Ijtihad'19

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 44

media representation. ing excerpt from Eyerman’s work is illustrative in
this context:
3. Jim Crow Laws and The Abolitionist Move-
ment ...works of sculpture showed kneeling
slaves under the care of standing whites,
Before delving into the stereotypes that the even as they broke with other stereotyp-
African-American community is exposed to ical images of blacks. As the newspa-
through media representations in the contempo- perman and critic Freeman Henry Mor-
rary world, the author would like to establish the ris Murray put it in his analysis of sculp-
origin of these stereotypes and the space which ture written in 1916, —So Emancipation
fostered their creation. The Jim Crow laws en- – even under the circumstances through
forced state and local segregation, and were en- which it came about in this country – is
forced after the Reconstruction period. How- conceived and expressed nearly always as
ever, there was disparity in the way the North and a bestowal, seldom or never as a restitution.
the South America were segregated. While the Hence American art – and foreign art, too,
southern parts were strictly segregated, the north- it seems – usually puts it objectively, “See
ern parts followed an informal segregation. what’s been done for you”, or subjectively,
“Look what’s been done for me” (quoted in
It can be argued that the practice of systemati- Boime 1990:172). In Murray’s view, there
cally separating the two racial groups, worked was another subjectivity here, a black sub-
counter productively against the anti-slavery jectivity, which needed to be represented.12
laws. Even though, in a formal capacity, slav-
ery was not the norm of the day, no social ties Here, an important distinction is drawn between
could be established between the two communi- emancipation as bestowal versus emancipation
ties owing to the Jim Crow Laws. The Aboli- as restitution. The phenomenon calls attention
tionist Movement, in this regard, gained renewed to the sheer extremities that slavery exposed the
importance, as it provided a forum to the African- African-American community to, wherein in
American community to establish a counter nar- their eyes, progress was not truly progress and
rative through media. It provided a context, a emancipation meant freedom, but within certain
ready audience, a network of media and influen- boundaries.
tial individuals within which an image of slavery
could be constructed and disseminated to counter 4. Mainstream Stereotypes and Media Content
the images and practices of the dominant society.
In the visual and plastic arts, they encouraged the We have discussed at length the impact that me-
representation of the black artisan, as a means of dia representation had on the African-American
countering the dominant image of the inhuman community in the decades that followed slav-
brute without competence and skill.11 ery, but what is interesting to note here, is that
contemporary media seems to be charged with
However, it is crucial to understand the implica- ideas which were introduced in these very times.
tions of this narrative and whether or not the nar- The most common stereotypes that black women
rative itself proved to have backfired. The follow-
12Ibid., 43.
11Eyerman, op.cit., 41.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 45

are subjected to in mainstream media include nonlinear content has made it a public favourite
the “Mammy” stereotype which sees the black almost immediately. Weaver in his research on
woman as a nanny or housekeeper; the ‘Jezebel’ non-linear content, found a disturbing trend:
indicating that they are promiscuous and seduc-
tive and the ”Financially Needy” which caters However, nonlinear streaming platforms
to the ’Welfare Queen stereotype.”13 Black men not only allow consumers to select their
are not better off, with the “Mandingo” stereo- programming at their own leisure, but
type showing them as hypersexual “sex crazed also insulate themselves with content that
fiends”; the “Magical Negro” viewing them as aligns perfectly with their beliefs. In
someone who comes to the aid of the white pro- this content analysis, the stereotypes like
tagonist; the “Athlete” which views the black ghetto/inarticulate, criminal, and angry
man as bestowed with strength; and finally, the Black woman were most frequently ob-
“Rapper/Dancer” which views the black man as served. As discussed earlier, these stereo-
naturally endowed with the ability to dance and types are rooted in discriminatory prac-
rap. Interestingly, these stereotypes were often tices. While it is already observed that re-
used as justifications for lynching, sexual assault peated exposure to these stereotypes has
and even for the overwhelming presence of black negative ramifications, nonlinear stream-
men in the genre of rap music. ing platforms have the capability of in-
creasing these effects due to their availabil-
The rise of television was followed by the growth ity and the advent of binge watching.15
of the internet, and soon the “fourth screen” en-
tered the scene. The term could refer to smart- The concept of binge-watching means that view-
phones, net books, tablets, mini-tablets, smart ers are much more likely to choose content that
watches, and even augmented reality devices, they are familiar and comfortable with. This
such as Google Glass. The fourth screen revolu- preference means that content is now stream-
tionized the media industry because it made non- lined with an overwhelming presence of common
linear content distribution more conveniently ac- stereotypes, like the ones discussed above, in or-
cessible. Generally, television had served as der to cater to the “comfort zone” of the viewers.
the primary source for most media content be-
ing produced, and aside from on-demand ser- However, viewing contemporary media as only
vices or DVDs, consumers would have to cross catering to the negative and often offensive
their fingers and hope that they would catch their stereotypes would be a misrepresentation. With
favourite shows through television. a growth in levels of communication, the forums
for discussion, debate and discourse have be-
However, technology has now enabled people to come more accessible to the general public. This
access media content on their own schedule, and means that people can now express their views
distribution methods have begun to accommo- and opinions with ease, especially in the realm of
date that shift.14 The presence and preference of social media and often in the garb of anonymity.
Remember The Titans is an American film, re-
13C. M. West, “Mammy, Sapphire, and Jezebel, Historical leased in the year 2000. The film focuses on the
images of Black women and their implications for Psy-
chotherapy,” Psychotherapy: Theory, Research, Prac- 15Ibid.
tice, Training, vol.32, no. 3, (1995): 458-466.

14Tony Weaver, Jr., Strategic Communications, (Elon Uni-
versity, 2016), 58-60.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 46

theme of Racial Integration Laws and the hostili- present.16
ties between the two ethnic communities, i.e. the
whites and the blacks. The film is an example An important idea that can be gauged from the
of how media portrayal can be used as a repre- “cathartic” message that Halloran speaks of, is
sentation of exemplary behaviour. With themes who this catharsis can be directed towards? In the
of equality, racial integration, friendship and hu- discussion on white guilt and white psychology,
manity replete in the film, it is an ideal example it had been established that members of the Cau-
of the positive ways in which media has affected casian American community also have feelings
the race discourse. of guilt and remorse with respect to the treatment
meted out to the African-American community
5. Museums as Extensions of Media in the past. Given the context of this guilt, it
is important to ask whether museum portrayal is
Even though museums are not a part of main- directed towards cathartic release of the pent-up
stream media, historical representations in mu- anger of the African-American community or if
seums are instrumental in the narrative that is set it serves as a tokenistic facet that the Caucasian
forth in a society and the subsequent impact on community uses to feel better and keep feelings
its culture. Halloran in her essay elaborates on of “guilt” at bay?
slavery-themed museums in the United States:
A museum is expected to be a neutral body, one
While not all of these institutions have which displays an objective reality to the best
been able to design their buildings from the of its capability. But the way that institution-
ground up as was the case in Washington, alization of slavery was oriented, it is not out
D. C., the slavery museums in Cincinnati, of the ambit of discussion to perceive museums
San Juan, and Milwaukee contain among as misrepresentative or perhaps skewed towards
their permanent exhibitions life-size dio- one perception of the historical accounts. It
ramas of the Middle Passage depicting is this ambiguity that leads to a narrative that
the horror to which slaves were subjected might not necessarily be held by everyone, yet it
down in the hold of slaving vessels dur- continues to exist. A narrative which questions
ing their journey to the New World. A the legitimacy of the institution of the museum
quiet and dimly lit space usually follows simply by virtue of the way it presents the “truth.”
such emotionally affecting displays in each
museum; it is set aside for private reflec- 6. Conclusion
tion and meditation. These newly emer-
gent trauma museums anticipate that audi- The portrayal of the African-American commu-
ences who have walked through these dis- nity in early forms of media, like theatre, has
turbing exhibitions will experience a mo- been spurred by the understanding of slaves as
ment of catharsis or emotional release that “savage and animalistic.” Following this era,
should be both welcomed and respected. with the anti-slavery laws and consequently the
Thus, trauma museums have come to play Reconstruction, we see the African-American
a new role in American and Caribbean so-
ciety, functioning as secular venues for the 16Vivian Halloran, Exhibiting Slavery: The Caribbean
consecration of human suffering, past and Postmodern Novel As Museum, (University of Virginia
Press, 2009): 10.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 47

community being subjected to ridicule at the important question that arises is whether there is
hands of the dominant culture, with ideas of scope for eradication of these derogatory ideas
blackface, and a neglect of the culture of this through evolution? Here, the role of media
community. However, what we sought to es- as the “setter of narrative” becomes crucial.
tablish through this research was the evolution It becomes imperative to actively prioritise
of these common stereotypes about the African- media with positive and real-life depictions of
American community and how stereotypes stem- the African-American community, in order to
ming from basic ideas proposed during and after move towards a tangible change. With further
the period of slavery continue to exist. advances in communication and with a collective
effort from the society as well as the African-
Stereotypes like the black woman as “mammy” American community, the inaccurate depictions
or the nanny has been derived from the actual in mainstream media can be countered and must
work that black women and slaves did as house- be challenged to effectively curb misrepresenta-
hold help and care takers. The portrayal of tion and the menace it has wreaked in the society.
black men as “sex crazed” stems from the be-
lief that black men are “animals” that must be Bibliography
restrained. The stereotypes today are almost al-
ways skewed in favour of the white supremacists, Berlin, Irving. Holiday Inn. 1942.
who then contribute to the furthering of these
stereotypes. The most stark example would be Brooks, Dwight E., and Lisa P. He´bert. “Gender,
the #BlackLivesMatter movement, an internet Race, and Media Representation.” Handbook of
campaign spurred by the indiscriminate killing of Gender and Communication, vol. 16, (2006):
black men and women, and a result of intensive 297-317.
racial profiling in the United States. The black
woman is viewed as oversexualised and as an Carpio, Glenda. Laughing Fit to Kill: Black Hu-
inherent seductress The stereotype is then used mor in the Fictions of Slavery. Oxford University
to justify rapes and sexual offences committed Press, 2008.
against black women. Brooks & Hebert make an
interesting observation, when they study the por- Davis, Angela Y. Blues Legacies and Black Fem-
trayal of the black woman as a hyper sexual be- inism: Gertrude Ma Rainey, Bessie Smith, and
ing as being most evident in videos of rap songs, Billie Holiday. Vintage, 2011.
predominantly sung by black males. The phe-
nomenon brings forth two ideas; first, of the dou- Eyerman, Ron. Cultural Trauma: Slavery and
bly marginalized black woman and second, of the Formation of African American Identity.
the level of internalization of stereotypes that the Cambridge University Press, 2001.
African-American community has engaged in.
Gordon, Richard A. Cinema, Slavery, and Brazil-
While we see active consciousness in contem- ian Nationalism. University of Texas Press,
porary media to delineate itself from offensive 2015.
and derogatory expressions towards an ethnic
community, implicit biases and stereotypes Gubar, Susan. Racechanges: White Skin, Black
seep into mainstream media lending to the Face in American culture. Oxford University
continuous evolution of these stereotypes. The Press, 2000.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 48

Halloran, Vivian Nun. Exhibiting slavery: The
Caribbean Postmodern Novel as Museum. Uni-
versity of Virginia Press, 2009.

McMurry, Linda O., and Linda McMurry Ed-
wards. To Keep the Waters Troubled: The Life
of Ida B. Wells. Oxford University Press,, 2000.

Yakin, Boaz. Titans. 2000.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 49

Ways Around and Working Through:
A Close Look at the Familial Lives of Three Professional Women

Arushi Mukherji
Department of History, Lady Shri Ram College for Women

The working woman’s condition and the ensuing gender issues have been empericised and statistically
analysed in many works of research and study. And while these are pertinent and lend a fruitful
understanding to the issue, the element of personal experience is unmatched. For the purpose of this
paper, the individual experience is of primary interest. The scope of this paper is also located in the
big metropolis, with each participant hailing from upper middle class families. Could a history of
working women in their families have affected their life and career decisions as young adults? In
specific, this paper will look at how being a first, second or third generation working woman of her
birth family affected her as she was growing up, and now as an adult.

Studies of women in India have to be more con- 1. Navigating Signs of Strain
textual than has been traditionally the case, if
they are to be relevant.1 A closer analysis of For my first generation participant, I approached
the roles they are expected to fulfill at an indi- Mrs. Saswati Gupta,4 a 47-year old Interior
vidual level stemming from the gendered divi- Designer working for over 20 years in a firm
sion of household roles, and the way they negoti- she launched with her husband, Mr. Kamalendu
ate their way around with their in-laws and hus- Gupta. Keeping in line with her desire to work,
bands is fruitful to understanding gender inequal- she planned on doing an MBA. However, she re-
ity at home. The amount of employment and ed- alised that the late hours her husband was putting
ucation opportunities for women have only been into his work would put a strain on their marriage
increasing as the years progress, but the multi- in the future. Therefore, in order to associate
ple roles that they are required to fulfill have no with him and his work, and be a larger part of his
space for being forgone. Their modern and tra- life, she decided to study Interior Design from
ditional roles must always be observed and met.2 a Polytechnic. Since for him his work was pri-
And more so, the persistence of the association ority, she knew that it was the best decision and
between females and household duties continues went on to jestingly remark that, “Had I done my
to perplex.3 MBA, god only knows what would’ve happened
down the line.”
1Karuna Ahmad, “Studies of Educated Working Women in
India: Trends and Issues,” Economic and Political Weekly, While there was no outright protest against her
vol. 14, no. 33 (Aug. 18, 1979):14-35. working, she informs me that she was very care-
2Pratima R. Mantri and Saroja Krishnaswamy, “Sociolog- ful in doing her work around the house so as to
ical Correlates Of Marital Adjustment Among Working not warrant any complaints from her in-laws. She
Women,” International Journal of Sociology of the Fam- mentions that as long as she did her bit around the
ily, vol. 24, no. 2 (Autumn 1994): 100. house, she did not face much resistance to her ed-
3Renata Forste and Kiira Fox, “Household Labor, Gender ucation and working. “I did what I had to do,” she
Roles, and Family Satisfaction: A Cross-National Com-
parison,” Journal of Comparative Family Studies, vol. 43, 4Saswati Gupta (Co-Founder, Associates Designers,) in
no. 5 (2012): 614. discussion with the author. March 21, 2018.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 50

says. middle school teacher with over 23 years of ex-
perience. She started out in the hotel business
Opening up their own practice coincided with where she met her husband, Mr. Sunil Prabhala,
Mrs. Gupta’s pregnancy. Their workload and working at the same hotel. The couple’s late
pressure eased when her mother came to live with working hours started putting a strain on their
them. Because of this, they could focus on ex- marriage and her husband suggested that she take
panding their work. Having someone support up a job with flexible timings. Though he helped
you with your newborn while you continue work- around with their two toddlers and the house, she
ing is crucial in her opinion. agreed that changing her profession was the best
way to do justice to her family. “He was a very
Her mother, upon completing her graduation, homely husband but he shouldn’t be taken for
was very happy at home and never expressed a granted.” She then threw herself into a whole
desire to work. In fact, no woman in her side new field of elementary education and has been
of family ever worked as a 24/7 working pro- working as a teacher ever since.
fessional. She does tell me that, “My nature is
such that it was always understood that I would Mrs. Prabhala also tells me that during the years
be working. My mom was not too bothered about of her husband’s work transfers, she moved back
what work I would do because for her, know- to New Delhi with her kids. Those years, she
ing that I’m getting married to a nice guy was felt, were also marked by increasing regulation of
enough.” household expenses which she could not take for
long. Rejoining the teaching profession eased her
Towards the end of the interview, she also re- mind, and helped her keep aside money for her-
marks with a mild but thoughtful smile that her self which she would not have to answer for. Her
inclination to work is truly surprising. “I was now retired husband helps out a lot around the
never that good at academics. In fact, my cousin house. In the process, she says, he makes sure
sister was very good and chances of her work- his contributions are heard in the house. How-
ing were higher, I suppose. But the opposite hap- ever, she does not list hers out “A woman does so
pened.” She believes that it depends on the nature many jobs behind the scenes at the house and has
of the person. Even in her friend circle, she is the to constantly supervise and be present. A lady
only regular professional. To this day, her family never tells.”
remains astonished to see her become who she
is today. Work is a big part of her individuality Mrs. Prabhala tells me that she always knew
and she’s very pleased with how her career has that she would be working and the biggest rea-
panned out. When I ask her if she can imagine son for this was watching her mother struggle.
her life without work, she responded with “Very She worked as a telephone operator for 15 years
boring!” whilst supporting her daughters single-handedly.
If such a situation arose in her life, she wanted to
2. Discovering Agency be prepared with a degree and sufficient income
and savings. “I wanted to be on my own feet so
Mrs. Ritu Prabhala5 is the second generational I wouldn’t have to go through the same problems
participant for this paper. She is a 55-year old my mom did.” She also says that her desire to
work also stemmed from watching her mother be
5Ritu Prabhala (Middle School Teacher at Eicher School, an independent and strong woman. Her mother
Faridabad, Haryana), in discussion with the author, March
24, 2018.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 51

was also very encouraging and trusting in her ing and leaving the house with us,” says Mrs.
abilities and personality. Rizvi. Even when her father was posted abroad,
her mother taught in middle school. Whenever
She also feels that for women, it is extremely im- they had a holiday, they would get to go to their
portant to work and utilise their education. She mother’s school and sit in the staff room. “We
would be “seriously respected in the man’s and used to feel so powerful sitting there, it made us
family’s heart.” Her husband and in-laws intro- feel that it was good to work.”
duce her to people with such pride because of
how respectable a teacher’s profession is. She Upon asking her if her parents expected her to
hopes to continue teaching even after retirement. work, she says, “I expected myself to work.” She
never thought that she would not. She also tells
3. A Way of Life me that having her husband be in the services as
well was an added security but also had it draw-
The final participant to this study is Mrs. Zoya backs. “No one should say that I don’t work be-
Ali Rizvi.6 She is a 45-year old civil servant cause of him.” But at the same time, she was
with the Ministry of Health and a professional in even accused of receiving the post because of her
medicine. She is the youngest of two sisters born husband. “I have to tell people that I was posted
in Lucknow where both completed their gradua- to the Centre before him. I got the job because I
tion. She got married to Mr. Ali Rizvi at age 24. applied for it!”
In roughly 1997, she joined the services as a doc-
tor. In 2008, her husband, also a civil servant like She notes that she could have been earning a lot
her father and grandfather, got posted to England more had she been working for international or-
where she proceeded to complete her Masters in ganisations such as the United Nations but she
Public Health. Upon their return to India, she says that, “I’d rather have lesser pay and more
branched out into the non-clinical field of Public time with my family as compared to a more flour-
Health policy-making in the Ministry of Health ishing career.” But her work and financial inde-
which is what she is doing currently. pendence are a part of who she is. She also tells
me that it is very empowering to have her own
Her in-laws were also supportive of her career, money, and the joy of working doubles because
especially because her husband said that, “Zoya one can spend what one earns. “Imagine asking
will work.” Her mother-in-law used to help a lot your husband for money every time. It’s crazy,”
with the children and the meals while she would says Mrs. Rizvi.
be away at work. She thinks that having parents
and in-laws is a big support if you want to work Her grandmother, Mrs. Rizvi tells me, was a
full-time. She also informs me that there’s a lot “very relaxed and cool lady” and a lover of life
of status and respect that comes with being a doc- and it’s simplicity. She was a governess and was
tor, especially when one is working in the gov- home tutored. She used to promote a lot of read-
ernment. ing in the family and even read out poetry to the
grandkids. She was a proficient Urdu poetess and
Her mother worked as a teacher for “donkey’s had her work published regularly. I was told that
years” and her sister worked as well. “We were she was a very disciplined lady and that, when-
so used to seeing her getting ready in the morn- ever she wrote, the children were not allowed to
disturb her. Mrs. Rizvi cannot say for sure if her
6Zoya Ali Rizvi (Assistant Commissioner, Ministry of grandmother wanted her daughters to be working
Health), in discussion with the author, March 13, 2018.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 52

but she was definitely up for educating them. tualized as “a set of social beliefs about men’s
and women’s roles and relationships in varied so-
“Watching her elder sister work, Amma must cial institutions.”11 And it just so happens that
have also been motivated to do the same. Edu- the powerful and long-lasting effect of social-
cation was seen to be essential for all the women ization and a deeply internalized gender ideol-
in the family, so it was assumed that they would ogy among middle-aged adults makes it harder
be working eventually. My Naani never left the for them to change over time.12 Each partici-
house because of the times. But her two daugh- pant in this study adopted various strategies to
ters went on to complete their higher education, contain the stresses of these contradictory and
and her younger daughter’s girls left Lucknow al- competing dual role demands. The adoption of
together to pursue their careers.” the same for them has proved to be a helpful
means of exercising agency and autonomy on the
4. Then and Now: A Negotiation women’s part. While each participant is a strong
and financially independent individual in her own
Regardless of having had an arranged or love right, they all are in active negotiation with their
marriage, these three participants jointly ex- and their marital world. And when we look at
pressed the regular occurrences of their “dual worlds in the broader contexts of gender, we find
worlds.”7 While they report that they are happy that these women are creating their own female
in marital life, they all seem to be aware of the world whilst negotiating with that of the male.
gender frictions that exist within marriages and Although this paper’s participants, and women
speak frankly about them. The empirical find- from other studies referred to in this work, be-
ings of a study conducted in Kashmir Valley by lieve that they are fairly “adjusted” in their mar-
Abdul Gani and Roshan Ara8 resonate with what ried lives with mostly equanimous distribution of
this paper’s participants shared. As to the ques- household work between the spouses,13 even if
tion of role conflict, all respondents had report- the latter may not be so, they have in fact actively
edly felt some degree of it. The chances of role created their own sense of power.
conflict are more when the mother has more pre-
school going children and does not have satis- A general understanding from each of the cases
factory child-care provision at home during their is that – having someone as working women in
school hours.9 They also found that working one’s birth family may empower women to make
mothers from nuclear family background are bet- career-related choices – and they all go on to ex-
ter adjusted than those living in extended fami- perience similar challenges and absurdities once
lies, and spousal support is a vital predictor of they step out. And in those processes, these
work-family conflicts.10 women step out of the conventional, yesteryear’s
concepts of victimhood at home and the work-
Within the household, several gender ideologies place and carve their own personal and collective
are at work. Gender ideologies can be concep- space in the mainstream.

7Abdul Gani and Roshan Ara, “Conflicting Worlds of 11Renata, op.cit., 615.
Working Women: Findings of an Exploratory Study” In- 12Elizabeth Mikayla Legerski and Marie Cornwall,
dian Journal of Industrial Relations, vol. 46, no. 1 (July
2010): 62. “Working-Class Job Loss, Gender, and The Negotiation
8 Ibid., 61-73. Of Household Labor,” Gender and Society, vol. 24, no. 4
9 Ibid., 64. (2010): 449.
10Abdul, op.cit., 65. 13Renata, op.cit., 618.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 53

Bibliography

Ahmad, Karuna. “Studies of Educated Working
Women in India: Trends and issues.” Economic
and Political Weekly (1979): 1435-1440.

Forste, Renata, and Kiira Fox. “Household La-
bor, Gender Roles, and Family Satisfaction: A
Cross-National Comparison.” Journal of Com-
parative Family Studies, vol. 43, no. 5 (2012):
613-631.

Gani, Abdul, and Roshan Ara. “Conflicting
Worlds of Working Women: Findings of an Ex-
ploratory Study.” Indian Journal of Industrial
Relations (2010): 61-73.

Gupta, Saswati. Co-Founder, Associates Design-
ers, Faridabad, Haryana. In discussion with the
author. March 21, 2018.

Legerski, Elizabeth Miklya, and Marie Cornwall.
“Working-Class Job Loss, Gender, and the Nego-
tiation of Household Labor.” Gender & Society,
vol. 24, no. 4 (2010): 447-474.

Prabhala, Ritu.Middle School Teacher, Eicher
School, Faridabad, Haryana. In discussion with
the author. March 24, 2018.

Mantri, Pratima R., and Saroja Krish-
naswamy.“Sociological correlates of Marital
Adjustment Among Working Women.” Inter-
national Journal of Sociology of the Family,
(1994): 99-110.

Rizvi, Zoya Ali. Assistant Commissioner,
Ministry of Health, New Moti Bagh, New Delhi.
In discussion with the author. March 13, 2018.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 54

Mutilation of Surpanakha

Sharvi Maheshwari
Department of History, Miranda House

The epic Ramayana has been treated as one of the most influential and important texts over the
years. It is a perfect example of the process of ”myth-making”, with changing perceptions further
augmenting the layering of the text. In the Ramayana, the narratives surrounding the female
characters have often been sidelined, both in the epic tradition as well as in the historical discourses.
Their perspectives and ideas have hardly been taken into consideration. They have mostly been
perceived as troublemakers and as the causative agent of all problems that could possibly happen. To
address some of these issues, I have closely examined a specific episode from the Ramayana –– the
mutilation of Surpanakha and her portrayal in the Aranyakanda. Surpanakha can be considered the
epitome of all “wrongs,” firstly because she is a woman and secondly because she is also a Rakshasi
(demoness) living in dark forests. In this paper, various narratives of the same episode has been
examined with focus on the little variations. It aims to highlight the increase in the didactic part of the
episode with the simultaneous attempt to curb Surpanakha’s agency. I have used Valmiki’s Ramayana
for explaining the story in brief, as it is the first written account of the event, and afterwords, have
analyzed it using four other tellings of the same episode.

1. Narration of Valmiki’s Ramayana great detail –– (i) the little variations in differ-
ent narrations, and (ii) the attempt to curb Sur-
India over the years has produced a lot of great panakha’s agency with the simultaneous increase
work on varied subjects which are still well of the didactic part of the episode.
revered like the Arthashastra, Vedas, Kamasutra
etc. Yet, when we talk about the most known In this papers, Valmiki’s Ramayana has been pri-
work produced in the Indian subcontinent, Ra- marily referred to for explaining the story, as it is
mayana is often the first name that comes to the first written account of the event. The episode
mind. The fact that it not only survived the starts with Rama, Lakshmana and Sita living in
scrutiny of time but also disseminated itself ex- Panchavati owing to their exile.2 They are telling
tensively is remarkable. There has to be some each other stories when a Rakshasi named Sur-
truth to the epic to hold on the beliefs of millions panakha, who is passing by, sees them. She is
of people. Its significant influence and undy- instantly besotted by Rama’s beauty. The au-
ing efficacy can be explained with the process thor then compares her appearance with Rama’s
of “myth-making” and the constant, systematic wherein she is portrayed as “ugly... dreadful
layering up through the changing time and ma- old hag” as opposed to Rama who is, “beauti-
noeuvring of the mind. The changing and aug-
menting perceptions further help in the layer over Lakshmana. See Romesh C. Dutt, The Valmiki Ramayana,
the layer of writing a text. With this concept (Vijay Goel Publications, 2006), 77.
in mind, we will be focussing on the episode 2King Dashrath’s wife Kaikayi used her boon to drive
of mutilation of Surpanakha and her portrayal in Rama out of the political setting of Ayodhya. See Sally
Aranyakanda.1 I will be discussing two ideas in J. Sutherland Goldman, “Women at the Margins: Gender
and Religious Anxieties in Va¯lm¯ıki’s Ra¯ma¯yan. a,” Jour-
1 Aranyakanda narrates the forest life of Rama, Sita and nal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 138, no. 1
(2018):45-72.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 55

ful” with “a tender youth.” Surpanakha then ap- 2. Analysis of Surpanakha’s Behaviour
proaches Rama. She questions him about his
presence in the forest which is “frequented by The name “Surpanakha” literally means a
Rakshasas.” He replies by introducing him- woman who have nails like winnowing baskets.5
self, his brother and his wife. He further asks She has constantly been scrutinized as an evil
her about her “charming body” to which she re- lady who ultimately acted as a catalyst that built
sponds by telling him about herself, her powers the pace of the epic. A few historians are of the
and her ability to change forms at will.3 opinion that this episode was a later interpola-
tion, yet others like Kathleen Erndl and AK Ra-
They have a simple conversation at the end of manujan believe this scene to be very vital for
which she declares her love for Rama and asks Ramayana to proceed. With different telling6 of
him to be her husband after she destroys the Ramayanas, we see that the approach towards the
“ugly” Sita and Lakshmana. He tells her that scene changes. It can be in terms of the nature of
while he is married and is devoted to a single mutilation that takes place or the reason for muti-
woman, his brother is a bachelor who is “eager to lation itself. She has different names in different
marry.” She then goes to Lakshmana who smiles places and tellings.7
and explains that since he is Rama’s slave, she
will be the wife of a slave and hence, should When talking about Valmiki’s Ramayana the
become Rama’s junior wife, wherein Rama will intensity and details he puts into the Rakshasi
abandon her previous wife for her. Surpanakha is self-explanatory. One can always feel a
takes it at the face value saying that she will difference between the Gods and the Rakshasis
devour Sita on the spot to get rid of her. She which are often “scary”, “potbellied”,“evil”,
then prepares to leap on Sita when Rama, in “ugly”, “gross”, “deformed” and have “mascu-
a fit of rage, holds her, telling Lakshmana that line characteristics.”8 While Valmiki shows her
one should never joke with such people, asking as an object of disgust when compared to Rama,
him to mutilate her. Lakshmana cuts off her he makes sure that the character of Surpanakha
nose and her ears with his sword. Screaming is very proudy in nature (proud of herself and
loudly and bleeding profusely, she runs to her her lineage).9
brother Khara to tell him what happened. Then,
the episode proceeds further wherein Khara, Du- 5Kathleen Erndl, “The Mutilation of Surpanakha,” in Many
sana and Trisiras wage a battle against Rama who Ramayanas: The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in
single-handedly defeats them.4 South Asia, ed. Paula Richman, (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1992).
The basic outline of the episode now in place, the 6AK Ramanujan prefers the term “tellings” as opposed to
next section will proceed with a critical analysis ‘variants/versions’ because the latter suggest that there is
of the episode. a possibility of an original version which invalidates the
other tellings.
3J.W De Jong, “An Old Tibetan Version of the Ra¯ma¯yan. a,” 7“Purpala” in the old Tibetan manuscripts termed as a “Ver-
T’oung Pao, Second Series, vol. 58, no. 1/5 (1972):190- sion of Ramayana” by J.W. de Tong.
202. 8They bear weapons. Paula Richman, Many Ramayanas:
4The extract has been taken from Valmiki Ramayana’s The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia,
Aranyakanda. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 68-82.
9She specifically mentions Ravana while conversing with
Rama which is apparently supposed to impress him. See
Ibid.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 56

Interestingly, varied Ramayanas have different capable of jokes. Valmiki through sarcasm gives
narrations as to how Surpanakha actually looked the same attributes to Sita that Surpanakha,
like. While Valmiki’s version does not really apparently, had through Lakshmana.15 In Adhy-
clarify if she was in her real form or beautified, atma Ramayana, the history of Rama’s jokes has
Kampan’s telling10 has Surpanakha beautifying been traced suggesting that it was just a childish
herself like Goddess Sri, looking like a fresh prank, ultimately imbued with farce.
“young girl.”11 Kampan’s approach towards Sur-
panakha’s case is very sympathetic. He gives 3. Reasons for Mutilation
enough space for the character to explain her-
self. Adhyatma Ramayana12 chooses to ignore The next argument would be the discrepancies
the looks completely. in the reasons given for the mutilation of Sur-
panakha. with an emphasis on the reasons for
Similarly, the part of the episode where Rama certain specific body parts being amputated. The
tells Surpanakha that she should approach Lak- first telling gives the reason as Surpanakha in-
shmana because he is a bachelor, has been a bone dulging in adultery.16 She is a widow who is
of contention in a lot of tellings. Lakshmana not observing the norms that are to be done by a
was married to King Janaka’s daughter Urmila. widow. In Kampan’s episode,17 Lakshmana sees
We notice that there is a systematic attempt to her for the first time on the second day, preparing
conceal the fact that Rama lied to Surpanakha to pounce on Sita and hence, to protect Sita, he
about Lakshmana’s marital status. Therefore, pins Surpanakha down.
it is very difficult to fathom that the man who
was portrayed as the “ever righteous man” had Around the time when Adhyatma Ramayana
to lie.13 In Kampan’s vision, this part is simply was compiled, we start noticing the introduction
non-existent. Correspondingly, in Adhyatma of pedagogic versions in the fabrication of this
Ramayana, Rama does not tell her that his episode. We observe that while Surpanakha goes
brother is unmarried. Rather, Surpanakha just to Ravana to take vengeance against Sita and
assumes. Adding on that, in Ramcharitmanas, Lakshmana, the reason that Ravana decides to
we again see Rama telling her that Lakshmana pursue it further is to attain salvation through
is unmarried.14 The variations give us an insight getting killed by Rama. This kind of didactic
into the depth of mockery taking place and narrative further elaborates in future tellings. In
how its narration changed over the timeline Radheshyam Ramayana18 Lakshmana lectures
of Ramayanas. The constant ridicule had an
underlying theme that female nature is not 15Lakshmana calls her “ugly... dreadful old hag.” See
P.C Dash, “Ramachandra and the Punishment on Sur-
10He was a twelfth century Tamil poet who wrote, Rama- panakha,”Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research
vataram which is the tamil narration of Ramayana. He Institute, vol. 74, no. 1/4 (1993): 263-271.
was highly influenced by bhakti movements of Vaishnava
sect. See Ibid. 16She was married to Vidyut Jihva who was killed by Ra-
vana which has not been highlighted in Valmiki’s Ra-
11Erndl, op.cit. mayana. See Raj Balkaran, and A. Walter Dorn, “Vio-
12It is a 14th CE Ramayana on the framework of Advaita lence in the Va¯lm¯ıki Ra¯ma¯yan. a: Just War Criteria in an
Ancient Indian Epic,” Journal of the American Academy
Vedanta. See Ibid., 77. of Religion, vol. 80, no. 3 (2012): 659-690.
13Valmiki’s Ramayana has Rama clearly saying that Lak-
17It is a two day long incident. See Erndl, op. cit.,73.
shmana is unmarried while describing his other qualities. 18Composed in mid-twentieth century CE in simple mod-
See Tulsidas, Ramacharitmanas, (Ramayan Press, 1994),
189-224. ern Hindi verse. See Ibid., 79-81.
14Ibid.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 57

Surpanakha on how a woman should behave. been given a position synonymous to empower-
The episode was weaved in such a way that by ment for women which in this scenario feels to
the end of it, it felt as if the brothers were doing be snatched away. Surpanakha, in the narration,
the sinner (Surpanakha) a favour by amputating also hints at the fact that her nose and ears were
her and teaching her deterrence. cut off to make her undesirable to other pursuers.

4. Body Parts Mutilated This is not the first time in Ramayana that we
see mutilation of a woman. Earlier in the story,
On the same lines of mutilation, we need to con- Rama has been asked to kill Demoness Tataka
sider the body parts that were sliced off. While by sage Vishwamitra. Here, one would like to
most Ramayanas had Surpanakha only partially question the reason why Tataka was killed and
injured, Kampan’s version had nipples ripped off Surpanakha spared. In the author’s opinion, it is
as well. This cannot be seen in isolation, with- due to the intensity of crime committed by these
out the reference from the importance of chastity two women individually. It can be seen on the
and position of women in the society. The power lines of gender where Visvamitra, being a brah-
of a woman gandharva has always been charac- min and a man, is given an edge over Sita19 who
terized as residing in chastity, penance, pativrata was a Kshatriya and a woman. Here again, we
and being loyal to a single male. see the intersection of masculinity and caste.

Kampan shows Surpanakha to be a virgin and de- Likewise, when we try to compare Surpanakha
picts that she has an immense amount of power. with Sita, we cannot overlook the fact that the
He further emphasizes this point twice. The former definitely had more sexual as well as fa-
first incident is when Rama asks her if Sur- milial autonomy. She was given the agency to
panakha’s brothers will allow a gandharva mar- choose her husband regardless of the caste. She
riage to which she reverts by telling him that she could independently roam around in the forests
can take her own decisions. This shows us that and had the immense power of her own. The
the agency of marriage rests with her. Further- case of Surpanakha is still evident in oral songs
more, even after the scene of mutilation, she does wherein she and her daughter successfully take
not give up and asks him to think again as he revenge on Rama for the physical violence she
would need a strong woman like her who would had to go through.20 We can base this critical dif-
support him in the battle. ference between the two women from the places
they resided in. While seeing Surpanakha as a
In conversational, everyday usage of Hindi, “to woman from the margins and Sita from a well
cut off the nose” is referred to as loss of honour developed city, we can somewhere say that the
which then is related to the loss of “sexual purity” growth of a broad-based structure with politi-
of a woman. One can correlate it on the line of cal structural hegemony in the northern Ayodhya
thought that she was approaching men for gand- was different from that of northern Lanka.21
harva rite without the need to seek permission
from the males of her family. Another possibil- 19Since Surpanakha tried to kill Sita. Raj. See op.cit., 659-
ity is that mutilation of the nose can be equated 690.
to Lakshmana raping Surpanakha. In Kampan’s
version, the nipples are additionally mutilated. 20Depiction of Ramayana through dramas in Kerala has
Again, in Tamil culture, we see that breasts have Surpanakha’s daughter taking revenge from Sita and
Rama. See Ibid.

21Marxists argue that there were three stages of develop-
ment - barbarism, savagery and agriculture. The third

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 58

We can further look into the dichotomy between uncomfortable with Surpanakha’s independence,
the constant need to show Rama as a “God” or the autonomy given to her and the fact that she
a “Perfect man”, and the simultaneous attempt could utilize her agency for her personal whims
to conceal the contestable ideas. There is a and fancies.
noticeable distinction between Rama and other
characters. From the very beginning in the Bibliography
Ramcharitmanas, Rama is termed as “Prabhu”
which means God itself. In the catalytic act Balkaran, Raj, and A. Walter Dorn. “Violence in
of Surpanakha, we see that in all the tellings, the Va¯lm¯ıki Ra¯ma¯yan. a: Just War Criteria in an
Rama never goes ahead to mutilate her, it is Ancient Indian Epic.” Journal of the American
always Lakshmana who takes up the arms. Academy of Religion, vol. 80, no. 3 (2012): 659-
On the contrary, when we talk about Ravana’s 690.
intentions to kidnap Sita, it must not be seen as
an attempt owing to his lust. We have pieces Dash, P. C. “Ramachandra and the punishment of
of evidence of him being very courteous with Surpanakha.” Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental
her.22 In Kampan’s version, Rama is not even Research Institute, vol. 74, no. 1/4 (1993): 263-
aware that Surpanakha has been mutilated. It is 271.
very late that he comes in the frame. Further-
more, his joke is taken as childish and laughlable. Dutt, Romesh. Valmiki Ramayana. Vijay Goel
Publications, 2006.
5. Conclusion
Dutt, Romesh Chunder. The Ramayana and
In the conclusion, I would like to put forth the Mahabharata Condensed into English Verse.
the point that perhaps by inserting this episode Courier Corporation, 2002.
Valmiki actually wanted to show that Rama, in
fact, was not perfect. However, later narrations Goldman, Robert, and J. Masson. “Who Knows
tried to conceal it in several ways. One can Ravana?–A Narrative Difficulty in the Valmiki
notice consistency in a particular set of body Ramayana.” Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental
parts that were sliced off Surpanakha with a Research Institute, vol. 50, no. 4 (1969): 95-100.
deeper inclination towards violence because of
the agency she was rested with. Furthermore, Goldman, Sally J. Sutherland. “Women at the
we can also see that Rama and Lakshmana can Margins: Gender and Religious Anxieties in
be taken synonymous of the society which is Va¯lm¯ıki’s Ra¯ma¯yan. a.” Journal of the American
Oriental Society 138, no. 1 (2018):45-72.
stage brought about the oppression of women. In Lanka,
women had a greater degree of independence because it de Jong, Jan W. “An old Tibetan version of the
was still in the Megaliths age as opposed to Ayodhya Ramayana.” T’oung Pao, vol. 58 (1972): 190-
where development led to oppression. 202.
22In Kampan’s Ramayana, in this scene, Ravana does not
even touch her but picks the entire earth around her Richman, Paula. Many Ramayanas: The
to make sure that she is not being subjected to any Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South
sort of humiliation. See Robert Goldman and J. Mas- Asia.Berkeley: University of California Press,
son, “Who Knows Ravana?–A Narrative Difficulty in the 1992.
Valmiki Ramayana,” Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute, vol. 50, no. 4 (1969): 95-100.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 59

Sharma, Saumya. Mutilation of Surpanakha in
Valmiki’s Ramayana, 2018.

Tulsidas, Ramacharitmanas. Ramayan Press,
1994.

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 60

BOOK REVIEW
Examining the Development of Tamil Devotion in Colonial India

Johanna Rabindran
Department of Political Science, Lady Shri Ram College for Women

Ramaswamy, Sumathi. Passions of the Tongue: Language Devotion in Tamil India, 1891–1970. Vol.
29. University of California Press, 1997.

In Passions of the Tongue, Ramaswamy closely is used as an agent of mobilisation, very few
examines the discursive history of Tamil and sur- accounts ask how the language is transformed
veys the differing and often contradictory images into a site of loyalty, reverence and love” (p.
of tamilpparru (Tamil devotion), the Tamil com- 8). The foundation of this book, then, is the
munity¯ and¯T¯ amil itself. Through the analysis of question of how language is empowered, and
devotion, she seeks to write a history of Tamil more specifically in this context, how did Tamil
that is not merely a “rehearsal” of linguistic na- acquire the emotive power to move its devotees
tionalism as it played out in the European con- to dedicate their lives, and sometimes their
text. Ramaswamy draws from the devotional dis- deaths for its sake? Ramaswamy answers this
courses to study the feminisation of Tamil and question by turning to the images, praise poetry
the much-contested image of Tamiltay (Mother and narratives of Tamiltay and her devotees,
Tamil). She also offers useful analysis of the and the passions (anpu, “affection” pa¯cam,
strands that made up the Tamil devotional com- “attachment” ka¯tal, “¯love”) that they evoked.
munity, the fundamental differences among them In doing so, she offers an explanation of how
and the circumstances in which they emerged. language becomes an object of devotion in the
Simultaneously, she demonstrates that because process of social mobilisation of its speakers.
Tamil devotion developed in the context of colo-
nial modernity, its speakers often adopted the 1. The Colonial Roots of Tamil Devotion
patrimonial imagination that had emerged with
the Western nationalism. Thus, Tamil speakers In spite of their apparent common goal – the
too asserted, in the vein of Herder and Fichte, welfare of Tamil – the devotees of Tamil imag-
that Tamil belonged to its people – it was the ined their language in different ways. The sec-
key to their social solidarity and fortunes. It is ond chapter (One Language, Many Imaginings)
this blurred line between the unique narratives broadly divides advocates of Tamil into four
of Tamil and the colonial contexts which shaped categories and outlines their assumptions, goals
them that brings forth Ramaswamy’s enduring and characteristics. She analyses poems, prose,
contribution to the field of language and moder- speeches and historical events to illustrate the
nity. construction of discourses and arguments, both
between and within discourses. Thus, the neo-
Despite the upheavals and conflicts that sur- Shaivite promotion of a pre-Aryan Tamil religion
rounded the linguistic reorganisation of India, is contrasted with the relatively secular classical
the “questione della lingua” (the language movement for the revival of ancient Tamil liter-
question) has often been overlooked in the sub- ature. In the later decades, the “Indianists” sup-
continent. While scholars study how language

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 61

ported the Tamil identity within the larger narra- that emerged around Tamil in the colonial pe-
tive of Indian nationalism and anti-colonialism. riod placed it in antiquity. Drawing on the praise
The “Dravidianists”, on the other hand, fought poetry written in the colonial era, she systemat-
against both the colonial and the Indian (India ically relates the verses to the larger project of
was interpreted as a Brahman-dominated entity constructing Tamil’s timeless worth. This project
that would overshadow Tamil) and sought to es- allowed its devotees to legitimise it as a truly
tablish Tamil as the reigning language in the divine/classical tongue that could challenge the
state. As Ramaswamy tells us, this multiplicity supposed superiority of Sanskrit, and by exten-
of views in competition with each other gives rise sion, the Brahmans. This strategy was also used
to contradictory efforts – while some praise tani- to contest colonial histories which disparaged
tamil (pure Tamil), others promote the language Tamil and Dravidian culture.
of the common people. Similarly, there is no
consensus regarding the relative importance of The pure Tamil movement, another contro-
Sanskrit, English and the mother tongue. These versial project sought to return (literally) to
differences would largely continue into the post- the Golden-Age of Tamil – Tamil had to be
colonial period, although the Anti-Hindi move- completely purged of Sanskritic words, and
ments offered an opportunity for these various new pure Tamil words had to be coined for the
strands of tamilpparru to converge to battle the modern era. More importantly, Ramaswamy
“demoness Hin¯di.” ¯¯ argues that this was not a purity movement for its
own sake, but a political and discoursal response
Although there are traces of language devotion to the disparagement of Tamil. Thus, one of
in ancient texts, the meanings and discourses at- the fundamental achievements of this move-
tached to the language changed fundamentally ment was proving and asserting that Tamil was
with colonial modernity. It is only in the nine- capable of presenting modern and complex ideas.
teenth century that Tamil was first imagined as a
site of loyalty and affection, with poems declar- 2. Feminisation of Tamil
ing that “Tamil gave birth to us...Tamil taught us
our first words” (p. 11). Thus, Tamil began to be Tamil devotees would often invoke the ‘Golden
embedded in its speakers. The majority of these age’ of Tamil – the reign of the Chola, Pandya
ideas were spread through the printing press – an- and Chera kings (represented in devotional im-
other import of colonial modernity. ages by the fish, bow and tiger). In stark con-
trast, the modern Tamil society was imagined to
Ramaswamy further shows how these ideas were be in decline. Poets chastised the speakers of
constructed in opposition to the orientalist narra- Tamil who chased after false mothers (Sanskrit,
tives. The colonial histories insisted that Sanskrit Hindi) while Tamiltay herself was dishonoured
was the only classical tongue in India; Tamil, ma- and starved of fine poetry. Ramaswamy exam-
ligned as a mere vernacular, was placed at the ines this feminisation of Tamil through the im-
bottom of the linguistic hierarchy. Thus pro- ages of Tamiltay (Mother Tamil). Like the lan-
voked, the classical perspective, armed with the guage she embodies, Tamiltay too is located in
rediscovery of ancient Cankam poetry, sought antiquity. Her devotees claim that she existed
to displace Sanskrit as the preeminent classical before the world was created – “you were there
tongue in India. As Ramaswamy argues, this de- before the mighty Himalayas emerged, and Ku-
votion was thus not ancient, but the discourses mari Nadu submerged” (p. 87). But, as Ra-

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 62

maswamy tells us, Tamiltay is essentially a mod- honoured and wounded body, provoking shame
ern creation. It is only with modernity that po- and outrage, appealing to her children who have
ets began to invoke her in earnest. Over time, forsaken her for false mothers and bottled milk
images of Tamiltay were printed in magazines (Hindi or English). The third modality empha-
and posters. In the aftermath of the Anti-Hindi sises the desirability of Tamil, evoking its sen-
protests, for example, she is depicted mourning, sual pleasures and bliss – “oh delicious language
with blood-red tears, for her sons who sacrificed of mine, gather me up and embrace me!” (p.
their lives. There was a deliberate attempt to cre- 115). The affection and pleasure that Tamil of-
ate an iconographic tradition around the figure, fers is then embodied in the female devotee of
culminating in the erecting of much-publicised Tamil. The (male) devotee’s love for Tamil, as
statues of Tamiltay. expressed in these lines, is thus redirected to the
Tamil-speaking woman.
In the context of colonial modernity, women, re-
stricted to the private space, became the embodi- Tamiltay is also linked to the re-imagination of
ment of true Indian culture. Women were recast Tamil as the mother tongue of the people. Here
as mothers – separated from the world of work, too, as Ramaswamy points out, the narratives that
English and modernity. They were thus repre- surround Tamil modeled themselves on the Eu-
sented as custodians of tradition and protectors ropean idea of linguistic nationalism. Although
of the mother tongue. This created the founda- the concept of mother tongue emerged at a cer-
tion for the feminisation of language, and as Ra- tain historical point in Europe, it was further con-
maswamy shows, led to a convergence between solidated in the Tamil devotional community by
Tamiltay (Tamil as Mother) and Taymoli (Mother likening Tamiltay to one’s birth mother, prais-
tongue). While discussing depictions of Tamil- ing the nourishing capacity of taypal (Tamiltay’s
tay, Ramaswamy untangles three modes of relat- milk) and denouncing Hindi and Sanskrit as false
ing to the feminised Tamil – pietics (goddess), mothers.
somatics (mother) and erotics (maiden). Thus,
even as Tamiltay was increasingly associated As Ramaswamy tells us, however, there were a
with the notions of motherhood that emerged in huge range of attitudes and responses to the im-
colonial India, its imagery was not monolithic. age of Tamiltay. While some rejected the figure
as seeped in traditionalism, others composed de-
Tamiltay as a goddess was venerated in praise po- vout praise poetry. Although the idea of Tamil-
etry. Cast in the role of a protector, her power tay was contested, the 1970 Tamil Nadu govern-
and stories were enumerated – “you are knowl- ment, led by M. Karunanidhi, gave her official
edge itself.” Images of Tamiltay as goddess (with legitimacy, instituting a poem praising her as the
the appropriate four hands) hark back to a time Tamil Nadu state’s “prayer song.” Some declared
when Tamiltay reigned supreme and her devo- that the image of Tamiltay was “mere imagina-
tees lived in prosperity. In contrast, the modal- tion.” However, Ramaswamy provides substan-
ity of Tamil as the mother draws on the biolog- tive documentation to show that Tamiltay was a
ical membership in the Tamil community. The real entity for the Tamil devotees.
Tamil speakers are thus imagined as “children”
of Tamil, who are born from Tamiltay’s fertile 3. Conclusion
womb and nourished by her milk. Simultane-
ously, images depicting Tamiltay show her dis- Recognising the importance of narratives for the

Ijtihad | Vol. 6 | 63

construction of a community, in the fifth chap- that make Tamil devotion an ambiguous project.
ter (To Die For: Living for Language), Ra- As an author too, Ramaswamy is aware of her lo-
maswamy discusses the stories that Tamil devo- cation and context. Thus, she notices and brings
tees tell about themselves and each other. She to our attention the irony of a Tamilian writing
introduces the reader to the cast of characters about Tamil in English.
that inhabit the devotional landscape – the faith-
ful but poverty-stricken Tamil scholar, the “war- This book lays a solid foundation for students
rior” who fights for the language and the martyr seeking to understand how discourses work
who dies so that Tamil may thrive are thus im- to create identities, narratives and obligations,
mortalised in praise poetry, public statues and ha- especially for a political purpose, and how
giographies. Although the ideal Tamil devotee is narratives and shared meanings affect political
imagined as a male Non-Brahman, Ramaswamy behaviour. Her analysis of Tamiltay and the
also discusses the exceptional stories that break production of the male and female devotee offers
this mould. As she presents the profiles of the a new perspective for feminist scholars working
few Brahmans, missionaries and women who are on the colonial modernity and the construction
revered as devotees of Tamil, she explains how of an ideal woman.
their dedication to furthering Tamil’s cause (often
giving up more lucrative careers in the process)
earns them places of honour in Tamil’s pantheon
of heroes.

Ramaswamy provides the analytical tools to un-
derstand why Tamil devotees were willing to die
for the sake of their language. There were many
reasons, foremost among them being the image
of Tamiltay, the mother tongue being linked to
one’s devotion for one’s real mother, the narra-
tive of Tamil (frequently imagined in the guise
of Tamiltay) in decline, the stories that are told
about the great servants of Tamil and the com-
munities that were created around tamilpparru.
Ramaswamy thus covers a new groun¯d by¯¯re-
interpreting the discourse surrounding Tamil in
its own right, rather than as a derivative of the Eu-
ropean language nationalism. By studying Tamil
(and by extension – English, Sanskrit and Hindi)
in the context of colonial modernity and regional
politics, she lays the foundation for understand-
ing the larger linguistic history of India and the
political considerations behind the construction
of communities. Although it does not proceed
chronologically, the book clearly illustrates the
multiplicity of interpretations and perspectives

INDEX

A K
African-Americans: 41 Kingship: 32, 33, 34, 35, 36
American Dream: 16, 18, 19 L
B Lost Generation: 16, 21, 22
Black Face: 41, 43 M
C Mao: 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14
Collectivization: 9, 10, 11 Mughal: 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 36
Colonial India: 61 Museums: 40, 46
D Mutilation: 53, 54, 55, 56
Decadence: 16, 17 Myth-making: 53
Discursive History: 59 N
Dual Worlds: 51 Narrations: 53, 55, 57
E Non-linear Content: 40, 45
Elephant: 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39 P
Ethno-elephantology: 32, 38, 39 Persian: 24, 25, 27, 29, 30, 37
F R
Fairy Tales: 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7 Ramayanas: 53, 54, 55, 56
Feminisation Of Language: 61 Roaring Twenties: 16
Flappers: 20 Role Conflict: 51
Forest: 3, 5, 14, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 53, 54, Rose: 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30
56 S
G Segregation: 44
Gandharva Marriage: 56 Stereotypes: 5, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47
Ganesha: 32, 33, 35, 36 Symbolism; 5, 16, 24, 30, 42
Gender: 1, 4, 6, 7, 16, 20, 48, 51, 56 T
Gender Friction: 51 Tamil Devotion: 59, 62
Great Chinese Famine: 9, 10, 12, 14 Tamiltay: 59, 60, 61, 62
Great Gatsby: 16, 17, 19, 20, 21 V
Great Leap Forward: 9, 10, 11, 12, 14 Victimhood: 51
I W
Imperial ideology: 24, 29, 30 War: 5, 10, 11, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 33, 34, 35, 36,
J 37, 38
Jim Crow Law: 44 Working Women: 48, 51

NOTES

NOTES