Humour has always been a self-defence mechanism for me THE WALL JANUARY | 2024 MAGAZINE BEYOND
TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 founder of Psychoanalysis 2 Introduction 3 4-62 63 View of Human Nature Psychological Studies Author’s Note References 64
FOUNDER OF PSYCHOANALYSIS Sigmund Freud (1856– 1939) was the firstborn in a Viennese family of three boys and five girls. His father, like many others of his time and place, was very authoritarian. Freud’s family background is a factor to consider in understanding the development of his theory. Even though Freud’s family had limited finances and was forced to live in a crowded apartment, his parents made every effort to foster his obvious intellectual capacities. Freud had many interests, but his career choices were restricted because of his Jewish heritage. He finally settled on medicine. Only 4 years after earning his medical degree from the University of Vienna at the age of 26, he attained a prestigious position there as a lecturer. Freud devoted most of his life to formulating and extending his theory of psychoanalysis. Interestingly, the most creative phase of his life corresponded to a period when he was experiencing severe emotional problems of his own. During his early 40s, Freud had numerous psychosomatic disorders, as well as exaggerated fears of dying and other phobias, and was involved in the difficult task of self-analysis. By exploring the meaning of his own dreams, he gained insights into the dynamics of personality development. He first examined his childhood memories and came to realize the intense hostility he had felt for his father. He also recalled his childhood sexual feelings for his mother, who was attractive, loving, and protective. He then clinically formulated his theory as he observed his patients work through their own problems in analysis. “IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO ESCAPE THE IMPRESSION THAT PEOPLE COMMONLY USE FALSE STANDARDS OF MEASUREMENT — THAT THEY SEEK POWER, SUCCESS AND WEALTH FOR THEMSELVES AND ADMIRE THEM IN OTHERS, AND THAT THEY UNDERESTIMATE WHAT IS OF TRUE VALUE IN LIFE.” ― SIGMUND FREUD Sigmund Freud 1
Most of the theories of counseling and psychotherapy presented in this work have been inspired by psychoanalytic principles and procedures. Several therapeutic techniques expanded upon the psychoanalytic paradigm, while others adapted its concepts and processes, and still others arose in opposition to it. Frued's psychoanalytic theory encompasses a comprehensive framework for understanding the formation of personality and serves as a therapeutic method in psychotherapy. He revolutionized psychotherapy, bringing fresh perspectives and expanding its possibilities. Emphasizing the influence of psychodynamic elements on behavior, particularly the role of the unconscious mind, and pioneering therapy techniques for comprehending and altering one's fundamental character traits. Freud's thesis serves as a standard by which many other hypotheses are evaluated. 2 In this edition, we will delve into the multifaceted benefits of defense mechanisms in our daily lives. From coping with adversity and trauma to managing conflicts and uncertainties, these defense mechanisms serve as vital tools for maintaining our mental and emotional well-being. Through thoughtprovoking articles, real-life examples, and expert insights, we aim to shed light on how a deeper understanding of these psychological phenomena can empower us to lead more fulfilling and balanced lives. Join us on this enlightening journey as we unravel the mysteries of defense mechanisms and discover their profound significance in shaping the human experience. INTRODUCTION
3 “WE ARE WHAT WE ARE BECAUSE WE HAVE BEEN WHAT WE HAVE BEEN.” - S.F From Freud's point of view, people are basically set in their ways. As we go through important psychosexual stages in our first few years of life, Freud said that our behavior is shaped by illogical forces, unconscious motivations, and biological and instinctual drives. The Freudian method is based on instincts. He first used the word "libido" to mean sexual energy, but later he expanded it to mean the energy of all the life drives. These impulses are meant to help people and the human race stay alive. They are focused on growth, development, and creativity. So, libido should be seen as a source of drive that includes sexual energy but goes further than that. According to Freud, the goal of much of life is to get pleasure and stay away from pain. This means that all pleasant actions are part of the life instincts. There are also death feelings that Freud says explain the drive to be aggressive. People sometimes show through their actions that they want to die or hurt themselves or others. Getting control of this violent drive is very hard for people. Freud thought that people often act in certain ways because of strong sexual or violent drives. VIEW OF HUMAN NATURE
4 By Margarita Perez | Photography by Hannah Morales PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDIES
Howard, M. Bricout, J. et., al Authors ABSTRACT: Focus groups were conducted at five chemical dependency treatment facilities assessing residents' (N = 65) conceptualizations of denial and the role it may have played in the pathogenesis and progression of their substance use disorders. Two of the authors read verbatim transcripts of the focus group proceedings and independently developed models of denial based on those data. The first reader identified a core set of interpersonal and attributional processes that appeared to explain why many participants did not perceive their substance abuse and associated problems as clearly aberrant and/or chose not to selfidentify as alcohol or other drug dependent until late in the course of their chemical dependency. The second reader identified five stages that clients appeared to pass through as they progressed from no awareness of their substance use disorder to full awareness. A second set of readers then independently developed an integrated stage and process model of denial that incorporated elements of the models identified earlier. Though obviously exploratory in nature, these findings suggest that denial is a far more complex and dynamic set of intra- and interpersonal processes than is generally recognized. 5 DENIAL IN ADDICTION: Toward anIntegrated Stage and Process Model—Qualitative Findings
In his classic discussion of hypothetical constructs, Ebel (1974: 486) cautioned against the uncritical acceptance of such concepts when there is little "evidence for the exist- ence or nature of the presumed cause apart from the effect it is supposed to produce" and contended that such con- structs often "go well beyond any credible evidence to create the illusion of explanation in the absence of any real expla nation, and to forestall or misdirect efforts to achieve real understanding" (p. 486). The notion of denial, as it is often employed in the vernacular of chemical dependency treat- ment specialists, is precisely the kind of poorly operationalized construct that Ebel (1974) believed could stultify scientific understanding in important practice areas. 6 I in his classic discussion of hypothetical constructs, Ebel (1974: 486) cautioned against the uncritical acceptance of such concepts when there is little "evidence for the exist- ence or nature of the presumed cause apart from the effect it is supposed to produce" and contended that such con- structs often "go well beyond any credible evidence to create the illusion of explanation in the absence of any real expla nation, and to forestall or misdirect efforts to achieve real understanding" (p. 486). The notion of denial, as it is often employed in the vernacular of chemical dependency treat- ment specialists, is precisely the kind of poorly operationalized construct that Ebel (1974) believed could stultify scientific understanding in important practice areas. denial reactions: preconscious appraisal of danger or trauma, painful affect, cognitive arrest, and screen behav ior. Dorpat contended that denial occurs primarily at a presymbolic or prelinguistic level and that it is a process that prevents the formation of painful verbal ideas. Al- though Dorpat's account is rich with therapeutic implications, drawing from Freudian and object relations theories as well as cognitive psychology, it is limited by his explicit and exclusive reliance on his own cases and those of analysts he has supervised. Further, many aspects of his theory and similar models are not readily amenable to empirical testing Despite the conceptual limitations of the concept of denial as it is widely and variously defined and the dearth of pertinent empirical findings, the notion of dental was widely embraced in the US throughout most of the twen- tieth century as the fundamental psychological process characterizing addictive disorders. Theorists embracing this perspective have referred to substance dependence as the "disease of denial." regarding dental as a cardinal, if not universal, symptom of chemical dependency (Schulz & Mersy 1989). INTRODUCTION “TO FIND A MOUNTAIN PATH ALL BY ONESELF GIVES A GREATER FEELING OF STRENGTH THAN TO TAKE A PATH THAT IS SHOWN.” ― KAREN HORNEY, SELF-ANALYSIS
7 Contemporary developments suggest that denial continues to be viewed as the sine qua non of chemi- cal dependency by many professionals in the field. The Joint Committee of the National Council on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence and the American Society of Addiction Medicine recently defined alcoholism as a primary chronic disease characterized by "distortions in thinking. most notably denial" (Morse & Flavin 1992). The Joint Committee further concluded, in the absence of relevant supporting data (Howard & Donovan 1993: 1012), that denial is "a range of psychologic maneuvers that decrease awareness of the fact that alcohol use is the cause of a person's problems rather than a solution to those problems [that] becomes an integral part of the disease and is nearly always a major obstacle to recovery." Disputes concerning the proper conceptualization of denial have important practical as well as theoretical con sequences for the chemical dependency treatment field. Confrontational interventions designed to "break through the wall of dental" have proliferated widely, although some professionals regard these approaches as inhumane, inet fective, and potentially countertherapeutic (Hester & Miller 1995. Hall 19931 Miller and Rollnick (1991 observed that "a key assumption underlying aggressive confronta tional strategies is that alcoholics (drug addicts, offenders etc as a class, and as an inherent part of their conde tion-possess extraordinarily bogh levels of certam defense mechanisms, which render them massessable by ordinary means of therapy and persuasion.
Theauthors selectedfocusgroupsas theirprimarydatacollectionmethodbecausetheirwell-establishedutilityfor hypothesis-generationandtheory-buildingresearchwasappropriatetotheexploratorynatureofthisinvestigation. Focusgroupsallow for significantgroupdiscussionandinteractionandthereforeoffer someclearbenefitsoverindividual qualitative interviews, in addition to being more efficient. Group members will often disagree with each other, offer clarifying interpretations, pose alternative conceptualizations, and engage in probing dialectical exchanges,whichallowthegrouptobringforthinformationthatwouldotherwisenotemergeinindividualinterviews withresearchersaskingopen-endedquestions(Morgan1988) METHODOLOGY 2025 01 www.reallygreatsite.com StudioShodwemagazine vol.1 PARTICIPANTS Participantswererecruitedfromongoingtreatmentgroupsatfiveresidentialsubstanceabusetreatmentpro-gramsinthe greaterSt.Louismetropolitanarea.Oneprogramservedonlymen,twoprograms servedonlywomen,andtwoprograms treatedmenandwomen.Atotalof65clientsparticipatedinthestudy.Two-thirdsandone-thirdofthesampleself-identified as Caucasian and African-American, respectively (see Table 1). As a group, the sample reported significant levels of involvementwithalcoholandillicitdrugs.ThemeanShortMichiganAlcoholismScreeningTest(SMAST)scoreswere11.1 (SD=2.1)and9.4(SD=4.1)forthe22primaryalco-holabusersandsevenmixedalcohol/drugabusers.respectively.Selzer, Vinokur, and van Rooijen (1975) con- sidered scores ofthree or more indicative of alcohol dependence. The mean Drug Abuse Screening Test (DAST) scores were 13.5 (SD=4.1) and 14.7 (SD = 2., for the 35 primary drug abusers and seven mixed alcohol/drug abusers, substantially higher than Skinner's (1982) recom- mended cut off score of five points for lifetimedrugusedisorders(seeTable2). 8
The first reader identified four primary categories of reasons participants gave to account for their failure to rec ognize and/or acknowledge the existence or seriousness of their substance dependency problems. Concerns about being stigmatized or rejected. Many participants feared that they would be perceived by friends, family members, coworkers, employers and others as lacking in will power, out of control, or as a weak or defective in character were they to admit to habitual substance abuse. The following exchange between five men occured near the end of the group. Several participants said that they would reveal more about their substance abuse problems to some people that others. Social Interactions of an accusatory or judgemental nature. A number of participants reported that they had reacted defensively to family members, friends, counselors, and others who had aggressively confronted them about their substance abuse. In these case , they had only minimized or even denied their substance abuse altogether or counter attacked in response to the confrontation. One woman recounted an exchange with her anger sister. When she asked why she had reacted so defensively, the woman respond " Because she had to told the truth.. yeah, she sure did touch a nerve. She told the truth. It was a quick, reflex like thing." Three women in one group recalled some of the frustrations they had experienced during previous treatment episodes when they were confronted about their denial. 9 MODEL 1
. Although their lives had been decimated by the consequences of long-term sub- stance dependence, many substance abusers were afraid to face up to the arduous tasks that lay ahead of them, par- ticularly if substance abuse was all they had known for many years. One woman remarked that, "Denial is just evading or avoiding what I know is right in front of my face, cause I just don't want to confront it. The moment that I accept that I have a problem, I have to deal with it." A man in the same group concurred. Many participants appeared to be genuinely unaware of the seri- ousness of their substance abuse until the consequences of abuse became severe. Some group members failed to rec- ognize their substance abuse as a problem because their level of use did not differ substantially from that of their peers or family members. One stated: "Well, all my peers and associates were in the same boat that I was in... everyone I'd come into contact with either did the same [amount of] drugs or drank as much as I did." Other respondents felt that they weren't substance de- pendent because their own behavior did not conform to their stereotypic views of alcoholics and/or addicts and their be- haviors: "I had a place to stay, I paid the bills, I wasn't doing certain things yet, and that kept me in denial." Other participants said that they did not recognize their substance abuse as a problem for many years because their early substance-use experiences had been largely trouble- free and they later experienced serious problems only intermittently. Ambivalence about quitting alcohol or other drug use and avoidance of life responsibilities. Epistemological and attributional uncertainties. 10
Several common attributional ambiguities also complicated participants' early efforts to assess the seriousness of their substance use problems. Some participants attrib- uted the substance-related problems they experienced to the unique social circumstances surrounding an untoward substance-related event or to the particular substance or dose(s) or combination(s) of substances they had ingested. For example, one group member "thought that I'd be able to find a combination that would work. You know, if it wasn't alcohol, then I'd try 10, 12, 15 years of trying different combinations." Another participant observed that. "That's all you know. You go from one drug to another, thinking well, I just... cut down on this, use that, that'll take the place of this." Still another participant averred that, "You either don't get what they are saying or you think it's a problem with alcohol, but not you." A few respondents also offered quasi-psychodynamic explanations of denial. One woman noted that, "when people are in denial they tend to project their problems off on other people, blame other people for all the circumstances that are happening in their life and don't want to accept the fact that it's due to the alcohol or drug or whatever..." Studio Shodwe magazine vol. 1 11
Model 2 The second reader identified five stages that clients appeared to pass through as they came to increasingly greater awareness of their substance use problem. No awareness of a substance use problem. During this stage, which appeared to be highly variable in length across group members, substance abuse was viewed as a nonproblematic behavior and use continued unabated. One young woman who responded to a question about how long she had used alcohol or drugs before she considered her use a problem replied that: "For me, it was about four years. I drank, I thought, like everybody else, and then in college, early. I was about 19, um I, my friend, one of my best friends told me that she thought I was an alcoholic and um. I didn't think you could be an alcoholic at 19... but I was hiding liquor and I was... the only one who was drinking vodka in the morning before classes". A number of polydrug-dependent participants reported widely disparate periods of perceived nonproblematic use for different substances. First awareness of a substance use problem. A num- ber of participants reported that they experienced a pivotal event or poignant experience that made them aware, for the time, of the growing seriousness of their substance use problem. Intermittent awareness of the substance use problem. Several respondents reported variable periods of fluctuat- ing awareness that their substance use had become a problem. During this stage, extended periods of apparent inability or unwillingness to reflect on substance abuse were interspersed with life experiences that made the substance abuse increasingly difficult to ignore or minimize. This stage most resembles the descriptions of denial tradition- ally found in the clinical literature and appeared to be marked by at least sporadic efforts to control alcohol and/ or drug use 12
RESULTS Place a photo caption here. 13 Denial, a concept often used to explain substance abusers' self- destructive behavior, is not a monolithic construct but a complex set of psychosocial processes. Psychodynamic theories have influenced popular and professional perspectives on denial, with psychosocial, interpersonal, and attributional processes being critical factors for individuals' hesitancy to self-identify as alcoholics or addicts. Critics argue that modern denial theories overlook the complex reasons behind substance dependency. Healthcare professionals still view substance abusers as defective, and socially disenfranchised individuals may be more resistant to accepting the stigma associated with acknowledging their substance abuse problem. This is particularly true for individuals at a higher risk for substance use disorders, such as African-Americans, gay, lesbian, and transgender individuals. The study suggests several reasons why substance abuse may not be perceived as problematic early in an individual's addiction career. Firstly, when substance abuse is endemic to the individual's family, peer, and neighborhood environments, they may not perceive it as deviant. Secondly, ongoing disputes among addiction specialists regarding the appropriate criteria for identifying and diagnosing substance use disorders can confuse individuals with no prior experience. Adverse consequences of substance abuse are experienced only intermittently, and prevailing stereotypes of alcoholics and drug addicts represent only deteriorated personifications of dependence. Some respondents initially attribute untoward consequences of substance abuse to the specific drug used, but it was only with the accumulation of adverse experiences across situations and time that they recognized they were substance dependent. Also the study suggests that different psychosocial processes influence individuals' awareness of substance-related problems and behavior change efforts, and suggests that conscious awareness leads to recovery.
Accuracy and Projection in Perceptions of Partners’ Recent Emotional Experiences: Both Minds Matter Edward P. Lemay Jr 14 In 2 studies involving 96 married couples (Study 1) and 118 romantic couples (Study 2), we investigated partners’ perceptions of each others’ recently experienced emotions. In both studies, both individuals within each couple independently provided reports of (a) their own recently experienced emotions, (b) their perceptions of their partners’ recently experienced emotions, and (c) the extent to which they had expressed the emotions they had experienced to their partner. We then assessed the extent to which perceptions of partners’ emotions were (a)accurate (i.e., in agreement with partners’ independent reports of their own feelings) and (b) a function of the perceiver’s own emotions (i.e., projected). Significant evidence for both accuracy in perceiving emotions (4 of 7 emotions in Study 1; 8 of 9 emotions in Study 2) and for projection of perceivers’ own emotions onto partners was obtained (5 of 7 emotions in Study 1; 9 of 9 emotions in Study 2). Effects for all remaining emotions trended in the same directions. There was almost no moderation of these effects by targets’ having knowingly expressed the emotions. Implications of the patterning of findings for different emotions for the social functions of accuracy and projection in perceiving emotions are discussed.
We also explored two additional questions of importance to perceiving emotion in the context of naturally occurring close relationships: the first was whether the targets’ knowing expression of an experienced emotion heightened the degree to which their partners were accurate in perceiving the expressed emotion and dampened the degree to which the partners projected their own emotion onto the targets. Research on person perception suggests that people should be more accurate in judging others to the extent that they have highquality information relevant to the qualities they are trying to discern (Zaki, Bolger, & Ochsner, 2008). perceive each other’s recent emotions (meaning here that perceivers agree with partners on what the partners are feeling) and the degree to which people project their own recently felt emotions onto their partners. Hence, people may have more accurate perceptions of their partner’s emotions when their partners report expressing them. The second question was whether emotions differ in the degree to which they tend to be accurately perceived versus projected, in ways that make functional sense for close relationships. Most emotion theorists assume that specific emotional states, such as anger, sadness, and fear are qualitatively different experiences (e.g., Ekman, 1992; Scherer, Schorr, & Johnstone, 2001). We wished to explore possibilities that people might be especially likely to accurately perceive or to misperceive specific emotions in ways that promote and protect close relationships. Understanding others’ emotions is important for predicting how people will behave and for guiding one’s own behavior toward others (Salovey & Mayer, 1990). Accurately perceiving and responding to others’ emotions are, furthermore, key processes in the building of intimacy in relationships (Graham, Huang, Clark, & Helgeson, 2008; Reis & Shaver, 1988)—a crucial skill for a social species. With only a few exceptions (e.g., Wilhelm & Perrez, 2004; Overall, Fletcher, Simpson, & Fillo, 2015), however, little research exists on the nature of close relationship partners’ judgments of each others’ emotional experiences. Our primary goals were to gain insight as to the degree to which intimate partners accurately perceive each other’s recent emotions (meaning here that perceivers agree with partners on what the partners are feeling) and the degree to which people project their own recently felt emotions onto their partners STUDY 1 INTRODUCTION 15
METHODS Data were gathered from 192 individuals, both members of 96 mixed-sex couples. Participants were part of a 10-year longitudinal marriage study; the data analyzed here were captured at measurement Wave 3 (approximately 3.5 years into marriage). Average age for participants was 26.59 years. Average relationship length before engagement was 34.39 months; participants had been engaged for an average of 14.44 months. Most participants were Caucasian (92%) and had completed college (80%). No participant had been previously married or had had a child prior to the start of the study. Participants had been recruited originally shortly before their wedding using a variety of means, such as advertising at bridal fairs, inviting people who used a bridal registry at a local department store, placing advertisements in local newsletters and using flyers, electronic bulletin boards, and word of mouth. Measures. Perceptions of one’s partner’s recent emotions. Respondents independently answered questions regarding their perception of their partners’ recent experiences of seven emotions: Sadness, happiness, anger, fear, disgust, guilt and compassion. The question posed for each emotion was: “How often does your partner personally experience (name of the emotion)? Ratings were made on 7 point Likert scales with higher numbers indicating greater recent experience of each emotion. The low ends of the scales were labeled “never” and the high ends were labeled “several times per day.” Reports of one’s own recent emotions and whether each emotion was expressed to the partner. Respondents independently rated their own recent experiences of the same seven emotions in response to the question, “How often do you personally experience [name of the emotion]? They also indicated the extent to which they had expressed each emotion to their partner by answering the question, “When you do experience (name of emotion), how likely are you to express the [name of the emotion] (verbally or by clear facial and vocal tone) to your partner?” All ratings were made on 7 point Likert scales with higher numbers indicating greater recent experience or expression of the emotions. The low ends of the scales were labeled “never” for both the participants’ own experience and expression of emotion and the high ends were labeled “several times per day” for the participants’ own experiences of emotion and were labeled always for the participants’ own expressions of emotion to the partner. Just living my best life 16
...IT IS ALMOST ALWAYS THE CASE THAT WHATEVER HAS WOUNDED YOU WILL ALSO BE INSTRUMENTAL IN YOUR HEALING.” ― ROBERT A. JOHNSON, SHE: UNDERSTANDING FEMININE PSYCHOLOGY The study examines the relationship between emotions and perceived emotions in a couple. It uses a multilevel model to account for dyadic interdependence and a compoundsymmetry error structure to estimate the covariance of the outcome variable across the two dyad members. The actorpartner interdependence model is used to examine accuracy and bias. The study examines the predictive effects of both targets' and perceivers' selfreported emotions on perceivers' perceptions of targets' emotions. Path A represents the accuracy of perception, while Path B represents the projection of perceivers' own emotions onto their partners. The results show that perceptions of sadness, fear, disgust, anger, and compassion are predicted by both targets' and partners' experienced emotions, suggesting a blend of accuracy and projection. The study also examines the moderating role of targets' self-reported tendencies to express emotions when felt. The study aimed to determine if accuracy and projection depended on the target's outward expressions. Results showed that self-reports of outward expression only moderated the accurate detection of guilt. Perceivers detected guilt when targets were high in self-reported expression of guilt, but not when they were low. Targets knowingly expressed emotions did not moderate accuracy or projection. The final analysis examined discrepancies between perceivers' perceptions of the target's emotional experiences and the target's self-reported experiences. The study focuses on the accuracy and bias of perceptions of a partner's emotions. 17 RESULTS
Perceivers' perceptions of the partner's emotions are based on the partner's self- reported emotions, and the intercept is retested to reflect the predicted discrepancy between the two. The analysis revealed that perceivers exaggerate their partner's sadness, fear, disgust, happiness, and guilt at average levels of experience, while underestimated their partner's happiness and guilt. However, they did not significantly deviate from their partner's experiences for anger and compassion. For emotions with a significant projection effect, the study examined how these discrepancies changed as a function of the perceivers' own felt emotion. The intercept, which reflects deviations between perceivers' perceptions and targets' experiences, was reexamined after recentering perceivers' emotion on low and high values. This approach helps to understand the relationship between emotions and perceptions, allowing for more accurate and accurate judgments. 18
TRAVEL & LIFESTYLE MAGAZINE 19 Repression is associated in the literature with terms such as non-expression, emotional control, rationality, anti-emotionality, defensiveness and restraint. Whether these terms are synonymous with repression, indicate a variation, or are essentially different from repression is uncertain. To clarify this obscured view on repression, this paper indicates the similarities and differences between these concepts. Repression is the general term that is used to describe the tendency to inhibit the experience and the expression of negative feelings or unpleasant cognitions in order to prevent one’s positive self-image from being threatened (‘repressive coping style’). The terms selfdeception versus other-deception, and socially related versus personally related repression refer to what is considered to be different aspects of repression. Defensiveness is a broader concept that includes both anxious defensiveness and repression; the essential difference is whether negative emotions are reported or not. Concepts that are sometimes associated with repression, but which are conceptually different, are also discussed in this paper: The act of suppression, ‘repressed memories,’ habitual suppression, concealment, type C coping pattern, type D personality, denial, alexithymia and blunting. Consequences for research: (1) When summarizing findings reported in the literature, it is essential to determine which concepts the findings represent. This is rarely made explicit, and failure to do so may lead to drawing the wrong conclusions (2) It is advisable to use scales based on different aspects of repression (3) Whether empirical findings substantiate the similarities and differences between concepts described in this paper will need to be shown. “Being well-dressed gives a feeling of inward tranquility which psychoanalysis is powerless to bestow.” ― Sebastian Horsley Repression: Finding Our Way in the Maze of Concepts BERT GARSSEN
Introduction 20 People differ in their tendency to openly show, or to hide their negative emotions. This is an important topic in behavioral medicine, since studies have shown that repression is a potential health risk factor for disorders as diverse as chronic pain (Beutler et al. 1986) and cancer (Jensen 1987; Weihs et al. 2000). Another reason why repression may be considered a relevant topic for research in this field is that the tendency to avoid expressing negative emotions (also labeled ‘repressive coping style’) is known to distort the assessment of a patient’s distress. As a result, this tendency to repress negative emotions may lead to making false conclusions. For instance, if patients report levels of distress similar to healthy individuals but show more repressive tendencies, they may in fact be more distressed. This repressive tendency may even influence the reporting of somatic symptoms and quality of life (Koller et al. 1999). The possible influence of repression on disease development, health behavior and symptom reporting has been investigated in many studies. Summarizing the findings proves problematic, however, as authors use different labels for ‘repression-like’ concepts, such as repression, suppression, non-expression of negative emotions, emotional control, emotional inhibition, rationality, anti-emotionality, type C response style, defensiveness, restraint, B. Garssen (&) Helen Dowling Institute for Psycho-oncology, Rubenslaan 190, Utrecht 3582 JJ, The Netherlands email: [email protected] 123 J Behav Med (2007) 30:471–481 DOI 10.1007/s10865-007-9122-7 concealment, type D personality, denial, alexithymia and blunting. It is unclear whether this array of terms actually refers to the same concept or altogether different concepts. For instance, is forgetting details of traumatic events (e.g., sexual abuse or war experiences) comparable to not wanting to show one’s emotions because of one’s preference to rationalize? Is the tendency to minimize one’s problems and to emphasize the positive aspects of experiences comparable to nonexpression of negative emotions because one is afraid of personal confrontation? And yet in all these instances, the term repression is used. www.reallygreatsite.com
The meanings of the various terms used in this field are defined below and an attempt is made to analyze their relationships on a conceptual level. This treatise does not discuss theories of repression and related constructs, but concerns the meaning of concepts. In our view, confusion exists more on the level of concepts than on the level of theories, and these theories are not very helpful in clarifying the conceptual confusion that exists. For instance, there is no theory that brings to notice that repression and concealment—whereas the literal meaning of these words may suggest overlap—refer to fundamentally different concepts. Nor is there any theory that alerts against the special use in some Behavioral Medicine texts of the term ‘denial’ in the sense of minimizing the seriousness of a disease and not as denial of negative emotional states in general (Brown et al. 2000; Butow et al. 1999, 2000; Greer et al. 1979). It is important to add here, that several terms in this field have been introduced not on the basis of theory, but during the process of developing a measurement method. We make a distinction between those concepts that in our view are related to repression, and other concepts that are sometimes defined as similar to or related to repression, but are clearly different. “OUT OF YOUR VULNERABILITIES WILL COME YOUR STRENGTH.” 21
22 Shodwe Magazine The term repression' is generally understood in everyday contexts, but there is a lack of consensus on its meaning. Many terms used in this field, such as suppression, nonexpression of negative emotions, emotional control, and rationality, denote something similar to'repression' but are unclear if they are synonymous, subtle variations, or associated concepts. This confusion is due to the lack of definitions and clear ties between new terms and regularly used terms. Repression is the tendency to inhibit negative emotions or unpleasant cognitions to protect one's positive self-image. It can be referred to as an act or a coping style. This paper discusses repression as a tendency or coping style, comparing terms like nonexpression of negative emotions, emotional inhibition, emotional control, antiemotionality, rationality, and self-restraint. RESULTS
Issue No.03 | Travel and Lifestyle 23 The authors differentiate between socially related and personally related repression, with socially related repression involving self-restraint, which involves inhibiting aggressive behavior, exercising impulse control, and acting responsibly. Personally related repression involves rationality, which involves using reason and logic to cope with the environment. The study suggests that socially related repression is more influenced by the approval of others than personally related repression. Repression involves self-deception, which involves honestly believing one's positive self-report. It overlaps with repression, as it involves inhibiting negative emotions or unpleasant cognitions to prevent threats to one's positive self-image. Other-deception, on the other hand, involves deliberately avoiding negative emotions to make a favorable impression. Defensiveness, a broader concept, includes strategies to protect against psychological harm, including repression and anxious defensiveness. Repressors report low distress levels, while anxious defensive individuals report high distress levels. Concepts like voluntary suppression, repressed memories, habitual suppression, self-concealment, type C coping pattern, and type D personality are different from repression. The study recommends future research on repression, including measures of personally and socially related repression and anxious defensiveness. It also emphasizes the need to distinguish between repression and related concepts. Additionally, future research should examine the relationships between questionnaires to confirm the similarities and differences between the concepts. The aim is to provide clarity in the field of defensiveness-related concepts and to review defensiveness-related questionnaires as the next step in understanding repression. “THE ONLY PERSON WITH WHOM YOU HAVE TO COMPARE YOURSELF IS YOU IN THE PAST.”
didyou know? DEFENSE MECHANISMS ARE WAYS YOU REACT TO SITUATIONS THAT BRING UP NEGATIVE EMOTIONS. ACCORDING TO PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORY TRUSTED SOURCE, WHEN YOU EXPERIENCE A STRESSOR, THE SUBCONSCIOUS WILL FIRST MONITOR THE SITUATION TO SEE IF IT MIGHT HARM YOU. IF THE SUBCONSCIOUS BELIEVES THE SITUATION MIGHT LEAD TO EMOTIONAL HARM, IT MAY REACT WITH A DEFENSE MECHANISM 24 TO PROTECT YOU.
In the long term, mature defense mechanisms may not be particularly detrimental to your emotional or mental health. Using more mature mechanisms may help you face the anxieties and situations that might normally cause stress and emotional duress. Other defense mechanisms, however, are not as mature and helpful. Prolonged use of these defenses can lead to lingering problems. In fact, they may prevent you from ever facing emotional issues or anxieties because they block you from seeing the root cause. USUALLY, YOU ARE UNAWARE OF THE DEFENSE MECHANISM, THOUGH THE BEHAVIOR MAY APPEAR ODD TO OTHERS AROUND YOU. Here, you can place a caption for the photo. It can be a short description or it can credit the production team. 25
26 THE PSYCHODYNAMIC ROLE OF THE DISPLACEMENT DEFENSE MECHANISM IN PEOPLE WITH OBESITY AND ANOREXIA NERVOSA F. Mustač, M. Matovinović, D. Marčinko
ABSTRACT This study explores the psychodynamic intricacies of the displacement defense mechanism within the context of obesity and anorexia nervosa. The paper delves into the underlying psychological processes that contribute to the manifestation and perpetuation of these contrasting eating disorders, focusing on the displacement defense mechanism as a central component. Displacement, the unconscious redirection of emotions or impulses from their original target to a substitute target, is examined through the lens of psychoanalytic theory to elucidate its role in shaping maladaptive eating behaviors. The reviews relevant literature, integrating psychodynamic principles and clinical observations to elucidate how displaced emotions, often rooted in early childhood experiences, become intertwined with dysfunctional eating patterns. In individuals with obesity, the displacement mechanism may serve as a coping strategy to manage unresolved emotional conflicts, leading to the overconsumption of food as a substitute for unaddressed psychological distress. Conversely, in anorexia nervosa, displacement may contribute to the obsessive control over food intake as a means of exerting mastery over displaced emotions and maintaining a semblance of order in a chaotic internal world. The paper explores the implications of the displacement defense mechanism for treatment approaches, emphasizing the importance of addressing underlying emotional conflicts to facilitate more effective interventions. Clinical implications and potential avenues for therapeutic strategies are discussed, with an emphasis on psychodynamic insights to enhance the understanding and treatment of individuals with obesity and anorexia nervosa. This abstract contributes to the evolving discourse on the psychodynamic underpinnings of eating disorders, shedding light on the complex interplay between emotions, defense mechanisms, and disordered eating behaviors. 27
Int roduction In the beginning One of the most significant aspects of our life is the act of eating. To begin, it is essential for survival, but in general, it plays a far more extensive and significant role in society. Not only does the act of feeding fulfill the fundamental instincts and requirements of existence, but it also provides us with a sense of fulfillment by allowing us to invest our libido within ourselves. Anorexia nervosa and obesity, which are the two extremes of eating disorders, can be thought of as a distorted sense of the satisfaction that comes from eating, and in the background, there is typically a very fragile and weak personality structure. Those with fragile personality structures have a tendency to employ more basic defense mechanisms; nonetheless, it is important to not overlook the fact that persons who suffer from eating disorders also employ more neurotic protection mechanisms. 28 Rimber io Magaz ine
Methods Search of contemporary professional and scientific literature in the field of psychodynamics of eating disorders. Rimber io Magaz ine 29
20 RESULTS Displacement is a defense mechanism in which, when faced with a problem, the problem is not solved with the initial object of aggression, but the problem is moved to another object or situation that the individual perceives as less dangerous. Thus, when faced with a stressful situation or sadness, obese people may have a need for emotional eating, which can be interpreted as displacement of the problem, which is temporarily “solved” by satisfying the basic instinct, but later the person becomes overwhelmed by internal and external shame. Equally so, a traumatic upbringing and disturbed interpersonal family dynamics, which are often present in people with anorexia nervosa, can cause anxiety drives that are displaced in the form of the need for a strong restriction of food intake. 30
THE ROLE OF SUPPRESSION AND THE MAINTENANCE OF EUTHYMIA IN CLINICAL SETTINGS EMANUELE ET AL., (2021) 31
Abstract Defense mechanisms serve as mediators referred to the subjects’ attempt to manage stressors capable of threatening their integrity. Mature defense mechanisms represent the high adaptive group, including suppression, which allows the subject to distance disturbing contents from consciousness. In line with general defensive intents, suppression would preserve stable mood states, as in the case of euthymia. Clinical issues usually disturb homeorhesis, so that the study of subjects’ suppressive tendencies would suggest possible existing relations among defense mechanisms, mood states, and clinical issues. The study highlighted the significant existing relations among factors such as suppression, euthymia, mood states, and clinical psychological phenomena. 32
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INTRODUCTION The concept of defense mechanisms, first introduced by Sigmund Freud in 1894, has been a central aspect of understanding the maintenance of a stable mood. These mechanisms, predominantly unconscious, are linked to specific psychopathological domains and are reversible, depending on the subject's structure and environmental conditions. They are primarily used to protect individuals from thoughts, feelings, internal or external conflicts. The use of defenses is closely related to avoiding conflicts, which can be internal or external stressful issues. The anguish resulting from these disputes can lead to a response depending on the subject's structure. Current research is exploring the possibility of involving defense mechanisms in empirical terms, focusing on high-validity instruments that adhere to classical contributions and new perspectives. This approach is more fruitful than relying on high-quality instruments that adhere to classical contributions and new perspectives. erney et al. (2014) highlight the clinical and empirical aspects of defense mechanisms, which provide insight into affective dynamics and tendencies in individuals. Defense mechanisms have different features, with archaic defenses being distinct from neurotic and adaptive ones. Vaillant (1994) introduced mature defenses like humor, sublimation, suppression, altruism, and anticipation. Repression, a high adaptive defense, is considered a predominantly conscious mechanism, used to avoid disturbing contents. Suppression, on the other hand, represents a predominantly unconscious dynamic. The main difference between these two defense mechanisms is the level of the subject's consciousness during defense use. Suppression helps individuals overcome internal/external issues, replacing disturbing content with more adaptive themes and tasks. 11 When thinking about how defense systems help us avoid pain and problems, it is important to talk about what can be seen as directly resulting from their proper or extreme use. The outcome shows that affective dynamics are indirectly involved but still present. In this way of thinking, defense systems still play a part, even though they do so in terms of affectivity and images. The truth is that most psychosomatic problems are actually the last step of being too guarded. Along with pushing disturbing thoughts out of consciousness, regressions to fantasy are common (Kris and Kaplan, 1952; Kris, 1952a,b,c; Knafo, 2002). This pattern was named "Regression in the Service of the Ego" to describe short regressions that help people avoid pain and control representations that don't have to do with reality. So, empirical study showed that alexithymia doesn't mean not having any feelings, but rather not being able to think or reason. Depending on what's popular in the literature, some ideas get more attention than others, but it's important to understand basic events and come up with full meanings for things like resilience and well-being. The idea of "well-being" has changed and grown over the years, giving us a bigger and more full picture of the word. It's no longer just the lack of illness, pain, or discomfort; it's also a state of balance between the person and their surroundings. Euthymia is a term that is linked to this idea. 34
Methods: The observation group was composed of 150 participants, 51 males (34%) and 99 females (66%), aged from 25 to 30 years old, with a mean age of 26.63 years old (SD = 1.51). The study was conducted through the use of measures related to subjects’ characteristics, euthymia, psychological flexibility and psychological well-being (Euthymia Scale), suppression (Suppression Mental Questionnaire), wellbeing (Who-5), and compassion (ProQol-5). 35
Results: The performed analyses consisted of descriptive statistics, correlations, differences, and regressions among the considered variables. Starting from the first hypothesis, SMQ factors appeared to be significantly and positively correlated with Euthymia factors, rather than Regression in the Ego service (-). In line with the previous result, significant and positive correlations emerged among SMQ and Well-being (WHO-5) variables, maintaining an inverse relation with Regression in the Ego service. Significant differences emerged between male and female groups concerning SMQ total score and rationalization, with higher male group scores. Finally, significant dependencies emerged among the selected predictors (SMQ variables) and Compassion satisfaction. T R E N D S EXCITING 36
“Mylove is somethingvaluable to me whichIoughtnot tothrow away without reflection.” ―SigmundFreud,CivilizationandItsDiscontents 37
KRISTA GRACE YAKUB 2013 REACTION FORMATION AND HOMOPHOBIA: AN ERP EXAMINATION 38
12 Homophobia in men may be, in part, due to reaction formation rooted in unacceptable same-sex attraction. Previous studies have not confirmed a covert samesex attraction in homophobic men, which is necessary for a reaction formation theory of homophobia. This study sought to reveal possible covert same-sex attraction in homophobic men. In this study, heterosexual and homosexual male erotic images were presented in a passive S1/S2 stimulus prediction design to 48 self-identified heterosexual participants, grouped by homophobia. Three event-related potential responses related to valenced emotional processing were examined: the medial frontal negativity (MFN), the late positive potential (LPP), and the positive frontal slow wave (FSW). While homophobic men have a larger FSW in response to erotics across the board, F(1,46) = 3.88, p = .055, no significant interactions between homophobia and image content were found. As such, homophobic men may have more interest in erotic images in general, but this study does not demonstrate that homophobic men find homosexual erotics appetitive. ABSTRACT 39
INTRODUCTION Homophobic attitudes and behaviors have a profound negative impact on their targets. One study found that over a third of gay men experienced verbal harassment over a six-month period, and almost 5% had experienced physical violence (Huebner, Rebchook, & Kegeles, 2004). Homophobia has often been studied specifically in men, as men’s attitudes toward gays and lesbians are more negative than those of women, with the most extreme negative attitudes held by straight men toward gay men (Goodman & Moradi, 2008; Herek, 1988). In addition, federal hate crime statistics show that anti-gay harassment and violence is primarily committed by men, and the most common targets for this violence are gay men (FBI, 2009, 2010). One possible root of this strong homophobia in men may be a reaction formation process, converting unacceptable samesex attraction into its opposite (Adams, Wright, & Lohr, 1996; Weinstein et al., 2012). Reaction formation necessitates a covert same-sex attraction in homophobic men, which has so far eluded direct observation. This study seeks to examine potential covert samesex attraction using valenced event- related potentials (ERPs), particularly the medial frontal negativity (MFN), which is thought to index whether an outcome is better or worse than expected (Nieuwenhuis, Holroyd, Mol, & Coles, 2004; Potts, Martin, Burton, & Montague, 2006). 40
Participants: Sixty-three heterosexual men over the age of eighteen were recruited from the University of South Florida undergraduate SONA participant pool. One participant withdrew from the study, and fourteen additional participants were not included in the analysis due to unusable or missing ERP data, typically due to excessive EEG artifact or computer malfunctions during data collection. All participants gave ongoing informed consent throughout the experiment, and participants were compensated with course credit through the USF Psychology department. METHOD 08 HERE, YOU CAN PLACE A CAPTION FOR THE PHOTO. IT CAN BE A SHORT DESCRIPTION OR IT CAN CREDIT THE PRODUCTION TEAM. 41
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Demographic assessment. Average participant age was 20.3 years old (Min 18, Max 30). Participants were 54% white and 30% Hispanic. See Table 1 for a detailed description of participant race and ethnicity. All participants reported both sex and gender identity as male. In addition, participants rated their sexual orientation as “exclusively heterosexual” on both a 5-point and 7-point Likert- type scale. The demographic assessment can be viewed in Appendix A in its entirety. Inclusion criteria. Participants were screened for age, sex, gender identity, and sexuality using the SONA participant pool demographic exclusion. Participants were only able to view and sign up for the study if they were heterosexual English-speaking males between 18 and 55 years old with normal or corrected-to-normal vision. Exclusion criteria. The undergraduate SONA sign up page for this study contained text asking students not to participate if they have any current psychoactive substance abuse or a history of substance dependence, if they are under treatment for psychiatric disorder, using any current medications use that might affect physiological responses, or have a history of neurological injury or disease. Power evaluation. Before recruitment, it was calculated that forty-eight participants would provide 80% power for detection of a moderate effect size with three predictors. While additional participant data collection was initially desired for detection of smaller yet still meaningful effects, practical considerations limited data collection to 48 participants. Based on expected early withdrawal and data loss, recruitment of 70 participants was initially planned. Participant recruitment ceased when 48 usable EEG data sets were collected. 43
RESULTS 13 Participant characteristics and image ratings. MHS-G differences were highly significant between the homophobia groups, t(94) = 10.1, p < .001. There were no differences in erotic image viewing frequency between homophobic and non-homophobic participants, t(94) = 0.20, p = .84. Image SAM ratings and reaction times were analyzed using two-way factorial ANOVAs, with image content as a within-subjects variable and homophobia group as a between-subjects variable, followed by. Participants reported positive valence ratings on the SAM for heterosexual images (M = 5.43) and negative valence ratings for homosexual images (M = 2.42). Both main effects of homophobia and image content on valence ratings were significant, as well as the interaction between them, all F(1,39) > 4.5, all p < .05. The same pattern of significant results was found for SAM valence rating reaction time. The full ANOVA results for valence ratings and response times are displayed in Tables 2 and 3, respectively. Post-hoc two-tailed t-tests reveal that homophobic participants rated homosexual images lower on SAM valence than nonhomophobic participants, t(94) = 3.70, p < .001, and their SAM responses to homosexual images were made with significantly shorter reaction times than those of nonhomophobic participants, t(94) = 2.96, p = .0039. SAM arousal ratings for both heterosexual images (M = 4.33) and homosexual images (M = 4.92) were moderate, with trend-level differences found among all conditions, F(1,39) < 3.76, .05 < p < .05. Similar post-hoc tests reveal again that 22 homophobic participants rated homosexual images higher on SAM arousal than heterosexual images, t(94) = 2.27, p = .025. No significant effects on arousal rating reaction time. SAM arousal rating and reaction time ANOVA results are displayed in Tables 4 and 5. SAM means and all Student’s t-tests regarding differences between homophobia groups are listed in Table 6, and a selection of these results are graphically displayed in Figure 3. 44
SIGMUND FREUD SIGMUND FREUD ABOUT By Margarita Perez. Photography by Francois Mercer TELL ME SOMETHING I DON’T KNOW 45 “One day, in retrospect, the years of struggle will strike you as the most beautiful.” - Sigmund Freud THINGSYOU MAY NOT KNOW THINGSYOU MAY NOT KNOW
“The more perfect a person is on the outside, the more demons they have on the inside.” Freud’s death may have been physician-assisted suicide. By the summer of 1939, Freud was frail and suffering intense pain from terminal, inoperable mouth cancer. On September 21, 1939, Freud grasped the hand of his friend and doctor, Max Schur, and reminded him of his earlier pledge not to “torment me unnecessarily.” He added, “Now it is nothing but torture and makes no sense.” After receiving the permission of Freud’s daughter, Anna, Schur injected the first of three heavy morphine doses. Freud slipped into a coma and never awoke His chain smoking led to more than 30 cancer surgeries. Freud became addicted to tobacco after lighting up his first cigarettes in his twenties. His daily constitutionals always included stopovers at a local tobacco store, and after graduating to cigars, he often smoked more than 20 of them a day. In spite of the warnings from doctors about his chain smoking, Freud believed the habit enhanced his productivity and creativity. After the discovery of a cancerous tumor inside Freud’s mouth in 1923, doctors removed a large part of his jaw. Although he underwent 33 additional surgeries over the next 16 years and had a large prosthesis inserted to separate his sinus and jaw, Freud never quit smoking. Freud once thought cocaine was a miracle drug. In the 1880s, Freud grew interested in a little-known, legal drug being used by a German military doctor to rejuvenate exhausted troops—cocaine. Freud experimented with the drug and found his digestion and spirits improved after drinking water laced with dissolved cocaine. He distributed doses to his friends and future wife and touted the drug’s therapeutic benefits in an 1884 paper “On Coca,” which he called ”a song of praise to this magical substance.” However, when Freud gave cocaine to close friend Ernst von Fleischl-Marxow to wean him from his morphine addiction and relieve chronic pain, his friend instead developed a cocaine addiction. With news of other addictions and overdose deaths spreading, Freud stopped advocating cocaine’s medical benefits but continued to use the drug intermittently for migraines, nasal inflammation and depression until the mid-1890s. . 46
know yourself.
Physical violence is a significant heahh problem m the United States (Potter & Mercy, 1997). Arrest rates for physical violence m the United States reach a peak among older adolescents and young adults, whose offenses represented more than 50% of the nonfatal crimes of violence (U.S. Department of Justice, 1992, 2001). Adolescent males are four times more hkely to be mvolved m a physical fight resultuig in injury than female counterparts (U.S. Department of Justice, 1992). College age men are at an age when violence reaches a peak (U.S. Department of Justice, 2001) and many college men report violence toward strangers (Dromgoole & Cogan, 1995; Ballinger, 2001). Attempts to understand college student men who are violent toward strangers have been siuprismgly limited. The purpose of this study is to investigate several characteristics of college men who are violent toward strangers. Defense mechanisms, antisocial personahty features, and alcohol use problems of thirty men who reported no violence within the past year and 30 men who reported violence toward strangers within the past year were compared. Defense mechanisms were identified based on responses to the Defensive Style Questionnaire-40 (DSQ-40; Andrews, Smgh, & Bond; 1993) and six Thematic Apperception Test (TAT; Murray, 1943) cards scored with the Defense Mechanisms Manual (DMM; Cramer, 1991a). Two tramed graduate students, bUnd to the group membership of the participant, independently scored the DMM (Cramer, 1991a). After mter-rater rehabihty was computed, the two raters discussed and resolved scoring differences. The mutually agreed scores were used for statistical analyses. Antisocial features and alcohol use problems were assessed based on responses to three scales (Pd, ASP, and MAC-R) of the Miruiesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 (MMPI-2; Butcher et al., 1989). The mter-rater rehabihty of the two coders' scores was adequate. Between group differences were evaluated with the multivariate analysis of variance and any significant main effects were followed by analysis of variance tests. It was found that student men who were violent toward strangers were more hkely than non-violent student men to use primitive defense mechanisms, have antisocial features, and have an indication of alcohol related problems. Here, you can place a caption for the photo. It can be a short description or it can credit the production team. 48 DEFENSE MECHANISMS OF STRANGER VIOLENT COLLEGE STUDENT MEN MYEONG WOO KIM (2016) ABSTRACT