATO' MUSA BIN HITAM,
PETALING JAYA; 07.08.1983

Malaysia 2012/2013

U.M.N.O 1974/002143W
1976/0001885W
D.A.P 1972-1974 2001/0042567W

UNITED MALAYS NATIONAL ORGANIZATION 2001/0044287W
(UMNO), JAMUAN TEH, UCAPAN PERDANA MENTERI,
TUN HAJI ABDUL RAZAK BIN HUSSEIN, KUALA 2014/0014245W
LUMPUR; 11.05.1971 1999/0002664S
2001/0047013W
ANGKAT SUMPAH, LIMA ORANG SETIAUSAHA
POLITIK, DIHADAPAN PERDANA MENTERI, KUALA 1957/0618912W
LUMPUR; 27.4.1977 1957/0618834W

POSTER DAN REPLIKA PARTI POLITIK YANG
BERTANDING SEMPENA PILIHANRAYA UMUM
KE-13(PRU 13)

THREE CORNER FIGHT FOR TANJUNG ARU
BETWEEN PARTI BERSATU SABAH ( PBS ) AND
DEMOCRATIC ACTION PARTY ( DAP )

PILIHANRAYA UMUM 1982, KAWASAN PARLIMEN
SEREMBAN, PENGEMUKAAN KERTAS PENCALONAN
OLEH CALON-CALON YANG BERTANDING,
SEREMBAN; 7.4.1982

TITLES OF APPOINTMENTS UNDER MALAYAN
UNION.

REORGANISATION OF THE MALAYAN UNION
SECRETARIAT.

LIST OF FIGURES Kongress pertama Melayu
Muhyiddin Yassin (8th Prime Minister)
Figure 1:
Figure 2: Mahathir Mohamad
Figure3:

REFERENCES

A Tumultuous Year in Malaysian Politicking. (2021). Csis.org.
https://www.csis.org/blogs/new-perspectives-asia/tumultuous-year-malaysian-politicking

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