Ijtihad '18

Cover Design by Shikha Dwivedi

The representation on the cover of Ijtihad Vol. 5 draws inspiration from the theme of Maazi-
o-Mustaqbil 2018: Myth, Memory and History. The depiction of a face-like structure and its
gradual fragmentation represent how multiple narratives in history emanate from the same
reality; some get more and more blurred and distant from historical truths but can still be
considered fragments of the same reality. The portrayal of the face as a mask has been
deliberately done to symbolize the misty difference between truths and lies masquerading
as the reality. Lastly, the web-like pattern spreading over the composition embodies the
coexistence of the many renderings of history.

IJTIHAD

Annual Academic Journal
Volume 5, 2018

Department of History,
Lady Shri Ram College of Women

Ijtihad is the annual academic journal of the Department of History, Lady Shri Ram College
for Women. Etymologically besides its religious affiliation, the word ijtihad means the
“independent interpretation of legal sources.” True to its name, the journal seeks to reflect
the spirit of an unhindered, ceaseless quest for the many possibilities and contemplations of
the “historical truth.” Started in 2014, Ijtihad invites undergraduate student research papers
covering various historical themes with an aim to nurture historical imagination among
young scholars.

LADY SHRI RAM COLLEGE FOR WOMEN

L a j p a t N a g a r I V, N e w D e l h i - 1 1 0 0 2 4

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No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means
without prior permission in writing of the Department of History, Lady Shri Ram College for

Women, New Delhi.

Advisory Board Editorial Board

Dr Smita Sahgal Editors-in-Chief
Ms Nayana Dasgupta Shreya Dua
Dr Vijayant Singh Tarini Sudhakar

History Union, 2017-2018 Deputy Editors
Kajal Bawa
Radhika Deekshay, President Shikha Dwivedi
Aswathy Koonampilly, General Secretary Ushni Dasgupta
Mohini Mohan, Treasurer
Sub Editor
Michelle Verma

In loving memory of
Riya Jaiswal

Table of Content

Editors’ Note 1

The Making of a ‘Hero’ in Medieval Persian Literature: Alexander in the
Shahnameh of Ferdowsi

— Shikha Dwivedi 2

The Experience of Gender in the Mughal Empire

— Rajosmita Roy 9
Maintenance Rights of Women in Islam after Talaaq (Divorce)

— Haya Wakil 17
Sexuality in Nazi Germany

— Aditi Kumar 24
Decoding the Dystopia — The Post-Independence Bengali Cultural Identity
Through The Reels of Ritwik Ghatak’s Megha Dhaka Tara

— Shreya Das 30

Discordant Development: A Comparison Between the Storm King Controversy

and Ennore Creek

— Meenakshi Nair 36

What is the emphasis given to spirituality and moksha in the Odissi dance form

as it is being propagated in a contemporary setting?

— Mansi Kankan 43
Index 49

Ijtihad.Vol.5 |1

Editors’ Note

A semester burdened with assignments, presentations, and an indomitable commitment
towards co-curricular activities makes research a formidable challenge for every student.
Our endeavour over the past few years has been to fracture this stereotype: giving a voice
and space to those who choose to visualise the contradictions and reconstruct their versions
of the past. Such an initiative becomes fulfilling when the following pages carry words that
are powerful enough to challenge contemporary beliefs, respect communal sensitivities,
and traces their trajectories while continuously pushing boundaries.

And thus in this edition of Ijtihad, you shall find alternative views on Alexander’s conquests,
environmental consciousness echoed through songs reflective of developmental apathy, the
loss of a spiritual consciousness as the art of Odissi shifted from the temple to the
proscenium and sexuality and its connotations at the pinnacle of curtailment in Nazi
Germany. Our annual Paper Presentation themed “Contested Memories: Perceiving
Multiple Realities” was based on the idea that memories allow for varied interpretations of
history, all firmly grounded in their logic and reason. Rajosmita Roy and Shreya Das received
the first and second position respectively for their papers on the stories of women in
Mughal harems and Ghatak’s films that shelter the memories of partitioned communities.

For all our undertakings this year, we are grateful to our Head of Department, Dr Vasudha
Pande, our Staff Advisors as well as the History Union. We appreciate the papers submitted
across the student body for consideration and thank them all for making this a competitively
driven process. As always, this journal is the fruit of the labour put in by the entire Ijtihad
Editorial Board but it takes on a higher note of satisfaction when the readers pick it up.

We hope that you continuously question beliefs and structures, fostering intellectually
stimulating discourse that we can approach in the future.

Editors-in-Chief
Shreya Dua
Tarini Sudhakar

Ijtihad.Vol.5 |2

The Making of a ‘Hero’ in Medieval Persian Literature:
Alexander in the Shahnameh of Ferdowsi

Shikha Dwivedi

The reputations of all great historical figures waver in the appraisal of later generations, and
there is never an immutable verdict. While professional history with its ‘unbiased’ lens
claims to view the past objectively, imagined ‘histories’ become an outlet for rendering value
judgements on the past. Despite being inevitable victims of distortion, these multiple visions
of the same ‘reality’ reflected in epics and legends, enclose in themselves the memories,
historical knowledge and the aspirations of the societies in which they are created or re-
created. Viewing history not historically, but on its own terms, epics often act as an
instructive force which trumps authenticity of materials as the major criterion for inclusion.
Taking the portrayal of Alexander in Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh as a possible case study, this
paper attempts to examine how we all are tempted to create a ‘hero’ to suit our own tastes.

Alexander the Great, who created the Tapping into this mongrelized congeries of
largest empire of the ancient world, stands stories, the great Persian poet Ferdowsi, in
unique in history as the conqueror that the tenth century, recreated his own image
enjoyed two millennia of fame. Beginning of Alexander in his magnum opus
from the time of his demise, fictionalized Shahnameh. With special focus on
stories revolving around the figure of Ferdowsi’s retelling of Alexander’s
Alexander concocted, blossomed and romanticized legend, the first section
dispersed in the lands that had made up his attempts to contextualise this narrative
empire. In ancient and medieval world, the within the framework of Alexander
literary vehicle for these legacies were a Romance tradition in the Islamicized
set of narratives, the most popular (and Persianate world which was a farrago of
privileged) of which is referred to as the multifarious literary cultures. The second
Alexander Romance. Called as ‘antiquity’s section deals with Ferdowsi’s portrayal of
bestselling novel’, the Alexander Romance Alexander in concurrence with the heroic
probably originated in Egypt as a set of mythmaking of Shahnameh. A close
Greek compositions in the third century examination of this narrative reveals the
CE, popularly attributed to an anonymous opposing tendency of both exalting and
author referred to as Pseudo Callisthenes.1 simultaneously debasing Alexander, the
Starting its own conquest of the literatures contradictory dynamics of which has been
of the world, the Alexander Romance discussed in the last section.
diffused into myriad geo-cultural zones,
transcending linguistic, literary and Alexander in Persia
religious boundaries. In later romances,
however, marvels and exotic anecdotes Alexander’s romanticized tales traversed
began to predominate and gradually the whole swathe of lands conquered by
eclipsed the historical personality of him, a process which benefited from and
Alexander. coincided with Hellenisation. The process
was characterised by diffusion of stories,
1Minoo S.Southgate, "Portrait of Alexander in Persian emanating from the Pseudo Callisthenes
Alexander-Romances of the Islamic Era,” Journal of the and revolving around Alexander, from
American Oriental Society, (1977): 278-279. North Africa, Mediterranean and Levant to
the East and reciprocated by Indic and

other Oriental narratives purveying to the Ijtihad.Vol.5 |3
West. This created a cultural ferment in the
multi-ethnic tributary empires of the Callisthenes in around sixth century CE4,
Mediterranean and the Middle East, where where he was later acculturated into the
the Alexander Romances achieved its Islamic traditions and represented as a
greatest artistic complexity in the medieval pious monotheist and a missionary king.
period. In the attempt of co-opting the The figure of one of the prophets of Quran,
figure of Alexander into different geo- Dhul Qarnayn (Lord of the Twin Horns)5
cultural zones, the evolving stories became mentioned in the eighteenth Sura,
more distant from ‘historical truths’. While strikingly resembles the figure of
most of the cultures adopted Alexander as Alexander of the Romances. In Quran,
their own, the only people who continued Dhul Qarnayn is a very abstract and
to resent him were the Persians allegorical character and lacks any
themselves. The Zoroastrian Persians concrete historical association to
based their view on native sources and Alexander.6 However, early Islamic
condemned Alexander for destroying their tradition included in the later exegetic
cultural heritage. In Pahlavi literature, he is literature such as the Tafsir al-Tabari
portrayed as one of Persia’s worst shows clear association with the name al-
enemies, the man who destroyed the Iskandar.7 Faustina Aerts, who has
sacred book of Avesta, killed Zoroastrian examined the Arabic romances of
priests and divided the Persian Empire.2 Alexander in some detail, points out to the
They dismissed him as a cursed enemy of close parallel between the Arabic and the
God and an agent of Ahriman, the icon of Persian Romances. Many of the motifs
evil in Zoroastrianism. Michael Barry used in Shahnameh and other Persian texts
believes that such conceptions of such as the wall against the Gog and
Alexander transmogrified into the Magog (Yajuj and Majuj), search for the
idealized hero version gradually after the Water of Life and Alexander’s visit to
Arab conquest and Islamicization of Kabah8, actually came from the Syrian
Persia. He was rehabilitated into Persian version, which had very early dispersed
literary and cultural spaces, and soon
enough, was assimilated into their histories 4Richard Stoneman, “Introduction” Richard
itself.3 Stoneman,et.al., ed., The Alexander Romance in Persia
and the East, (Barkhius, 2012), ix.
One of the tropes which expedited the 5Probably derived from the Pseudo Callisthenes, wherein
circumvention of the historical figure of Alexander is depicted as the son of last Pharaoh of
Alexander from “the destroyer” to the Egypt, Nectanebus. When he conquered Egypt, the
idealized hero of long romances was population welcomed him as their rightful ruler and
identifying him with a Quranic figure, a crowned him as the Sun God of Egypt. Amon, the Sun
process which was already under progress God, was traditionally represented with two ho rns.
in the Arabic romances. Alexander 6In the Quran, the identity of Dhul Qarnayn remains
permeated the Arab world via the Syrian disputed. While many Arabs proudly embraced
translation of the Greek Pseudo- Alexander as part of their past, the South Arabians, who
could point to an imperial tradition of their own
2Marina Gaillard, "Hero or Anti-Hero: The Alexander challenged the image of the Macedonian king as the
Figure in the Darab-nama of Ṭarsusi,” OrienteModerno, paradigmatic just, learned and militarily successful. See
Anna Akasoy. "Alexander in the Himalayas: Competing
Vol.89, No. 2 (2009): 319. Imperial Legacies in Medieval Islamic History and
3Princeton University. “Dr. Michael Barry presents: The Literature.” 2009.
7Yuriko Yamanaka, "The Islamized Alexander in
Persian Romance of Alexander the Great". You Tube Chinese Geographies and Encyclopaedias,"in Alexander
Romance, 263-264.
video, 1:24:56. Posted (March 8Michael Barry believes that the trope of Alexander
visiting Ka’bah can be traced to the Jewish romances of
2016).https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gKyF0AwsfZ Alexander wherein he was depicted as visiting the
Temple of Jerusalem which was spinned into Ka’bah in
Y. the Perso-Arabic world.

into the Arabic tradition.9 Such motifs Ijtihad.Vol.5 |4
gave a religious sanctity to the historic as
well as the romantic persona of Alexander. complete it, by which time the Samanids
had themselves become a history. Whether
In Persia, the Romance enjoyed particular Ferdowsi was affronted with their
favour in the Middle Ages, and manifested replacement by the Turkish Ghaznavids, as
an assimilation of remnants of the pre- often argued, remains inconclusive.
Islamic Persian traditions intermixed with Nevertheless, it can be safely stated that
the Hellenic and Arab literary and popular when Mahmud became established as the
cultures.10 Incorporated into the genre of supreme Ghaznavid Sultan in 999 CE,
heroic romance, Alexander is represented Ferdowsi began sending him extracts of
as a hero, a wise and legitimate king, and his poem, accompanied by panegyrics,
an inquisitive but pious adventurer. It was which presented Mahmud as ruler of a
Tabari who first represented Alexander as unified Iranzamin. According to Meisami,
the true son of the Persian king Darius the “this dream or fiction was possible of
Great, (which is a chronological realisation only in Islamic times, with the
impossibility) along with being a expansion of Persian....and other local
monotheistic champion.11 While Ferdowsi traditions into a general, synthetic all-
in his Shahnameh, sends Alexander to the Iranian, but Islamic tradition...”13
pilgrimage of Kabah, Nizami celebrates
him first as a king and conqueror, then as a The Shahnameh, which encompasses a
sage and a prophet. In Iskandarnamah, in great temporal span and a multiplicity of
addition to being a zealous Muslim, characters, traces the history of Persia
Alexander becomes an ardent lover with from its creation down to the Arab
numerous wives and concubines. Finally, conquest. Broadly, it can be divided into
Tarsusi, in his Darabnamah turns three parts, the first part deals with the
Alexander’s story into a long and fabulous Persian mythical past; the second tells
romance that barely resembles the Pseudo about the legendary kings and heroes and
Callisthenes.12 Overshadowing historical the third blends historical facts with
‘truths’ by fantastic and fabulous legends. In socio-political context of the
adventures ascribed to Alexander, these period, Shahnameh was an attempt to
congeries of stories show that Alexander glorify the pre-Islamic Persian history and
Romance became a centre around which to create a utopia of Persian culture and
the material of narrative traditions language through this grand ‘historical’
coalesced to form nodal points, and narrative.
provided narrative models, characters, and
intrigues, which could be endlessly Alexander appears in the quasi-historical
elaborated upon as per the need. section of Shahnameh and is imagined as a
universal ruler. His story starts with an
Alexander in Shahnameh account of the war between the Greek king
Filqus (Philip II) and the Persian king
It was around 975 CE, under the reign of Darab (Darius the Great), the defeat of
the Samanids, that Ferdowsi, apparently Filqus and the marriage of Darab and
independently of royal patronage, began Filqus’ daughter Nahid (Olympias).
his Shahnameh. It took him 35 years to Shortly afterwards, noticing that his bride
has a foul breath, Darab sends her back to
9Faustina Doufikar-Aerts, "Sīrat al-Iskandar: an Arabic Filqus, ignorant that she is pregnant. She
Popular Romance of Alexander," OrienteModerno, gives birth to Alexander and Filqus
Vol.22, No.2 (2003), 506. presents him as his own son. Meanwhile,
10Op.cit., Southgate, 278.
11Op.cit., Princeton. 13Julie Scott Meisami, Persian Historiography to the End
12Ibid. of the Twelfth Century, (Edinburgh University Press,
1999), 37.

Darab remarries and fathers a second son, Ijtihad.Vol.5 |5
Dara (Darius III). After Filqus’ death,
Alexander ascends the throne of Greece declares, “Any man who ignores my
and wages a war against Dara and takes commands can consider his head as no
over the crown of Persia. Following his longer attached to his body, and if anyone
accession, he sets out on a fantastic so much as murmurs in his heart against
adventure to known places and mythical me, my sword shall deal with him.”18
lands, where he confronts and defeats his Alexander does not kill Dara despite
enemies, learns from different cultures, defeating him in several battles. Rather, he
and dispenses justice. At the end of the is murdered by two of his own
civilized world, Sekander encounters the commanders, Mahyar and Janushyar, the
marauding savages, Yajuj and Majuj, and news of which deeply distresses
constructs two massive walls to keep the Alexander. A short conversation follows
evil creatures at bay. Towards the end of between him and the dying king, and Dara
his journey he starts getting ominous signs, mumbles, “Do not weep, there is no profit
and soon after dies in Babylon. He is in it. My part in the fires of life is now
buried in Alexandria and is mourned by merely smoke......You have achieved fame,
Arestalis (Aristotle), Nahid, Roshanak but see that you fear the world’s Creator,
(Roxane) along with many others.14 who has made the heavens and the earth
and time, and the strong and the weak.
A Doomed Hero? Look after my children and my family, and
veiled wise women. Ask for my daughter’s
Alexander in Shahnameh possesses a hand in marriage19, and keep her gently
kingly demeanour fit for a Kayanid prince. and in comfort in the court.”20
Dara’s first encounter with the disguised
Alexander evokes the remark, “With this This solicitous exchange between the two
farr15 and stature and eloquence of yours, brothers is in stark contrast to other
you seem born to sit on a fraternal relations depicted in Shahnameh.
throne.”16Alexander’s advance in Persia is This can be instantiated by citing
not shown as a conquest or usurpation, but Rustom’s murder by his half-brother
as one brother asserting his right over Shaghad and Iraj’s murder by his two
another. He is the rightful heir to the greedy brothers Salm and Tur, both of
Kayanid throne not only due to his which were followed by long periods of
parental lineage from Darab, but also on chaos and instability. On the other hand,
account of his virtue. In the initial conflict the filial exchange between Alexander and
between them which starts on account of Dara seems to invoke hope for a united
Dara demanding tribute from Alexander, world in the reader’s mind against the
our hero is shown as just and patient, backdrop of Shahnameh’s world which is
juxtaposed to Dara who appears to be constantly torn in fratricidal conflicts.
tyrannical and pugnacious. Exhibiting
similar character like Jamshid17, he Having secured the throne of Persia,
Alexander ventures forth to bring the
14Abolqasem Ferdowsi, Shahnameh: The Persian Book
of Kings, Trans. Dick Davis, (Penguin 2016), 562-636. Persia, but he soon became arrogant with his
15In context of Shahnameh, ‘farr’ refers to the God-given achievements and lost the ‘farr’, leading to dissention
glory, and inviolability, bestowed on a king and and revolts in Persia.
sometimes on a great hero. It is physically conspicuous 18Ibid., 564.
through the light that radiates from the king’s or hero’s 19Roxane, historically, the daughter of a Bactrian noble
face. Farr is the insignia of kingship and exhibits the whom Alexander married, was romanticized in
divinity of the monarchy. Shahnameh. Perhaps it suited the Persian need to show
16Ibid., 567. her as the daughter of Darius so that Alexander can be
17According to Shahnameh, Jamshid was the fourth king recognized by his dying opponent as the true successor of
of Persia whose reign ushered in the first golden age in the Persian crown. See Müller, Sabine. "Stories of the
Persian bride: Alexander and Roxane."(2012).
20Op.cit., Ferdowsi, 576.

‘world’ to his command. However, his Ijtihad.Vol.5 |6
explorations do not appear simply as a
politico-economic enterprise, but best exemplified by Roshanak’s lament on
simultaneously as an unending Alexander’s death,
metaphysical search, partly driven by
wanderlust, as if the two are superimposed “..Then Roshanak ran grieving to his side,
one atop the other. It is interesting to note Crying, “Where are those kings now, and
that it is this kind of motivation, rather their pride?
than a religious one, that makes Alexander Where’s Dara, who once ruled the world?
visit Kabah and the land of Brahmins in Where’s Foor?
Shahnameh, though it is possible that the Where’s Ashk? Faryan? The sovereign of
motifs originated with quite a different Sharzoor,
purpose. While drawing near the city of And all those other lords who put their
Harum, he declares, “I desire that no site trust
in the world be forbidden to my eyes. My In battle and were dragged down to the
coming here is not to make war on you; I dust?
wish for only peace and friendship You seemed a storm cloud charged with
between us.”21 Alexander’s representation
as a king explorer appears to synthesize hail: I said
power and knowledge. Mario Casari
believes that such stories might have been That you could never die, that you had
of interest to medieval sovereigns to shed
validate their own consistent ambitions for So much blood, fought so many wars, that
expansion.22 there
Must be some secret you would not
However, within the larger picture of declare,
heroic adventure, Ferdowsi creates a Some talisman that fate had given you
mournful image of a conqueror who is To keep you safe whatever you might do.
haunted by a sense of vanity of his own You cleared the world of petty kings,
conquests, and is undone by his own greed brought down
and insatiable desires, finally finding Into the dirt an empire’s ancient crown,
himself helpless in the face of death. And when the tree you’d planted was to
Towards the end of his journey, he starts bear
getting supernatural omens, one of which Its fruits you die, and left me in despair.”24
is by an enthroned corpse (symbolizing
death) who says, “O king, still filled with Contextualising the tale of Alexander in
longing and desire, don’t play the fool Shahnameh which reeks of death and
much longer! You have seen many things futility, George Cary says that, “The
that no man ever saw, but now it’s time to existence of this idea is a fundamental fact
draw rein. Your life has shortened now, in the medieval view of Alexander, because
and the royal throne is without its it rests upon the simplest of premises...that
king.”23The strong emphasis on he was the greatest conqueror ever seen
Alexander’s mortality as a clear sign of on earth. All anecdotal material about
futility of all his successes can be perhaps, Alexander, directly or indirectly, rests
upon this fact...And on this simplest
21Ibid., 617. tradition is based the simplest comment
22Mario Casari, "The King Explorer: A Cosmographic that may be made upon it: that Alexander
Approach to the Persian Alexander,” in Alexander is dead; and with his death his glory has
Romance, 187-189. passed away.”25
23Op.cit., Ferdowsi, 624.
24Ibid., 636.
25Olga M. Davidson, "The Burden of Mortality:
Alexander and the Dead in Persian Epic and Beyond," in
Epic and History, (Wiley Blackwell,2009), 213,
Davidson suggests that such visualizations stem from the
older Greek version of the Romance.

This contradictory approach of Ferdowsi Ijtihad.Vol.5 |7
towards the figure of Alexander can be
perceived at two levels. One is by tracing times of Ferdowsi himself, where in a
the myriad narratives of Alexander from panegyrical tone, it was imparted that as
various cultures that came to be magnificent as Alexander may have been,
incorporated into Shahnameh, thus making he was still diminutive compared to
the presence of contradictory facets of the Mahmud of Ghazni. Perhaps, it is safe to
same character inevitable. This might argue that there are times when a literary
represent remnants of contested memories necessity is directly pitted against a
in Zoroastrian Persian tradition of historical reality and the need to emphasise
Alexander’s tale which found its the ‘suitable’ traits of the ‘hero’ can steer
expression in metamorphosed forms in the work from realist to melodramatic
Shahnameh and, thus taking the ultimate narrative registers.
revenge from the conqueror who had
destroyed their cultural heritage. Conclusion

At another level, it appears that such In the wake of Alexander’s conquest of the
narratives were deliberately created by the known world, a sea of stories developed
author by distorting ‘historical’26 and around him, which constantly mingled,
legendary sources of Alexander available twisted and reformulated, crossed
to him to serve a particular purpose. Since linguistic and literary barriers and made
ideal monarchy in the Persianate notion of new combinations. Fabricating the
kingship as well as in the world of historical figure of Alexander into more
Shahnameh depended on the moral and more obscurity by converting
character of the king27, perhaps, it was a ‘historical truths’ with fantastic and
message to the kings: whosoever desires fabulous adventures, each era recreated his
Alexander’s achievements should not persona depending upon how they
simply seek military strength, but also imagined their past and perceived their
ethical conduct. Thus, through lavish present, thus providing multiple narratives
imagery and rhetorical ploys, the image of of a single figure in history. Though the
a majestic and quasi-divine conqueror was Alexander Romances had a literary life of
created who ultimately failed despite being their own, it appears that they were
victorious throughout his life. Such sustained precisely because they acted as
representations also appears to have a instruments of political, social and ethical
bearing on historical figures in the life and reflections. Epics like Shahnameh thrived
because the author dramatized in them
26 The sources used by historians for writing the history major issues and ethical dilemmas of the
of the historical Alexander such the accounts by Arrian, time imparted through heroic figures like
Plutarch, Diodorus, etc. also contain traces of the that of Alexander, who also became one of
Alexander Romances. Jeremy McInerney who has shown the ideal exponents of an illustrious past.
the juxtaposition of romantic elements in Arrian’s Representations of history in epic, albeit in
account of Alexander says that it would be naive to not distorted form, provided the means to
recognize the degree to which the Alexander historians render judgement on the past and expound
relied on material that also found its way into the Greek the “lessons of history”. Despite the fact
Alexander romance and the many other versions of that such romances and epics do not seem
antiquity and the middle ages. It appears that the to constitute ‘history’ in the Rankian
boundary between the historical Alexander and the notion of ‘wie es eigentlich gewesen ist”28,
Alexander of the Romances is more blurred than we like they do capture the dynamism of
to admit. For more, see Jeremy McInerney. Arrian and multiverse histories in embedded
the Greek Alexander Romance. (2007). 424-430. romanticized forms. As Allison Busch had
27Cyrus Masroori, "Alexander in the City of the
Excellent: A Persian Tradition of Utopia,” Utopian 28Meaning ‘how things actually were’.
Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1 (2013): 53.

said, “regardless of its factuality, the Ijtihad.Vol.5 |8
fictionality of history has its own
‘truths’.”29 Masroori, Cyrus. "Alexander in the City of the
Excellent: A Persian Tradition of Utopia."
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Doufikar-Aerts, Faustina. "Sīrat al-Iskandar:
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Ferdowsi, Abolqasem. Shahnameh: The
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Foley, John Miles, ed. A Companion to
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Gaillard, Marina. "Hero or Anti-Hero: The
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29Allison Busch, "Literary responses to the Mughal
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Research. Vol. 25, No. 1 (2005): 51.

Ijtihad.Vol.5 |9

The Experience of Gender in the Mughal Empire

Rajosmita Roy

This paper revolves around the question of gendered experience in the Mughal world. One of
the very recent vantages to study the Mughal period is gender history, which is very revealing
in terms of the intricacies of social relations operating during this particular time and space
in history, unlike the over emphasis on political and economic history. The study seeks to
reveal how masculinity and femininity came to be systematically constructed during this time
which further led to the body becoming an embodiment of the political sphere. That is to
especially say that the female body became a reflection of the larger prevailing political
scenario. Thus, linking the domestic life to the larger public and the political sphere, as one
draws itself from the other. This becomes clear as I unpackage the institution of the harem
and how the lives of women came to be constructed, thus also depicting the role that women
came to play in Mughal political affairs from the harem space, though veiled from the public
gaze, due to the great obsession on the part of males with regard to female sexuality and
chastity.

This paper will start with addressing the domestic life of women comes to embody
primary question that inevitably comes up the politics of the Sate, thus the
while studying gender history, within functioning of these women flows into the
which the biggest strand is history through functioning of the Mughal State.
the vantage of women, and that is precisely
where this study is to be placed. What is The Mughal world has churned out
the significance of gender history writing? immense historical debates and is one of
The study of women or gender cannot the areas of active historical research,
simply be an addition to the already through the vantages of society, polity,
existing body of works; instead gender has economy. Yet, gender is deliberately kept
to become the analytical tool used to study outside the mainstream historical narrative
politics, society, economy, culture, thus of the Mughals. The reason cited by
inherently changing the historical narrative scholars, for not undertaking this vantage
entirely, and therein lays the significance to study the Mughal world is the
of writing gender history. unavailability of resources, an argument
that Ruby Lal systematically breaks down
The questions that this paper is primarily through her study. Thus highlighting that it
trying to answer are - how the processes of is not the paucity of material, but the lack
gendering and gender roles become the of understanding of how gender can
defining aspect of the lived experiences of become the most revolutionary narrative to
people under the Mughals? This has to be unpackage the world of the Mughal
linked with how male obsession with Empire.1
female sexuality and chastity set the rigid
mould for the functioning of the domestic An interesting starting point to the study
life of the empire. Finally understanding would be to understand how gender came
this within the larger picture of exploding to be excessively sexualized during this
the myth of the harem as a watertight time. Thus, the “virtue” of masculinity,
sphere completely cut off from the public more appropriately, hypermasculinity
sphere, for if one unpackages the
functioning of the royal women and the 1Ruby Lal, Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal
harem, it is amply manifested how the World, (Cambridge University Press, 2005), 52-53.

came to be perceived as the trait inherent I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 10
to every Mughal male. Rosalind O’Hanlon
has defined masculinity as the aspect of Akbar uses a selection of Akhlaqi themes
man’s social being which is gendered: to construct a model of masculine virtue
which defines him as a man and links him that emphasised both the natural inner
to other men, and conditions other aspects purity of the male body, and the
of his identity, such as class, ethnicity, possibilities for moral and human
race, age and occupation.2The three perfection in all the three worlds that men
primary features of this masculinity were, inhabited: the individual body, the
strength to exert violence, being able to household and the kingdom. Tusi’s work
withstand violence and realizing the time Tahzib-i-Akhlaq discusses different aspects
and place to withhold violence. The more of individual’s moral and bodily regulation
important observation here is that all the including physical strength. Tadbil-i-
three main virtues of masculinity under the Manazil discusses men as governors of the
Mughals was intrinsically linked to household. Siyasat-i-Mudun discusses the
violence thus, highlighting the centrality to wider realm of state organization.
the role of violence in the embodiment of Although, Tusi’s Akhlaq-i-Nasiri is the
masculinity for the Mughals. It is an idea most authoritative, and a brief discussion
that has evolved through time as of this text undertaken here is sufficient to
manifested though our cultural history: show the anxiety about confining women
Layla-Majnun, Firdausi’s Shahnameh, to the private sphere which is intrinsically
Islamic ideal of Ghazi as the holy warrior. linked to their obsession with the virtue of
It is this idea of ideal manhood that finds chastity as will be soon discussed, their
strong resonance in the political sphere and systematic approach to link physical
the imperial conduct of the Mughals. strength with the masculine body which is
thereafter linked to their ability with regard
The adjective, manly was commonplace in to violence as exemplified through
the sultanate and early Mughal period, Humayun being viewed as the unmanly
usually in reference to describing brave emperor. Tusi presented man’s inner being
commanders.3 Chroniclers like Bayazid to be composed of three main elements,
Bayat and Jawhar have tried to juxtapose nafas-i-malaki, that is, the source of all
Humayun to his political enemies such as thought, nafas-i-sabui, that is the source of
Kamran and Sher Shah to portray the anger, bravery and drive for dominanace,
emperor to have fallen short in fulfilling nafas-i-bahimi, that is the source for lust,
his gender role as the warrior king and in desire for sensual gratification. In the
politics of sexuality. A narrative from the sphere of marriage, Tusi argued that man
Battle of Qipchaq between Humayun and could assure proper authority over his wife
Kamran shows that, while Kamran fights, through three measures, to keep her
Humayun does not. Humayun’s lack of occupied, to inspire her respect and to
courage to fight in the battle was show her favour. While sons must be
considered to be unmanly, thus taught hardiness, dignity in speech,
consolidating the idea of gender respecting parents, daughters must be
roles.4This also finds expression when taught modesty and continence, and must
be disallowed from learning to read and
2Rosalind, O’Hanlon, "Manliness and Imperial Service in write.5
Mughal North India,"Journal of the Economic and Social
History of the Orient, Vol. 42, No. 1 (1999): 48. Akbar used marriage, sexual and bodily
3Ibid., 47-93. regulation to set the mould for a devoted,
4Ali Anooshahr, "The King Who Would Be Man: The
Gender Roles of the Warrior King in Early Mughal 5Rosalind O’ Hanlon, “Kingdom, Household and Body
History," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Studies, (2008): History: Gender and Imperial Service under Akbar,”
329. Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 41, No. 5 (Sep., 2007): 896-
897.
6Ibid., 923.

I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 11

self controlled imperial servant. The severe constituted as are the political structures,
importance attached to the male body is
represented through various measures, thus the Mughal domestic world has to be
including Akbar’s moves with regard to
body hair as he cut his hair after his seen as part of making of the Mughal
spiritual experience in 1578. Badauni Empire. 8
writes that those who had supported Akbar
in his cutting of hair and shaving, argued “The harem is a sacred word, denoting a
that instead of demeaning, it was actually a place of worship which required restraint
means of accentuating masculine power to be practiced in sexual relationships.”9
because it was argued that the beard drew Gulbadan Begum’s text is of immense
its sustenance from the testicles, proved by importance for our study of life inside the
the fact that eunuchs were unable to grow harem. Its importance lies in the fact that it
beards, thus the beard drew its reveals how the lives of these women
nourishment from semen, highlighting the influenced the public sphere and therein
association between the beard and the politics at a larger level, thus indicating
masculine power. Akbar strongly resisted the power that they possessed, though
and punished homosexual love among remaining physically veiled from the
prominent imperial nobles, thus setting public space.10 This could be read through
heterosexuality as the real male virtue. a dual narrative. Firstly, the Mughals
Challenges to early notions of masculinity allowed their women to actively
from the early times came from Marathas, participate in the affairs of the public
Sikhs and Afghan war band. The challenge sphere, as against the orthodox norm of the
also came from the later Mughal rulers time they operated in. While the second
like, Jahangir and Shah Jahan whose argument would be that, the only concern
definition of masculinity differed and that they had about their women was about
required elaboration of complex codes for their chastity, thus reducing their being to
courtly forms of masculinity - man as a their body. Hence, they were not bothered
sophisticated gentleman connoisseur.6 about how the women functioned because
they knew that the harem world imposed a
From unpackaging the notion of strict spatial restriction on their lives,
masculinity as prevalent under the implying that their functioning can never
Mughals, I will now try to analyze the impose a threat on the males of the empire.
institution of harem, the most defining
element of their domestic life. As Findly The number of women in the harem
argues, three things defined the Mughal
emperor’s power: his army, his treasury increased radically from the reign of Babur
and his women.7 Yet, arguments by R
Nath, Ellsion Banks Findly remain steeped and Humayun to the reign of Akbar, which
in stereotypical notions of viewing the
harem as an institution purely for sensual is primarily because, the harem as a fixed
pleasure and sexual indulgence. These
older arguments have to be juxtaposed realm came into existence only under the
with the revolutionary argument made by reign of Akbar.11 It is at this point when it
Ruby Lal, as she argues that the harem life
does not remain frozen in time, since became strictly institutionalized with
domestic life is as much historically
stringent codified laws, which is reflective
6Ibid., 923. of Akbar’s obsession with women’s
7Ellison Banks Findly, Nur Jahan: Empress of
India.(Oxford University Press, 1993), 88. chastity which will soon be explained in

greater detail. The harem was

systematically used as an important space

for making political statements about the

authority of the emperor. The most

8Op.cit., Domesticity and Power, 9-15.
9Harbans Mukhia, The Mughals of India, (Wiley-

Blackwell, 2004), 113.
10Op.cit., Domesticity and Power, 57-61.
11Ibid., 103-104.

defining example of this idea is the claim I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 12
made by Abul Fazl of Akbar having as
many as 5000 women in the harem, which they bring to their men, but for an
is very obviously an overestimation, given exception like Nur Jahan. Father
the other record we have for the same. The Monserrate’s account refers to the
other obvious hyperbole is when he says pilgrimage to Mecca undertaken by the
that each of these 5000 women had their women in Akbar’s harem. Record of
own decent apartments with gardens and Gulbadan’s Hajj is an important
balconies. Yet, one finds no trace of these manifestation of power of the senior
apartments in Fatehpur Sikri or the Agra Mughal women.
Fort, while other constructions which have
survived prove the extent. In both these Pietro Della Valle discusses Nur Jahan in
instances, Abul Fazl was attempting to detail while highlighting the power she
make a political statement of the grandeur possessed in the empire. William Hawkins
of Akbar’s imperial presence. 12 and Sir Thomas Roe discuss the Mughal
harem as a sedate and controlled
The eunuch played a very important role in institution. We find references to women
guarding the harem. Since there was no with regard to the sexual activity that the
anxiety about their sexuality, they could king indulged with them. In Roe’s letter to
travel freely throughout the Mahal. Each East India Company, he advices them to
woman had two or three eunuchs, with send the kind of presents that would best
nazir as the head eunuch, who was suit Nur Jahans’s taste to help negotiation
appointed to ensure that the wife is not for English trade in India, thus reflective of
seen by any man, but her husband. The her immense influence in the political
eunuchs also accompanied the women sphere. The first reference to the story of
when they travelled. 13 The eunuchs were Anarkali comes from William Finch’s
purchased as slaves, and the main market account, referring to Jahangir’s affair with
for this in the period between16th-17th CE Immacque Kelle, which was noticed by
was Bengal, as mentioned in Ain-i-Akbari Akbar and resulted in her being enclosed
and various European sources. Ghoraghat within a wall in the palace where she died.
and Sylhett were especially associated This represents the brutality with which
with this trade. This was a usual practice, female sexuality was suppressed when it
until Jahangir intervened actively to try was perceived as a threat to the politics of
and stop this trade.14 empire. While these accounts refer to
Mughal domestic affair as peripheral
The body of work churned out by subject, accounts of Francisco Pelsaert,
European travelers with regard to the Francois Bernier, Nicolao Manucci give
women and harem life is worth exploring greater nuances on the harem life. Pelsaert
to understand the multi-faceted views on explains how each woman had a separate
this excessively gendered institution. apartment for herself with enough fortune
Colonial historians like James Mill and in accordance with her status. Each night
Mountstuart Elphinstone mention the the nobles visited one of his wives and
Mughal harem only through minor drank wine. In case he got attracted to any
references to its women where Mughal of the pretty slave girls, then he used to
women are presented as non-entities, who enjoy her for the night, while the wife did
are defined only in terms of the pleasure not dare to show any displeasure. Manucci
further elaborates that as the nobles used to
12Op.cit., Mukhia, 113. leave Jahangir’s company, the queen and
13Op.cit., Nur Jahan, 98. her slaves undressed the king. Since he
14Gavin Hambly, “A Note on the trade in Eunuchs in used to be drawn under the effect of
Bengal,” Journal of American Oriental Society, Vol. 94, alcohol, this used to be the time when Nur
No. 1 (1947): 128. Jahan obtained whatever she asked for.

These portrayals, while on the one hand I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 13
exemplify women as being reduced to the
sexual object with male obsession Begum was reserved for royal ladies,
exclusively over their physicality, it Aghacha indicated a slightly lower status,
simultaneously also depicts Nur Jahan as a regardless of her being the rightful queen,
powerful woman. Bernier also discusses or that the king loved her. Bai came to
Mughal women giving interesting details replace the term Agha under Aurangzeb.
about Jahanara and Roshanara. Shah Akbar was against pre-puberty marriages,
Jahan’s attachment to Jahanara reached to for it had no reproductive value, thus
the point of incest. He further discusses the implying that reproduction was the
activity in the harem about how the primary function of marriage. Marriages
women lived, their codes of conduct, their for the purpose of strengthening political
travels and other physical qualities of alliance were most common, and this is
harem. Two important observations best exemplified by the marital alliance
emerge from Manucci’s account. First, the between the Mughals and the Rajputs. As
close relationship between the dancer and was common to all patriarchal medieval
the princess, thus showing the intensity of structures, women had no say in such
non-familial relationships. Second, the alliances. Though there are rare differing
emergence of political alliance between narratives, as manifested by Hamida
noble women, the Padshah Begam and the Begum resisting Humayun’s proposal for
wives of the Qazi, thus, reinforcing the quite some time, though she had to finally
idea of fluidity between the public and give in. Love was another reason that
private affair.15 made a marriage possible, as exemplified
by Babur and Masuma’s marriage, Akbar’s
Gulbadan Begum’s account gives an love for the wife of a noble that eventually
interesting glimpse into the marriage led him to divorce her, Shah Jahan’s
between Humayun and Hamida Banu marriage to Mumtaz, Aurangzeb’s
Begum, portraying the close attention that marriage to Hira Bai. Apart from queens,
was paid to tradition, protocol and the there were also mistresses who were part
minute rules of social interaction for a of the Mughal household. An important
marriage to be held. The king’s mother point to unpackage the layers of functional
was of supreme importance in the harem. patriarchy under the Mughals would be
The mother, followed closely by the aunt that, while Babur usually mentions the
held all the important positions in the names of wives and eminent men, he refers
emperor’s life, as is evident from the to the others only if they bore their men
multiple instances of divine respect shown children, otherwise they are usually
by the emperor, including Akbar and dismissed in collectives. 16
Aurangzeb through all the instructions and
the practices followed in devotion to their Concubines occupied an important place in
mother. the Mughal harem. The differential
treatment between wives and concubines is
All marriages were not at par, and were well reflected through the portrait of Gul
most often meant to serve different Safa, who despite being Dara Shukoh’s
purposes, thus establishing an inherent “sweetheart” was identified first as a
hierarchy among the wives, as is evident in concubine. This is implied through her
the epistemological differentiation portrait as the contours of her body,
implemented in referring to women in the particularly her bosom are all too visible
harem, thus also highlighting the tension through the drapery to the naked eye. This
across the women of different levels. is unlike that of the royal women, as there
wouldn’t be any authentic portrayal of the
15Op.cit., Domesticity and Power, 45-47. royal women, for this would imply

16Op.cit., Mukhia, 118-120.

violation of the sanctity of their body, by I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 14
opening it to male gaze. Thus, embodying
the implicit hierarchy in the “sacred” in pieces, thus emphasising on the anxiety
notions of honour and chastity. to ensure chastity. 18
Concubines bore many of the royal
children, and there haven’t been any The important question to be asked here is
references to differential treatment being what brought about this shift in terms of
meted out to these children as opposed to domestic life and treatment of women
the children born from the queen, though under Akbar, and the most obvious answer
the status of the mother, if a concubine is would be the Rajput cultural influence,
always indicated, which speaks volumes as which had a deep seated impact on the
it implies the anxiety with the woman’s Mughals since Akbar’s marriage to the
identity emanating from her sexual Rajput princess, daughter of Raja Bhar
engagements at various levels, while the Mal Kachhawaha, due to the synonymity
child is kept out of this differentiated of Rajput honour with their women’s
treatment. This resulted in rivalry among sexual bodies, as manifested by their
women in the harem, as they competed for practices of Sati and Jauhar, thus being
the king’s attention. 17 forever concerned with female chastity.
The Mughal Rajput marriage alliance can
As the empire started to be consolidated be viewed as the epitome of objectification
and strengthened under Akbar, female of women as is evident from the language
sexuality became the prime concern for used in these marriages, as exemplified by
him, for this female sexuality became the the Rajput ruler giving his daughter as a
embodiment of the political sphere of the present or gift to the Mughal emperor, thus
empire, thus in need of strict control by the implying that the daughter was nothing but
“paternal” emperor. The gradual transition an inanimate object, which gets further
into establishing the rigid code of conduct heightened by the fact that giving of gift
for women comes to be consolidated by sets expectations of returns from the
the time of Akbar, as a result of his receiver of the gift, that is the Mughals in
obsession with chastity of women. This is this case.19
reflected in various ways including
omission of names of royal wives to the The Mughal royal princesses were not
arrangement of security for the harem. The given in marriage from the time of Akbar,
women in the family under Babur and and this exemplifies the political anxiety
Humayun were given the space to exercise that the Mughal emperors since Akbar had,
greater freedom, while on the other end of for this move had two massive political
the spectrum is Akbar’s project of omitting implications. Firstly, it has forever been
names of royal wives, while their identity believed that the family of the wife giver is
is established by the location of their birth. inferior to the family of the wife receiver,
Akbar favoured larger share of property and from the time of Akbar, the popular
among men and women, but the belief was that no empire or family could
underlying reason was that women were hold a status superior to that of the
the “weaker” sex, thus required the Mughals, thus giving a Mughal princess in
property to support them. From bazaar marriage to another lineage would break
gossip, one is told that vegetables of virile Mughal superiority. Secondly, the
shape, like carrots, radish, cucumber, were emperors wanted to avoid any kind of
carried into the harem only after being cut external potential rivals through these son-
in-laws.20
17Ibid.,121-124.
18Ibid., 137.
19Ibid., 133-140.
20Ibid., 142-146.

From understanding the institution of I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 15
harem and thus the institution of marriage,
I will now briefly discuss Nur Jahan for other than Salman Rushdie, as he
attempting to see why history remembers beautifully weaves a narrative based in the
her as the all-powerful queen. It is true that Mughal times, highlighting how Akbar
Jahangir struck coins in the name of Nur keeps imagining the perfect wife in the
Jahan and this indeed was revolutionary, name of Jodha Bai for himself. But this
for it symbolized the woman’s role in the wife is constructed entirely by Akbar for
larger economy of the empire and himself, not for once is there any trace of
economy is the embedding rock for a her individuality in her making. Rushdie
society to flourish, thus also depicting her paints this picture perfect wife who is
role in the larger polity. Silver rupee was created wholly by the man for his pleasure,
minted bearing Jahangir’s title on the thus making a strong statement about the
obverse and the legend struck in the name life and times of Mughal women, who
of Nur Jahan on the reverse. Further, were primarily a product of male
imperial prescripts were issued in her aspirations, thus nothing more than an
name. Nur Jahan formed an alliance with attractive object. 23 Having said this, it is
Asaf Khan, Khurram and Itimad-ud- important to place this in the larger context
Daulah, that was hugely influential on of them being a medieval Indian state, and
Jahangir.21 Jahangir gifted Itimad-ud- most medieval states across the world have
Daulah’s estate entirely to Nur Jahan, functioned on the very same patriarchal
surpassing the expected beneficiary, Asaf social construct. What is of greater
Khan. Thus, placing a huge source of importance here is to look at how these
wealth in her hand, strengthened her power women, despite being physically veiled
further. She was actively involved in from the face of the public and the political
trading activities of the empire as she sphere, came to wield great force in
collected duties at Sikandarabad on goods shaping the political dynamics of the state
coming from Bhutan and Bengal. She at a multi thronged levels. Also important
encouraged the indigo and embroidered is how masculinity became the most
cloth trade particularly. She granted defining feature for a Mughal ruler and
special favours to the British and also how he held this hyper masculinity sacred
traded with Portuguese merchants of to his identity as a male, to the extent that
Daman and Diu.22 falling short of meeting these standards of
violence prescribed to masculinity would
Conclusion make space for even the Mughal emperor
being called unmanly. As we combine
Through the course of my study, I have these two main aspects, we arrive at the
tried to understand the differential final conclusion of how on knowing that
dynamics within which the notion of women did possess the power to
gender was perceived under the Mughals. significantly influence the contours of the
It is true that women were systematically empire, hyper masculinity worked on
shut down and reduced to inanimate female sexuality to strictly control any
objects through various measures manifestation of women’s sexuality, in the
implemented by the Mughals. This is name of honour, emanating from excessive
represented in a literary work, by none male anxiety and thus the resultant
obsession with regard to their chastity.
21J.F.Richards, The Mughal Empire, (Cambridge
University Press, 1993), 102-103. Bibliography
22Elison Banks Findly, “The Capture of Maryam-uz-
Zamānī's Ship: Mughal Women and European Traders," 23Salman Rushdie, The Enchantress of Florence.
Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 108, No. (Random House, 2008), 5-443.
2 (1988): 230-232.

Anooshahr, Ali. "The King Who Would Be I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 16
Man: The Gender Roles of the Warrior King in
Early Mughal History." Journal of the Royal Lal, Ruby. "Rethinking Mughal India:
Asiatic Studies. 2008: 327-340. Challenge of a Princess' Memoir." Economic
and Political Weekly, 2003: 53-65.
Findly, Ellison Banks. Nur Jahan: Empress of
India. Oxford University Press. 1993. Mukhia, Harbans. "The Mughals of India."
Wiley-Blackwell, 2004.
Findly, Ellison Banks. "The Capture of
Maryam-uz-Zamānī's Ship: Mughal Women O'Hanlon, Rosalind. "Kingdom, Household
and European Traders." Journal of the and Body History, Gender and Imperial
American Oriental Society, 1988: 227-238. Service under Akbar." Modern Asian Studies,
2007: 889-923.
Hambly, Gavin. "A Note on the Trade in
Eunuchs in Mughal Bengal." Journal of the O'Hanlon, Rosalind. "Manliness and Imperial
American Oriental Society, 1974: 125-130. Service in Mughal North India." Journal of the
Economic and Social History of the Orient,
Lal, Ruby. Domesticity and Power in the Early 1999: 47-93.
Mughal World. Cambridge University Press,
2005. Richards, J F. The Mughal Empire. Cambridge
University Press, 1993.

Rushdie, Salman. The Enchantress of
Florence. Random House, 20

I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 17

Maintenance Rights of Women in Islam after Talaaq (Divorce)

Haya Wakil

Khalaqakum min nafsin Wahidatin we Khala minha Zaujaka wa bathttha minhuma raijalan
Kathiran wa nisan.

"O, mankind! We created you from a single pair of a male and a female, and made you into
nations and tribes that you may know each other. Indeed the most honoured of you in the

sight of God is he who is the most righteous of you.” (The Qur’an IV.I)

A deeper understanding of Qur’anic verses will make it clear that Islam firmly holds the
dignity of both men and women equally. The Qur’an was concerned about the rights of
women at a time when they were treated like second class citizens and as objects for sexual
gratification, in the Roman world and elsewhere. Women in pre-Islamic Arabia were
suppressed and deprived of their basic rights. A wife was treated as a mere material
possession and the husband was free to divorce her, and then revoke the divorce and take her
back, according to his will. There was no provision for the maintenance of women, even in
cases when they were pregnant at the time of dissolution of marriage. Whatever benefits the
women availed were granted through charity and not as their right. This paper explores
various aspects related to maintenance of women with religious as well as non-religious
facets. It examines the various terminologies defining maintenance in Arabic and its
translation through patriarchal and non-patriarchal institutions.

The Sahabiya were the noble women and Based on the Quranic teachings of what is
the contemporaries of Prophet Muhammad fair (al-adl) and what is generous and
who held honorary positions during his perfect (al-ihsan), we must go beyond the
lifetime. Their achievements and influence literal or interpretative limitations and
were found in every sphere. The women examine the Quran's underlying principles
were active in religion, politics, war, which promote the equality of men and
jurisprudence, medicine, trade and women- morally, spiritually, intellectually,
commerce. Asma Bint Abu Bakr, Umm socially and politically. It is this general
Aban, Umm Hakeem, Khawlah, Hind and principle that the Muslim reformers of
Juwairiyah displayed extraordinary valour India took as their guiding light in defining
in the battle of Yamook.1 A woman even women's rights.
had the right to grant shelter to an enemy,
if she so wished and the Imam (leader) had Muslim reformers of colonial period like
to stand by her decisions.2 Khadijah, the Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Maulana Ashraf
wife of Prophet Muhammad was a very Ali Thanavi of Deoband and Syed Mumtaz
successful businesswoman and used to Ali of Lahore criticized the contemporary
send trading caravans to different Muslim society and its culture. There was
countries. a consciousness of the decline of political
power due to foreign rule. Sheikh Ahmed
1Mahmood Ahmad Ghadanfar, Great Women of Islam, in 17th century and Shah Waliullah in 18th
(Riyadh: Darussalam Publishers, 2001), 8. century had linked the loss of morality in
2Ibid. the Muslim elite with the loss of political

power. There was an emphasis to revive I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 18
the cultural values so as to regain political
power, and women were considered an then the problem arising of marital
inherent part of this process. These relations will disappear. Mumtaz Ali knew
reformers further stressed the importance that the problem is deep rooted and it
of education and the need to improve it cannot change until women are treated as
both in Western or Islamic curriculum. human beings. He wanted educated men to
They advocated the need to have practical set an example in their private lives. In the
education for both men and women. end he advocated the recognition of
women’s right to initiate divorce (khula).
The Ulema, especially those belonging to This right is present in Shariat provided
Deoband Madrasa took active part in it. the woman gives up her right over her
They sought to spread the knowledge of Mahr.
Shariat more widely among Muslims in
India. To increase the scriptural For many women Mahr was not just a
knowledge of religion it was important for mere amount but a means of subsistence. It
women to be educated. Maulana Ashraf was because of this that women often
Ali Thanavi of Deoband cited a Hadith of suffered abusive marriages as it made
the Prophet Muhammad saying, “It is a them dependent on the male members of
duty incumbent on every Muslim man and their family for life. It was a systematic
every Muslim woman to gain knowledge.”3 practice by the upholders of the patriarchal
In his book Bihishti Zevar (The Ornaments institution in our society who denied
of Paradise), Maulana ridiculed the present women their education rights so that she
society and its customs. can be suppressed forever. Men knew that
if she became independent she would no
Sayyid Mumtaz Ali of Lahore was the longer be subjugated under them and the
founder of one of the first Urdu journals amount of Mahr would mean nothing to
for women and the weekly newspaper her.
Tahzib-un-Niswan. He talked about the
rights of women in Islam, the knowledge Hadith and Qur’an are open to a wide
of which was gained in Deoband range of interpretations. The verses of the
education. He also wanted to change the Qur’an are often misused by the
attitudes and customs of the Muslim patriarchal elements of our society for
society, especially men who kept women their purpose. There are four recognized
in ignorance. sources for the corpus juris of Islam - the
holy Qur’an, Sunnah (sayings of the
Talking about issues related to marriage, Prophet), Qiyas (analogy) and Ijma
Mumtaz Ali opined that, in Islamic law, a (consensus). The last two are derived
wife has the right to the payment of Mahr from the schools of Islamic jurisprudence.
by her husband, part of which is given in There are several 'schools' of Muslim laws.
marriage and part of which can be The four main Sunni Schools of fiqh, or
deferred. Under suitable stipulations she thought, that exist today were formed
retains the right of Mahr along with the through the personal allegiance of legal
right to initiate divorce under certain scholars or jurists and named after their
conditions. He said that when men would founders - Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi and
realise that women have been accorded Hanbali. Consequently, each School has
equal status in Qur’an and when they variations according to the cultural,
would grant them education opportunities, political and socio-economic contexts in
which they were developed and the
3Muhammad Baqir Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar, (Beirut: Al- philosophy of reasoning that was accepted.
Wafa Institute, 1983), 117. The very concept of Shariat came around
5th Islamic century.

Maintenance simply implies basic I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 19
necessities of life which a person requires
for sustenance like food, clothing and difficult for men to pay. Hazrat Umar has
shelter.‘Nafaqa’, which literally means expressed strong dislike for high Mahr
ikhraj, i.e. taking out, is used as a saying that if high Mahr could be the
synonym of maintenance in Islamic law. reason for a woman's pride and high status,
Indication of both of these, namely then the Mahr of the holy wives of the
‘Maa’ta’ & ‘Nafaqa’; can be found in the Prophet would have been much higher (as
primary sources of Islam- the Quran and they hold the highest status among all
Hadith. 4 Muslim women till the Last Day).6 The
Mahr of the wives of the Prophet used to
In Islam, the institution of Mahr (Dower) be 500 dirhams and that of the Prophet’s
is an integral part of marriage and daughter Hazrat Fätimah was 480 dirhams.
husband‘s legal obligation which aims at Thus, determining it in terms of gold or
empowering women with resource for silver, instead of rupees and paise or any
safety and security. It is not the price for other commodity, is closer to the Prophet's
women. Amount and property has to be tradition and also just to the woman, as [it
fixed at the time of the solemnization of can be paid in installments] the value of
marriage which is presented to her by her currency goes on decreasing day by day.
husband and its ownership does not 7Mahr imposes an obligation on the
transfer to her father or husband. As for husband as a mark of respect of the wife,
the maximum limit, the Qur’an itself has to place a check on the capricious use of
expressed clearly that there is no upper divorce on part of the husband and to
bound for it (Qur’an 4:20). Regarding the provide for her subsistence after the
lower limit, the Islamic jurists vary in dissolution of the marriage, so that she do
opinion. Some say that there is no lower not become helpless after the death of the
limit too, while others feel that the husband or termination of marriage by
minimum amount of Mahr is ¼ dinär (1 divorce. The objective is to secure her
dinar=about 4.25 gram of gold). economic condition.
According to Imam Abu Hanifah, the
minimum amount of Mahr is 10 dirhams After divorce a woman is entitled to the
(1 dirham= nearly 3 gram of silver). All full amount of Mahr. She also has the right
these jurists have proper arguments in to take all her personal belongings like
favour of their views. The Hanafïs base cash, ornaments and jewellery, her
their opinion on the Hadïth which says that personal property (movable or immovable)
Mahr should not be less than 10 dirhams.5 which she might have acquired through
inheritance, gift, her own earning or for
Whatever is the amount it should be that matter anything given by her husband
reasonable. There must be moderation in during marriage. These provisions can be
determining the Mahr. It should neither be instantiated by,
too low that the Mahr loses importance,
nor should it be beyond the financial state There is no blame on you if ye divorce women
of the husband, therefore making it before consummation or the fixation of their
dower; but bestow on them (A suitable gift),
4Jobair Alam, et.al., “Rethinking Post-Divorce the wealthy according to his means, and the
Maintenance: An Alternative for the Empowerment of poor according to his means;- A gift of a
Muslim Women in Bangladesh,” Bangladesh Journal of reasonable amount is due from those who wish
Law (2015): 82.
5Maulänä Khälid Saifulläh Rahmani, Haläl-o-Haräm: to do the right thing.8[Qur’an 2:236]
Marriage and Divorce trans, Musarhad, (Dubai: Zamzam
Publishing, 2013), 20. 6Ibid.
7Ibid., 3.
8Abdullah Yusuf Ali, The Holy Quran, (Medina: King
Fahd Holy Quran Printing Complex, 1987), 17.

For divorced women, Maintenance (should be I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 20
provided) on a reasonable (scale). This is a duty on
the righteous.9 [Qur’an2:241] Muslim religion and those who are
converts to Islam. In case of a conflict, it is
Let the women live (in 'iddat) in the same style as agreed according to judicial principle that
ye live, according to your means: Annoy them not, special law will prevail over general law.
so as to restrict them. And if they carry (life in their
wombs), then spend (your substance) on them until The controversy regarding maintenance
they deliver their burden: and if they suckle your started after the Supreme Court passed a
(offspring), give them their recompense: and take judgement in criminal appeal No.103 of
mutual counsel together, according to what is just 1981, Mohd Ahmed Khan (Apellant) VS
and reasonable. And if ye find yourselves in Shah Bano Begum and others
difficulties, let another woman suckle (the child) on (Respondents). It was an appeal filed by
the (father's) behalf.10[Qur’an 65:6] Mohammad Ahmed Khan of Indore
against the Madhya Pradesh High Court
The controversy arises between the judgement granting maintenance to his
provisions of Islamic law and Criminal wife Shah Bano whom he had divorced at
Procedure Code on the point of the the age of 70. The Supreme court upheld
maintenance of the divorcee. It arose the judgement of MP High court stating
during the time of British India when it that Cr.P.C., which makes it obligatory on
took a legislative step to regulate the husbands to make provision for their
institution of maintenance of wife. Under divorced wives if they have no other
Section 488 of the old Criminal Procedure means of sustenance until they re-marry or
Code (1898), the husband might be die, would apply to Muslim husbands. 11
compelled to make a monthly allowance,
not exceeding Rs. 500 per month as Then came the question whether Section
maintenance to his wife. But the wife's 125 of Cr.P.C. can be applied to Muslims
right to maintenance under this Section without interfering in their personal law.
could be deferred by the husband by To this the Supreme Court said,
obtaining the divorce under the personal
law. Thus, husbands in order to escape this “the whole of this discussion as to
sought divorce through Triple Talaq whether the right conferred by Section 125
(Talaq-ul-Bidah). This set the long battle prevails over the personal law of the
between Shariat and the Indian courts. parties, has proceeded on the assumption
According to a Joint Committee, the that there is a conflict between the
benefit of the provisions should be provisions of that section and those of the
extended to a divorcee and it should Muslim Personal Law. The argument that
continue so long as she has not been by reason of Section 2 of the Shariat Act,
remarried after the divorce. XXVI of 1937 the rule of secession in
matters relating, inter-alia to maintenance
The Code of Criminal Procedure (1973) is ‘shall be the Muslim Personal Law’ also
a general law having a uniform proceeds upon a similar assumption. We
applicability to all the persons irrespective embarked upon the decision of the
of their religion, caste or status whereas question of priority between the Code and
the Muslim Personal Law is a special law the Muslim Personal Law on the
applicable to those who are professing assumption that there was a conflict
between the two because, in so far as it lies
9Ibid. in our power, we wanted to set at rest,
10Ibid., 289. once for all the question whether Section

11Ali Asghar Engineer, The Shah Bano Controversy,
(Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1987), 23.

125 would prevail over the personal law of I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 21
the parties, in cases where they are in
conflict.” 12 Islamic judgement which would threaten
the identity of Muslims in India. They
The Holy Qur’an with standard received a huge response from the Muslim
translations and commentaries of eminent community. But there are several reasons
people like Abdullah Yusuf Ali and by the to it, rightly pointed out by senior
Board of Islamic Publications, New Delhi journalist Kuldip Nayar who said that
were consulted. The Muslim personal Law there was a rising sense among the
Board contested this judgement saying that Muslims that their religion was under
it is interference in their jurisdiction. severe threat. Vishwa Hindu Parishad and
its anti-Muslim propaganda along with the
There has been a lot of discussion among boiling issue of Ram Janma Bhoomi, all
Muslim theologians regarding the issue of contributed to the rising sense of insecurity
maintenance. The word ‘Mata’ mentioned amongst Muslims.
in the Qur’an has come under scrutiny.
According to Imam Malik, ‘mata’ is Ultimately, Rajiv Gandhi’s government
mustahib (preferable) and not wajib bowed down to the pressure and enacted a
(obligatory). He calls this as mutat-al- law exempting Muslim women from
talaq (Gift of Divorce).13 Imam Abu Yusuf application of Cr.P.C. Section 125. The
says that the husband will have to pay this new law was enacted and was known as
amount even after divorcing. Imam Ibn The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights
Najeem concludes that the view of on Divorce) Law 1986. This Act provides
stopping maintenance allowance of the for one-time payment of provision i.e. the
wife after divorce is weak. He further adds former husband should give her the Mahr
that a woman can contest in the court of amount if not paid and three months
law to avail maintenance if the same is not maintenance altogether. This Act was
being provided by her former husband. challenged by many women’s organization
Legal action will be taken against him if at that time but it proved to be a blessing
he refuses to do so; “if it would have been in disguise.
possible for the husband to save his skin
by divorcing his wife, he would have However there is loophole here as well.
preferred to do so. But Islamic law does Many women are not aware of their right
not allow him to do so.”14Imam Hasan to claim their maintenance. Others no
Basri, a great theologian prophet stated longer remember what the promised
that there is no time limit regarding amount was as they got married at a very
payment of maintenance.15 young age. In theory a women can file a
civil suit to get her Mahr after divorce but
The Muslim leaders launched country practically it is expensive and involves a
wide agitations displaying this as an anti- long legal battle. Only a few section of
society can afford this. Also by the time
12Ibid., 27. they are divorced, many women have
13Ibid.,10. already waived off their right to Mahr, for
14Ahmed Farid, "Al-Bahr al-Raiq," Alexandria Dér al- illiterate brides are often pressurized by
Imdén,Vol. 4(1990): 189-90. their husbands or in-laws to forgive
15Ibn Hazm, “Al-Muhalla," (Mesir: Mathba’ah al- whatever was promised to them. In order
Jumhuriyah al-Arabiyah,1970), 248. to escape financial liability, men often
His word are, “laysafihashayunmuwaqqatun. abandon their wives rather than giving a
Yumatteuha ala qadrilmaysarah” which means that mataa formal divorce.
does not have any time period as Almighty Allah
(Mighty and Exalted) has commanded it to benefit her Another major problem comes up when a
after the divorce. woman ask for dissolution of marriage

which is known as Khula, under which she I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 22
has to forfeit her right to obtain Mahr and
maintenance from her husband. The Bibliography
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compensation or even deny her the Ahmad, Furqan. "Understanding the Islamic
custody of their children before agreeing Law of Divorce." Journal of the Indian Law
to the divorce. In several maintenance or Institute, Vol. 45, No. ¾ (2003): 484-508.
divorce petitions filed by women, they
have reported that their husbands forced Aktar, Sharmin. "Protecting Divorced Muslim
them through psychological and physical Women's Rights through Maintenance: A
abuse to go to the Qazi to ask for Khula. It Comparative Analysis based on the Present
has a social aspect as well. Divorce is one Legislative Reforms among the Muslim
thing which is greatly disliked by Allah Community." Northern University Journal of
and in the Indian society there is a stigma Law, Vol. 3 (2014): 23-48.
attached to divorce. Thus, the blame
comes on woman who is often labeled as a Alam, Jobair and Toufiqul Islam.“Rethinking
wife who failed to build a family. Post-Divorce Maintenance: An Alternative for
the Empowerment of Muslim Women in
Conclusion Bangladesh.” Bangladesh Journal of Law
(2015).
Men want women to be dependent on them
all their life. If maintenance is given to Al Indiya Muslim Parsnal La Burd.
them they will be no longer depended on “Compendium of Islamic laws: A Section-
them. This will pose a serious challenge to Wise Compilation of the Rules of Shariʻat
the superior mentality of Muslim men who Relating to Muslim Personal Law.” All India
validate their position by manipulating the Muslim Personal Law Board (2001).
verses of the Qur’an. Many Muslim
thinkers have argued that it is not the Asaf, A. A. Fyzee. Outlines of Mohammedan
religion but culture and patriarchal Law. Delhi, 1974.
interpretation and implementation of the
Qur’an that have kept women oppressed in Barlas, Asma. "12 Women's Readings of the
most Muslim societies. In light of what is Qur'an." The Cambridge Companion to the
seen as Qur’anic evidence in favour of Qur'an, 2006.
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reforms in many Muslim societies have Diwan, Paras. Muslim Law in Modern India.
been adamantly resisted. Thus it is Allahabad Law Agency, 1985.
necessary for women to get educated not
only in English education but also Engineer, Asghar Ali. The Shah Bano
theologically and legally so that they are Controversy. Hyderabad, Orient Longman,
not exploited through the distorted verses 1987.
of the texts or laws.
Farid, Ahmed. "Al-Bahr al-Raiq." Alexandria,
Dér al-Imdén. Vol. 4, 1990.

Ghadanfar, Mahmood Ahmad. Great Women
of Islam. Riyadh, Darussalam Publishers,
2001.

Ḥasan, Zoya, and Ritu Menon eds., In a
Minority: Essays on Muslim Women in India.
Oxford University Press, 2005.

Imam, Ayesha M., MufuliatFijabi, and
HureraAkilu-Atta. Women's Rights in Muslim
Laws: A Resource Document. BAOBAB for
Women's Human Rights, 2005.

Mathé, Jean. The Civilization of Islam. I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 23
Crescent Books, 1980.
Rehman, Fayyaz. "Post-divorce Maintenance
Majlisi, Muhammad Baqir. Bihar al-Anwar. for Muslim Women in Pakistan and India".
Beirut, Al-Wafa Institute, 1983. PhD dissertation. University of London,
School of Oriental and African Studies, 1994.
Mehmood, Muhammad Ifzaal. "Judicial
Separation at the Wife’s Initiative: A Study of Sadeghi, Behnam. The Logic of Law Making
Redemption (Khula) in Islamic Law And in Islam: Women and Prayer in the Legal
Contemporary Legislation in Pakistan and Tradition. Cambridge University Press, 2013.
Malaysia." Journal of Islamic Legal Studies,
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for Muslim Women in Pakistan and
Mernissi, Fatima. The Veil and the Male Elite: Bangladesh: A Comparative Perspective”.
A Feminist Interpretation of Women's Rights International Journal of Law, Policy and the
in Islam. Translated by Mary Jo Lakeland. Family, Vol.27, No. 2 (2013): 197-215.
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Minault, Gail. "Women, Legal Reform, and Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanawi’s Bihishti
Muslim Identity.” Comparative Studies of Zewar. Translated by Barbara D. Metcalf.
South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1992.
Vol.17, No. 2 (1997): 1-10.

I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 24

Sexuality in Nazi Germany

Aditi Kumar

A conversation on sexuality at any period in the history of time can be as illuminating as
inconclusive. It can be illuminating because of the number of aspects one is bound to throw
light on like the role of gender, morality, wealth, degree of control, links with reproduction
and the family, and power. The inconclusiveness of the discourse lies in the understanding
that each of these aspects is bound to historical research and new dimensions of the self and
the other; and the fact that both are variables in wider academic studies.

A topic that is therefore very complex in its own stand is made to consider a new aspect in
this essay- that of its existence under the gaze of a state that had the most modern resources
of the time at its disposal, and an ideology that targeted basic human interaction.

Sexuality in Nazi Germany sees shades of Of being influenced by the self and by
control and liberty, both of which coexist society, politics and spirituality, sexuality
and fuel the other.1But before we delve requires resources that are both personal
into unpacking sexuality, we must be and official. The use of the latter becomes
bound by the understanding that our extremely essential for the Third Reich
findings are as limited as the research because of the massive influence that state
before us. This stand is supported by the policies had the potential to have, and this
kind of historiographical research that has could have only been possible because of
gone into studying sexuality in the Third the kind of technology, research and
Reich. As pointed out by Elizabeth totalitarian power that they had at their
Heineman, research on sexuality saw a disposal. We begin with racial sciences
major fillip only in very recent decades, and eugenics for these directly relate to the
and until then it focussed mainly on gaging popular Nazi propaganda. A drive for a ‘fit
the extent to which the state carried out its and healthy race’ combined with studies
policies on ostracising certain ‘races’ and on eugenics that were then at their
peoples from mixing with the ‘superior pinnacle in the western world is seen
race’, or on highlighting the history of directly relating to coerced sterilisations
women in the Third Reich only by its and forced institutionalisation of those
relation to sexual abuse and reproduction. considered ‘unfit’, to prevent them from
In fact she surfaces a major strand that having intercourse with the ‘safer
faced critical responses from feminist population’ which would ‘dirty’ the race.
scholars demanding to wrest gender,
especially the female gender from only There are some essential features that
being noticed in sexual history2. come to fore. The first is the extent of
studies and practices on eugenics that
1An interpretation drawn from Vandana Joshi, existed in the western world. Hansen and
“Maternalism, Race, Class and Citizenship: Aspects of King note how Germany was indeed late
Illegitimate Motherhood in Nazi Germany,” Journal of on the scene of forced sterilisations and
Contemporary History 46, No. 4 (2011): 832-853 was inspired and influenced by operations
2Elizabeth D. Heineman, “Sexuality and Nazism: The being performed in the United States,
Doubly Unspeakable,” Journal of the History of
Sexuality 11, No. 1/2 (2002): 23-24

Canada, Denmark and Switzerland3. It I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 25
were these predecessors that Germany
pointed to in the international press and sterilised died because of surgical
conferences on eugenics when it was made complications5. Those that were to appear
to answer on its policies on sterilisation. In before the genetic health courts (that were
fact the author claims that of the 13 people set up to select people for forced
who went on to form the Committee on sterilisation) were to do so without any
Questions of Population and Racial Policy legal representation on their behalf and
of 1933 (which was then influential in doctors, judges and health officers were
policies on forced or voluntary selected on the basis of ideology. Reasons
sterilisations as well as constructing the for sterilisation included mental illness,
target population for the same), 6 were physical illness that could be genetically
renowned eugenists, authors and editors. passed on or received as well as having a
These included Friedrich Burgdö rfer high mortality rate in recent family
(editor of Politische Biologie, and director history6.
at the Reich’s Statistical Office), Hans
Gü nther (professor of social anthropology One of the reasons that the state used to
at Jena), Ernst Rü din (director of Germany justify forced sterilisations was to stop the
Institute of Psychiatry at Munich, with a spread of venereal disease. This is one of
career of 30 years in research), Bodo the most interesting aspects of Nazi
Spiethoff (professor of medicine at Jena) policies and the state’s response to
and Fritz Lenz4. They had had careers long sexuality. For even though spread of
before being included in the policy venereal disease7was the common reason
planning committee. This makes us to control sexuality and right to reproduce,
question the kind of background research the state substantially reduced funding for
that went into the Nazi policies making it a research on venereal disease8and began
little less political than one would assume. with ‘practical’ methods to fight it. Also, it
is seen that many doctors and researchers
Although one notes the hand of academic who studied sexual health were made to
research on the two sides of the Atlantic leave their occupations and were
and the professionalism with which the ostracised by the state9.
policy on eugenics began, it is the
execution and implementation of these The state put the blame of venereal disease
policies which make the Nazi state stand on the street walkers or sex workers who
out from earlier forced sterilisation offered their services on the streets of
operations by the state. The selected Berlin. They also blamed these workers
people which were chosen for sterilising and by large the loose morality attached
extended far beyond those that had been to the Weimar Republic for the
recommended by the committee and dysfunction of the family. Here it is to be
included Jews and Roma. The operations noted that both male and female sex
were not always successful resulting in workers faced policing and
high mortality rates. One has reason to institutionalisation by the Nazi state. I
believe that 1 in every 72 people that were shall discuss the female workers before.

3Hansen, Randall, and Desmond King. “Sterilization and 5Ibid., 150
Murder in Nazi Germany.” in Sterilized by the State: 6Ibid.
Eugenics, Race, and the Population Scare in Twentieth- 7Taken to mean sexually transmitted diseases
Century North America (Cambridge University Press): 8Annette F. Timm, “Sex with a Purpose: Prostitution,
141 Venereal Disease and Militarized Masculinity in the
4Ibid., 145 Third Reich,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, no.
1/2 (2002): 248
9 Ibid., 235

With their emphasis on a propagating the I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 26
Aryan race and the declining birth rate
that hit the 1920’s10the state took sexuality family life and were picked up from the
to only be legitimate when it was exercised streets to be prosecuted, where now sent to
to result in an offspring (preferably in a buildings, where many were collected to
marital relationship). Other practices of provide soldiers with the release of sexual
sexuality were taken as an affront to the urge the latter were thought to so require13.
security of the family. They were also Some statements attributed to the SS Chief
taken as harmful to the role of the innocent Himmler also point to the kind of
and chaste mother, who was responsible masculinity that was required of a German
for educating the new generation. This is male soldier. He claimed that those who
where the states harshness on sex workers were unable to produce an offspring was
came in. In the 1930s many of them were not good enough to be soldiers in the war
simply picked up from the streets and and should therefore not be at the
taken to concentration camps11. front14.Images like these paint a complex
Eventually, the state began viewing narrative when it comes to state control of
women with many sexual partners (hwG sexuality. When faced with criticism, the
individuals) within the same light and they state claimed that the police controlled-
were too brought under state supervision military brothels would offer respite from
and policing. As a further extension to the the spread of venereal disease and that the
same view, women who at times had police constantly checked the workers, to
alternative sexual partners but did not which many social workers responded that
change them as much as the hwG women such an act was only creating hubs of such
were placed in a different category and diseases. An important aspect to note in all
given lighter sentences12. The burden of these cases is that again, it was only the
venereal disease therefore came down on woman who was thought of spreading
any woman who was sexually active venereal diseases, and that the men had to
outside the marital home and may have be secured from it in order to function
had more than one partner. properly.

But as the war broke out, soldiers were Reports on male sex workers are mainly
separated from their homes and sent to found in studies that have focused on
outposts for fighting. This created a space homosexuality and the state response to it.
for the emergence for a different kind of The first state opposition to it came on the
sexual morality, parts of which were basis that homosexuality did not result in
monopolised by the state. The male procreation and was therefore not an
aggression and masculinity that were acceptable form of sexuality. But the
considered a definite requirement for a second and the more confounding belief
soldier to be fit for war, made the state was that homosexuality was learned and
provide for military brothels were the was being used as a form of blackmail by
workers who were once thought to disrupt older male persons in authority15. The
same was used even amongst teenagers
10Willem Melching, “‘A New Morality’: Left-Wing who were caught experimenting with it
Intellectuals on Sexuality in Weimar Germany,” Journal and the blame would be put on the school
of Contemporary History 25, No. 1 (1990): 73
11Annette F. Timm, “Sex with a Purpose: Prostitution, 13 Ibid., 253
Venereal Disease and Militarized Masculinity in the 14Ibid.
Third Reich,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, no. 15Elizabeth D. Heineman, “Sexuality and Nazism: The
1/2 (2002): 236 Doubly Unspeakable,” Journal of the History of
12Ibid., 250 Sexuality 11, No. 1/2 (2002): 35

authorities and teachers16 .It is necessary to I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 27
consider here that female homosexuality
was not a concern of the Nazi state. The left in Weimar Germany had already
Historians have argued differently to a begun to offer its stance on an independent
reason why. While some claim that sexuality that was a necessary requirement
lesbianism did not exist only in the eyes of for self determination and by extension,
the Nazis, others go ahead to view that the individual happiness. Published in the Die
intimacy amongst females was viewed Weltbü hne, we see sexologists and
very differently as compared to males17. psychologists urging the state to provide
While a sexual expression of intimacy was for cheaply available contraceptives to
just a step further for females trying to be allow both men and women to enjoy
very closely associated with one other, for independent sex lives20. They gave
males it was a grave crime. This also scientific reasons on the nature of
shows us the kind of attitude that exists homosexuality. They also argued to
towards sexual contact and continues even separate the idea of sexuality and
today. For example, many legal systems motherhood for women arguing in favour
today believe that sexual abuse through of free abortion clinics, at times even
penetration is the only legitimate form of taking from experiment in the USSR. But
sexual abuse18, while other forms of in his note on the arguments of the left
unwanted sexual contact is not as scarring wing intellectuals in the Weimar republic,
for the victim. One can consider a similar William Melching exposes us to the other
attitude towards sex in the Nazi state. side of the coin, the fact the the
Moreover one sees that those in the state conservatives who argued in favour of the
apparatus accused of sexual violence are family life, sexuality being compatible
let go off based on their positions, the with motherhood etc being strongly
exceptions being those accused of supported by women’s organisations21.
homosexual activities and those accused of This gives us another narrative, where
having relations with the ‘inferior races’19. patriarchal control of female sexuality was
being demanded from women themselves.
From the above examples and arguments,
we get a sense of what the state was trying Robert Waite offers a very different
to propagate in terms of sexual practices narrative on teenage sexuality and one of
and choices. The narrative changes the major ones that we can use to counter
however, once we start moving away from the image of controlled sexuality being
the Germany of the Third Reich, or from practiced in the Nazi state. He talks of both
the Nazi state, or even the hotbeds where young girls and boys, and the fact that in
such policies were being most strictly both cases sexuality and sexual practice
practiced. was rampant outside the marital
relationship. Experiments on sexuality
16Robert G Waite, “Teenage Sexuality in Nazi continued amongst the young. He even
Germany,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 8, No. 3 offers a liberating view of young German
(1998): 449 women who are shown to take active
17Ibid., 459 agency when it came to being sexually
18Steven Box, “Rape and Sexual Assaults on Women,” active and changing sexual partners. Such
in Power, Crime and Mystification (London: Routledge): was the volume of activities in rural areas,
121-122 that even the mothers of the young girls
19Regina Mü hlhauser, “Sex, Race, Violence, were reported stating that they had entered
Volksgemeinschaft” in Beyond the Racial State: a new kind of mortality, one that was
Rethinking Nazi Germany (Cambridge University Press):
455-481 20Willem Melching, “‘A New Morality’: Left-Wing
Intellectuals on Sexuality in Weimar Germany,” Journal
of Contemporary History 25, No. 1 (1990): 77
21Ibid., 72

based on increased sexual activity. Even I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 28
Hitler’s call for producing more children
and Himmler’s call to bother less about Bibliography
legitimacy as long as the offspring was of
‘sound race’, is taken by the young girls to Joshi, Vandana. “Maternalism, Race, Class
mean a state approved nod to have sexual and Citizenship: Aspects of Illegitimate
relations with soldiers posted near their Motherhood in Nazi Germany.” Journal of
location. Instances of unwed pregnancies Contemporary History 46, No. 4 (2011): 832-
abound both within and outside the 853
Reich22. Many women in the German
occupied territories in the Soviet Union Heineman, Elizabeth D. “Sexuality and
also claimed that soldiers in the Reich had Nazism: The Doubly Unspeakable.” Journal
fathered their children23. of the History of Sexuality 11. No. 1/2 (2002):
22-66
However, we must address here than even
in this form of so perceived unbridled Hansen, Randall, and Desmond King.
exercise of sexuality, a woman having Sterilized by the State: Eugenics, Race, and
sexual relations with a prisoner of war or a the Population Scare in Twentieth-Century
person from the concentration camp was North America. Cambridge University Press.
not taken lightly. While unwed mothers of 2013
children of soldiers were treated with
exceptional care by the Reich24, the former Timm, Annette F. “Sex with a Purpose:
women were taken as enemies of the state Prostitution, Venereal Disease and Militarized
and were made to face legal consequences Masculinity in the Third Reich.” Journal of
and charges which they had to face on the History of Sexuality 11.no. 1/2 (2002):
their own. The state provided them with 223-255
little support25.
Melching, Willem. “‘A New Morality’: Left-
In the above essay we therefore see Wing Intellectuals on Sexuality in Weimar
different strands of sexual practice and Germany.” Journal of Contemporary History
control in Nazi Germany. Our narrative 25. No. 1 (1990): 69-85
would only broaden with more sources and
as the study of sexuality expands with Mü hlhauser, Regina. Beyond the Racial State:
personal experiences. Rethinking Nazi Germany. Cambridge
University Press. 2017
22Robert G Waite, “Teenage Sexuality in Nazi
Germany,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 8, No. 3 Waite, Robert G. “Teenage Sexuality in Nazi
(1998): 434-476 and from An interpretation drawn from Germany.” Journal of the History of Sexuality
Vandana Joshi, “Maternalism, Race, Class and 8. No. 3 (1998): 434-476
Citizenship: Aspects of Illegitimate Motherhood in Nazi
Germany,” Journal of Contemporary History 46, No. 4 Steven, Box. Power, Crime and Mystification.
(2011): 832-853 London. Routledge. 1989
23Regina Mü hlhauser, “Sex, Race, Violence,
Volksgemeinschaft” in Beyond the Racial State:
Rethinking Nazi Germany (Cambridge University Press):
455-481
24Vandana Joshi, “Maternalism, Race, Class and
Citizenship: Aspects of Illegitimate Motherhood in Nazi
Germany,” Journal of Contemporary History 46, No. 4
(2011): 832-853
25Ibid.

I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 29

Decoding the Dystopia – The Post-Independence Bengali Cultural Identity
Through The Reels of Ritwik Ghatak’s Megha Dhaka Tara

Shreya Das, Miranda House

In the first part of my paper, I wish to analyse how the chhinnamul (the uprooted) people
were negotiating and combating with a new identity of “the Other” as sharanarthi (the
seekers of refuge) and udvastu (they who have lost their land and home), in this “new” land

of West Bengal, whereby a new conceptualisation of desh as a native land, that was now
living only in memory —as against the concept of “nation” built by the Congress — was

born. In the subsequent parts of my paper, I would expound upon the cinematic commentary

on the subsequent political and cultural fallout from the Partition tragedy, by the legendary
Bengali filmmaker Ritwik Ghatak, in his classic film, Meghe Dhaka Tara (‘The Cloud-capped
Star’). Here, I seek to explore how Ghatak establishes a critical relationship between
‘women’, ‘landscape’, ‘myths’, and ‘sound and music’ to construct a “resistant” narrative

against Partition, which he believed, had stripped Bengal of her identity.

The film essentially traces the everyday battles of Nita, the eldest daughter of a poor refugee
family, who unconditionally serves her family at the cost of her own desires and aspirations
to the point of complete self-sacrifice at the hands of selfish and hypocritical family members,
whereby, she ultimately succumbs to tuberculosis and her identity is engulfed by oblivion. It
is through her, that RitwikGhatak expresses his scepticism about the future of Bengali
identity and grieves the cultural demise of Bengal as the “Motherland”.

Thus, after seventy years of Independence, through this paper, I seek to resuscitate Ghatak’s

novel protest language through his ‘accented’, ‘exilic’ cinema, to remember the sheer loss of

identity and reformulation of a new Bengali cultural identity that for generations the refugees

had to negotiate with.

“Child’s play with film is no longer fitting. The happiness of freedom. To those who had
huge formative nation-building role of films in this lost their families, who had been uprooted
country will be here soon.” from their bastubhita — their native
ancestral land that bound them spiritually
— Ritwik Ghatak; Society, Our Traditions, to their forefathers---and had arrived
Filmmaking and My Effort (1975)1 empty-handed to Calcutta, from what now
became East Pakistan (and was to later
At the stroke of midnight on August 15, become Bangladesh in 1971), only to be
1947, when India was endowed with her pushed into marginal squalid settlements
freedom and a new promise for a free and to carry on a life of constant struggle,
glorious future, Bengal reeked of the blood misery and traumatising memories — to
of men, women and children who had died them, this freedom was a farce.
in the carnage of the communal riots. The
tragedy of Partition had by far offset the Shocked at the sheer struggle of these
people, Ritwik Ghatak, the legendary
1Ritwik Ghatak, Chalachitra, Manush, EbongAroKichu Bengali film director, who himself had
[“Cinema, Man, and Something More”], (Calcutta: arrived to Calcutta from East Bengal under
SandhanSamabayhiPrakashani, 1975).

duress, lambasted this Independence and I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 30
the formation of the new Indian nation as a
gross distortion of truth, that had come Conceptualising A Resistant Narrative:
into existence at the cost of stripping A “Desh” of One’s Own
Bengal of her identity.
The Tale of the Refugees
After having moved to Calcutta (now
Kolkata) he became actively involved with Dipesh Chakrabarty had once very
the Indian People’s Theatre Association interestingly observed:
(IPTA) and the Communist Party of India
and despite being removed from both History seeks to explain the event, the memory of
IPTA and the CPI by 1955, Ghatak pain refuses the historical explanation and sees the
continued to remain a strong ally of the event causing the pain as a monstrously irrational
Marxist ideology and almost all his films aberration.2
inherit his leftist commentaries, with a
sustained critique of the emerging petite This is precisely why the narrative and the
bourgeoisie in Bengal, specifically in the memory of the Bengali bhadralok class
urban environment of Calcutta. (the educated and progressive upper
middle class of Bengali men) stand in
Ghatak’s films are particularly celebrated sharp contrast to that of the hapless
for their uniqueness as they manifest the refugees’, who were embroiled in a quest
director’s trenchant exploration of the for survival. While the former was now
political and cultural fallout of the channelizing its energy to conceptualise
Partition of India on the Bengali society the idea of a new nation, the latter was
and are influential, because his films had battling the ravages spilled by the Partition
set a standard for the newly-emerging storm, whereby the loss of home seemed
“alternative” or “parallel” cinema directors to have been a loss of self — a loss of
— in contrast to those directors who opted one’s own identity.
for the hegemonic “Bollywood” or
Bombay style(s) of Indian cinema. There are essentially two Bengali terms for
refugees —“sharanarthi” (one who seeks
At this stage, it is crucial to undertake a ‘sharan’ i.e. refuge) and “udvastu” (they
discussion on how the chhinnamul who have lost their land and home).
(Uprooted) people were negotiating and Importantly, the term udvastu has strong
combating with a new identity of ‘the ties with the Sanskrit term ‘vastu’ which
Other’ as sharanarthi (the seekers of means home, while ‘bhite’ is the Sanskrit
refuge)and udvastu (they who have lost derivative of the term, ‘bhitti’ which
their land and home), in their own directly connotes to a ‘foundation’. Thus,
homeland that had now been politically vastubhite plainly relates to one’s
severed into two lands — the West and the foundational abode, which holds much
East Bengal, whereby a new significance in the Bengali language, for it
conceptualisation of ‘desh’ as a native binds the self to one’s ancestral place.
land, that was now living only in memory
— as against the concept of ‘nation’ built What becomes important is the distinction
by the Congress and other nation-builders that is preserved between the Bengali
— was born. words basha and bari. Basha, no matter
how long one spends in the place, is
always a temporary place of residence;

2Dipesh Chakrabarty, "Remembered Villages:
Representation of Hindu-Bengali Memories in the
Aftermath of the Partition," Economic and Political
Weekly 31, no. 32, 1996, 2144.

one's sense of belonging there is transient. I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 31
Bari, on the other hand, is where one's
ancestors have lived for generations. sharanarthis in this ‘new’ land, was the
Laced with the idea of bari was the idea of fierce nostalgia of their ‘native village’.
ones desh where the terms desh and basha
are most popularly used amongst the Amidst the babble of nostalgia and
Bangals (Bangladeshis). yearning for the lost homeland that had
swept the works of many literary stalwarts
Where there are memories of partition, of the time, and against the vast tide of
nationalistic films of the 1950s and 60s,
there are memories of desh. The idea of particularly the Bombay talkies of the
time, like Naya Daur (1957) Mother India
desh, which these displaced, people had (1957), Anand Math (1952), Jis Desh Mein
Ganga Behti Hai(1960), Hum
envisioned through their selective Hindustani(1960), and also against the
highly celebrated romantic and sentimental
memories, is in some ways different from genre of commercial cinema in Bengal,
Ritwik Ghatak emerged with a new
the contemporary usage of the word desh, dissenting narrative in the world of
which has a nationalistic overtone.3 Since Bengali cinema.

the days of nationalist movement, the idea Ghatak, His Style, and Meghe Dhaka
of desh as ‘One Nation’ had been strongly Tara

associated with the idea of motherland, In his films, Ghatak consistently
manoeuvres three components —
which had acted as a potent tool for ‘women’, ‘landscapes’ and ‘sound and
strengthening the idea of ‘national music’ to derive both utopian and
integration’ of India. dystopian visions of “Homeland” in an
independent Bengal and sketches out the
Contrary to this nationalistic rhetoric of lives of the Hindu Bengali refugees
battling for survival. This, as Erin
desh, buoyant all over the national and O’Donnell observes, was deployed to
render “both aurally and visually, his
Bengali press and the popular culture of representations of Bengali women as
symbolic images of the joy, sorrow and
the time, through songs, poetry, literature nostalgia that he associates with the birth
of the Indian state.”4
and other means of mass propaganda
Ghatak spent his entire artistic life
within the urban public sphere of the time, wrestling with the consequences of
Partition — first, the formation of East
including the cinema and the radio later, Pakistan in 1947 and then, Bangladesh in
1971 — particularly against the insecurity
the refugees envisioned the desh as their and anxiety engendered by the
ancestral place, whereby, “worshipping of homelessness of the refugees of Bengal.

the land of the village was equivalent of

worshipping one’s ancestors”

(Chakrabarty), that was usually associated
with one’s sacred patrilineal line. This

desh was not an imaginary concept. It

actually existed in the past, and currently

exists in their memory and nostalgia, and

unlike nation which has a constructed past

with a vision for the future to be realised,

the desh has no future, but lives on only in

memory. Thus, what enabled the

thousands of Bangladeshi refugees to

combat with their everyday trials as

3Anasua Basu Raychaudhury, "Nostalgia of 'Desh', 4Erin O’Donnell, “Woman” and “Homeland” in Ritwik
Memories of Partition,” Economic and Political Weekly
Ghatak’s films: Constructing Post-
39, no. 52, 2004, 5659.
Independence Bengali Cultural Identity, Jump Cut: A

Review of Contemporary Media, 47, 2005.

https://www.ejumpcut.org/archive/jc47.2005/ghatak/text.

html.

He strongly believed that the Partition was I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 32
ill-conceived and was implemented by
government officials, with the full sanction Within the homes of Ghatak lies the site of
of the leading national leaders, without both ananda (joy) and dukkho (sorrow) —
heeding to the kind of devastation that emotions intensely expressed, to the brink
such a division would (and did) have upon of almost exaggeration, by his female
the millions in Bengal5. characters, frequently through songs
punctuating climatic scenes as seen
Ghatak’s Melodramatic Style throughout in Meghe Dhaka Tara.

As a director, Ghatak unabashedly Meghe Dhaka Tara: A Summary
deployed the melodramatic style that
combined maudlin and Marxist elements. While doing her M.A., Nita (ironically,
His films derive strength from both the meaning ‘Knowledge’) gives up her
Hindi ‘social’ films and the Bengali ‘neo- studies and takes up the job of a clerk, for
realist’ films — particularly those of she has to see to it that her ailing parents
Satyajit Ray and Mrinal Sen — of the time. are taken care of. The whims and fancies
As in the case of Meghe Dhaka Tara and of her self-centred sister, Gita and brother
several other of his films, Ghatak’s Montu, result in further demands being
“families” are often not the traditional made on her. The elder brother, Shankar,
extended Bengali families, but who doggedly pursues his dream of
“alternative,” and often “surrogate” becoming a classical vocalist, remains her
families, who are displaced, urban, lower only true sympathiser till the end. Yet,
middle class refugees searching for a being unemployed and in need of
home. In his films, the family, the home sympathy and encouragement himself, he
with women — mothers, wives, daughters is more dependent on her than the rest of
and sisters as the key players — is the the family. Sanat, with whom she is in
primary site of domestic melodrama. love, and with whom she one day hoped to
settle, betrays her idealism and faith by
5To illustrate the intense love and attachment that discontinuing his PhD research and
Bengalis had for pre-Partition Bengal, the subsequent marrying her sister Gita. Suffocated by the
tremendous sense of loss and nostalgia they experienced oppressive claims made on her, Nita’s
for their ancestral homes and motherland as a result of isolation is tragically complete when the
Partition, and Ghatak’s ability to tap into those emotions, people in her life establish themselves one
I offer the following quote: by one, and go their own ways. She
“There was a wound in the heart of my father, a raw ultimately becomes a victim of
wound. Many physicians were consulted—to no effect; tuberculosis and in her last days of
consequently, the wound did not heal. He carried this terminal illness, she is left alone in a
wound with him until the eve of his death. Toward the sanatorium at Shillong, where in the
end of his life, he used to sit quietly. He saw penultimate and heart-wrenching scene she
Ritwik’s MegheDhaka Tara tentimes, Subarnarekha eight cries out aloud to Shankar, his elder
times — and until the end of his life he carried with him brother, exclaiming her absolute desire to
Ritwik’s TitasEkti Nadir Nam. [“A River Called live. The overwhelming vastness of the
Titas”]... Father had no further opportunities to go to hills slowly engulfs her voice and oblivion,
Bangladesh [formerly East Bengal]. This sorrow of not her identity.
being able to return ate into him for the rest of his life.
Father intentionally built his house close to the border Beyond The Script
[between West Bengal and Bangladesh]. He used to say
that if I inhaled [the air] here, I would be able to smell The tragic suffering of Nita, the central
the earth of Satkhira, Bagura and Jessore. And just to be protagonist of Meghe Dhaka Tara
able to smell this earth, Father would repeatedly watch becomes emblematic of thousands of
[Ritwik’s] MegheDhakaTara, Subarnarekha and KomalG refugee women struggling to find a means
andhar.”

From Loken Ray’s, “Madhokhanebera” (“A Fence in
Between”), featured ibid.

I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 33

of livelihood and to establish their The three principal
identities in post-Partition Bengal in order
to get rid of the stigma of being refugees, woman characters
while also constantly battling the ravages
of patriarchy and a budding capitalism that embody the
was gaining roots in a post-Partition
Calcutta.6 traditional aspects

of feminine power.

The heroine, Nita,

has the preserving

and nurturing

quality; her sister,

It is exactly at this point that Ghatak Gita, is the sensual
introduces a complexity in the narrative of
Meghe Dhaka Tara. The film does not woman; their
remain restricted to a narration of the mere
struggles of the refugees but also the sheer mother represents
indifference that they often showed the cruel aspects.7
towards the only breadwinner of their
family, irrespective of a man or a woman, The incapacity of Nita to combine all these
in this case towards Nita who ultimately
sacrifices herself. At another level, it thus qualities, to retain only the nurturing
transcends as a story of thwarted dreams in
the lives of lower-middle class refugees. quality to the exclusion of others is the

Ritwik Ghatak’s art of film-making seems source of her tragedy.
to conglomerate two strands: the
Ravindrik, Marxist, rationalist, secular, Purposely coinciding Nita’s birthday with
cosmopolitan with the tribal, magical, that of the Jagatdhatri Puja (Jagat i.e.
nostalgic, and parochial. In Meghe Dhaka universe, dharan i.e. to bear) Ghatak
Tara, the character Nita is actually the drives home the myth of Goddess
manifestation of multiple goddesses: Jagatdhatri as the universal sustainer and
Durga as Jagadhatri, the benevolent image projects Nita as her worldly incarnation.
of the eternal giver and universal sustainer, However, Ghatak inverts the Upanishadic
and Uma/Gauri, the Mother Goddess. mythology to use it as an instrument of
torture, in this case Nita’s terminal illness,
who is ultimately forsaken by her family.

Analysing the archetype defined by the Gita’s (Nita’s younger sister) self-centred
characterisation is conceived in the image
three female characters, film director and
Ghatak’s student, Kumar Sahani has of those refugee women who realised the
near impossibility of survival in the face of
succinctly derived that:
disintegration by clinging to moral values.
The breaking up of Gita, driven by this, seduces her elder
sister’s feeble-minded suitor Sanat with
her feminine charms and snatches him

away from Nita to actualise her dream of a
‘better and bountiful’ life.

society is

visualised as a On the other hand, Nita’s mother is a
typical refugee housewife coming from
three-way division East Bengal who, torn apart by day-to-day
bitter struggle for mere survival, is led to
of womanhood. measure all relationships in utilitarian
terms of profit and loss. She is alarmed by
6“Ritwik’s women are eternal, infinite, because they are Nita’s relationship with Sanat. She is
afraid that if Nita marries Sanat, the family
drawn from mythology, interwoven with Marxist will lose their only source of income.
ideology imbued with a Marxist critique of the Thus, she systematically gave tacit consent
materialist, immoral, petty bourgeoisie that defined
Calcutta when he stepped into it from Bangladesh, where 7Kumar Sahani, “Nature, in the End, is Grandly
his roots went too deep. In this sense, his female Indifferent,” 1976.
characters are unique and Indian and also have within
them, the grains of the Universal Woman by virtue of the
fact that they are eternal.”
Shoma A. Chatterji, RitwikGhatak: The Celluloid Rebel,
(New Delhi: Rupa& Co., 2004).

to Gita’s game of seduction, I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 34

acknowledging her convoluted desires of In fact, while the father finally ‘sets Nita
free’, he consciously does that after Nita
going to give Sanat tea and taking him out had done her complete service towards the
family and had reduced herself to a
to spend some personal time with him. In decrepit eaten away by tuberculosis. Nita
was thus sacrificed so that the others could
fact, even after Shankar had left for live.

Bombay, Gita had been married off to Ghatak brings in the paradox of the hills in
Nita’s life in the penultimate scene where
Sanat, and Montu had gone on his own she has been kept for treatment by her now
highly renowned classical singer brother,
way to earn a living as a factory worker, Shankar. In an initial scene, embracing a
childhood photograph of her brother’s and
Nita’s mother kept desperately clinging hers, clicked in the mountains, she
onto her like a parasite. When Nita’s father expressed her desire to go to the hills again
someday with Shankar when all her duties
raised the issue of her marriage, shall be done and on that day, she would
live her life. This becomes an ominous
preempting the imminent doom that would pronouncement by the end of the film.

befall the family, she exclaimed with Thus, as Shankar told Nita about how
everyone in the family was now established
disgust, “ও! and that Gita and Sanat had a child of their
own, Nita cries out in ardent anguish and
সহজেইবিয়াট়াবিয়াি়াওআরত়ারপরিইয়াি claimed her desperate will to live when she
tells Shankar:
ইয়াআঙু লচু ষ!
ওসসর়াজেজলসংস়ারবিসির়াচলজি়া!” (You’r “Brother, you know I really want to live. I
love so much to be alive. Brother, tell me
e too naive. If she gets married, what will once that I will live. Brother, I want to go
we be left with? Sucking our thumbs?) 8 home. I want to live! I want to live!”10

Important to observe here is the fact that, Through Nita’s unrelenting affirmation of
Ghatak did not intend to portray the life, Ghatak symbolically critiques the
exploitation of the women that the class of
mother as an innately crooked woman. In Nita underwent in the post-Partition
fact, the question is not about ‘goodness’ Bengal, which was also buoyant when in
or ‘badness’, rather, Ghatak is exhorting her fading years she said, “I have
the helplessness of a refugee woman who committed a great sin, for I never
protested.”11
had to prioritize her role of a housewife
over that of a mother for the sake of her At the end of Meghe Dhaka Tara, in the
final scene, as Nita is dying of tuberculosis
family. Her latent motherhood pricks her in a distant sanatorium, her elder brother
conscience whereby she repeatedly says, sadly looks on as another young woman
“আবিঠিিএইট়াচ়াইন়াই…” (It’s not what I drags her feet to work in worn-out sandals:
wanted)9 on the day of Gita’s marriage
10Ibid.
with Sanat. Ritwik Ghatak, thus, debunked 11Ibid.
the conventional construction of

motherhood as the self-sacrificing and
affectionate mother, as he portrayed the
character of Nita’s mother against the
backdrop of an uncertain world where bare

survival was at stake.

The male characters are patently
hypocritical. The father, Sanat, Montu and
even Shankar played their parts in
exploiting Nita, while simultaneously
indulging in facile empathetic lip-service.

8 মিজেঢ়াি়াত়ার়া MēghēḌhākāTārā, (The Cloud-Capped

Star), Directed by Ritwik Ghatak, Calcutta: Chitrakalpa,
1960
9Ibid.

the oppressive structures live on, the I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 35
exploitation continues.
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12Amartya Sen, Preface to Identity and Violence: The
Illusion of Destiny, (London: Penguin Books, 2006), xv

I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 36

Discordant Development:

A Comparison Between the Storm King Controversy and Ennore Creek

Meenakshi Nair

This paper focuses on questions of economic development and its impact on the environment,
ecosystems, human livelihood, and health. It looks at the material changes that have come to the
Ennore Creek (near Chennai, Tamil Nadu), its environment, and the livelihoods that depend on it due
to the growth of industries in the region. The paper looks also at the controversy surrounding the
expansion of Consolidated Edison in the Hudson River Highlands (New York State) in the last three
decades of the 20th century. The paper also looks at the role of culture in engaging with development
and the environment by foregrounding Carnatic musician T. M. Krishna’s song “PorombokePaadal.”

Introduction etroplus, cat fish, mackerel, grey eels,
croakers, and white prawns.
In this paper, two similar events will be
examined – the Storm King Controversy The fisher people of the six fishing
of New York State from the 1963-1980 villages found in this region depend on the
and the plight of the Ennore Creek in Creek and its ecosystems for their
Chennai from 2009 onwards. Both involve livelihood. Of the six villages, three of
the attempt of big corporations to take over them – Mugathwara Kuppam,
public spaces in order to expand their KaatuKuppam and Sivanpadaiveethi
activities and profits. Additionally, both Kuppam – rely on the creek perennially.
show the disregard of these corporations The remaining three – Nettu Kuppam,
towards riverine ecosystems and local Thazhan Kuppam and Ennore Kuppam –
systems of human life. While the Storm negotiate with the creek and its ecosystems
King Controversy was solved (favourably during the monsoons.
towards the environment), Ennore Creek is
still embroiled in controversy. Clearly, Ennore Creek is a public space
which falls into the category of
Ennore Creek: Location and Ecology “commons”. In Tamil, common spaces
have been known as Poromboke since at
Ennore Creek is located in Tamil Nadu’s least the time of the British Land Reform
Thiruvallavur District, to the north of the policies. This word was a remnant of
capital, Chennai. It is on the Coramandal Chola practices of classifying land by
Coast. Ennore Creek opens into Ennore ownership and use.
Estuary which allows the Kosasthalaiyar
River and the Pulicat Lake to empty into However, with the project to build modern
the Bay of Bengal. Running along Ennore India underway, the end of the 20th century
Creek is Buckingham Canal, which saw Ennore Creek and its commons being
intersects the creek at several points. taken over by an overwhelming industrial
presence1.
Ennore Creek was once an ecological
hotspot – salt pans, mangroves, mudflats, 1Ennore Creek: Industries The following industries are
and fish farms dotted its landscape. It has located in close proximity to the Ennore Creek.
been home to several species of aquatic East : North Chennai Thermal Power Station (NCTPS) 3
life including tiger prawns, mud crabs, x 210MW; 2 x 600 MW = 1830 MW ; Kamaraj Port
striped crabs, sand whitings, silver biddies, Limited (KPL; formerly known as Ennore Port) ; L&T
Ship BuildingYard (now Adani)
West : Chettinad International Coal Terminal ;
NTECL’s Vallur Thermal Power Plant 3 x 500 MW =

Ennore Creek: Investigation into I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 37
Allegations by Fisher Villages That
Industries are Polluting and Damaging which have negative impacts on the
the Creek ecology, water quality, local livelihoods,
and local health levels. The panel found
In March 2016 a panel was constituted in different industries responsible for
order to investigate loss of ecology and violations such as illegal dumping of
livelihoods in the region of Ennore Creek. dredged materials into the creek, leakage
This panel consisted of Justice D. of fly ash slurry, formation of ash ponds
Hariparanthaman (a retired Judge from the (which hinder the flow of water),
Madra High Court), Dr. S. Janakarajan encroachment of fish farms, increased
(retired Professor of Economics from siltation due to alteration of flow of river
Madras Institute of Development Studies and building of bridges, discharge of
and currently, President, South Asia coolant water, and discharge of chemical
Consortium for Interdisciplinary Water effluents.
Resources Studies), and Dr. Karen Coelho
(an urban anthropologist at the Madras These activities are in violation of several
Institute of Development Studies). This government notifications such as Coastal
panel conducted a public hearing with the Reserve Zone Notification (2001) which
people of the six fisher villages dependent finds it illegal to dump dredged materials
on Ennore Creek and its ecology and into salt pans in and around Ennore Creek.
topography for their livelihoods. They also It is also in direct violation of the Water
took boat trips around the creek in order to Act 1971. The leakage of ash pond filtrate
see, first hand, the damage and pollution water into Ennore Creek is in direct
being caused by the industries around it. violation of the Consent to Operate granted
by the Tamil Nadu Pollution Control
The panel then compiled a report of their Board to both NCTPS and NTCL.
findings and listed suggestions offered by
the fisher people of the villages dependent Several activities such as discharge of
on Ennore Creek for their livelihood. coolant water into the creek result in the
Below is a tabular representation of their introduction of zinc, chromium, and
findings from the “Report on Public cadmium into the waters of Ennore Creek.
Hearing Held on the Loss of Ecology and This has a negative impact on the fish
Fisher Livelihood in Ennore Creek” populations of the creek – a clearly visible
published after the investigations of March ecological impact, and by logical
2016. extension, a negative impact on the
livelihoods of the fisher people who
The report notes that the industries around depend on fishing in the creek for income.
Ennore Creek engage in several activities Discharge of hot water also leads to
thermal pollution.
1500 MW ; HPCL – Hindustan Petroleum Corporation
Limited Ennore Creek: Demands of the Locals
South : Ennore Thermal Power Plant 2 x 60 MW ; 3 x
110 MW = 450 MW Within the 5 KM Radius ; Manali The Consent to Operate under the Air and
Industrial Estate ; Coromandel Fertilizer ; Kothari Water (Protection and Prevention of
Fertilizer ; Ashok Leyland Pollution) Acts lay down several
Additionally, state authorities now propose six new conditions for operation: the discharge of
thermal power projects and other polluting industries in water from ash ponds by industries must
this region: be regulated; a daily discharge statement
If all these power plants come up, this region alone will must be submitted; industries must ensure
have close to 10,000 MW of coal-power generation that their activities are in compliance with
capacity and all the air and water pollution associated
with it.

the Fly Ash Notification 1999 and the I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 38
Hazardous Waste Rules 2008.
Ennore Creek – they would have clean
The locals argue that the compliance to water and clean air, unsullied by
these environmental conditions is minimal, pollutants. Also, rehabilitation of
even absent. The point to the on-going and ecosystems would safeguard the
plans for large scale reclamation and land livelihoods of those that depend on the
creation projects as violations of the creek. Apart from revival of the
Coastal Regulation Notification 2011 mangroves, removal of obstruction such as
which prohibits such activities. The locals bridges, and regeneration of native species,
also indicate the erosion of the existing the locals also require dredging of the river
mangrove cover as a marker of increased to original depths.
human industrial activities prohibited
under the Environment (Protection) Act, The panel, after their boat trip to examine
1986. the conditions of Ennore Creek and after
the public hearing conducted, agreed with
The locals call upon regulatory authorities the suggestions of the locals.

to immediately start the independent The Storm King Mountain Controversy

evaluation of the industries around Ennore In 1963, just a year after Rachel Carson
published her book Silent Spring,
Creek in order to identify violators and Consolidated Edison – or Con Ed – an
energy company put forth a proposal for a
efficiently enforce regulations, pumped-storage hydro-electrical power
plant on Storm King Mountain in the
notifications, and conditions. The Tamil Hudson Highlands in New York State.
Con Ed quickly gained the approval from
Nadu Pollution Control Board and the the Town and Village of Cornwall, and the
established environmental organizations at
State Coastal Zone Management Authority the time: the Palisades Interstate Park
Commission, the Hudson River
must follow the principle of ‘Polluter Conservation Society. Con Ed applied for
Pays’ whereby the violators are held a license from the Federal Power
Commission (FPC) in 1963. The plant was
accountable for their infractions and must expected to be functional by 1965.

bear the cost of their actions. There were dissident members in the
Hudson River Conservation Society who
Because of rapidly expanding industrial set up the temporary Scenic Hudson
and port activity around Ennore Creek, Preservation Conference in November
local plant and animal populations have 1963 as an ad-hoc measure to consolidate
depleted at an alarming rate. This information that would be easily accessible
depletion is alarming not only for the local to those opposed to Con-Ed’s activities.
ecosystems but also for local livelihoods Scenic Hudson was initially defeated, and
of the fisher people who depend on the fish the FPC granted Con Ed the licence in
and the creek for their incomes. The fisher 1965.
people are of the opinion that, therefore,
there should be a moratorium on the Along with using the law to protect Storm
further expansion of industries and on the King Mountain, Scenic Hudson was also
setting up of new enterprises until a full, able to influence members of Congress to
independent environmental assessment is persuade suburban dwellers of the
carried out and safeguards are put in place importance of keeping Con Ed away from
to ensure that guidelines and notifications
are adhered to and violations are punished.
This would call for authorities being
aware, responsible, and accountable.

The locals also called for a rehabilitation
of local ecosystems and water bodies. This
would be a positive step in maintaining
health levels of those who live around

Storm King. They were able to come up I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 39
with a Bill which would allow for
platforms where those who opposed Con Scenic Hudson and all other actors against
Ed’s plans could air their concerns and Con Ed’s plans finally prevailed because
alternatives. they adopted a multi-pronged approach
and successfully highlighted the several
In aid of Scenic Hudson was also Robert negative results the plant could have.
Boyle – a writer – who wrote a series of While it would be nearly impossible to
damning articles for Sports Illustrated stop the plan in one fell swoop, the
about the threat Con Ed’s power plant environmentalists decided to play a
would pose to the ecological diversity of waiting game until the requirements of the
the Hudson River. In 1966, Boyle also set economy and American people changed
up the Hudson River Fisherman’s and this power plant would no longer be
Association which soon began identifying viable.
polluters and damagers on the river.
The Hudson River Fisherman’s
By the late 1960s, public opinion had also Association was also able to use a long
begun to turn – the general public was no forgotten piece of legislation, the Refuse
longer even mildly impressed by Con Ed’s Act 1988, in order to prosecute polluters of
promises of more energy or by its claims the Hudson River. In stark opposition, Con
of revolutionary technology. Instead, the Ed had brought forth scientist who clearly
growing belief was the environmental perjured himself at the 1964 FPC hearings
costs of the plant at Storm King would far when he testified that Con Ed’s plant
outweigh any benefits. This view was held would have no impact on Hudson River
and disseminated by several newspapers. fish.

Soon, Con Ed did receive another license – Additionally, the New York Times took an
which stood up to judicial scrutiny this interest in the matter from the very
time – and were able to begin constructing beginning –This media coverage and
the plant by 1974. However, later in 1974 refusal to ignore a controversy such as this
Con Ed decided to stop building the plant, (which could most definitely damage Con
before finally giving up on the idea Ed’s image) played a key role in
altogether in 1980. The struggle finally influencing the locals. This especially had
came to an end with what the New York an impact on those working-class families
Times (which had taken a strong editorial who could not afford to vacation in distant
position against the plant and had followed exotic locales, and to commercial and
the controversy closely) named the recreation fishermen: they realised that the
‘Hudson River Peace Treaty’. river had enormous ecological significance
and the thermal pollution from the plant
Why the Con Ed Plan Was Stopped would only damage their interests.

In 1965, Scenic Hudson was foiled and What Ennore Creek Can Gain from
Con Ed received their license because the Looking at Storm King
former used very weak arguments – they
argued for the preservation of the historical Ennore Creek faces a similar fate as faced
value of the region, and the aesthetic by the Hudson River. It, too, is seen as
natural beauty. This on its own was not collateral damage in the quest for progress
enough to foil Con Ed’s attempts at and development as required by the
expansion with a view to gain profits. contemporary development paradigm. As a
‘commons’, it is seen by ports, energy
companies, and other industries as
something that can be used as a dumping

ground for sewage, for effluent, and other I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 40
waste materials; as a space that can
arbitrarily be taken over in order to support concerned about the health and livelihoods
the expansion of their activities. of the dependent villages. The slightly
more abstract argument to preserve the
Currently, Ennore Creek and its travails principle of commonly owned spaces, or
directly impact the lives of the fisher commons (Poromboke in Tamil) could be
people who depend on it. They must be made as well.
ready to come forward and register their
protest against industrial giants who claim Most importantly, Ennore Creek should
ownership over the commons, which in not languish in its corner of the world – the
reality should belong to the community Indian media along with those engaged in
and not to those fuelled by profit motive. the arts and sciences could call attention to
The public hearing conducted in March the illegal activities of the industries
2016 is a step in the right direction. around Ennore Creek and their adverse
Borrowing from the Hudson River impact on the Creek and its surroundings.
Fisherman Association, the fisher-people
of the six dependent villages could come Role of Culture in Environmental
together to form an Association to make Awareness
their voices heard more usefully.
The Storm King Controversy and its
Any actors interested in the Ennore eventual resolution brought forth several
Creek’s healthy existence should be un-noticed laws and acts and brought
willing to negotiate. The Storm King about amendments in existing laws. It also
Controversy was resolved in favour of the resulted in the Clean Water Act of 1972.
environment because those against the Another important factor that influenced
plan were willing to keep fighting even the passing of this Act was the music of
after initial losses. Similarly, stakeholders American folk musician Pete Seeger. He
in the health of Ennore Creek (and all life spoke out against the sorry state of the
forms around it) should be willing to Hudson River and championed a ‘clean
negotiate bit by bit for better industrial up’ project, even singing his song “Sailing
practices. It is also necessary for Up My Dirty Stream” to Congress.
regulatory boards such as the Tamil Nadu
Pollution Control Board to ensure that Similarly, T.M. Krishna, a Carnatic
environmental conditions for industrial musician born and bred in Chennai uses
activity are met and duly enforced. Chennai slang to sing in Carnatic style
about the Ennore Creek as a commons that
Just as Con Ed’s plan was fought on a is being used as waste land – unfair to the
platform that combined the ecological land and the creek and to the people who
well-being of the river, with recreational are dependent on it and the ecosystems
and commercial fishing interests, with existing in it. This song, ‘Poromboke
legal reasons, and with arguments about Paadal’ is accompanied by video which
the aesthetics of the river; those with pictures T.M. Krishna singing as though in
Ennore Creek’s interest could look at concert in a hell-scape which is not a
several avenues from which to approach studio but the real Ennore Creek. There is
the issue to be convincing about the need a steady, guilt-inducing flow of hot water
to limit industrial activity in the area. The and effluents into the waters of the creek
argument to preserve aesthetic beauty and the air is thick with chemical
could be made alongside the one asking to pollutants, so much so that for much of the
preserve the ecosystem which can be used video the musicians have on smoke-masks
shoulder to shoulder with the one to prevent them from inhaling toxins.

Being in Carnatic style by T.M. Krishna, I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 41
who is (even in objective terms) a star in
the Chennai Carnatic music scene, it artists, and the media to raise these
reaches the elite Brahmin spheres of “high questions and unsettle comfortable notions
culture”. These circles are made aware and of development in order to strive towards a
uncomfortable about the results of their more just negotiation with the natural
economic activities which have directly or environment.
indirectly signaled to industrial actors that
they need to expand operations at any cost. Bibliography
With the words being in everyday Chennai
Tamil, and not classical Tamil or Sanskrit, Videos
the song is also able to reach the youth and
those who may not be termed as “elite”. “Chennai PorombokePaadal ft. T. M.
They too are made aware of Ennore Creek. Krishna,” YouTube video, 9:33.Posted by
Vettiver Collective, January 14,
Conclusion 2017.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=82jF
yeV5AHM
It took seventeen years, a variety of angles,
people of seemingly unrelated professions, “Poromboke Song by Kurangan ft. Temple
and a variety of arguments to stop Con Monkeys | TheDudemachi Show.”
Ed’s plans for a new power plant and YouTubeVideo, 2:52.Posted by The
resolve the Storm King Controversy. This Dudemachi Show, September 29,
was enabled by a sense of value accorded 2016.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2ZQ
to historical and aesthetic spaces in WtBanut4
American society, and recognition that
commons are an important aspect of the “Kodaikanal Won’t.” YouTube video,
way spaces are classified. Alongside this, 2:55.Posted by jhatkaa, July 30,
the strong legal system with mechanisms 2015.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nSal
for efficient and repeated investigations of -ms0vcI
the matter played a very important part in
preventing the plan from being followed. “Sailing Up My Dirty Stream.”YouTube
An alert media that kept track of the video, 2:20.Posted by Steve Taylor, January
developments and reported them and 29,
informed public opinion against 2014.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Incm
environmental damage was significant. feMqvsY (song by Pete Seeger)

The issue of the Ennore Creek, apart from Articles
being an issue of ecological damage and
pollution, is also an issue of poverty, Naeher, Robert J. “Storm King and the Birth
inequality, and development. While in a of the Modern Environmental Movement.”
developing country such as India, ports, New York History. Vol. 94, No. 1-2
power-plants, and other industries are (Winter/Spring 2013) 141-151.
important for economic growth and
development, it is necessary to question Suganth, M. “Carnatic song in Chennai Tamil,
whether this growth and development for a cause.” The Times of India, February 26,
should come at the cost of the livelihoods 2017.
and health of some of the more https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/entertainm
marginalised and voiceless of the ent/tamil/music/carnatic-song-in-chennai-
country’s citizens. It perhaps falls to tamil-for-a-cause/articleshow/56520252.cms
academics, those in the legal profession,
“A poromboke history of Chennai,” The
Hindu. October 16, 2016.
http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/chennai/
A-poromboke-history-of-
Chennai/article16072330.ece

Guha, Ramachandra. “The past & present of I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 42
Indian environmentalism.” The Hindu, March
27, 2013. /how-a-hudson-highlands-mountain-shaped-
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/the- tussles-over-energy-and-the-environment/
past-present-of-indian-
environmentalism/article4551665.ece “TM Krishna sings to arouse people into
preventing Chennai's environmental
Kihiss, Peter. “New Moves Are Planned to Bar degradation.” Scroll.in.January 15, 2017.
Con Edison's Storm King Plant.” The New https://scroll.in/video/826772/watch-tm-
York Time, October 25, 1971. krishna-sings-to-arouse-people-into-
https://www.nytimes.com/1971/10/25/archives preventing-chennai-s-environmental-
/new-moves-are-planned-to-bar-con-edisons- degradation
storm-king-plant.html
Murugan, Perumal. “PerumalMurugan on
Boyle, Robert H. “A stink of dead stripers.” T.M. Krishna's Song in Solidarity with
Sports Illustrated, April 26, 1965. Chennai's Endangered Creek.” The
https://www.nytimes.com/1971/10/25/archives Wire.https://thewire.in/culture/t-m-krishna-
/new-moves-are-planned-to-bar-con-edisons- ennore-creek-permual
storm-king-plant.html
“Report on Public Hearing Held on the Loss of
Revkin, Andrew C. “How a Hudson Ecology and Fisher Livelihood in Ennore
Highlands Mountain Shaped Tussles Over Creek.” April, 2016.
Energy and the Environment.” Dot Earth New https://storyofennore.files.wordpress.com/201
York Times Blog, April 14, 2015. 6/03/ph_report.pdf
https://dotearth.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/04/14

I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 43

‘What is the emphasis given to spirituality and moksha in the Odissi dance
form as it is being propagated in a contemporary setting?’

Mansi Kankan

The purpose of this research is to assess the emphasis given to the spiritual concept of
moksha manifested as attainment of higher levels of consciousness in Odissi as it is learnt,
taught, and practised in a contemporary setting. The essay draws upon the hypothesis of
anthropologist Melford Spiro that the institution of religion serves as a means for satisfying
basic human desires including connecting to a spiritual dimension through practices such as
dance. Reference has been made to the claim in the Natyashastra that moksha, viewed as the
ultimate goal in a strand of Indian philosophy, may be achieved through performance arts
such as dance. To provide a comprehensive assessment of the emphasis on spirituality in
Odissi in current times, an interview with a dance teacher with roots in Bhubaneshwar,
Odisha, teaching students in Gurgaon, Delhi NCR has been conducted. Another source
utilised are four reference books that are used by present students of Odissi. The findings of
this specific research show that there is a significant reduction in the spiritual aspect of
Odissi today as it is propagated. Factors inferred for the result of this assessment are
suggested to be lack of awareness or introspection, holistic education, or an inability to
articulate the sensation of higher consciousness that may be felt when dancing. The research
probes the further question of how value may be given to knowledge of spirituality as an
integral part of Odissi such that this awareness develops parallel to the physical development
of student.

The intricate historical relationship of anthropologist Melford Spiro’s definition
dance to religious practices in India makes of religion allows further elaboration on
it useful to understand the nature of the functional aspect of religion in
religions as social institutions that function fulfilling the expressive and substantive
to provide expressive and substantive needs. According to him, religion acts as
needs within human culture. The Indian ‘an institution consisting of culturally
dance forms are often not only movement patterned interaction with culturally
selected and determined as significant for postulated superhuman beings’.1 This
their beauty in physical performance, they includes the concept of gods, as well as
often have evolved religious and spiritual practices that relate them to humans.
concepts as the basis for them. In other
words, dance may reflect ancient religious Spiro goes on to say that in the absence of
beliefs and practices by bringing alternative institutions such as science or
experiences that occur at certain points technology, the institution of religion
into a culture’s mythic and spiritual provides the means for satisfying three
perspective. These are often embodied, or basic human desires or needs. These are
sought to be embodied, in present-day described as cognitive (the need to
performances.
1Melford E. Spiro, “Religion: Problems of Definition and
To further elaborate on the practices that Explanation,” in Anthropological Approaches to the
are considered to relate humans to divinity, Study of Religion ed. Michael Banton (London:
Tavistock, 1966), 96.

understand the unexplainable), substantive I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 44
(needs for sustenance, individual and
community), and affective (emotional allow humans to regain their
balance, freedom from inner conflict, enlightenment and restore the golden age.
which causes expressive needs). It was specified that the means would be a
fifth Vedic text, in addition to the four,
To obtain these needs, Spiro observes that which shall be pleasing, entreating and
humans connect themselves to the spiritual instructive. This would be accessible to
world through the respective domains with even the shudras, who were not allowed
acts or connectors. For the cognitive, this access to the other Vedas.3
implies the creation of myths and beliefs
that fall in line with the unexplainable. For Thus ‘Natya’ or drama was created and
the substantive, this includes the sought to be implemented – this
performance of acts of ceremony such as knowledge was passed on to the human
dance or drama to achieve this need as sage Bharata, who taught it to his hundred
well as help adapt to circumstances as they sons. They were hence the first actors.
are. For the affective, an attempt may be This knowledge is contained in the text of
made to create a link through expressive the Natyashastra and any performance that
acts. These acts transfer inner conflicts follows these instructions are supposed to
from the actual world to a symbolic one, to be conducive to dharma (duty), artha
enable humans to make them more (wealth), fame, guidance, and enrichment.
tolerable by integrative means. The
concept of moksha, as present in Indian Theatre in this context thus has the direct
philosophy, has been described as an and explicit function to restore the
affective need.2 mentioned golden age.4 For humankind,
this implies restoration of the state of
Moksha is believed to occur after the soul perfection, liberation, that is, moksha,
has evolved through cycles of being and enlightenment and higher states of
non-being until it achieves permanent consciousness for all people on earth.
release from earthly lives – that is, a
release from reincarnation. Moksha is The Natyashastra also elaborates on the
generally understood as liberation, concept of ‘Success’ in dramatic
complete surrender, or attainment of the performance. It states that this is of two
highest level of consciousness. types, the divine (daiviki) and human
(manusi). Drama has a triple basis for
A focus of Indian philosophy has been authority – the people, the Vedas, and the
human consciousness and practical spiritual faculty. It is deemed a success
techniques for its development. The when the base of it is in the Vedas and
Natyashastra is the main treatise of Indian spiritual faculty, and when it includes
philosophy that deals with theatre suitable words and metre. The Success
aesthetics – this includes dance and drama, includes excessive display of temperament
the performance arts. A passage in the text and the states (the devices used to convey
describes how theatre was created: the meaning or emotion by the dancer) and is
golden age, in which all human beings taken by the spectators as divine. Thus as
enjoyed a state of enlightenment, complete according to the Natyashastra, ‘when there
health and fulfilment, had come to an end.
Humans were afflicted by first symptoms 3Ascribed to Bharata Muni, The Natyashastra: A
of suffering, and the gods, concerned about Treatise on Hindu Dramaturgy and Histrionics, Vol. 1,
this development, devised a means to trans. Manomohan Ghosh, (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of
Bengal, 1951), 1 - 6.
2Janet Descutner, Asian Dance: World of Dance. (New https://archive.org/details/NatyaShastra accessed 12th
York: Chelsea House Publications, 2010), 23. October 2017.
4Daniel Meyer-Dinkgräfe, Introduction to Theatre and
Consciousness: Explanatory Scope and Future Potential.
(Bristol: Intellect Ltd., 2005). i.

is no noise, no disturbance, no unusual I j t i h a d . V o l . 5 | 45
occurrence and the auditorium is full, the
Success is called divine’.5 This implies that a meditative shloka or prayer.6 It serves as
to be called a true ‘Success’, the connect to culmination of the performance that
divinity must be through the performance, represents the merging of the dance with
and must touch both the performer as well the divine.
as the audience.
Attempting to analyse the implication in
The Natyashastra contains the foundational the Natyashastra that theatre serves as a
features for many classical Indian dance tool that causes the development of
forms. It outlines four local traditions or enlightenment, higher states of
methods of expressive deliverance: Avanti, consciousness and moksha, probes the
Daksinatya, Odra-magadhi and Pancala- question of the importance of this
madhyama that were in usage at the time implication in a contemporary setting. In
of the compilation of the text. The dating an interview with Ms Geetanjali Acharya,
of the Natyashastra varies from 500BCE to a 32-year old Odissi dance teacher
500CE but most estimate it to have been currently based in the metropolitan city of
compiled between 200BCE to 200CE. Of Gurgaon (Delhi NCR), she was asked to
these four traditions, Odra refers to elaborate on her opinion on moksha
present-day Odisha, from where Odissi through dance.
originates. All the basic dance units
described in this text are present in current Ms Acharya began by pointing out that
form Odissi. It includes the theory of rasa dance is part of her, like an extension of
(essence), bhava (emotion), expression, her body.7 From the time she first started
gestures, basic steps, standing postures, dancing, as a child in her hometown of
and so on. Sculptures or carvings in the Bhubaneshwar, Odisha, she never stopped.
described dance postures adorn On questioning her on whether she
archaeological sites such as caves and believes she has experienced a spiritual
temples in, providing physical experience through dance, Ms Acharya
manifestation of this tradition. These are answered hesitantly it is the closest she has
present in Bhubaneshwar, Konarak, and come to the feeling of ‘mukti’ (freedom) in
Puri, among others. her mind. She further clarified that it gives
her a sense of completeness, as if she has
Traditional Odissi evolved in two major contributed to something worthwhile.
styles – maharis and gotipuas. The former
was performed by women, focusing on When asked to clarify her concept of
more solemn, spiritual temple dance, while moksha, Ms Acharya spoke about how if
the latter was by boys dressed as girls and one utilizes ‘sadka’ (giving voluntarily in
included athletic and acrobatic movements the name of God) and ‘riyaaz’ (practice),
performed from festive occasions to and does good deeds contributing to
general entertainment. Modern Odissi positive karma, he or she, regardless of
performance repertoire consists of five gender, shall be capable of attaining
items: invocation, nritta (pure dance), freedom or moksha. She emphasized on
nritya (expressive dance), natya (dance moksha through discipline: dance gurus of
drama), and moksha (viewed as a dance the 20th century, who helped in the
climax). reviving the popularity of Odissi, such as
Guru Pankaj Charan Das and Guru
Moksha in Odissi dance is the conclusion Kelucharan Mohapatra, due to their
item of the performance. It is a joyful and
rhythmic dance of liberation that ends with 6NandiniSikand, Languid Bodies, Grounded Stances:
The Curving Pathway of Neoclassical Odissi Dance.
5Muni, TheNatyashastra, Vol I. 513. (New York: Berghahn Books, 2016). 57.
7Interview with MsGeetanjali Acharya, 3rd October,
2017.