Ijtihad'20

I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 44

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I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 46

Investigating the Dual Personas of Begam Jahan Ara:
Reconciling Spirituality and Politics

Siddhidatri Mishra
Department of History, Lady Shri Ram College for Women

Begam Jahan Ara was undoubtedly one of the most powerful women during the reign of Shah
Jahan and Aurangzeb. As recent historical interest and research has shown, she was an
important figure in the spectacular War of Succession that took place between her brothers,
choosing to support Dara Shikoh. Even before this event, she had held considerable power, most
notably being promoted to Begam Sahib (Head of the Harem) after the death of her mother. This
paper attempts an investigation as to why Begam Jahan Ara was able to wield the power that she
did and the manner in which she did so. It also looks at the gender relations, especially the
political and social legacy that enabled Jahanara to wield power. Lastly, it investigates the
manner in which Jahanara expressed her power, and how in doing so, she was able to reconcile
the duality of her nature as a Pir and Begam.

Recently, there has been a growing interest women existed to sexually pleasure men.
about the social, economic, cultural and While it provided glimpses of women acting
political position of women of the Mughal as political advisors, the sexual image of the
World. This has allowed scholars to study harem prevailed.2 Later works by EB Findly
the lives of women and understand them as and Annamarie Schimmel provide the
fully fleshed characters, as opposed to women of the harem with greater symbolic
simply supporting actors. Primary sources, importance, but still focus on the harem as a
such as official records and grants, that product of the male gaze.3 These views
concern primarily women are few and are echo the writings of foreign travellers and
the exceptions to the norm. Rekha Mishra officials to the subcontinent, who would
and Renuka Lal’s works, due to their treat gossip and rumours as sacrosanct, due
reliance on official sources, fail to offer a to not being permitted into the harem. With
critical analysis of the contributions of time, the scholarship evolved, with Ruby Lal
women.1 While their attempts at writing emerging as an important voice in the study
biographies of Mughal women were novel, of domesticity. She considered the Harem as
their works were simply reproductions of the a political institution, instrumental in the
source material. When it comes to studying functioning of the state, household, and
the Harem as a structure of power, it is empire. Stephen Blake’s work provided an
important to study a multitude of sources, as account of articulation of power through
there wasn't a comprehensive account of the architecture, including women of the
harem. KS Lal’s work became the first to Safavid and Mughal empires. However, the
study the harem of the Mughal period, but focus on primarily Began Jahan Ara has
painted it as a sequestered place in which
2 Karuna Sharma, “A Visit to the Mughal Harem:
1 Ruby Lal, “Historicizing the Harem: The Challenge Lives of Royal Women,” South Asia: Journal of
of a Princess's Memoir,” Feminist Studies 30, no. 3 South Asian Studies 32, no. 2 (2009): 156-160.
(2004): 596-597. 3 Ibid.

been sparse, except for Afsan Bokhari’s I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 47
comprehensive account. Bokhari focusses on
providing the Princess with authority and that has come to define the manner in which
accountability, showing her as a key player the Harem is accepted in recent
in the functioning of the empire. She does so times. Harems have come to be seen as
by focussing on primary works produced by organisational structures9, with women
Jahan Ara, a rare feat, and the patronage she having access to riches, some even using
provided to Sufi buildings. This particular these to construct structures in their own
essay attempts to understand the position of name.10 Thus, it is fair to say that the Harem
Princess Jahan Ara as well, specifically the gave them access to tools that could be used
sources from which she drew her power and to ensure their posterity, in conjunction with
legitimacy. that of the ruler.11

I. The Harem of the Mughal World The Timurid Mongol elite ensured that their
traditions and institutions were not displaced
The harem of the Mughal world represented in the subcontinent. The most important of
the primary domain in which women could these were the rights and roles of royal
wield their power. It was presented as a women, that would later form the basis of
pleasure house, with the kings using the the formal harem.12 The less restrained lives
women only for their pleasure and source of of women of the Turco-Mongol nomadic
principal relaxation.4 This misrepresentation cultures allowed for their participation in the
projected women to exist only for a sexual prevailing political and social cultures and
purpose, contradicted by actual estimates played a role in moulding the prescient
that showed that only five percent of women Mughal courts. This was not seen to be
were either queens or concubines or slaves.5 anachronistic by the emperors, as can be
For the European travellers, the harem seen through the requests of Babur and
represented paradise on earth, due to the Humayun for the advice of female members
presence of women and their exorbitant of their courts, as well as the fertile ground
spending on extravagant jewellery.6 7 provided that allowed for women such as
Gulbadan Begum13 and Haram Begum to
It is noteworthy that Catrou’s account emerge as full-bodied voices.
described the Mughal Harem as the locus of
political power, describing them as having a declared, that viceroyalties and governments are
great share in the government of the bestowed; they are, indeed, the true dispensers of
empire.8 It is the essence of this assertion fortune’s gifts…”
9 Harems housed not only queens and princesses, but
4 Faraz Anjum, “Strangers’ Gaze: Mughal Harem and also female relatives of royalty, children of the
European Travellers of the Seventeenth Century,” queens, women of nobility, servant girls and slaves as
Pakistan Vision 12, no. 1 (2011): 75-78. well as eunuchs.
5 Ibid.,72-73. 10 Rukhsana Iftikhar, “Cultural Contribution of
6 Ibid.,74-75. Mughal Ladies,” South Asian Studies 25, no. 2
7 However, the veracity of these accounts is (2010): 332-333.
indubitable, as they relied solely on hearsay of 11 Soma Mukherjee, “Mughal Ladies in
travellers, bazaars and vague contacts within the Contemporary Politics,” Royal Mughal Ladies and
palace. Travellers were never allowed access to the Their Contributions (New Delhi: Gyan Publishing
harem and could not gain first-hand accounts or House, 2001), 113-161.
verifications of their stories. 12 Lisa Balabanlilar, “The Begims of the Mystic
8 In his words, “It is by their instrumentality, that Feast: Turco-Mongol Tradition in the Mughal
intrigues of state are managed, that peace or war is Harem,” The Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 1
(February 2010): 124-130.
13 Lal, op.cit., 600-605.

For Ruby Lal14, the modern separation of the I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 48
‘public’ and ‘private’ sphere did not exist
under Babur and Humayun; rather, the were able to assert power because of the
everyday matters took place parallel to the manner in which the Mughal Court
‘historic’ events, making it difficult to continued to draw from Timurid courts.
distinguish between exclusively domestic
and public activities.15 Under the rule of II. Begam Jahan Ara’s Political and
Akbar, the Harem adopted a greater sense of Economic Position
sanctity, making it necessary to ensure its
protection as well as its separation from the Jahan Ara was empowered by a great
political life of the court.16 However, this did tradition of the Harem as a socio-political
not do much to curb the independence and organisation, with women before her having
power of the women.17 asserted their own power in various ways.
However, her source of power was not
Balabanlilar18 contends that it is unlikely primarily the harem. While she held an
that the Harem would have become more exalted position due to her birth as a noble
regulated with the rule of Akbar. The princess, this position was greatly
Mughal court structures and the resulting empowered by the will of her father, Shah
rituals and traditions did not differ much Jahan. Her position within the harem, as
from that of the Timurid court structures, as Begam Sahib, was the result of her father’s
the former was an attempt to hold on to the wishes, who chose to subvert tradition and
past. Furthermore, she also attributes this to granted the position to his eldest daughter
the differing manner in which Hanafi law rather than any of his other queens. She was
was practiced in South Asia and the Central granted half of her deceased mother’s
Asian courts.19 Hence, later royal women property with all her siblings having to share
the other half. She was also granted her own
14 Ruby Lal, “Settled, sacred, and ‘incarcerated’: the ships and Jagirs, thereby becoming one of
imperial haram,” Domesticity and Power in the Early the richest individuals in the empire.20
Mughal World (United Kingdom: Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge, 2005), 176-214. While it was the commixing of the nature of
15 Of the intersection of the two, she gives an the harem and the will of her father that was
interesting example of Begums fighting wars, thereby responsible for her position in society, it was
indicating men and women would fight together. her personal will and ambition that
16 For Lal, under Akbar, the Harem might have characterised the practice of her power.
returned to the original Quranic meaning of the Similar to the pursuits of Maryam-uz-
concept, ‘the most inaccessible of the inaccessible.’ Zamani21, Jahan Ara ensured maximum
However, progress made by Akbar in practices such utilisation of her granted ships. This is
as that of marriage also changed the character of the greatly evidenced by her nishan on Sahebi
Harem. before it was to set sail on its first voyage, as
17 This is evident through the great involvement of well as the meticulous manner in which she
women of important events, such as Hajj. selected the officials on board after Sahebi’s
18 Balabanlilar, op.cit., 132-136. maiden voyage. We also find references to
19 This was largely due to the impact of differing
social circumstances in both the regions. The earlier 20 Shadab Bano, “Jahan Ara's Administration of Her
policies held onto the Central Asian tribal Jagirs,” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress
conventions and included legal structures of Sunni 66 (2005): 431-433.
Islam. After the rule of Akbar, these rules were more 21 Ellison B. Findley, “The Capture of Maryam-Uz-
stringently applied, thereby impacting the manner in Zamānī's Ship: Mughal Women and European
which ideas, such as power of women, were Traders,” Journal of the American Oriental Society
executed. 108, no. 2 (1998): 234.

Jahan Ara’s numerous Jagirs and her most I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 49
celebrated Jagirs appear to be those from
Surat and Kashmir. We know that she was played the peace-maker and supported her
personally involved in the upkeep of the brother Dara Shikoh, the favourite of her
same, evident from instructing Abul Qasim father. She would still appeal to her other
to look into the requirements of her jagir in brothers, most notably Aurangzeb, to reach a
Gujarat and issuing an hasbu-l hukm was compromise that would put an end to the
issued to Nawab Umdatul Mulk Islam Khan fighting between the Princes. The conflict
for grant of faujdari (duties of commandant ended with the victory of Aurangzeb and
of an area) of Baglana adjoining sarkar Shah Jahan was banished to the Agra Fort,
Surat. followed by his dutiful daughter. Jahan Ara
stayed with her father till his death, after
Jahan Ara was also influential on the politics which she returned to court as the Begam
of the Mughal Court, best exemplified by Sahib, at the request of the new Emperor.25
the Portuguese sending her gifts so as to win
her favour, as they knew that she was the III. Begam Jahan Ara’s Spirituality
closest confidante of her father. She would
receive various gifts from travellers, in the There was a whole other facet to Jahan Ara,
hopes that she would appeal to Emperor that of her spirituality, that allows for a
Shah Jahan on their behalf.22 The Verenigde glimpse into her personal life, as well as the
Oost Indische Compagnie (the United Dutch manner in which she articulated the same
East-India Company) officials corresponded through building of religious buildings. Her
with Huri Khanam, nurse of Jahan Ara, to Timurid ancestors had greatly participated in
obtain concessions and other favours in the public life, notably by patronising religious
conduct of trade, especially in the Gujarat architecture with their own private funds.
province of the Mughal empire.23 This is a Gawhar Shah of the fifteenth century, the
unique circumstance, as it implies that not consort of the ruler Shahrukh, emerges as an
only was Jahan Ara involved with matters interesting figure as not only did she act as a
such as granting concessions to traders, she de facto ruler after the death of her husband,
was also willing to authorise those working she also eschewed the tradition of only male
under her to deal with an organisation as rulers being allowed to patronise the
prominent as V.O.C. We also know that her building of the prestigious Friday-mosque
own family held her in the highest esteem, institution. Hence, there was a precedent that
as evidenced by various accounts focussing enabled Jahan Ara to construct the Mullah
on the close relationship she shared with her Shah Mosque (1648-50) that included a
father.24 During the War of Succession, she khanqah. Princess Jahan Ara was a follower
of Sufism, devoted to the extent that she was
22 Shadab Bano, “PIETY AND PRINCESS exalted with the title of Pir (Master). Sufism
JAHANARA'S ROLE IN THE PUBLIC DOMAIN,” enabled her to forge her own path and
Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 74 showcase her spirituality in a manner that
(2013): 247-248. would preserve her for posterity.
23 Ishrat Alam, “Petticoat Government in a Mughal
Provincial Town,” Proceedings of the Indian History The reason for pronounced female piety to
Congress 69 (2008): 265-266. Sufism could be its lack of orthodoxy when
24 Afshan Bokhari, “Gendered ‘Landscapes’: Jahan
Ara Begum‘s (1614-1681) Patronage, Piety and Self- 25 Munis D. Faruqi, “Wars of Succession,” The
Representation in 17th C Mughal India” (PhD diss., Princes of the Mughal Empire, 1504–1719 (United
University of Vienna, 2009), 79-90. States of America: Cambridge University Press,
2012), 235-274.

it came to the participation of women.26 Sūfi I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 50
structures were not intended for jurists but
for Sufis, an identification and legitimisation Jama Masjid in Agra from her personal
that may have sat more comfortably with funds. It was based on a standard Shahjahani
female patronage than with structures archetype, with an oblong prayer hall
supporting the orthodoxy of Islam where formed of rooms arranged in a row with a
women‘s religiosity is measured by her dominant central Pishtaq (a high portal)
absence in a mosque and not presence and surmounted by three domes.29 An
participation.27 This explains why Begam extraordinary feature of the central Pishtaq
Jahan Ara would have been more intricately was the subject and content of the
involved with the Sufi tradition than she was inscriptions framing the entrance to the
with the Ulema. The emphasis on the mihrab that enunciate Jahan Ara’s dual
personal path to the Divine, the centrality of personas in verse. The laudatory statement
emotional and ecstatic practice and perhaps of Jahan Ara’s virtues was metaphorically
even the forced celibacy, as in Jahan Ara woven in with the mosque’s architectural
Begum’s case, may have motivated some features to the extent that one perceived the
women to focus on Sufism in their practice verse as the personification of the
and others to sponsor Sūfi institutions. The princess.30
promotion through architecture served as the
point of transmission and communication Inscriptions were significant as they were
that spiritually motivated medieval Muslim instruments used by sovereigns to convey
women throughout the Islamic world.28 the sovereign’s policies and attitudes, and at
times created literary allegories of their rule.
IV. Articulation of Faith Through The eulogies on Agra Fort were unique, with
Architecture no precedent among female sponsored
congregation mosques, thereby showcasing
Begam Jahan Ara’s articulation of Sufi faith the power that Began Jahan Ara possessed.
can be seen to be twofold: as protection of The Mullah Shah Badakshi Mosque in
her own legacy, as well as expression of her Srinagar, also built under the supervision of
spiritualistic beliefs. The construction of the Begam, possessed Persian poetic verses
religious buildings helped in the inscribed on it. The embedded meanings of
reconciliation of Jahan Ara’s spirituality and the verses conformed to Jahan Ara’s public
provided an opportunity for glimpses into persona: simultaneously revealing and
her personal life. On her return to Agra in hiding the complexities and dualities of her
1637, after spending months in Kashmir metaphysical “aura” and ideology. Jahan
under ‘the aura of Mullah Shah,’ the Ara’s official sanction of these verses
Princess ordered the construction of the indicated deliberate associations of the
Persian verses with her own poetry in the
26 Bokhari’s systematic research has concluded that Sahibiyah and with her imperial and
women’s patronage, particularly among the Timurids spiritual authority.31 The verses also revealed
and later Safavids, found an outlet primarily in the the Princess’ relationship with Mullah Shah,
building of khanqahs and Sufi institutions. This inextricably linking Jahan Ara’s relationship
practice is seen to be appropriated by later Mughal with Mullah Shah as both her “beloved” and
women, with men supporting Sufi figures and women
indulging in the practice and patronage of Sufi 29 Afshan Bokhari, “‘Light’ of the Timuria: Jahan Ara
buildings. Begum’s Patronage, Piety, and Poetry in 17th-
27 Bokhari, op.cit., 132-133. Century Mughal India,” Marg 60, no.1 (2008): 55-57.
28 Ibid., 152-153. 30 Ibid.
31 Ibid., 57-59.

her pir. By exalting spiritual attributes, the I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 51
verses did the same for his disciple by proxy,
Jahan Ara. Hence, in both these cases, the as is visible from the plaudits she received at
inscriptions served as extensions and the hands of foreign and domestic writers.
representations of her spiritual identity in While her father’s support is necessary for
poetic verse and her imperial identity as the garnering this support, it is also due to her
patron of the structures.32 deep devotion and faith. She never shies
from expressing her spirituality and makes
Another important facet, as revealed by considerable efforts to express the same, be
Afshan Bokhari, is the manner in which it through writings or construction of
Begum Jahan Ara’s spirituality aided her buildings. The articulation of her faith
father’s imperial authority.33 She cited the through architecture is interesting because of
example of praises for the Bagh-i Safapur, the junction it exists at: it is a state
which is included in Inayat Khan’s Shah sponsored activity that also lets the public
Jahan Nama, and employed poetic glimpse into the personal nature of the
metaphors to draw parallels between the Begam. While her writings are more of a
natural attributes of the garden and the representation of her as a private individual,
Princess’ character.34 This is just one way in religious buildings help in reconciling her
which the prevalent perceptions of the dual nature as an agent of the state and a
Begam’s ‘official’ and ‘spiritual’ characters Pir.36 However, her voice is not this
are reconciled. Emperor Shah Jahan’s distinctive primarily due to her faith and
imperial decrees convey his admiration of father’s prominence; it is also because she
Jahan Ara as a daughter and imperial does not exist in a vacuum. As has been
partner. Hence, for Bokhari, “Shah Jahan shown, she comes from a long line of royal
serves the subjects of his empire as the women who utilised the Harem to assert
physical renewer as the Mujaddid and Jahan themselves, some even venturing to provide
Ara is the spiritual maintainer and together their patronage to royal buildings, similar to
they are all things to all people.”35 the manner in which Began Jahan Nara later
expressed her munificence. Hence, she has a
V. Conclusion long tradition of political and social
legitimacy that she draws from. This allows
Begam Jahan Ara comes to us as a voice that Begam Jahan Ara to be the perfect example
is distinctive and full bodied. While she of the ever-evolving character of the role of
might be operating within the confines of the Mughal women, while also representative of
patriarchal controls of her time, she still uses the embedded traditions of Turco-Mongol
her influence to leave behind an illustrious elites that defined the broad contours of the
legacy. She was much loved and celebrated, Mughal court and Harem.

32 Ibid. Bibliography
33 Bokhari, 2009, op.cit., 225-227.
34 The garden, perceived as the princess, is Alam, Ishrat. “Petticoat Government in a
conspicuous for her noble prospect, her peerless Mughal Provincial Town.” Proceedings of
beauty and her commanding situation as the head of the Indian History Congress 69 (2008): 265–
the imperial haram and the keeper of the imperial 69.
seal. Above all, the truth in the object of nature is the
transparency in the princess that confirms her purity 36 Camille Adams Helminski, “A Princess of Piety,”
and beauty. Women of Sufism: A Hidden Treasure (Boston:
35 Bokhari, op.cit. Shambhala Publications, 2003), 145-149.

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I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 53

“Mine Eyes Have Seen the Glory of the Coming of the Lord”:
The Function of Religion in the Politics of Martin Luther King, Jr.

Madhulika Banerjee
Department of English, Lady Shri Ram College for Women

Throughout the 20th century, several civil rights organisations joined the fight against racial
segregation in the United States of America. Yet, history remembers Martin Luther King, Jr.
as the single most iconic leader of the Civil Rights Movement. This paper argues that the
secret behind King’s universal acclaim lay in the unique advantage accrued by him in his role
as a pastor. Through an analysis of King’s public speeches and a comparison of his methods
with that of other influential Civil Rights actors such as the NAACP and Malcolm X, this
paper investigates the use and impact of religious rhetoric in the political philosophy of
Martin Luther King, Jr. Holding mass mobilisation as a prerequisite for the success of any
political movement, this paper argues that King’s political activism could mobilise the
American masses because his philosophy was firmly rooted in a Christian value system,
thereby proving the exclusivity of religion as a driving force in the success of the Civil Rights
Movement.

I. Introduction: The Christian King always rejected a literal reading of
Dimension the Bible. He believed that the Scripture
was meant to serve as a metaphor for the
Often hailed as the Preacher King, Martin larger spiritual message of global social
Luther King, Jr.’s ecclesiastical justice, love, and peace.3 King understood
background and his formal education in that the only way to transcend racial and
theology shaped the nature of his activism ideological boundaries was by uniting
right from the beginning.1 In his very first people in a characteristically American and
public speech on the first day of the Judeo-Christian philosophy.4 Scott
Montgomery Bus Boycott, King delineated Hoffman argues that King’s political
the spiritual dimensions of his philosophy: rhetoric would have been powerless
“But I want to tell you this evening that it without religion. He states that “without
is not enough for us to talk about love. this belief that nonviolent political protest
Love is one of the pivotal points of the against racial injustice was indeed God’s
Christian faith. But there is another side will”, it is unclear whether King would
called justice. And justice is really love in have indeed been able to inspire thousands
calculation. Justice is love correcting that of people into “extraordinary acts of
which revolts against love.”2

1 King’s father and grandfather were both pastors of 3 Ibid., 8. King often repeated that the “universe
the prestigious Ebenezer Baptist Church, Atlanta. was on the side of justice,” and in his prophetic
When he was first elected to lead the Montgomery mission, he hoped to reconcile that justice with the
bus boycott, King himself was serving as pastor of “supreme unifying principle of life,” love.
the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, 4 Derrick P. Alridge, “The Limits of Master
Alabama. Narratives in History Textbooks: An Analysis of
2 Stewart Burns, “From the Mountaintop: The Representations of Martin Luther King, Jr,”
Changing Political Vision of Martin Luther King, Teachers College Record 108, no. 4, (2006): 666.
Jr,” The History Teacher 27, no. 1 (1993): 9.

heroism before police dogs and fire I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 54
hoses.”5
the Negro on American soil”, a figure
II. The Role of the Black Preacher which “rudely but picturesquely expressed
on American Soil the longing, disappointment, and
resentment of a stolen and oppressed
Throughout African-American history, the people.”10 Perfectly conscious of the
Black Church in America had served as a immense potential of a message delivered
source of collective comfort and positive from this unique pulpit, King espoused
social change.6 On the plantation, the values that were universal to humankind,
black preacher was one of the most but rooted them within a Biblical context,
powerful figures that directed the life thus making it harder for America to
patterns of the slaves.7 The black ignore a message that drew directly from
Parishioner gained encouragement and the Word of God.
inspiration from the theology of liberation
preached by the African-American III. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s Public
minister, which reinforced moral belief Speeches
systems and made their lot bearable, both
as chattel slaves and as second-class Through the centuries, the sermons
citizens.8 Over the centuries, the black preached by African-American ministers
religious rhetoric grew critical of the sought to reaffirm the black parishioners’
socio-economic and cultural policies Christian and racial identity and instil in
directed towards the African-American them a sense of pride and dignity. The oral
community. This “theology of defiance” call and response method of preaching,
also challenged Eurocentric models of along with the frequent use of Biblical
Christian theology and rooted itself in a metaphors and similes, and a host of
racial group identity politics that familiar cultural references became unique
eventually became a permanent feature of to the African-American style of
the Black religious experience.9 worship.11 As a pastor and theologian,
King was aware of the unique
In his essay, ‘Of the Faith of the Fathers’, characteristics of the African-American
W.E.B. Du Bois esteems the preacher as sermon, and he carefully constructed his
“the most unique personality developed by political speeches to echo the style and
content of the sermon so that his black
5 Scott W. Hoffman, “Holy Martin: The Overlooked audiences could instantly identify with and
Canonization of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr,” respond to them. King’s celebrated ‘I Have
Religion and American Culture: A Journal of a Dream’ speech, delivered in Washington
Interpretation 10, no. 2 (2000): 124. D.C. on 28th August 1963, and his
6 Brian K. Clardy, “Deconstructing a Theology of ‘Promised Land’ speech, which marked his
Defiance: Black Preaching and the Politics of last public appearance before his
Racial Identity,” Journal of Church and State 53, assassination on 4th April 1968, are two of
no. 2 (2011): 203. the most heavily anthologised speeches of
7 Nancy B. Woolridge, “The Slave Preacher-- the 20th century. An analysis of the
Portrait of a Leader,” The Journal of Negro religious rhetoric buried within these
Education 14, no. 1 (1945): 29-30. Missionary iconic speeches and of their subsequent
accounts from plantations refer to these religious implications on the Civil Rights
leaders as “watchmen” who, often without any text Movement will serve to highlight the
or guide, and armed only with their memory,
imagination, and a unique talent for oratory, would 10 Marilyn Mellowes, “The Black Church,” PBS,
preach compelling and evocative messages which accessed December 10, 2019, 20:00,
would impress even their white masters. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/featu
8 Clardy, op. cit., 204. res/godinamerica-black-church/.
9 Ibid., 205. 11 Clardy, op. cit., 208.

function of religion as a driving force for I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 55
the movement.
During the course of his speech, King
A. The ‘I Have a Dream’ drew on references from familiar sources,
Speech such as the American Constitution, an old
African-American spiritual, and most
Delivered to what King called “the significantly, the Bible. Although the
greatest demonstration for freedom in the speech is replete with Biblical allusions,
history of our nation,”12 the ‘I Have a Miller believes in the overarching
Dream’ speech was a spirited call to importance of the two most obvious
sustained nonviolent action till the ‘dream’ references made by King that day – to
of a racially equal America was realised. Isaiah 40:4-5 and Amos 5:24.15 Inserted at
Instead of a didactic political speech filled key points in his speech, these overt
with anger and condemnation, King references to Scripture would not have
delivered a prophetic message that echoed gone unnoticed by King’s predominantly
the style and tone of a traditional Baptist Judeo-Christian audience. In the final line
sermon. of the “I have a dream” refrain (quoted in
footnote 14), King referred to Isaiah 40:4-
One of the primary features of the black 5 to invoke a spectacular “prophecy of
Baptist sermon is the dialogue form of hope” that blended an ancient Biblical
oration. As the audience cried out in verse into a spirited call for social justice
acknowledgement of King’s words, in 20th century America.16 After
phrases one would hear in response to a concluding an exhaustive catalogue of
sermon in a Baptist church echoed across racial injustices, King introduced the
the Lincoln Memorial, amplified by quotation from Amos 5:24: “And we will
thousands of voices. The anaphora, an not be satisfied until justice rolls down like
important structural aspect of the sermon, waters and righteousness like a mighty
which creates emphasis through repetition, stream.”17 The quotation would have
was used by King for repetitive phrases immediately reminded his audience of the
like “I have a dream” or “Let freedom larger phenomenon of Hebrew prophecy
ring.”13 When used in a series of and the principle of justice so heavily
sentences, such phrases generated a sense
of momentum amongst the audience and able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.
emphasised the core themes of the I have a dream that even the state of
speech.14 Mississippi…will be transformed into an oasis of
freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four
12 The historic March on Washington for Jobs and children will one day live in a nation where they
will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by
Freedom, held on 28th August 1963, witnessed an the content of their character… I have a dream that
one day in Alabama…little black boys and little
unprecedented gathering of over 250,000 people at black girls will be able to join hands with little
white boys and little white girls as brothers and
the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C., where sisters… I have a dream that one day every valley
shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be
King delivered his speech. made low, the rough places will be made plain, and
the crooked places will be made straight. And the
13 Alexandra Alvarez, “Martin Luther King's “I glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh
shall see it together.” (emphasis added).
Have a Dream”: The Speech Event as Metaphor,” 15 Keith D. Miller, “Second Isaiah Lands in
Washington, DC: Martin Luther King, Jr.'s “I Have
Journal of Black Studies 18, no. 3 (1988): 347. a Dream” as Biblical Narrative and Biblical
Hermeneutic,” Rhetoric Review 26, no. 4 (2007):
14 Martin Luther King, Jr., “I Have A Dream…,” 409.
16 Ibid., 412.
YouTube (video), filmed on August 28, 1963 at 17 Ibid., 409.

Washington D.C., USA, 12:55,

https://www.thewrap.com/watch-i-have-dream-

speech-video-113801/. An example of the use of

the anaphora can be observed in the following

section of King’s speech: “I have a dream that one

day on the red hills of Georgia sons of former

slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be

I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 56

enforced in the Exodus narrative.18 By origin. Hailed by King as the “second
quoting this particular verse, King called emancipation”, the Civil Rights Act of
for the same Mosaic justice that was 1964 was a crowning legislative
served in the Bible. Commenting on this achievement for the Civil Rights
line, Abraham Heschel declares that “God Movement and a testament of enduring
is raging in the prophet’s words” which faith and commitment to justice.
display a “breathless impatience with
injustice.”19 B. The ‘Promised Land’
Speech
By invoking the hermeneutic of the
Exodus and Babylonian narratives of On 3rd April 1968, Martin Luther King, Jr.
oppression, King referred to the journey of braved a tempestuous storm to deliver
an entire people from slavery to freedom, what would be his last public speech, to a
and by grounding his hope in the same crowd of striking sanitation workers at
God that freed the Israelites, King offered Mason Temple in Memphis, Tennessee.
his audience a unique double reading of The final lines of his speech, which served
the Bible. First, he proposed that the as a prophetic declaration of his own fate,
African-American struggle provided an depict King as a prophet in the image of
important lens for viewing biblical Moses: “Well, I don’t know what will
narratives on oppression. Living in happen now; we’ve got some difficult days
captivity and exile on an “island of ahead. But it doesn’t really matter with me
poverty” in a nation that is embroiled in now, because I’ve been to the
the “quicksands of racial injustice,” the mountaintop… And I’ve looked over, and
African-American could most effectively I’ve seen the Promised Land. I may not get
comprehend the Israelites’ experiences of there with you. But I want you to know
slavery and oppression in Egypt and tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the
Babylon. Secondly, King argued that these Promised Land.”21
Biblical narratives stood as important
symbols for the African-Americans In his speech, King combined the African-
because they offered the hope that American folk pulpit tradition with
centuries of oppression can and will end, predominantly white, liberal Protestant
thereby making justice a reality for all.20 traditions to create a rhetoric that would
appeal across racial and ideological
In the immediate aftermath of the March barriers. In his book, Martin Luther King’s
on Washington, America witnessed a Biblical Epic: His Final Great Speech,
nationwide surge of support for the Civil Keith Miller directs attention to the use of
Rights Movement. Faced with mounting the African-American jeremiad in King’s
national pressure, the government decided speech. Defining the jeremiad as a
to act, and in a landmark piece of
legislation, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 21 Martin Luther King, Jr., ““I’ve Been to the
outlawed discrimination on the basis of
race, colour, religion, sex, or national Mountaintop,” Address Delivered at Bishop

18 Chosen by God to be the first prophet and the Charles Mason Temple,” The Martin Luther King,
leader of the Israelites enslaved by the tyrannical
Pharaoh, Moses led the escaping Israelites across Jr., Research and Education Institute, accessed
the Red Sea and towards the Promised Land. The
Pharaoh’s army, pursuing the Israelites, was December 10, 2019, 20:30,
drowned in the Red Sea, and justice was thus
served. https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/king-
19 Miller, op. cit., 411.
20 Ibid., 417-18. papers/documents/ive-been-mountaintop-address-

delivered-bishop-charles-mason-temple. Like

Moses, who saw Canaan from the top of Mount

Nebo but died before entering the Promised Land,

King too avowed that he had seen the Promised

Land, and he seemed to know that he will not get

there with his people.

repeated pattern of “promise, failure, and I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 57
fulfilment,” Miller suggests that King was
reinventing this Biblical pattern of euphoric audience. However, King’s vision
“promise, loss and redemption” as he drew of achieving economic justice through
on successive epochs in history, in an nonviolent action was short-lived. King’s
attempt to project the strike in Memphis as death left the movement without a leader
a continuation of the African-American who could effectively manoeuvre the
jeremiad.22 Drawing from the Exodus, African-American people as a single body
King referred to the mayor of Memphis as of nonviolent force. As sporadic acts of
a modern-day Pharaoh, enslaving and violence erupted across the nation,
oppressing the African-Americans, whose majoritarian support withdrew, and the
suffering he likened to that of the Civil Rights Movement was eventually
Israelites. reduced to a shadow of its glorious past.

King also drew on the white, liberal IV. The NAACP and Malcom X
Protestant tradition. ‘The Parables of
Jesus’ and ‘The Parable of the Good Martin Luther King, Jr. was not the first
Samaritan’ were common Protestant African-American to launch a crusade
narratives from the New Testament, and against racial injustice in America. From
King’s relevant references to these served the NAACP to Malcolm X and the Black
to widen the reach and legitimacy of his Panther party, many had fought for the
speech.23 freedom of the African-American people,
but few were as successful or as revered as
King ended his speech with the celebrated Martin Luther King, Jr.
line from the ‘Battle Hymn of the
Republic,’ one that pronounced his vision Founded in 1909, the National Association
of the future: “Mine eyes have seen the for the Advancement of Coloured People
glory of the coming of the Lord.” Written (NAACP) was one of the foremost civil
by Julia Ward Howe during the American rights organisations in America and the
Civil War, the lyric was a fierce call to the first to make an organised effort towards
abolitionists to follow Christ’s example in opposing racial injustice. Aspiring to
sacrificing their lives for a righteous cause. realise its goals through the judicial
The distinctively American and Biblical system, the NAACP won several legal
context of the lyric made it an obvious battles in its initial decades, the most
choice for his speech, and the power of its important being the 1954 Brown v. Board
impact on King’s audience cannot be of Education case which outlawed
overstated. 24 segregation in public schools.25 Martin
Luther King, Jr. worked closely with the
The sanitation workers of Memphis had NAACP in the 1950s and early 1960s; his
gone on strike to protest the government’s organisation, The Southern Christian
continued neglect of the workers’ safety Leadership Conference (SCLC),
conditions and despicable wages. King collaborated with the NAACP on several
arrived in Memphis on 3rd April and civil rights campaigns, such as the Prayer
delivered his last public speech to a Pilgrimage for Freedom and the March on
Washington for Jobs and Freedom.26
22 Cedric Burrows and Frank Farmer,
“Conversations in Great Time: The Dialogues of 25 V.P. Franklin, “Introduction: Documenting The
Martin Luther King, Jr,” JAC 33, no. 3/4 (2013): NAACP's First Century—From Combating Racial
784. Injustices to Challenging Racial Inequities,” The
23 Ibid., 788. Journal of African American History 94, no. 4
24 Ibid., 790. (2009): 459.
26 “National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People (NAACP),” The Martin Luther

However, as other civil rights I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 58
organisations began to call for more
radical and action-driven programmes, the The history of the NAACP’s attention to
NAACP came under critique for its judicial reforms and Malcolm X’s
piecemeal reforms and for working too assertion of radical black nationalism
rigidly within the system. King’s spiritual reemphasise the influence and exclusivity
call to action appealed more fiercely to the of religion as the driving force in King’s
African-American conscience, and the philosophy. While all three organisations
NAACP receded to the background as aimed at achieving identical goals of racial
King’s popularity soared. equality, it was King’s call for nonviolent
action, rooted in a Judeo-Christian value
A strong proponent of black power and system, that rocked the spiritual
black nationalism, Malcolm X rose to conscience of America, and compelled
prominence at the peak of the Civil Rights them to pay heed to God’s Word.
Movement in the 1950s. Malcolm joined
the Nation of Islam (NOI) and became a V. Conclusion
minister under Elijah Muhammad in 1952.
He rejected King’s message of non- King’s political activism was uniquely
violence and criticised it publicly as “the shaped by his faith, and his background as
only revolution in which the goal is loving a pastor enabled him to mould a political
your enemy.”27 philosophy that was rooted in the Christian
value system. In Martin Luther King, Jr.,
Malcolm’s message to his followers to America found a preacher who took up the
defend themselves “by any means prophetic call for justice and freedom like
necessary” was viewed as a call to violent Moses in the Exodus during his lifetime,
action. At a symposium organised by the and who resembled Jesus’ sacrifice for
Congress of Racial Equality, he stated: humanity in his death. His unique
“We want freedom now but we’re not philosophy attracted hundreds of
going to get it by saying ‘We Shall thousands of followers, and brought about
Overcome.’ We’ve got to fight to legislative change as was evidenced in the
overcome.”28 Malcolm X’s support for aftermath of King’s ‘I Have a Dream’
radical black nationalism and his dismissal speech at the March on Washington.
of nonviolence as cowardice caused the
American government to view him as a Following King’s assassination, the Civil
threat, and support for him paled in Rights Movement dwindled and scattered,
comparison to the nation-wide renown thus demonstrating that King’s philosophy
garnered by King and his gospel of had occupied an exclusive space in the
freedom through nonviolence. African-American mind-set. Several other
civil rights groups in America possessed a
King, Jr., Research and Education Institute, vision similar to King’s, but they lacked
September 14, 2018, accessed February 02, 2020, his religious insight. Their failure to create
15:00, a Pan-American movement that could
https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/encyclopedia/nati affect real change stands as further
onal-association-advancement-colored-people- evidence of King’s unique position in
naacp. American politics. Having analysed King’s
27 “Malcolm X,” The Martin Luther King, Jr., religious rhetoric and its political impact,
Research and Education Institute, May 30, 2019, especially in comparison to the methods of
accessed February 2, 2020, 15:00, other civil rights actor, it is possible to
https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/encyclopedia/mal conclude that religion, as advocated by
colm-x. Martin Luther King, Jr., served as a pivotal
28 Ibid. driving force in uniting a nation in the

I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 59

centuries-old fight for racial justice and Martin Luther King, Jr., Research and
freedom. Education Institute, January 29, 2015.
Accessed December 10, 2019, 20:30.
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Narratives in History Textbooks: An temple.
Analysis of Representations of Martin
Luther King, Jr.” Teachers College Record King, Martin Luther, Jr. “I Have A
108, no. 4 (2006): 662–86.
Dream…” Youtube (video). Filmed on
Alvarez, Alexandra. “Martin Luther King's
“I Have a Dream”: The Speech Event as August 28, 1963 at Washington D.C.,
Metaphor.” Journal of Black Studies 18,
no. 3 (1988): 337-57. USA, 12:55.

Burns, Stewart. “From the Mountaintop: https://www.thewrap.com/watch-i-have-
The Changing Political Vision of Martin
Luther King, Jr.” The History Teacher 27, dream-speech-video-113801/.
no. 1 (1993): 7-18.
Mellowes, Marilyn. “The Black Church.”
Burrows, Cedric, and Frank Farmer. PBS. Accessed December 10, 2019, 20:00.
“Conversations in Great Time: The http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperie
Dialogues of Martin Luther King, Jr.” JAC nce/features/godinamerica-black-church/.
33, no. 3/4 (2013): 781-95.
Miller, Keith D. “Second Isaiah Lands in
Clardy, Brian K. “Deconstructing a Washington, DC: Martin Luther King, Jr.'s
Theology of Defiance: Black Preaching “I Have a Dream” as Biblical Narrative
and the Politics of Racial Identity.” and Biblical Hermeneutic.” Rhetoric
Journal of Church and State 53, no. 2 Review 26, no. 4 (2007): 405-24.
(2011): 203-21.
The Martin Luther King, Jr., Research and
Franklin, V. P. “Introduction: Documenting Education Institute. “Malcolm X.” June
The NAACP's First Century—From 29, 2017. Accessed February 2, 2020,
Combating Racial Injustices to 15:00.
Challenging Racial Inequities.” The https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/encyclop
Journal of African American History 94, edia/malcolm-x.
no. 4 (2009): 453-63.
The Martin Luther King, Jr., Research and
Hoffman, Scott W. “Holy Martin: The Education Institute. “National Association
Overlooked Canonization of Dr. Martin for the Advancement of Colored People
Luther King, Jr.” Religion and American (NAACP).” September 14, 2018. Accessed
Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 10, February 2, 2020,
no. 2 (2000): 123-48. 15:00. https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/en
cyclopedia/national-association-
King, Martin Luther, Jr. ““I've Been to the advancement-colored-people-naacp.
Mountaintop,” Address Delivered at
Bishop Charles Mason Temple.” The Woolridge, Nancy Bullock. “The Slave
Preacher--Portrait of a Leader.” The
Journal of Negro Education 14, no. 1
(1945): 28-37.

I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 60

Yoginis: Maverick of the Brahmanical Pantheon

Diba Hussain
Department of History, Lady Shri Ram College for Women

‘Yoginis,’ being a polysemic term, has different meanings in different contexts. Despite their
incorporation within the Brahmanical fold, the yoginis did not shed their tribal features. They
continued to possess unhampered power to grant wishes. Unescorted by any male god, they
remained outside the domestic patriarchal set up and were thus uncontrolled. The Puranic
literature portrayed them as wicked, devious and immoral. Tantra, in contrast, glorified the
terrifying aspect of the yoginis. The sculptures tell yet another perspective, with the female
goddesses being represented as confident, valorous and benignant figures. In doing so, the
yogini temples are therefore unlike any Brahmanical temple. The following research paper
has focused on the Yogini temples built from the 8th to the 10th century AD, and attempted to
analyse their idiosyncratic features and nefarious representation.

I. Introduction representations that re-evaluate and reify
the complexities of the yogini cult. This
In the history of South Asian religion, paper aims to analyse yogini figurines and
yogini has been used in various contexts, temples, by locating the significance of the
each representing different aspects of tribal culture within Sanskritisation and
them. Thus, their attributes and personas demystifying the gender roles it depicts.
are region-specific. In verbatim, the term
refers to the female counterpart of a yogi - II. Origin of yoginis
one who follows the path of yoga and
becomes a master of science, acquiring The origin of the yoginis has been a much-
power in the process. In Sanskrit semi- debated issue. According to Vidya Dehejia,
historic works, they are referred to as a yoginis have their roots outside the fold of
sorceress or witch, while the Puranas orthodox Brahmanical tradition.1 The cult
delineate them as attendants of Durga or is tantric in nature, as evidenced by the
Bhairava. In Mughal and Rajput miniature connections between the idea of the
paintings, they are depicted as ascetic efficiency of magical rituals, spells, sounds
mendicants or seated in shrines, where and gestures, and rural and tribal
devotees visit them. The term itself, traditions. Thus, to trace the origin of
yogini, has undergone transitions over yoginis, one must turn to village cults,
time, as these local and tribal deities were grama devatas, and the local village
incorporated in the Puranas through goddesses. In villages, yoginis were
sanskritisation. favoured goddesses, with major
Brahmanical goddesses being of lesser
Circular temples associated with the importance. In time, yoginis were
yoginis are found majorly in the tribal belt, consolidated into a group of 64, and
from Orissa to Rajasthan. These temples bestowed with different characters. They
are unique, and do not follow the were incorporated into the tantric tradition,
traditional architectural style of the which portrayed them as goddesses who
mainstream Brahmanical temples. These could bestow magical powers on their
temples are hypaethral, with distinctive
features and anomalous sculptural 1 Vidya Dehejia, Yogini Cult and Temples (New
Delhi: National Museum, 1986), 1.

worshippers. Hence, they were not I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 61
Brahmanical; and rather had been brought
under the rubric of tantra and given their venture and give them their desires.
legitimacy in later Hinduism.2 Thus, it would be fair to say that the cult
emerged out of the Kaula sect.
Within Tantra, yoginis occupied an
extremely important place. As a religious The yoginis would grant their devotees
practice, Tantra has aimed at a reversal of with magical powers, the eight siddhis,
accepted social norms. Time and again, it such as the abilities to fly, become small or
has incorporated a critical and big, become light, compel others to do as
controversial attitude towards women's one wished, control over mind and body of
sexuality, their relationship with their all beings, control over natural elements,
bodies, social class and traditional notions the fulfilment of all desires. Jnanarnava
of purity and impurity.3 Thus, women in Tantra tells us that the yoginis possessed
tantra were given great importance, as other powerful powers, mainly black
opposed to Brahmanical perceptions. This magic.6 They conferred blessings on their
has manifested itself in the personification, favourable devotee, and provoked the
position and representation of the yoginis. death of the enemy. Tantric texts mention
yoginis being attracted to wine, flesh, and
III. The Cult blood of animals and human corpses.7 This
could potentially explain why their
The yogini cult worshipped to appease and temples were often situated in a remote
placate the yogini, who could be cruel and location, away from the township. By the
wrathful, if displeased, and could also 9th century, the cult was incorporated into
grant powers, if approached in the right orthodox Hindu tradition. Despite this
manner. The cult has been esoteric, which inclusion, the rites remained mainly
explains why there is no clarity regarding esoteric and unpractised by the majority of
its form or shape. Yogini laudation began Hindus.
with mandala worship, which later took on
the form of circular temples. IV. Historicising the Brahmanical
Incorporation
The Yogini cult was an important part of
the Kaula4 sect of Saivism, where the The Brahmanical incorporation of yoginis
Chakra puja was an important practice. is regarded as the Sanskritisation of
The ritual enacted the union of the two folklore.8 This process of restructuring
deities - Kula and Siva as Akula - ending often led to the degradation of folk
with the sexual union of the female and the deities.9 Even though the yoginis were not
male participant.5 Kaula worshippers
regarded the yogini as their deity, who 6 Vidya Dehejia, “The Yogini Temples of India,”
would protect them from any harm, bless Art International 25, no. 3 (1982): 8.
7 Goraksha Smahita, Ch-20 provides a similar
2 Ibid., 2 description of the Yoginis.
3 Nilima Chitgopekar, “The Unfettered 8 According to R.S Sharma, with the changing
Yoginis,” Invoking Goddesses: Gender Politics in economic scenario, the priest was ready to render
Indian Religion (New Delhi: Shakti Books, 2002), their services to temples of folk tradition as well. In
8. doing so, they adapted to the changing socio-
4 They were yogini worshippers. economic factors of the time, which prompted the
5 This was part of Pancha makaras. The term refers acceptance of tribal deities. In many scenarios, the
to the five essential elements that are necessary to tribal deities were transformed physically to match
conduct the chakra puja: Matsya- fish, Mamsa- the Vedic deity, thereby prompting a physical
meat, Mudra- parched grain, Madya- liquor and takeover of tribal temples by Vedic deities.
Maithuna- sexual intercourse. 9 S. Xavier, “An Analytical study on sanskritisation
of the deities of folk tradition with reference to
Tamil Nadu,” Proceedings of Indian History
Congress 70 (2009-10): 62.

transformed physically during their I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 62
process of incorporation into the
Brahmanical tradition, they were shown in various professions they adopted could be
a very negative light, often ascribed as indicative of the various public roles that
demons. This ascription can be explained common women would have historically
through the historical process by which the held. The Skanda Purana showed the
Puranas came to be compiled. As regional medicinal and magical powers possessed
kingdoms evolved, the Puranas came to by yoginis through the narration of
highlight the rise of new gender relations Malini’s story. Unhappy with her husband,
and changing religious contours in the who was not enamoured of her and had
subcontinent. The aim was to attract and forsaken her, Malini sought the help of a
retain devotees and resources for particular yogini and received a potion of
traditions of practices to perpetuate a enslavement. Upon consumption of the
particular set of treaties.10 The local cults same, the husband got sick and eventually
were assimilated in these Puranas as a died, while Malini enjoyed unions with
process of expanding Hinduism. men of different castes and creeds.
Consequently, the ‘germs’ of her wrong
The Puranas have mentioned the sixty-four deeds entered her body and she died a
yoginis in various contexts. These painful death, suffering in hell too. The
references give us an insight into the male Purana called her a woman of evil deeds.
notion towards yoginis, as these were Through this incident, the writer attempted
male-produced texts. Interestingly, the to show how the yoginis lying outside the
representation of yoginis was starkly premises of the household were evil, and
different in literary sources and sculptures, any contact with them would divert
where the latter portrayed them in a women from her role as a faithful wife. It
positive light.11 In the Puranas, the yoginis is apparent from the depiction of yoginis in
were often mentioned in battle scenes, the Puranas that it was men who imputed
devouring flesh and blood. In representing supernatural powers to the yoginis.
them such, there was a clear attempt to
distinguish them from the Brahmanical Unlike the patriarchal Brahmanical
goddesses. They were shown to belong goddesses, yoginis were group divinities
outside the household, with demonic, wild mentioned collectively.13 They also posed
and ruthless portrayals. Thus, the a strict challenge to the Hindu moral order.
Mythmaker produced a social structure of Due to their unspousified status, the
fear and hate by formalising such yoginis held a distinct position from the
distortions of thought.12 dominant spouse goddesses of the
Brahmanical tradition, devoid of a male
The Skanda Purana described the yoginis authority that bestowed them with
as having great maturity and ability to powers.14 In this context, it becomes
accomplish hard tasks. In one such episode significant to locate the ambivalent figure
we find a description of a mission to of the Devi/Goddess, who originally drew
Varanasi. To accomplish the mission, they her roots from the Shakta tradition.
disguised themselves as commoners; the
Devi was both erotic, fierce and powerful,
10 Smita Sahgal, “Goddess Worship and Mutating as well as nurturing, benign and motherly.
Gender Relations within Hindu Pantheon: From The spousified Devi, such as Parvati and
Vedic to Puranic,” in Women: A Journey Through Lakshmi, was controlled and domesticated
Ages, ed. Veenus Jain et al. (New Delhi: New Delhi by the male deities. Thus, the energy-
Publishers, 2019), 26.
11 Chitgopekar, op. cit., 97. 13 Akin to this, we have Saptamatrikas,
12 Ibid. Mahavidyas and Dakini, who are also always
mentioned in plural terms.
14 Chitgopekar, op. cit., 84.

providing Goddess’s existence and identity I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 63
got tied up to their consorts.15 In the
historical process of Brahmanisation, V. Yogini Temple Architecture: An
Devi, the local deity, was transformed into Analysis
the spouse of the main Brahmanical deity
and hence elevated to the position of According to Vidya Dehejia, the visual
goddess.16 Juxtaposed to these goddesses, image provides an enhanced understanding
the yoginis remained unspousified. of the values of society, lifestyle and
However, they came to be associated with women at that time.17 Thus, an evaluation
Shiva as his attendants, thereby showing of the yogini temples, which resembled
that connection to a male deity was simple village and tribal shrines although
essential. They continued to be with sophisticated and polished sculptures,
worshipped despite their demonic can provide one an insight into the
appearance. In a tribal society, gendered dynamics of the period and how
consumption of flesh and blood of animals the process of Brahmanisation
and humans was common as war and (alternatively Sanskritisation) unfolded.
battle were a part of the daily affair. So, for
the deities of the tribal tradition to have a While most temples had 64 yoginis, there
demonic look was acceptable. Because the was scarce mention of others with 81
locals had accepted yoginis in their yoginis too. The temples largely resembled
demonic avatar, transforming them was tribal structures, with varying sculptural
not a viable choice to the Puranic authors. styles in different shrines. According to
However, it is apparent that as the Nilima Chitgopekar, the sensuous female
civilisation developed, the demonic images were not only meant for the
features of the yoginis came to be loathed viewing pleasure of men.18 In
upon. Furthermore, since they were 64 in contemporary understanding, only a
number, it was also difficult to spousify particular type/shape of female body is
each of them. As a result, they did not have considered ideal. In contrast, yogini
a household to look after, and were hence sculptures, with their varying body types,
placed outside the domestic context. manifested a positive body image that
could have appealed to female and male
Thus, they were never elevated to the devotees alike. While the written texts
position of the dominant goddess. They mentioned yoginis in an erotic light, the
would always remain lower in the temples did not have any erotic
hierarchy. depictions.

15 Sahgal, op. cit., 5. Yoginis had a wide range of facial
16 Kotravai was a tribal deity, who went through the expressions as well. Some were depicted
process of Sanskritisation. In her original form, she as demonic (displaying kapalika19
was shown dancing, drinking, and devouring flesh attributes), some with animal heads and
upon victory; she was the Goddess of war. When few with an infant on their lap. The
brought into the Brahmanical fold, she was given a grouping of 81 yoginis was specially
son, Rudra, and husband, Siva - both becoming the intended for the royalty, since the boons
male supporters to her. Subsequently, there was a received through worship were relevant to
transformation of Kotravai into Uma Parvati, the the monarch - success of army, territorial
spousified version. Thus here too, the tribal god gain, and freedom from fear during
was elevated to the position of a goddess, and her attacks. This explains why yoginis of
demonic features were transformed.
17 Dehejia, op. cit., 1982, 7.
18 Chitgopekar, op. cit., 97.
19 Attributes associated with Kapalikas were
engagements in rituals with blood, meat, alcohol
and sexual fluids.

certain temples were heavily ornamented, I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 64
a probable by-product of royal patronage.
Since the yogini sect was esoteric, its
Unlike mainstream Hindu temple worship practices and rituals were passed
architecture, yogini temples were a simple on secretly, and a similar analogy can be
circular structure, without any towering extended to the architectural designs.
superstructure.20 The walls of the circular Rituals like the chakra puja and those
enclosure were undecorated blocks of involving animal and human corpses
stones. The entrance of the temple was required privacy, and could therefore be
also undecorated. Yogini sculptures were one of the reasons for the isolated location
found in the niches, on the inner side of of the temple.
the circular wall, while in the centre of the
temple, in an open pavilion, there was an VI. Conclusion
image of Siva or Bhairava. Though, it is
not apparent if the temple was constructed Yoginis, being tribal deities, were
with the Siva figure in the centre, or was a transformed into Brahmanical deities. The
later addition with sanskritisation. These concept of yoginis was also incorporated
temples were hypaethral, that is open to in the Jaina and Tantric traditions. One can
the sky or roofless. sense a continuous change in the concept
of yoginis and how they were perceived.
From the early 9th century onwards, there The local deities were consolidated into a
was a transformation of the yogini temples. group of sixty-four under tantrism, and
The yogini sculptures were human-like but from there it gained a wider following.
aspects of divinity, such as halo, attendants Through the process of sanskritisation,
and ornaments were added later. Yogini yoginis became a part of the Hindu Tantric
pithas were found near the capitals of culture. They remained unspousified and
ruling dynasties, suggesting that they mentioned in groups, thereby posing a
could have been built by rulers for challenge to the patriarchal society. They
protection from enemies and consolidation did not depend on any male god for their
of their dynamic position. Thus, there is a powers.
strong possibility that the Chandella rulers
commissioned the construction of yogini Although this gives an impression of
temples, as there are 8 such structures considerable freedom and independence,
found in their provenience. Early the reality was quite different. The Puranic
historians associated yoginis with Sakti attempts to highlight demonic attributes
worship, however there is no mention of and distinguish yoginis from the ideal,
the yoginis in sakti texts. Nineteenth dominant spouse goddesses, resulted in
century scholars generally developed their their lower status within the Hindu
understanding of the pristine classical pantheon and virtual regression to
Indian art through Sanskrit texts, only as it oblivion. They continued to remain
was easier to study the written text than subordinate to the goddesses, and
regional practices, leading to remained attendants to them. They were
misinterpretations and uncritical accommodated in the patriarchal society
derivations.21 through their association with Siva or
Bhairava as his attendants.
20 In the Puranas, the circular shape of the yogini
temple was due to the fact that the yoginis moved There is no textual evidence regarding
in a group of 64 in the sky. When they came down donations for the construction of yogini
to worship Siva or Bhairava, they formed a circle. temples in the tribal belt. Their portrayal
21 Chitgopekar, op. cit., 95. saw an amalgamation of various traditions,
with sculptures and names showing the
influence of Puranic, Jaina, Tantric, and

tribal traditions. Despite the apparent I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 65
repudiation by society, the yogini’s divinity
or powers to give the 8 siddhis remained Bibliography
unchallenged, now approached with a
sense of fear - so much so that people did Chitgopekar, Nilima. “The Unfettered
not wish to be associated with them Yoginis.” Invoking the Goddesses: Gender
openly. While the royal patronage of Politics in Indian Religion, 83-111. New
yogini temples is a strong assumption, lack Delhi: Shakti Books, 2002.
of inscriptional evidence makes it an odd
conjecture, since royal patronage was Dehejia, Vidya. “The Yogini Temples of
undertaken to gain legitimacy. This could India.” Art International 25, no. 3 (1982):
possibly be due to the fact that they did not 6-28.
wish to openly show their association with
the yoginis, but wanted their protection. Dehejia, Vidya. Yogini Cult and Temples, A
Tantric Tradition. New Delhi: National
The real question is whether the yoginis, Museum, 1986.
some of the most powerful women in
Hinduism, were actually able to lead the Sahgal, Smita. “Goddess Worship and
process of social empowerment of women. Mutating Gender Relations within Hindu
In places like Bheraghat, only women Pantheon: from Vedic to Puranic.” In
worshippers could invoke the female Women: A Journey Through Ages, edited
deities, thereby suggesting that the by Veenus Jain and Pushparaj Singh, 23–
presence of strong female deities within 32. New Delhi: New Delhi Publishers,
the local and tribal cults gave voice to the 2019.
women of lower origin. But we cannot say
that they were able to completely Xavier, S. “An analytical study on
transform the lives of women, since Sanskritisation of the deities of Folk
yoginis themselves remained lower deities, Tradition with reference to Tamil Nadu.”
and were just an exception to the dominant Proceedings of the Indian History
spouse goddesses. Congress 70 (2009-10): 621-634.

I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 66

Kawaii and the Kitty

Preeti Gokhale
Department of English, Lady Shri Ram College for Women

This paper seeks to explore through the Japanese creation of ‘Hello Kitty’, the evolution and
integration of the concept of ‘kawaii’ into the global marketplace. Further, it will trace the
character’s journey, from its creation to its incorporation into various products as well as
ideas. The paper will evaluate how ‘Hello Kitty,’ a manifestation of ‘kawaii’ has been
perceived differently. While the economic impact is quite evident as the character of ‘Hello
Kitty’ among others help Japan establish itself as a soft power, this paper also looks at the
role the character plays in influencing perceptions about it with respect to gender and
sexuality.

Animated characters have always been a including education reforms, land rights,
good source of entertainment as well as etc. The character of globally famous
learning for children, and a lot of times for ‘Hello Kitty,’ a manifestation of kawaii
adults as well. They are fascinating and will be studied to evaluate the influence of
fantastical. Many of them have a global the concept on gender and sexuality. From
appeal and therefore, it is safe to say that the conception of the idea of the ‘Hello
they are made for worldwide consumption. Kitty’ and its creation to its multiple
However, these characters are not free of revisions to serve the consumer demand
the implications of factors existing in and its incorporation into a variety of
society and oftentimes carry a lot of socio- goods and services, the journey of the
cultural baggage. Although they create an character of Hello Kitty carries along with
illusion of fantasy-land, they are very it a lot of different political, cultural and
much integrated in the workings of the real social significance. It’s assimilation into
world. While they shape the way people, latest trends be it the fashion industry, pop
especially children perceive the world culture, art and even music is an integral
around them, to a certain extent, these aspect in understanding the impact of
characters are also a product of already ‘Hello Kitty.’ A product of art-forms, born
existing norms and perceptions of the out of the student movements, co-opted
society. Therefore, it is important to into the kawaii culture, ‘Hello Kitty’ goes
analyse the process behind the creation on to set, define and reinforce codes of
and evolution of such characters. femininity expected in the Japanese
society while also allowing a different take
One of the most famous female characters on female expression as well as
is that of ‘Hello Kitty,’ an establishing Japan as a significant global
anthropomorphised representation who has force in the realm of pop-culture,
received multiple and varied responses displaying its emergence as a soft-power.
from the audience. It originated in Japan. This has also led to discussions regarding
In the realm of pop-culture, Japan is perception and opinions on gender issues
renowned for the ‘kawaii’ or the cuteness of the East as compared to the West. This
it manufactures through various artforms paper will attempt to study the character of
and commodities. The concept of kawaii ‘Hello Kitty,’ in relation to the Japanese
itself has risen out of student protests and society, its historical significance, its place
non-compliance with the authorities. in the kawaii culture and will be
Students were fighting for issues, specifically looking at its influence on

issues of gender and sexuality. The paper I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 67
will further look at how the character in its
different forms has led to variation in and food. Rebelling against authority,
perceptions and influences. university students refused to go to
lectures, reading manga in protest against
I. Exploring Kawaii: Its Presence prescribed societal knowledge. All of that
and Its Reception in order to separate themselves from
imposed societal roles.4
The word Kawaii originally derives from
the phrase “kawayushi,” which literally The Japanese are born into cute and raised
means “one’s face is aglow, radiant,” with cute. They grow up to save money
commonly used to refer to blushing. The with cute (Miffy the bunny on Asahi Bank
word first appeared in dictionaries during ATM cards), to pray with cute (Hello Kitty
the early 19th centuries when the charm bags at Shinto shrines), to have sex
kawayushi principle meant shy, pathetic, with cute (prophylactics decorated with
vulnerable, embarrassed, lovable, and Monkichi the monkey, a condom stretched
small. Kawaii retains much of that over his body, entreating, “Would you
meaning while the term “kawaiso” derived protect me?”). Cute is everywhere.5
directly from kawaii, means pathetic, poor,
pitiable in a negative way.1 However, kawaii came under criticism
from feminists who argue that it drives
The kawaii concept first began as a women to be childish, which subordinates
rebellion against traditional Japanese them to men and promotes eating disorders
culture in the 1970’s. According to Sharon in the pursuit of a kawaii look. An extreme
Kinsella, a Cambridge University version of kawaii is called burikko or ‘fake
researcher, the cute craze began around child,’ which is behaviour that includes
1970, when a fad for writing notes and speaking in a high-pitched, nasalised
letters in rounded, childish characters voice, using baby-talk register, and
began to catch on among teenage Japanese covering the mouth or putting the hands to
girls.2 Scholars who studied the the cheeks while smiling. Such ways of
phenomenon dubbed it ‘Anomalous speaking and behaving, though
Female Teenage Handwriting.’ Kids called unappealing to some, are related to being
it burikko-ji, translated as “kitten-writing” polite, gentle, and innocent, therefore
or “fake-child writing.” At one point in the adhering to the norms associated with
mid-80s, some 55 percent of 12- to 18- femininity.6 As Japanese women became
year-old girls were using it.3 more visible at work, so the “burikko” or
childlike woman emerged, portraying an
They wrote in a childlike style, doodled, innocence and adorability that alleviated
wore cuter styles of dress. It also appeared the threat of female emancipation,
in a wide range of products, shops, cafes, increasing her appeal as a potential
marriage partner.
1 billseigs, “Kawaii as Revolution? What’s Behind
The sexual fetishisation of young
of The Famous Japanese Phenomenon,” prepubescent girls by older men is known
as, “Lolita complex.” Kawaii is linked to a
KawaiiSekai.com (blog), July 19, 2017, accessed feminised position that is born in passivity,

September 2019, 2019, 19:30, 4 billseigs, op. cit.
5 Ibid.
http://kawaiisekai.com/what-is-kawaii/. 6 Matthew Burdelski and Koji Mitsuhashi, “‘She
Thinks You’re Kawaii’: Socializing Affect, Gender,
2 Sharon Kinsella, “Cuties in Japan,” in WOMEN, and Relationships in a Japanese Preschool,”
Language in Society 39, no. 1 (2010): 67-68.
MEDIA AND CONSUMPTION IN JAPAN, ed.

Brian Moeran (London: Routledge, 2016), 220.

3 Mary Roach, “Cute Inc.,” Wired.com (blog),

January 12, 1999, accessed September 29, 2019,

21:00, https://www.wired.com/1999/12/cute/.

then extended outward to various subject I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 68
positions, from innocent schoolgirl to
Lolita sexuality and beyond.7 The Lolita diamond-encrusted watches, finely crafted
Complex is evident through institutions in luggage. Hello Kitty has been incorporated
Japan such as ‘image bars’ specialising in in products ranging from Fender guitars to
escorts dressed in school uniforms; airplanes, from contact lenses to wedding
telephone clubs featuring bored adolescent rings. The Japanese postal service also
girls earning spending money by talking issues Hello Kitty stamps.
dirty. The ‘cuteness’ is not merely for
cuteness’ sake but has turned into a B. Kitty Critique
weapon to increase the sex appeal and
deprives the object of cuteness of power Hello Kitty has led to discussion regarding
and independence. its impact on consumers. It has been
criticised for omission of its mouth,
II. Looking at Hello Kitty interpreted by the West as a traditional
expectation of docility from Asian women.
A. Who is ‘Kitty’? “In the West, having a mouth is important
because it gives you a voice, which is
One of the most popular representations of power, so some see her as anti-feminist,
Kawaii is ‘Hello Kitty.’ Kitty White, is a anti-assertive, anti-vocal,” explains Yano,
fictional creation of Yuko Shimizu, who wrote Pink Globalization: Hello
produced by the Japanese company Sanrio. Kitty’s Trek across the Pacific.10 It depicts
Sanrio depicts Hello Kitty as a female a lack of agency, reinforcing notions that
gijinka (anthropomorphisation) of women are docile, quiet, and cute
Japanese Bobtail with a red bow and, creatures to be looked at and not heard.
notably, no mouth. Hello Kitty was always The character has been criticised as a
intended as a global product. According to symbol of a quiet, passive and submissive
Sanrio’s founder, Tsuji Shintarou, this was Asian woman stereotype. Avril Lavigne’s
supposed to be the Japanese cat that would (a Canadian singer’s) 2014 music video
overtake the American mouse.8 The for “Hello Kitty,” was criticised because
Japanese board of tourism had appointed she used expressionless Japanese women
her their official tourism ambassador to as back-up dancers, as “props,” as she sang
China and Hong Kong. She has also been “Hello Kitty, you’re so pretty”
the United States children's ambassador repeatedly.11 The song lyrics repeatedly
for UNICEF since 1983.9 mention the word ‘Kawaii.’

The Hello Kitty image has been An editorial in ‘The Japan Times’ argued
incorporated in many products in the that UNICEF shouldn’t be using Hello
market from the beginning. It can be found Kitty to raise money for girls’ education
everywhere including in designer fashions, programs stating “someone needs to
explain how a cat with no mouth can be a
7 Christine R. Yano, “Wink on Pink: Interpreting spokesperson for anything—especially
Japanese Cute as It Grabs the Global Headlines,” girls’ education—and how an image that
The Journal of Asian Studies 68, no. 3 (2009): pp. embodies female submissiveness is
686. supposed to help banish gender-based
8 Ibid. stereotypes. Kitty is soft and pliable,
9 Esther Walker, “Top Cat: How 'Hello Kitty'
Conquered the World,” Independent, May 21, 10 Olivia B. Waxman, “Hello Kitty at 40: Sexist
2008, accessed October 1, 2019, 17:20, Throwback or Empowering Icon?” Time.com
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/to (blog), October 31, 2014, accessed on September
p-cat-how-hello-kitty-conquered-the-world- 30, 2019, 18:15. https://time.com/3532446/hello-
831522.html. kitty-con-40th-anniversary/.
11 Ibid.

doesn’t speak and sports a cute bow on her I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 69
head: There’s your role model, girls!”12
Another implication of kawaii and,
While the Bobcat is naturally a predator, specifically, Hello Kitty comes from
Hello Kitty lacks the ferocious features multiple news headlines in August 2007.
such as claws, the most basic feature of the One such headline declared, “To Punish
Bobcat. These omissions depict the notion Thai Police, a Hello Kitty Armband.” The
of domesticity expected from women. story revolved around a new strategy
Kitty then becomes a representational devised by Bangkok police to discipline
image of what society promotes as their own male patrol force. Any
necessary to become beautiful, which delinquent officer would be shamed into
young women are forced to internalise. compliance by being forced to wear a
bright pink Hello Kitty armband.15 Being
C. Expansion of Kitty’s Hello Kitty-ed publicly being the ultimate
Empire symbol of cute femininity provided a
sufficient threat to the police officers'
In recent times, the character has been masculinity.
modified multiple times to adapt to the
upcoming trends, which include Hello D. The Kitty Clout
Kitty as a black-garbed punk rocker, a
blood-spattered “Gloomy Bear” (a hyper Hello Kitty was created as an experiment
violent bear character designed by graphic which began in 1971. In the wake of
artist Mori Chack), and even a World War student riots, the company began printing
II kamikaze pilot. rounded, cutesy images on previously
blank writing stationery and in 1974, Hello
Hello Kitty’s, original primary colours, Kitty was drawn. She was drawn without a
such as blue and red, were replaced by mouth, which later made her according to
pink and purple. Charmmy Kitty, added to the creators, the perfect cross-cultural
the family in 2004 as Kitty’s pet cat, representative.16 She was not given a
features gorgeous pink fringes with black mouth, explains Sanrio, because she
lace and Gothic patterns. Especially “speaks from the heart. She's Sanrio's
observable in the same milieu is the rise of ambassador to the world and isn't bound to
the subculture fashion that combines any particular language.”17 Further, Jill
cuteness and darkness known as Gothic Koch, Senior Vice President of Brand
Lolita.13 The way youth, women, and their Management & Marketing at Sanrio says,
beloved goods transitioned from the sweet “She is so empowering because she can be
Kawaii in the 1980s to the dark Kawaii in anything you want her to be,” “It’s a lot
the 90s is evidence of how those who used more powerful to not have to speak.” That
to remain submissive and dependent are way, “women feel like Hello Kitty listens,”
now exposing elements of anxiety and says Yuko Yamaguchi, Tokyo-based head
uneasiness inherent in their designer of Hello Kitty for more than 30
powerlessness.14 years, adding “she makes you feel
understood.”18 Such justifications have
12 “Time for Goodbye Kitty?” Japan Times,
October 10, 2004, accessed July 7, 2020, 13:30, 15 Seth Mydans, “To Punish Thai Police, a Hello
https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2004/10/10/e Kitty Armband,” New York Times, August 7, 2007,
ditorials/time-for-goodbye-kitty/. accessed July 7, 2020, 12:28,
13 Kumiko Sato, “From Hello Kitty to Cod Roe https://www.nytimes.com/2007/08/07/world/asia/0
Kewpie: A Postwar Cultural History of Cuteness in 7cnd-thai.html.
Japan,” Asian Intercultural Contacts 14, no. 2 16 Walker, op. cit.
(2009): 40. 17 Ibid.
14 Ibid. 18 Waxman, op. cit.

been understood and accepted by many I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 70
consumers as well as critics.
Here is cute/cool as represented as the
The absence of expression allows critics to “bomb” of global pop culture, as a large-
interpret any meaning and project all kinds scale neo-nationalistic, sexualised punch.
of ideologies on the image of the Kitty. The irony lies in the fact that Japan is
One such instance is when in April 2005, “remasculinising,” specifically by way of
international artist Takashi Murakami the feminised visual language of cute or
curated a major exhibit of cute/cool kawaii, in particular through the popularity
entitled Little Boy: The Arts of Japan’s of items such as Hello Kitty.
Exploding Subculture at the Japan Society
in New York. The exhibit included works III. Conclusion
by Murakami’s coterie of artists and
designers dubbed “neo-pop,” alongside Hello Kitty, although a Japanese creation,
items of Japanese popular culture such as its foundations linked to the Japanese
Hello Kitty, Godzilla, the robot Gundam, culture to some extent, has been
and the robotic cat Doraemon. The appropriated and has gone through
juxtaposition of “high” and “pop” art was multiple levels of alterations to serve the
deliberate and provocative, especially purpose of catering to a global consumer
framed within the title of his exhibit. base. A lot of people have applied its
Murakami selected the title Little Boy to symbolism to a variety of ideas, be it the
reference the code name for the atomic Bangkok police or Murakami, depicting
bomb that the United States dropped on the rise of Japan as a soft power.
Hiroshima in 1945.19 Throughout that journey, the animated
Bobcat has failed to gain the organ of free
Murakami’s choice highlights what he expression, the mouth. While the concept
believes Japan has become in relation to of kawaii has gained immense
the United States that is, a forever- international attention due to its
emasculated “little boy” by virtue of incorporation in various artforms, a critical
Article 9 of Japan’s post-war constitution, analysis of it, over time by looking at its
which denied Japan the right to a military multiple interpretations and influences, has
force. Calling Japan, a “castrated nation- portrayed the implication of the concept on
state,” Murakami both situates Japanese the cultural and gender aspects of the
popular culture as a site of the nation’s society.
own infantilisation and argues for the soft
power of Japanese popular culture to Bibliography
resurrect the nation to new global heights.
According to Murakami, Japan s cute/cool billseigs. “Kawaii as Revolution? What’s
achievement, then, marks no less than the Behind of The Famous Japanese
revenge of the “little boy” nation of Japan, Phenomenon.” KawaiiSekai.com (blog),
as it crawls out from under the hegemony July 19, 2017. Accessed September 29,
of the West and asserts its own “exploding 2019,
subculture” soft power. That subculture 19:30. http://kawaiisekai.com/what-is-
includes “sado-cute” (cute mixed with kawaii/.
sado masochism) and overt hyper
sexualisation, as depicted in some of Burdelski, Matthew, and Koji Mitsuhashi.
Murakami’s works.20 “‘She Thinks You’re Kawaii’: Socializing
Affect, Gender, and Relationships in a
19 Yano, op. cit., 685. Japanese Preschool.” Language in Society
20 Ibid. 39, no. 1 (2010): 65–93.

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I j t i h a d V o l . 7 | 72

INDEX

A L
Akhlaq: 1, 3 Language: 6, 8, 9, 14, 23, 29, 30, 3, 32, 33,
Ammaveedus: 22, 23, 24, 26, 27 34, 69, 70
American history: 8, 11, 54
Architecture: 17, 18, 20, 46, 49, 50, 51, 63, M
64 Malcolm X: 53, 57, 58
Matriliny: 22, 23, 25, 27
B Mughal: 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 22, 46, 47, 48, 49,
Begam Jahan Ara: 46, 48, 49, 50, 51 51, 60
Black Preacher: 54
N
C NAACP: 53, 57, 58
Capitals: 16, 18, 20, 64
Censorship: 37, 41, 42 P
China: 3, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 68 Phallogocentrism: 30, 31, 34, 35
Christian theology: 54 Pop culture/Popular Culture: 8, 13, 14, 37,
Civil rights movement: 53, 54, 56, 57, 58 38, 39, 41, 43, 66, 70
Conjugal Relationships: 22, 27
Q
D Queer: 10, 13, 14, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35
Dining: 1, 2, 3, 5, 6 Queer narratives: 8, 9, 12
Dissent: 37, 38, 39, 41, 43
R
E Reclamation: 13, 15
Edo: 16, 17, 18, 19, 20
Emotional History: 23 S
Sanskritisation: 60, 61, 63, 64
F Sculptures: 60, 62, 63, 64
Femininity: 9, 29, 30, 34, 66, 67, 69 Self-determination: 29
Sexuality: 66, 67, 68
G Soft Power: 38, 40, 41
Gender: 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 66, 67, 68, 70 Student Protests: 66
Gender relations: 13, 22, 46, 62 Subversion: 13, 15
Sufism: 49, 50
H Symbolism: 3, 16
Hello Kitty: 66, 67, 68, 69, 70
Harem: 2, 46, 47, 48, 51 T
Tantrism: 64
J Temples: 60, 61, 63, 64, 65
Japan: 16, 17, 18, 19, 37, 42, 66, 68, 70 Tokugawa: 16, 17, 18, 19, 20
Travancore: 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27
K Tribal Deities: 60, 64
Kawaii: 66, 67, 68, 69, 70
Khichdi: 4 Y
Kyoto: 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 Yoginis: 61, 62, 63, 64, 65